CODEX SINAITICVS PETROPOLITANVS IC |XxC THE NIJ KA NEW TESTAMENTPREFACE ‘Tuk following facsimile of the New Testament text of the Codex Sinaiticus is made from negatives taken at St. Petersburg by my wife and myself in the summer of 1908 In the library we were greatly helped by the courtesy of the officials, especially Dr. Bischoff and Dr. Papadopoulo Kerameus, who did everything possible to assist us, and outside we were so fortunate as to find in Ds and Mevr. Pantekoek of the Dutch Church in St. Petersburg friends who were willing to take more trouble in forwarding our interests than many would have devoted to their own: the difficulty of finding an adequate dark room for the development of such large plates was con- siderable, and seemed likely to prove insuperable till our Dutch friends came to our rescue. In the introductory pages I have had the benefit of consulting Dr. Kenyon and Sir George Warner in the British Museum and Dr. Hunt in Oxford, to the last of whom and to the authorities of the John Rylands Library, whose Papyri he is editing, I owe the permission to reproduce a specimen of Rylands Papyr. 28 I am also greatly indebted to the Rev. Dr. Ehrle, S.J, Prefect of the Vatican Library, for his permission to print a specimen of the Codex Vaticanus, My warmest thanks are due to my friend and former pupil Dr. J. de Zwaan, who spent much time and trouble in making lists of the various corrections in the Codex Sinaiticus. These lists have, of course, a special value for the textual criticism of the New Testament, and I hope that Dr. de Zwaan and myself will be able in the course of time to publish some of the results which are based on them, in the direction of distinguishing the types of text which the various correctors preferred. Finally, on behalf of my wife and myself, 1 must express a gratitude, in which I feel sure that those who may find the facsimile useful will join, to the Trustees of the Revision Surplus, Hort Memorial, and Hibbert Funds, and to the Governing Body of Magdalen College, for the grants ‘of money which rendered possible our journey to St. Petersburg, as well as to the authorities of the Imperial Library for their permission to photograph their famous Codex, and to the Delegates of the Oxford University Press for undertaking the publication, KIRSOPP_ LAKE. Letwex, 19 53979THE DISCOVERY OF THE CODEX ‘Tur discovery of the Codex Sinaiticus by Tischendor! is ‘one of the bestknown stories in the history of Palaeography. In 1844 Tischendorf, who had planned a fresh critical edition of the New Testament, and had already visited most of the sgreat libraries of the West, was travelling in the East in order to discover what new light might still be obtained from the monastic libraries. In the convent of St. Catherine on Mt. Sinai he found in a basket, which he understood to con- tain material for lighting the fire, fortythree leaves of the Septuagint. These he obtained, and published in 1846 under the title of the Codex Friderico-Augustanus.’ This codex is nowat Leipzig. He ascertained that the rest of the MS. was existence ; and though he was unable to obtain possession of it, he cherished the hope of returning 4 some later period and ofthen being more successful. That in this way Tischendorf rightly earned the fame of discovering this valuable MS. would be denied by no one; but M. Seymour de Ricci, in the Reowe Archéologique, 1909, p- 159, has recently pointed out that it vwas probably seen as early as 1761 by the Italian traveller, Vitaliano Donati, in his visit to Mt. Sinai. Donati’s diary is still unpublished, but extracts were made from it by G. Lumbroso, in the Adi’ della R. Accademia dei Lincei in 13879, in which on p. ox the following statement is found : ‘In ‘questo monastero ritrovai una quantita grandissima di codici membranacei . . . ve ne sono alcuni che mi sembravano anteriori al settimo secolo, ed in ispecie una Bibbia in mem- brane bellissime, assai grandi, sotili, ¢ quadre, sciitia in carattere rotondo ¢ bellissimo; conservano poi in chiesa un Evangelistario greco in carattere d’oro rotondo, che dovrebbe pur essere assai antico.’ The MS. in gold leters is no doubt the Evangelistarium Aureum (Gregory Evst. 300) which is still shown to travellers, and the ‘Bibbia’ may well be, as * From the name ofthe King of Saxony, under whove patronage he wat tewelng 1M. de Ricci suggests, the Codex Sinaiticus. The objection that the script is described as ‘rotondo” is adequately met by the fact that the Evangelistarium Aureum, which is also ‘rotondo’, is an uncial: no doubt Donati meant to distinguish the script from the narrow contracted type of uncial found in some late MSS. ‘After Tischendorf left the monastery, the MS. seems to hhave been seen by two other scholars. In 1845 Porphyrius Uspenski* visited Sinai, and saw the MS.—not only the rem nant which Tischendorf had seen, but also the other parts to which it was now reunited. It would therefore seem that Tischendort's conversation with the monks had aroused them to.a sense of the value of their property. Porphyrius Uspen- ski also found some fragments of the MS. in the bindings ‘of other MSS! Besides Porphyrius Uspenski it is gene rally thought that the MS. was seen by Major Macdonald, fa Scotsman who visited Sinai in 1848* Whether, however, this MS. was really the Codex Sinaiticus or another MS. of later date is doubted by Prof. Gregory’; fortunately the point is as unimportant as its discussion is indecisive. In 2853 Tischendorf returned to Sinai, but could find no trace of the MS., or even discover whether it was still in the library. In 1839, however, he again visited the Mountain, armed with an introduction from the Tsar, and was warmly ‘welcomed, but did not venture directly to approach the search for the MS. until one evening he found a favourable oppor: tunity for leading the conversation on to the subject of the * See hin Mapce sree me umes womens 84s Peterburg, 1836, pp. 225-38 Porphyrion wan afterards Arebishop of Sina * Containing Gen. axl. 1p-xniv. 7 §-B 10-143 17-195 25-7: 30-3 gas a6; Num v a6-g0; v8) aTara; 1718; aa-7s vie « Tats) a6. Published Beat by Tichendort in hie Appendic Cod (lberineram Sinai Vekconi Alsendrin, Lepsg, 167 See Horne and Treeller Introduction tothe New Testament, snd ction, 1866, 75. "Bee hie Tet vl p33THE DISCOVERY OF THE CODEX Septuagint. These tactics proved successful, and later on the oteonuos, desirous of showing that the monks also had a MS. of the Septuagint, brought him the Codex wrapped in a red loth." Tischendort’s delight can be imagined, when he found that it contained not only a great part of the LXX, but the whole of the New Testament, Barnabas, and part of Hermas, ‘An arrangement was made with the monks that, if the superiors of the monastery, who were living at Cairo, were willing, the MS. should be sent to Cairo to be copied, Hurriedly returning thither, Tischendorf persuaded the repre sentatives of the monastery to make this concession, and, in consequence, a messenger was sent to St. Catherine’ to fetch the MS, which on Feb. 24, 1859, reached Cairo, where it was copied by Tischendorf and two assistants in the extraordinarily, short space of two months, After this Tischendorf suggested to the monks at Cairo that the MS. should be given to the Tsar There was, however, at that time an election in process to the archbishopric of Sinait; a candidate had been unanimously selected, but he was not yet consecrated, and under these circumstances it was ultimately (in Sept. 1859) agreed that Tischendorf should take the MS. to the Tsar in anticipation of the formal git which would be made when the archbishop. was in a position to ratify it ‘There has been much not very edifying controversy as to the terms on which this arrangement was made. Some of the monks have maintained that it was never their inter to make a permanent gift of the MS. Another version is that they bargained for a steamship to connect their harbour fon the Red Sea with-Port Said. Those who have had much to do with Oriental monks will understand how improbable it ie that the terms of the arrangement, whatever it was, were ever known to any except a few of the leaders. The latter probably regarded the whole affair as a speculation. In any case, the fact is certain that Tischendorf was allowed by the archbishop to take the MS. to St. Petersburg. ‘The Tsar was pleased to accept the present brought by Tischendorf; in November, 1859, the MS. was exhibited for 1 fortnight, and was then taken to Leipzig, in order that Tischendorf might issue a facsimile edition in accordance “To which i al wrapped an, I hope, always wl be. + Sinai is under the control ofan archbishop, who is constraed at Jerusalem, bt has independent jradicion. with the Tsar's orders. Photography was not in those days sufficiently advanced to enable it to be employed, though Tischendorf considered its possibility, but special type was cut to imitate the MS, and the result may fairly claim to be the most perfect facsimile edition which was ever published in the prephotographic period. It sa triumph of printing," and Tischendor’s notes will always remain an indispensable aid to the study of the MS. It was issued in four volumes fom ‘St Petersburg in 1862, under the title BIBLIORUM CODEX SINAITICUS PETROFOLITANUS, AUSPicHS aUGUSTISSINIS Turenatonis ALERANDRI UI. EX TENEDRIS PROTRAKIT IN EURO- PAX TRANSTULIT AD IUVANDAS ATQUE ILLUSTRANDAS SACRAS irreras eoiort CONSTANTINUS TISCHENDORF. ‘When the MS, was no longer needed for the purposes of preparing this edition it was finally handed over to the “Tsar, and deposited in the Imperial Library, where itis sill tobe seen in a special show case in the Great Hall. Meanwhile the monks of Sinai had received nothing in return for their magnificent present; and in a letter dated July 15, 1869, the Archbishop of Sinai hinted to Tischendort that the time was approaching when the monks might reasonably expect some suitable acknowledgement. In com sequence of this leter Tischendorf appears to havé written to the Russian Ministry, and the result was that on Nov. 18, 1869, 7000 roubles were received by the monks of St Catherines, 24000 roubles by the affiliated monastery of| Mt. Thabor, and various decorations by the leading monks. The latte, however, have always claimed that they did not accept this as a satisfactory settlement, but no written pro- test on their part i known to exist, and the archbishop, at all events, remained on friendly terms with Tischendort# Finally itis perhaps sufciendy curious to deserve mention that Simonides the forger attempted to discredit the experts ‘who had helped to detect his feud, by claiming that he had himself writen the Codex Sinaiticus, and had deceived them all; but the details of this absurd story belong rather to the annals of crime than tothe history of palacography. A all account of ta preparation is given inthe preface to Tiechen dors edton vol pp 5 "See the quotations fom Tuchendon's correspondence in C. R. Gregory's Prolegomens to the Eighth) Edition of Tuchendor"'s Neca Testament Grace, 1894. p. 351%THE EARLIER HISTORY OF THE MS. THE CORRECTION OF THE CODEX AT CAESAREA Tue only point on which practical certainty can be arrived at with regard to the history of the MS. before it was discovered by Tischendorf, i that at the time when one of the correctors belonging to the group C was working it was in the famous library at Caesarea. Palaeographical and historical {grounds agree to fix this time as not later than the beginning. of the seventh or earlier than that of the fifth century. “The library at Cacsareais one ofthe three great Christian libraries! known to have existed in the third century. Iti perhaps correct to speak of Pamphilus as the founder of this library. but the nucleus of his collection was the MSS. of Origen, who in torn probably inherited the library of Juliana Which is mentioned by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl vi. 17), who says, Taira BE 8 pins perd nal Gide i ris ypagin dppnrase 00 Sopudyor oqpaives nap Toukuaris root engioas fy eal $ye% sop! aSrob Suppo rie BiBhove Babifuoa The actual words of Origen’s statement are given by Palladius (Hist. Las, Isiv, ed, Butler), who says, efpor 82 reine &3 yeypeppled br 48 radewring BiBhip ores. Sxyparre xupl ‘Aprytvow’ Taine 18 fibrion por dys wap “oshian xf roplng & Keuwape, cpmiperos mag) abr, Hrs Beye 0p! abrod Sompdyon rod dnunvion rin "lovboier airs dnpivan. Unfortunately the copy- ist of this note was apparently not very accurate, and thought that Cacsarea in Cappadocia was indicated, but it is probable tat this is merely a mistake and that Caesarea in Palestine was really intended. In any case there is litle reason to "The other two are Jerusalem and Alexandra. The history of the library at Jerusalem ie given in Eos H-E. vie ao. 1; ef Ehehart, Rom Quorn 891207 There can be lite doubt thatthe Citehetieal Schon! at Alerandria had a Wbrary hough it cl to dang rom ‘he private collections of Clement and Org. Ch Be HB. 3 doubt thatthe library of Caesarea when it was organized by Pamphitus contained many MSS. of the third and second centuries, and it was certainly one of the main sources! of Eusebius's knowledge of Christian literature, though unfor- tunately the catalogue which he published in his life of Pamphilus is no longer extant. ‘According to Jerome (desir. inl. 3. 173) the library began to show signs of decay atthe end ofthe fourth century, and Euzoius“eiusdem postea urbis (Caesarea epscopus, plorimo Inbore corruptam iam bibliothecam Origenis et Pamphil in rmembranis instaurareconatus...", &c. This statement may fairly be interpreted to mean that the Papyri on which the caver MSS. were writen were wearing out, and had to be copied on parchment. Of this second foundation by Euzoius there is at least one certain trace in a MS. of the eleventh century at Vienna (MS. Theol. Gr. a5)-which contains (146°) the cruciform note, copied no doubt from is archetype, einer enicors dy eoparine doroara® It was much used by Jerome, ‘who frequently refers toit, and atthe beginning ofthe seventh century the copy of the Hexapla of Origen in the library at Caesarea was used by Paul of Tella forthe Syriac Hexapls, 2s is sated inthe subscriptions othe various books ofthe Old TTestament;* but after this there is no proof ofthe continued existence of the library, Its fate is unknown: but Caesarea was taken by the Arabs in 68, and we may guess with much probability thatthe library was dispersed or destroyed. The evidence that the Codex Sinaticus was once in this brary is given by the notes added by one ofthe Ccorrectors the ends of Ezra and Esther, in the fragment at Leipig (Codex * The fl it of reference to Pamphilus and his work is given in Har ack's Guach der lhc Literatur, wp 43 © In Ep. 341 Jerome saye that Acacia lo helps. * See Cahn, Po de op med i (Bron iis. Ai. 185). 4 Se Field, Hess, pp actTHE EARLIER HISTORY OF THE MS, Friderico-Augustanus). It has often been stated that these notes are by the corrector C, but this is not the case, as will be seen when the facsimile of the Old Testament is published. ‘Thereis certain family resemblance between Cand the scribe ‘of the notes at the end of Ezra and Esther, but they are not identical, and there is perhaps a diference of ink—C* used 4 redder, and the seribe of the note at the end of Esther a ‘yellower colour—though I am inclined to doubt this, strikingly evident though it seems at first. The two notes happen to have been written on bad patches of vellum, which have not taken the ink well, so that the writing has faded, but at the end of the note to Ezra, where the parchment improves, the ink has the same reddish tint as Cs, Further discussion of this point belongs to the introduction to the Old Testament : it is sufficient here to say that the probable solution of the {question is that several seribes (of which C* was certainly one) ‘were engaged in correcting the text according to that of the Codex Pamphili, and one of them (not C+) wrote the notes at the end of Esther and Ezra to explain what had been done. hat the writer of the notes belongs to the C group of seribes is tolerably certain, and his statements make it almost equally plain that this group was formed by the monks in the scrip- torium at Caesarea. The text ofthe notes is as follows :— (1) At the end of Ezra (Cod. Frid-Aug, £13) seb moe make 1arow han aaron cuoptautnon yap 07 sor waprpce moor ‘nee awnrpagon mpc no het Ymocmmee ne “anopepacartoyfecere pes ort: vegan wa pa pee 14 lamba upreoye aoc optus: >> > (2) Ab the end of Esther (Cod, Frid-Aug. & 19). sere pte make avon ha apt csopaanenon yop ey air pry a ore moe er er ep ore tp wes 0 a0 me mpm om ec aro ot epee Fawomnace Tor rrr proc Frese sere orract erat a ip et ne 1a eae conrenre fr artor a erro saree wots saree ano wophacaro ‘eee 64 4 gran 10 wn voy BF mat yp ena seen apy ene ort na annrpaten mapanancon pen sono or pain Keke eea >> >-9 99 eto a6 10 arto some robe 1 rnc rp oar, From the addition of the word éyoteyrris to the name of Antoninus it is clear that the writer identified him with the Antoninus who was martyred on Nov. 13, 309, shortly before Pamphilus, who was put to death on Feb. 16, 310 (see Eusebius, de martyr. Palest 9. and 13. ). The reference to the prison also enables us to date the MS. used by the corrector almost exactly in the year 309. Moreover, as the original Hexapla of Origen was at Caesarea, and Pamphilus claims to have corrected his MS. by it, there is relly only fone step—the MS. of Pamphilus—between the corrector and the original Hexapla It will be seen that the evidence connecting the Codex Sinaticus, at the time of the C correctors, with the library ofTHE EARLIER HISTORY OF THE MS. Caesarea is not absolutely demonstrative: it is possible that the MS. of Pamphilus had been taken to some other place, and of course the view that all the C correctors belong 10 ‘much the same place and time is a point on which it is possible that other opinions will be held when the facsimile of the Old ‘Testament completes the presentation of the evidence. It is therefore all the more satisfactory that there is some indirect evidence for connecting another of the C group—C*—with the ‘use ofa MS. of Pamphilus in the Pauline epistles. It will be noted that the colophons at the ends of Ezra and Esther only refer to MSS. of a comparatively small part of the Old Testament, and there are no other notes else where. It is, however, well known that in the Pauline epistles critics’ have long been struck by the resemblance Detween the text of the corrector C* and that of cod. He. Now, cod. Hv! has at the end of the Pauline epistles a long colophon, beginning with the name Evagrics*, and ending with the statement — aration ad 4 ithoc robe 5 bn vaca Sh cyabet we banomtone tof drioy naitor: ya cerpanabno of Considering the close textual relationship between cod. He and the corrector C* of the Codex Sinaiticus, it is legit imate to regard this evidence as increasing the probability that during the time that the corrector C+ was working the (Codex Sinaiticus was in the library at Caesarea, in which there were ‘certainly many MSS, of Pamphilus, rather than in some other library to which a MS. of Pamphilus might have been brought. ‘The date which must be assigned to the time when the Codex was in Caesarea depends entirely on that which palaeo- graphy gives to the writing of the C correctors, and especially ‘of course to that of the scribe who wrote the notes at the end of Ezra and Esther. On this point opinions are likely * Se eapecaly W. Bouse, Tetiritiche Shatin sum newoe Tester! (Teste und Untrchengen tah PASTS. The words erned. It ta pombe, perhaps even probable, that ti realy Ejay ther than Eero * cre not now legible in the MS. but inthe time of Monfaucon the fal @ wan al vb, to differ. The latest date suggested is the seventh century ; the earliest is the fifth. Dr. F. G. Kenyon and Dr. A. S. Hunt agree in regarding the sixth century as possible, but the former is inclined to accept the seventh as equally possible, while the latter is more disposed to prefer an ‘earlier date. THE HISTORY OF THE MS. AFTER IT WAS IN CAESAREA How or when the MS. passed from Caesarea to Sinai is absolutely unknown, There is not a trace of evidence. ‘The monastery of St. Catherine's on Mt. Sinai was one of the foundations of Justinian, and from the sixth century it became one of the strongholds of the Greek Church and the Malkite Syrians. Caesarea, on the other hand, was taken by the Arabs in 638, It is therefore a plausible guess that the MS. was taken to Sinai by refugees from Caesarea, But this is merely a guess: it may have been taken to many places after leaving Caesarea and have reached Sinai many ‘years or centuries later. THE ORIGINAL PROVENANCE AND DATE OF THE MS. ‘The only points in the pre-Caesarean history of the MS. which repay discussion are concerned with the place and 1¢ of its original writing, for from the day that it passed out of the scriptorium until the time that it was revised at Caesarea there is no other evidence of any kind to throw light on its history. It is of course true that the correctors B, B, and possibly A’, A‘, and AY, may have done their work outside the scriptorium, but there is nothing in their scripts to justify any suggestion that they belonged to one locality rather than another, and they are (see p. xxi, if rot contemporary with the original scribes, at least extremely close to them in age “The ferminus a quo, from which the date of the MS. must be reckoned, is provided by the fact that the Eusebian apparatus was added to it before it was issued from the scriptorium (seep. xix) It is unfortunate that we do not know the exact date when Eusebius made his apparatus, but it isTHE ORIGINAL PROVENANCE AND DATE OF THE MS. atleast plain that the first quarter of the fourth century is the earliest date which has any reasonable probability. The terminus ad quem cannot be so easily fixed. We are here entirely dependent on palaeographical considerations, and on the comparison ofthe writing with that of pyri, The earliest rellum MS, of which the date can approximately be fixed is the Vienna Codex of Dioscordes, which cannot be far removed from the year soa. No one doubts but that the Codex ‘Sintitcus and various other MSS. are earlier than this; but the history of writing shows that the development of hands is by no means regular, and decisive dating is usually very dificult. Nevertheless a comparison with papyri suggests that the Codex Sinaiticus is more likely to belong to the fourth than to the fith century; Dr. Hunt, indeed, expressed the view that if it had not been for the evidence of the Eusebian apparatus, he should have not regarded the third century as an impossible date, This view of the date ofthe MS. is based on the assumption that the provenance of the MS. is the same as that of the papyri—Egyptian;; but an clement of doubt cannot be excluded on this point, and it is clear that if the assumption be baseless, the date is propor. tionately less certain, Baseless, however, the assumption fortunately is not: as will be shown, an Egyptian provenance is actually the most probable for the Codex Sinaiticus; but it is not certain, and there have been competent scholars ‘who have been inclined to think that Caesarea not only was the restingplace of the MS. in the sixth century, but also has the best claim to be regarded as its original home. ‘Of the various arguments, partly historical partly palaeo- graphical, bearing on this point, those which are purely palacographical are likely to seem rather unsatisfactory to those who are acquainted with the splendid results reached by Latin scholars in fixing the date and provenance of their MSS. It is, however, the fact, regrettable though it be, that this line of research is much less fruitful in Greek than in Latin documents. We have not sufficient specimens of ascertained date and diverse provenance to justify any security of judgement. The literary hand in papyti which affords our cnly guide in this matter is an excessively fixed type, which those who are constantly engaged in papyrological research are least prepared to date with exactness, and as the papyri all come from the same country they afford litle oF no evidence 8 to local peculiarities of script. It is indeed now possible to state with a certainty which was hitherto unattainable that this or that type of letter was common in Egyptian papyri, but it isnot possible to say that it was characteristic, inthe sense that it was absent in other schools of calligraphy : for we are almost ignorant of the history of literary as distinct from Private hands outside of Egypt. Moreover, we do not know with any precision what changes may have been introduced bby professional scribes when they passed from writing on papyrus to the somewhat diferent surface of vellum. The only analogy which we can study—that of the minuscule revival in the ninth century—is imperfect in kind and remote in date. In that century profesional scribes on vellum began to abandon the uncial character, which they had taken over from the literary hand of the papyri, in favour of a cursive hhand modelled on the earlier private hands. Obviously impossible to argue from this great revolution to the small fone of passing from papyrus to vellum ; but it is perhaps admissible to point out that asthe changes made in the ninth century from the private cursive hand were comparatively ‘mall, @ fortiori those in the fourth were probably smaller. With these serious qualifications comparison with papyr affords the only palacographical clue to the provenance of the Codex Sinaiticus, It tends to suggest that the papyri and the Codex come from the same place. There are no leters in the Codex Sinaiticus which cannot be paralleled in papyri of the fourth or earlier centuries. The three forms which attract attention in the Codex Sinaiticus are the socalled Coptic Mu, the curious shaped Omega with a long central line, and an oceasional use ofthe cursive Xi. The Coptic Mu is common in papyri: it is called Coptic because it happens to be the form which passed over into the Coptic alphabet; but there is no evidence to show that it was rare outside of Egypt. Thelong Omegais much more rare: i is found in Pap. Rylands 8, a papyrus of probably the fourth century, but Dr, Hunt was not able to quote any other instance of ts use in papyri, nor is it common in vellum MSS. I only know of ftin the Codex Vaticanus, and here too itis comparatively rare. “The use ofthe cursive Xi in uncial script is also rare: itis found in the additions of the corrector AY in the Codex Si ticus, inthe superseriptions and sections of Codex Vaticanus, in Pap, Rylands 28, and in Pap. Oxyrhynchus 852. ProbablyTHE ORIGINAL PROVENANCE AND DATE OF THE MS. further research will ultimately show that itis found in other docuiients, but itis in any case rare, and the fact that all the peculiarities of the Codex Sinaiticus are also found in Pap. [Rylands 28 as well as in Codex Vaticanus, is remarkable: itis ‘enough to suggest the possiblity that these documents come from the same seriptorium, and, as will be shown later, in the case ofthe two vellum codices there is further evidence to sup- port this suggestion. Moreover, its obvious that this evidence points to Egypt for the provenance of the Codex Sinaiticus, in so far as there is nothing in it which is unparalleled in Egyptian documents; but it is desirable to emphasize once ‘more that this fact ought not to be regarded as conclusive, so Tong as we have no evidence as to other local hands. As the matter stands the identity of sript between the papyri and. the Codex Sinaiticus may be due to a common provenance, ‘but we cannot prove that it may not equally well be due to the existence of a single type of professional literary script throughout the GraecoRoman world in the fourth century. One may, however, atleast claim that so far as palaeography is concerned the onus probandi is on those who maintain any provenance other than Egyptian. ‘Besides this purely palaeographical evidence attention may. be calld to two orthographical points, which stand out among the osinerwise quite ordinary spellings of the Codex Sinsiticus, for the interchange of 1 and «, «and at is so universally found in all MSS. of every time and place that it cannot be regarded as possessing any importance. (1) In ten out of the eleven times that the word apdfarroe is found itis spelt mptarroc (Acts 5! has spasms). This may be illustrated from P. Tebt. 406" (about 266 a0) and P. Grenf. ii rir (Bfh-sixth cent), Prof. ‘Moulton has an interesting note on this point in the German ‘ediion of his ‘Prolegomena’, p,60. “The mass of the good MSS,’ he says, ‘spell thus (epéBerros} but B* in Mc has spaBiaros, and w nearly always upéBaxror: E in Acts 5¥ seems about the best of the authorities for «péABares, which is normal in late MSS. ... The papyri vary between «péBervos (Go P. Brit. Mus. ii 191 (p, 263) of the reign of Trajan), xpiBarce (Melanges Nicole, p. 184, a “probably Ptolemaic” + 1 however, worth observing that wheres the seribe A refer «to the aeibe D prefers to but thir a purely personal lceyneraay, and la of wo value fr defining the date or provenance ofthe MS. ba ostracon, and xpéBaxres (P. Tebt. 406%, of 266 A, of P. Grent. ii 110 of vi an) Now Thumb in Indog. Forsch, ji, 85 gives MGr «pefBén. as the normal form, but kerevatti Bova and krévato Rochudi: “ die abrigen italienisch- griech, Formen sind wahrscheinlich aus der Grundform kkrevatti hervorgegangen”. ‘The Latin grabatus shows that in the West a form with one B prevailed: the AB arises ata late date in some other district and spreads over the whole area, the late N.T. MSS. agreeing. The interest of the dialectical iferentaton for us lies in the agreement of w with witnesses exclusively Egyptian, dating from the centuries before and after its own period : so far as that goes itis very suggestive for the provenance of the MS., which isin this point sharply istinguished from its general associate B’ 1 would only add that the last words here must not be taken to imply that there is anything in the orthography of B which points away from Egypt. Prof. Moulton only means that the ‘evidence as to xpdparvor is not in its case characterisically Egyptian. (@) The word “lopanheirs occurs nine times in the New Testament; and in eight of them the Codex Sinait ft sapaniarse, This euphonic dental is commonly the MSS. of the Old Latin version, both ofthe African and of the European type, but among the Greek Uncials it appears to be found only in the Codex Sinaiticus and in the Codex Vaticanus, in the latter in the form of srpamome. Westcott and Hort used this fat to support their theory of a Western provenance for one or both of these MSS,, but strong though their argument seemed, it has been deprived of its force by ‘the papyri of Egypt. The same spelling is found in the ‘Magical Papyri (e.g. the great Paris Codex Suppl. Gr. 574) and although Traube in his Nomina Sacra (p. 106) says ‘Die Form Istrahel ist wohl mit Ronsch, Colletanea Philoogica 'S.245, for einen Latinismus 2u halten’, he goes on to admit that ‘im Griechischen findet sich wrews oft in den Papyti rmagici’. M. de Ricci has also recently found the spelling ‘aye in an unpublished Gracco-Egyptian tablet inthe Lowvre, and also in a Jewish inscription in the Museum at Alexandria* Thus the evidence for this spelling in Egypt is probably as * Notes & pierapieEgyption, extra da Ballon dela Said Arche lagi Alezanin, No.1, 1905THE ORIGINAL PROVENANCE AND DATE OF THE MS, ‘early as any which can be adduced in Latin, and even if it be ultimately a Latinism, it affords no argument against the ‘Egyptian provenance of any individual MS, ‘Thus the argument from orthography does nothing to impugn the probability of the Egyptian provenance of the Codex Sinaiticus, and in the case of xpsBacros even gives it somewhat strong support, though it is well to remember that orthography and palaeography can only define the nationality of the scribe, not the locality of the scriptorium: there is always a probability that an Egyptian was writing in Egypt, Dut he may have been living in a foreign land. Partly, but not mainly, palacographical is a further argu: ‘ment which seeks to bind up the Codex Sinaiticus with that of the Codex Vaticanus, and thus to establish their common Provenance, This argument is somewhat complicated, and may best be divided into three stages. First, there is the palacographical question of the relationship between the two codices, of which the most famous point is the attempt made by Tischendorf to idemtify the scribe of Codex Vaticanus with the seribe D (who is also corrector A") of the Codex Sinaiticus; secondly, there is the treatise of Dr. Rahlfs connect- ‘ing Codex Vaticanus with Athanasius and, thirdly, there is an, attempt first made by Dr. Rendel Harris, and afterwards ‘more completely by Dr. Armitage Robinson, to connect bath MSS. with ‘Euthalius’, and probably with Caesarea, Tischendort’s view that the body of the text of Codex Vaticanus was written by the scribe D of the Codex Sinai- ticus is unfortunately indefensible. A comparison of the ‘two hands, which can easily be made on Plate IJ, will con vince any one of this fact. Tt would be absurd to contend that ‘on that plate the hand which wrote col. 3 is diffrent from that which wrote col. 2, but nevertheless identical with that which. wrote col. 4, and this is the contention which Tischendorf's theory implies. If it be said that there is an even greater difference between col. 3 (the writing of scribe D) and the script of corrector A¥, which are nevertheless to be regarded as by the same hand, the answer is that the instances are not ‘of the same kind. Corrector Atand scribe D may be identical, * This 1 may ad he opinion of every palacographer who has seen the pool ofthe facsimile. T hive fund none who are acid to agre with ‘Tiachendor, or even to hesitate on the abject. in spite of superficially great diference of script, because two diferent kinds of writing were employed for the text, and for the corrections. The same scribe may write many distinct types of script, but the point is that he wil not write the same type in two ways, The script of Atis distine in type from that of scribe D, while the script of Codex Vaticanus is the same type as scribe D's, but written ina diferent way. It is therefore necessary to abandon Tischendor’s view that part of the text of Codex Sinaiticus was writen by the scribe of the text of Codex Vaticanos. Nevertheless there i, ifthe main body of the text be put aside, a high probability for the view that the two codices came from the same scriptorium. ‘This view is based on the remarkable similarity subsisting ‘between the hands of the scribes who added the superscriptions to Acts in both MSS. Typical specimens ofthese are placed together in the fourth column of Plate III, and it will be seen that the resemblance is so great that it is impossible to say with complete confidence that they are not by the same scribe. Especially noticeable isthe occurrence of the cursive & in the middle ofan otherwise uncial script Lam, however, convinced that the probability is rather that we have to deal with two hands of the same scriptorium. The tal of the 8 more carefully rounded in Codex Vaticanus, and the «in the second syllable of apdfes is exaggeratedly long in Codex Sinsticus, and these differences, which are constant, seem sufcient to distinguish the two hands. Nevertheless the similarity is extremely great, and is scarcely explicable unless we assume that both hands come from the same scriptorium, while the differences might conceivably be taken merely tomean that there i a difference of time between the two hands,—that is to say thatthe epéfes of (Codex Vaticanus was written by a scribe in his youth, and the ‘redfus of Codex Sinaticus by the same scribe in his old age. ‘But whether this be so or not isnot relly of great importance; the serious thing is that there isin any case good evidence for thinking that the two great codices come from the sane scrip torium, in spite of the fact that Tischendort was wrong in thinking that they were written by the same scribe. The ‘only possibilities which can really be regarded as weakening the force of this evidence, and preventing it from being demonstrative, are (1) it may be that the significant spéfar were writen by two scribes who had learnt in the same school, bbut practised in separate scriptoria; (2) it may be that theTHE ORIGINAL PROVENANCE AND DATE OF THE MS. superscriptions in Codex Vaticanus' were added after it had passed outside the original scriptorium to some other place. ‘These are real possiblities, and with regard to the latter attention may be directed to Dr. Karl Dziatzko's Unler auchungen aber ausgewahite Kopite des antiten Buchwesens, especially to his seventh chapter, ‘Die Einwirkung der Rollen- form auf die Codexform.” In this he adopts the view that the ‘custom of adding superscriptions (Seitenaberschriften) did not obtain before the end of the fourth century, and points out that the Codex Vaticanus represents a transitional period, in which the addition was not made by the original scribe His theory seems to be supported by the evidence of the superseriptions in the Codex Sinaitics (ee p. x). 1t will, however, probably not be denied that there i, in spite ofall ther possiblities, a probability that the Codex Sinai- ticus and the Codex Vaticanus belonged to the same scrip- torium. Where, then, ought we tolook for it? It was suggested above that the faet that the Egyptian Papyrus Rylands 28 agrees with the two codices in practically the only palaeo- graphical peculiarities which they present must be regarded as pointing to Egypt until contradictory evidence be discovered, So far, however, fom rebutting this suggestion, Dr. Rahlls, ‘who investigated the historical and critical evidence forthe pro- venance and date ofthe Codex Vaticanus in the Nachricten der hiniglcken Gesellichaft der Wissenschaften au Gottingen, has strongly corroborated it. He has pointed out that the Codex Vaticanus agrees in the most remarkable way with the list of scriptural books given by ‘Athanasius in the Paschal letter for 367. The points of agreement against other authorities are these: (:) In the Old Testament the book of Esther is not reckoned among the books which are evond4uera, but only among those which are dseyowoninon. (2) In the New Testament in Codex Vati- canus Hebrews i placed between the Epistles of the Captivity and the Pastoral Epistles. This agrees with the Greek and Spriae text of the Paschal letter; but the Sahidic version, agreeing withthe usual Sabidic biblical tet, places it between Corinthians and Galatians. It is argued that this represents "Tein mot here neceaary to dlacuae the dict quenon whether al the sopereritons in Codex Vatianos ae by the sume hand, oF the aribe who ‘wrote ra ought tobe ditingiaed from the ret, * "Phillie hierache Kime 189, Pp 72-9- in a Sahidic text a return to an old local use in Egypt; and, curiously enough, Codex Vaticanus has a continuous numera- tion for the sections in the epistles, which is at present dis located in such a way as to show that it was taken from a MS. which placed Hebrews after Galatians. This is not quite the same as the Sahidic, but Dr. Rahlls thinks that it is near enough to justify the view that the Codex Vaticanus is an attempt to carry out Athanasius's views as to the order of the books, and that the text of the archetype, which was being iodified, belonged to the old Egyptian type represented by the Sahidie Version, He therefore argues that the Codex ‘Vaticanus comes from Alexandria and is at least as late as 367. {tis of course plain that this is not a decisive argument: the parallel between the Sahidic text of Athanasius and that implied by the numeration in Codex Vaticanus is not quite perfect: and the textual facts in connexion with Athanasius are by no means clear. Nevertheless, when all these points hhave been discounted, it will probably be agreed that there remains enough to justify the statement that as our knowledge stands at present there is a presumption in favour of Egypt as the original home of the Codex Vaticanus. One may also, ‘without unduly venturing on the domain of textual criticism, here draw attention to a further point. The Psalms quoted in the Coptic text of the Pistis Sophia have an extraordinary resemblance to the text of the Codex Sinaiticus—in Prof. Harnack's phrase, ‘Dieser Text steht dem Cod, Sinait. wie cin Zwillingsbruder nahe.’ This fact may be allowed to weigh in the scale in favour of an Egyptian provenance. Formerly one ‘would have regarded Egyptas, inthis connexion, synonymous ‘with Alexandria, but in view of the wealth of Greek papyri from Oxyrhynchus and other places remote from Alexandria, it is necessary to hesitate, though it probably remains true ‘that splendid volumes, such as the Codex Sinaiticus and the Codex Vaticanus, are more likely to have been produced in ‘Alexandria than in the country higher up the Nile. Tt remains to consider the connexion between the two codices and ‘Euthalius’. The simplest way of dealing with this point is to begin by summarizing the points connected * See hie Ein dachchriiches Paatmback (Tere und Untersuchungen, sau. 4) p33. He givers further reference to Rata Di Berner Hand. hrf des sabiischen Pars; bat the textual relions between w and the ‘Sai verion ito complcsed 2 question to be ued a the bal or any argument ws the provenance ofthe Codex Siacus.THE ORIGINAL PROVENANCE AND DATE OF THE MS. with “Euthalies’ which are important forthe present purpose. ‘There are found in many Greek MSS. and in many versions the traces of something resembling a critical edition of the ‘Acts and Epistles, giving a series of prologues and chapter divisions, and dividing the text stchometrically. Traditionally this edition was made by Euthalius—an unknown person who is sometimes referred to as a deacon, sometimes as a bishop, sometimes of Alexandria, sometimes of Soulks, which is probably Sulei in Sardinia. It is, however, one of the many dificulties connected with this question that critics are not agreed as to whether the name of Euthalius, or at least the name of Sulei, be not a later growth in the tradition. It is therefore wiser at present to speak of ‘Euthalivs rather than Euthalius, in order to show that the name is used as a symbol for the original author of this edition of Acts and Epistles, rather than as the name of an historical person, At one point in its history this edition was compared with the MSS. of Pamphilus in Caesarea by a. certain Evagrius whose name is found in the colophon attached to Cod, Ho—the oldest MS. of the ‘Euthalian’ edition, In this respect the history of the edition is precisely similar to that of the Codex Sinaiticus, which was corrected by a C corrector by means of the same MSS. in parts of the (Old Testament; but this does not prove that the edition was originally made in Caesarea, any more than it proves that the Codex Sinaiticus was written there. Now, amongtthe character istics ofthe earliest form of this edition—belonging, that is to say, to the original ‘Euthalian’ recension, and not due to the further work of Evagrius—is a rather elaborate system of divid- ing the Acts into chapters, and these chapters into smaller divisions, and a corrupt form ofthe same system is found both in the Codex Sinaiticus and the Codex Vaticanus.. That this is 30 isthe discovery of Dr. Armitage Robinson,’ who has shown that though both codices have the same corrupt form, each has mistakes which the other has avoided. In the Codex Sinai ticus the chapter divisions were added by the corrector At, who ‘worked in the scriptorium, and it is usually stated that in Codex Vaticanus they were also added by a very early hand. From this therefore Dr. Armitage Robinson concluded that the numeration ‘must go back to a common source—some MS. which gave its numeration to them both: and this seems * Eathlina (Tests and Sais, 3, wp 3-49- to imply that w and B were at an early stage of their history lying side by side in the same library’. So far as the first part of this argument goes it holds good ; but unfortunately a glance at the facsimile of Codex Vaticanus' shows that the hand which added the numeration is not really very early. It cannot well be put before the sixth century, and I should think that it more probably belongs to the eighth. Thus this argument throws no special light on the provenance of the ‘Codex Vaticanus, However, the ‘Euthalian character ofthe numeration in the Codex Sinaiticus remains a valuable fact. Ik is important in two ways: in the first place it takes away the force of a suggestion made by Westcott and Hort* to the ‘effect that the Codex Sinaiticus came from the West. They were struck by the similarity between its chapter numeration and that in the Codex Amiatinus and other Vulgate MSS. In the light of Dr. Armitage Robinson's work we can see that this similarity is merely due to a common use of a ‘Euthalian’ system, and one is inclined to guess that if it be Hieronymian in the Vulgate it may be that the Evagrius who was a friend of Jerome is the same as he who collated the ‘ Euthalian’ dition with the MSS. of Pamphitus in Caesarea, and that he is the connecting link between Jerome and the ‘Euthalian’ numeration. In the second place itis important because the ‘only clue—admittedly a slight one—which we possess for the provenance of “Euthalius’ is that in the prologue to Acts the ‘whole is dedicated to Athanasius. It is true that critics have doubted the authenticity and the meaning of this dedication; but they have done so partly on erroneous theories as to the ate of ‘Euthalius’. There is not in fact any reason why he should not have been a younger contemporary of the great Athanasius, In any case, so far as it goes, this tradition certainly lends support to the theory that the Codex Sinaiticus ‘came from an Egyptian provenance. All these arguments point to Egypt, but inasmuch as they are not quite conclusive, it is necessary to point out the one serious argument which really seems to direct us to Caesarea {for the provenance of the Codex Sinaiticus. It possesses the Eusebian canons, and the earlier the date assigned to the MS, the more probable, it may be though, is it that a MS. con- taining these canons should come from Caesarea. There is «An example willbe found inthe spcinen on Pate 1, cl 4. * The New Testomon in he Original Grech, et edt, p. 26.THE ORIGINAL PROVENANCE AND DATE OF THE MS. certainly weight in this contention: we should expect the Eusebian apparatus in Caesarea in the fourth century; it, ‘would be rather surprising to find that it had been adopted 50 soon in Alexandria Nevertheless the obvious force of this argument must be discounted by the fact that in considering the probability of fone locality over another with reference to the early use of ‘the Eusebian apparatus, the important point is really not the place in which Eusebius wrote, but the place in which Carpianus, to whom it was sent, received it Now, our ‘ignorance as to Carpianus is complete. He may have been a Caesarean, or he may have been an Alesandrian, or Byzan- tine: we know nothing about him, and therefore when we are discussing the provenance of the Codex Sinaiticus we have really not much more right to use the Eusebian canons as an argument in favour of Caesarea than we have to use ‘the Ammonian sections, which are traditionally ascribed to an ‘Alexandrian scholar, as evidence for an Egyptian origin. It must also be noted that the Caesarean theory has gained additional attractiveness from the hypothesis so often put forward, that the Codex Sinaiticus is one of the MSS. which Constantine instructed Eusebius to have made for Constant nople! But it should be observed that this theory is not confirmed by the fact that the MS. was in the library at Caesarea—not in Constantinople—in the sixth century. There is also a further point which may be regarded 1s counting against Caesarea. In the note attached to Matt. ii, 1 a scribe contemporary with the MS, and working on it before it actually issued from the scrip torium, has given Numbers (2 dpdpois) as the source of the quotation 2 Alyéerov dxthera rv viér you. Prof. Burkitt has pointed out to me that this reference is probably to Num. sv, B [5] bebe SBirpve airiv Uf Aiyéerv. Now according to cod. 86* the Hexapla at Hos. xi. x had the note revrp éypiaro 8 Marcos, de olzon Sjorror Bnhonin rod "EBpaizo de eat "Ander Spmtvenre One may say with some certainty that the Hexa- pla is here implicitly criticizing and correcting the exegetical tradition preserved in the Codex Sinaiticus. The question therefore arises, whether this tradition is likely to have been preserved in a MS. made in the scriptorium of the library of 1 Vite Content 1 See Field, Mena pp. 9576 * The LXX has lf Aire pena nln ata. Tein therfore not Which the Hexapla was the most treasured possession? The answer is obvious, and, 0 far as it goes, this point is distinctly against the theory that the Codex is a Caesarean MS. No doubt the problem of the provenance of the Codex jcus does not permit decisive solution ; nevertheless after weighing all the arguments I feel that there is much more to be said in favour of Alexandria, or at all events Egypt, than can be adduced in support of Caesarea, If one ‘accepts this view, and desires to go on to guess atthe occasion Wwhizh led to the writing of so splendid a codex, it would perhaps be best to quote the statement of Athanasius in the Apologia ad Constantinum, cap. 4 (Patr. Graec. xxv, p. 600 ©) 18 dag eww (ue. the Emperor Constans) ox fpave, 4 bvor Src of muph BéoiBuar Sypabar aing car? dyad al docycyy doxon tr be ty 1 'Adagarbpelp dxeheyjoaaber Kat bre wien ter Otion Tpatin wdeivarror aired yor warscxevdcas, raire sroefoas dederaha. This must have been about 4.0. 340, and it is a not impossible date for the MS. The Eusebian canons ‘were by that time no doubt in existence: nevertheless, attrac: tive though this guess is, 1 am unable to regard it as quite Probable that Athanasius! would have used the work of 30 doabttully orthodox a critic as Eusebius. Moreover, the suggestion is clearly untenable if Rahll's view be accepted as to the date as well as the provenance of the Codex Vat ‘anus, which, as we have seen, ought probably to be regarded as belonging to the same place and time as the Codex Sinai: ticus, for according to his view the Codex Vaticanus is not catlier than 367. Personally, however, I do not regard his theory to be as cogent with regard to the date as itis to the provenance of the MS. Even, however, if this connexion between Athanasius and the Codex Sinaiticus be given up as a guess which is too uncertain to render its consideration desirable, it remains true that all the arguments from history, criticism, palacography, and orthography combine to give to the view that the codex is an Egyptian MS. of the fourth century a probability which cannot be approached by any other theory. It would be too much to call it certain: but short of this it may fairly be regarded as the hypothesis which ought to be used as the general basis of any discussions as to the eritical value of the Codex Sinaiticus . le sive that *Euhalin’waed the Chronic of Euaebioe and edited hie work to Athan.DESCRIPTION OF THE CODEX ‘Tue technical description of a manuscript ought logically to begin with the binding—the first thing to catch the eye of the observer—and thence to work through the various ques- tions concerned with the vellum, the ‘makeup’ of the leaves, and the ink, to the more complicated problems of the differen- tiation of seribes and correctors. The Codex Sinaiticus, how: ‘ever, had lost its binding before Tischendorf discovered it, and therefore the only points to be discussed are those con- ‘cerned with the vellum and ink, and the differentiation of the seribes and correctors. THE VELLUM AND INK ‘The MS. is written on fine parchment made from the skin of some rather large animal—Tischendorf suggested an ante- lope, but in view of the manner in which this guess has been copied by successive writers on the text of the New Testament, and the certainty with which much repetition seems to have invested it in their eyes, it is perhaps not ‘unnecessary to point out that there is nothing in the vellum to indicate an antelope rather than any other animal of the requisite size, It varies considerably in thickness: and the thicker leaves, which have generally preserved the writing better than the thin ones, are inclined to a yellowish tint. Many of the leaves are so thin that the writing from the other side is sometimes so plainly visible as to become ‘confusing, and in a few cases the ink has eaten through the vellum s0 a8 to leave holes. As a rule, however, the vellum struck me as not quite so thin as that of the Codex Alexan- rinus, and to have consequently suffered somewhat less from erosion. ‘The edges of the leaves have been slightly trimmed since the time of the C correctors; this ean be seen, for instance, on 49 recto, So far as itis now possible to discover, there is no writing on the edges of the closed MS. ‘The Codex was prepared for writing in the usual way by rulings to regulate the lines and columns. There are, apparently always, 48 lines, and each of the four columns is regulated by a vertical line on each side. The prickings which were always made at the edge of the leaves as a guide for the preparer of the vellum have been ext away, but in a few places a mistake seems to have been made by the preparer of the vellum, and a line of prickings can stl be seen in the middle of the first column of writing, ‘The gatherings ito which the sheets of vellum were made up are asa rule quaternions of four conjugate leaves, but 35 (in Luke) has only seven folia,# (the end of the Gospels) and &? (ia Barnabas) have six each, and &@ (the end of Barnabas) has only two.t Each gathering appears to have been signed in a all red ink atthe top efthand comer of the frst recto by a hand which was probably contemporary with the MS. It is therefore likely that these signatures ought to be reckoned among the work of the scribes who were employed in the original seriptorium, though there is no proof that this was the case, Most ofthese signatures have been cut off, but traces ofthem can be seen in the Epistles and later books. The best specimen will be found on f 86. A later scribe, perhaps as recent as the eighth century (it is impossible to fx the period of isolated figures with even approximate certainty), has added fresh signatures in the righthand top comer of the frst recto cof each gathering, It wil, however, be noted that his numbers are less by a single unit than those of the original numerator, and in the older signatures the righthand figure has con- istenily been erased; it can, however, still be read on £ 78 Either the original numerator made a mistake—a supposition which is by no means dificult—or a gathering has been lost at "Thee umber are tho of he rect gute + Noting oso orth acing: terete he augenion ta the Codes eotaoedsricing bowen Barabs and Herma lf the round.DESCRIPTION OF THE CODEX the end of the Old Testament; it is worth noticing in this connexion that the larger divisions in the Old Testament in this Codex always were made to coincide with the end of ‘a quire, That is why the lacunae generally include whole books, e.g. Ezekiel, Hosea-AmosMicah, Daniel. It does not appear possible that anything has been lost earlier in the MS., as the traces of the original signatures agree in the Old ‘Testament with those of more recent date, Tischendort also suggested that there may have been some additional matter between the Gospels and Epistles; but this is improbable, for such an addition would be unique, and the verso of the last leaf of the Gospels is blank. ‘The ink which the original scribes used is the usual sepia colour commonly found in ancient manuscripts. As Tischen- dorf says, it varies from an ashy but yellowish grey to a some- what red tint. It presents no unusual features: the facsimile makes it appear too much of a genuine black. The ink used by the correctors A is the same as that of the original— doubles it was the ink which was always used in the scrip torium, The ink used by B isa trifle darker than the original ink, Ct and C'used a reddishyellow ink, which has usually remained very bright and clear. C+ and Co used a greyer colour, and the later correctors used black. Red (vermilion) was used for the Eusebian apparatus, the earlier signatures to ‘the gatherings, and in some of the ‘Arabesques’, for instance, at the end of Mark. All these are printed in red in Tischen- dor!’s edition. THE SCRIBES AND CORRECTORS ‘The Codex Sinaiticus has been corrected by so many hands that it affords a most interesting and intricate problem to the palaeographer who wishes to disentangle the various stages by which it has reached its present condition, and to distinguish the different scribes who have contributed to its development. The task really consists in identifying the separate writers, beginning with the latest, and ending with those who seem to have been employed in the original scrip- torium, and to have been engaged on the preparation of the MS. before (if the anachronism may be permitted) it was actually published. The correctors may best be divided into three groups () The late correctors, probably belonging to the post: Caesarean history of the MS., and possibly to the monastery of St. Catherine’s on Mt. Sinai. (2) The intermediate correc tors, of which certainly the earliest, and probably all, belong to Caesarea. They are probably not earlier than the fifth nor later than the seventh century. (3) The eatly correctors, all ‘probably belonging to the fourth, and cert ter than the fith century. The earliest of them was engaged on the MS. before it left the scriptorium, so that at this point the question of the correctors passes into that of the original scribes, and the amount of work which they bestowed on ‘embellishing the text with superscriptions, titui, and similar additions. The latest correctors. To these Tischendorf, whose notation it is convenient to preserve, gave the names of E and D. Eis 1 quite unimportant scribe who made a very few corrections in the text, perhaps in the twelfth century, and it is possible that the same writer added the notes in Greek and Arabic, on fl x26vand 130%. If E be taken to mean not so much a single scribe as the latest stage of correction in the MS., it may also be used to designate the writers of a few names scribbled the Old Testament—Hilarion, Dionysius, and Theophylact. Tischendorf thought that E might be regarded as representing ‘mediaeval monks at St.Catherine’s, This is a probable guess, but, as was stated above, there is no evidence as to the date when the MS. was brought to Sinai D is a scribe of the eighth century, or later, who restored the writing in the pro- ‘phetic books, but does not appear to have touched the New Testament, In Hermas, however, another scribe (D'*™) of much the same date and character added breathings and accents, and made a few unimportant orthographical changes. Specimens of DY and E will be found at the foot of the third column of Plate 11 The intermediate correcors. To these Tischendorf has given the name of C. Taken together they have done far ‘more work on the MS. than any others, and afford extremely important material for textual criticism ; as was shown on pp. viifl. they represent a Caesarean scriptorium, for one of ‘them who does not, however, seem to have touched the New Testament states that he corrected part of the teat of the (Old Testament according to the copy of the Hexapla made by Pamphilus during his imprisonment, and preserved in the library at Caesarea.DESCRIPTION OF THE CODEX In the New Testament the earliest of these hands, who also made the most corrections, is C*. This scribe wrote a clear but not beautiful hand resembling, but certainly distinct from that of the scribe who wrote the colophons to Ezra and Esther. Whether he used the same ink as this seribe is perhaps doubtful. At fist sight it seems clear that the colophons in question are in a differen colour, as they are faint and scarcely legible, but itis possible that this is due to some accidental circumstance, and in other places it is not easy to see much difference between the inks of the two scripts, In any case the ink is brighter and redder than that of the original MS. C+ has been assigned to dates varying from the end of the fith to the beginning of the seventh century. Dr. Kenyon inclines to the latter, and Dr, Hunt to the former view. He corrected the whole of the New Tesament, a8 well as much of the Old, and Hermas, but omitted Barnabas; examples of his script will be seen in the last column of Plate IL ‘C> might be judged from the style of his writing and the colour of his ink to have been a contemporary of C’, to whose script though easily distinguishable in passages of more than 2 few words, his own has a general resemblance. The most characteristic feature is the ‘fathers’ attached to the end of Jeter containinga vertical line. In the Old Testament he has it seems, occasionally altered a correction of C, and is therefore actually later, but it may have been only by a very short time, and the probability is rather that CY like C?, belonged to the seriptorium at Caesarea. His corrections in the New Testa- ment are confined to the Gospels; specimens wil be found in ‘the last column of Plate II Besides C+ and C?, who are the chief of the intermediate correctors, two other hands of the same or almost the same period ean be discemed—C* and C+, to use Tischendorf's rather cumbrous notation, C* has taken the place of C* in Bamabas, and freely corrected the text. Specimens are given in the last column of Plate II, from which it wil be seen that itis similar to the scripts of C+ and ©, though probably some- What later. Tischendorf thinks that this scribe is also the writer ofthe sign (Gpaiay) which has been sometimes added in the margin, especially inthe prophets. Cot is a somewhat similar hand which corrected the Apocalypse; it aso belongs to much the same type asthe other C hands, bt is probably 4 litle later. Specimens are given in the last column of Plate I. (On the whole the C hands $0 closely resemble each other, and can with such litle confidence be much separated in date, that there is considerable force in the suggestion that they all cone from the scriptorium at Caesarea, and represent 2 thoroughgoing attempt to accommodate the Codex. Sinaiticus to a model which in the fith and sixth century was more fashionable than the original text. The early correcors, and original scribes. The discrimina- tion of these hands is the most dificult point in the palaco- ‘graphical treatment of the MS. The clearest and simplest ‘way appears to be to break aff from the method, which has hitherto been followed, of starting with the most recent hands, and to begin by trying to establish the condition of the MS. When it lef the seriptorium. To the work ofthe scriptorium, then, obviously belongs the text itself; so that the first question of all is concerned with the scribes of the text. After the text comes the ‘apparatus’ of the MS.—superscriptions, subscriptions, titui, paragraph ‘marks, Ammonian sections, Eusebian canons, and other chap- ter divisions. These may or may not belong to the serip- torium. Finally, itis well known that it was the custoin to submit MSS. to a 8dpS0out, or correction : so that the earliest corrections may possibly belong to the work of the scriptorium, and the question isto what extent this can be shown to have oF not to have been the ease with the various hands which seem to have corrected the MS. in the earliest period. Thus there are three points to discuss. (1) The original scribes, {@) the ‘apparatus’, (3) the corrections properly s0 called. ‘The orginal scribes, Atthe frst sight the whole Codex seems to have been written by the same hand; but closer inspection shows that this is erroneous, and according to Tischendort four scribes A. B,C, and D were engaged on the text, of whom A, B, and D are represented in the New Testament. In his Nomina Sacra (pp. 67£) Traube goes further, and dis tinguishes the A who wrote part of the New Testament from the A who wrote the historical books of the Old Testament and Barnabas, and the B who wrote Isaiah from the B who ‘wrote Hermas and the other prophetic books. So far as B is concerned this must remain a question to be discussed in connexion with an edition of the Old Testament part of theDESCRIPTION OF THE CODEX Codex Sinatious. So far a5 A is concerned I am unable to see uny difference of script, and in the absence of any such difference 1 should hesitate to accept the very minute differ- ences of treatment of the nomina sacra as sufficient proof of a change of seribe. Reserving, however, ot of respect to the pinion of so distinguished a palaeographer, the possibilty that Barnabas is by a different hané, itis tolerably clear that A orginally wrote all the teat of the New Testament except Heras, wich wan the work of B, and Tat D wrote Te text ‘onthe conjugate leaves, ro and 15, 29 and 30,88 and 91, and possibly on part off 226 Specimens ofthese three scripts, A, B, and D, are arranged side by sie in the three first columns of Plate 111 ‘There is possibly room for legitimate doubt whether Tischendorf was right in distinguishing A from B, but personally 1 entirely accept his judgement, for ater the pro- longed acquaintance with the style of A, necessitated by photographing each page, I felt while watching the seript “come up’ on the negative in the developing dish, thatthe first page of Hermas was diferent from the others, as it seemed to ‘come up differently, though from the nature ofthe ease 1 4d not know untit afterwards which this particular plate was. ‘The same thing was sill more noticeable in the ease of the D plates, It would, however, be too much to claim that this purely personal experience ought to weigh strongly in the judgement of others, and T admit both that I am unable to analyse satsfctorly the difference between A and B, and that it is not so clear to my own perception now as it was when I was spending the greater part of each day in the company of the MS. Nevertheless, it seems to me that ifany cone will spend some time in turning over a few leaves of Heermas, and then a few leaves of the rest of the New Testament, he will feel that there is a difference of script, and, if he concentrate his attention on the righthand ends of the lines, he will receive the superficial impression that more lines end in the horizontal stroke representing final .N in Hermas than elsewhere. Analysis will, however, show that this is not the ease, or at all events not to any remarkable degree. The impression is solely created by the fact that the strokes in Hermas are longer, somewhat heavier, and instead of being partly over the final vowel, are inclined to begin afer it, and to project far into the margin. This is no doubt a small point, but it goes to justify the view that Hermas was written by a diferent scribe from the rest of the New ‘Testament. The discrimination of D from A and B is easier and admits of no reasonable doubt. There is a distinct difference in the script, though it is more easly perceived than de- seribed ; possibly the letters are somewhat squarer in D than in A—the height being less in proportion to the breadth— and D is altogether preter than A. But the decisive point ‘is that D constantly fills out the end of a line with the sig >; which is rarely or never used by A or B.A specimen column of D is given in the third column of Plate HI New Testament_in the Codex Vaticanus; a specimen of the later is shown in the fourth column of Plate III, and it will probably be at once conceded by those who compare is with the third column, which is by D, that there is no trace of justification for Tischendorf's theory. The wonder is that the fine eye, which saw the difference between A, B, and D-diferences which any one might be excused for ‘overlooking—could ever think for a moment that the script of D was identical with that of the Codex Vaticanus. ‘The conjugate leaves written by D are clearly ‘cancel leaves’; that is to say, they were written after the MS. had been completed, in order to take the place of others, written tno doubt by A, which were for some reason imperfect or spoiled. Such replacing of rejected leaves would naturally form part of the Bépfucrs of the MS. in the scriptorium, and that this was the case is rendered practically certain by the fact that D actually wrote the whole of Tobit and Judith in the Old Testament, so that he was clearly a member of the seriptorium. The importance of this point is that it shows that any work done on the MS. before the ‘cancelleaves’ were added must also be regarded as work done in the scriptorium, and it is convenient at this point to indicate the details of which this can be proved. (a) The Eusebian ‘apparatus must have been added before the cancelNeaves in ‘Matthew (f. 10 and 15), as these leaves, and these only, lack ‘the Sections and Canons. Thus the scribe who added the Eusebian apparatus belonged to the scriptorium. (6) Similar reasoning shows that the scribe who added the ovixot in the Epistles belonged to the scriptoriom, for, after the Epistle toDESCRIPTION OF THE CODEX the Romans, these are only omitted in x Thessalonians, the last page of which is one of the eanceleaves (88). The apparatus. This may be defined as consisting of: (2) Superscriptions added at the beginning of each book, and afterwards inserted either on each recto, or distributed on the ‘open page’ between verso and recto, or, in the Gospels especially, on alternate ‘open pages’. (2) The subscriptions st the end of each book. (3) The Eusebian apparatus in the Gospels. (g) The Paragraph marks in the Gospels. (s) The “Buthalian’ chapter divisions in Acts. (6) The ftw or chapter headings in Acts. (7) The reckoning of evigor at the end of the Epistles. ‘The questions in each ease are whether the scribe belonged to the scriptorium or not; if he did, whether he can be identifed with the scribe of any other part of the MS,, and if he did not, to what date he ought to be assigned. (1) The superscriptons, Aull selection ofthese specimens is given in Plate I. Tt will be easily seen that there is {great variation in the style, and that this variation is not regular. The scribe or scribes seem sometimes to write in small and sometimes in large letters on no fixed plan. This creates at irs sight the impression of diversity of hands; but further study dispels this view, and leads rather to the con- clusion that Tischendorf was right in assigning ll the super- scriptions to the original scribe D, except those in Hermas, Which seem to be by B, the scribe of the text. That the seribe was D rather than A is shown partly by the general impression made on the eye, partly by the fact that the super- scriptions are not wanting on the cancelNeaves written by D, where they are precisely similar to thote on the other pages, and partly by their resemblance tothe subscriptions writen by D, and their diference from the subscriptions written by A. The most convincing proof that only one hand has been busy With the superseriptions is seen if instead of looking at the specimens given in the order in which they are arranged (that in which they come in the MS), they are taken in the order of gradation of change of style. Take for instance the following series Luke (ag), Mark (187, Matthew (x17, 12), Matthew (29, Romans (6, x Corinthians (6), 2 Peter (x24), Ephesians (@24, 1 Thessalonians (879, Colossians (859, Hebrews (92, Isit not impossible to say that any one of these is in a hand other than that of the example preceding or following? Is it rot rather almost certain that they are all by the same scribe? Nevertheless if we had only the first and the last of the series, there would be grave doubt as to the identity of the hands. As it is, the only example which really seems to differ essentially 2 Thessalonians (857); this really causes hesitation, and it is possible that it was omitted by accident by D and added later by another scribe, who may equally well: have been working either inside or outside of the scriptorium. ‘A further conclusion follows from a consideration of the examples given in Plate I. Just as at the top of the series, it were arranged in order of gradation of style, there would appear specimens in bold uncial, resembling closely the ordinary hhand of D in the text, so the middle and end of the series supply specimens equally closely resembling the corrector A2. This suggests that the scribe D is identical with the corrector ‘As, and, as will be shown when the correctors are discussed, there is other evidence to corroborate this view. (2) The subscriptions. ‘These afford less room for doubt than the superscriptions. All of them were written by A except those to Mark and 1 Thessalonians, which come on the cancelleaves written by D. Tischendorf, it is true, also regarded the subscription to John as written by D, together ith the whole of the last verse of the Gospel, but an inspection of the subscription (given in Plate 1) will probably suggest to ‘most minds that there is on the contrary a close resemblance tothe style of A, but not tothat of D. Tischendorf argued that there.was a change of ink visible at the beginning of the last verse, This is naturally too small a point to be observable in a photograph. My own impression is that the scribe took a fresh dip of ink, and possibly mended hhis pen, but I can see nothing more, and in general I should have said that A and D used precisely the same ink,and held their pens at precisely the same angle, so that no valid argument can be based on the _minute variations of form, which may quite as probably be due to an alteration of posture by the same scribe as to a change of writers. (2) The Eusebian apparatus. This is added in red, by a hhand which is shown by the argument given above (p. xix) to be anterior tothe cancel-leaves of D, and therefore to belong to the scriptorium, Whether this scribe can be identified with any of the original scribes or correctors is doubtful: it is im- possible to decide definitely as the numerals do not affordDESCRIPTION OF THE CODEX sufficient evidence. I suggest that he should be called “Scribe E*, (4) Paragraph marks in the Gospels. Am attempt has been ‘made in the first seven pages of Matthew to indicate the ends of paragraphs by inserting a short horizontal line, sometimes bifurcated, between the last line of one paragraph and the beginning of another. Either the same or nearly the same system is found in Codex Vaticanus, but with somewhat fewer paragraphs. In the absence of any other clue it is dificult to say whether these lines belong to one date rather than another. ‘An interesting discussion of their possible meaning in the Codex Vaticanus will be found in Dr. Schmidtke's Die Evan. felien eines alten Unsialcodes,: and in the correspondence between him and Prof. Eb, Nestle in the Theologisches Litera turblatt in 1903. (5) and (6) The chapler divisions and ‘tituli" in Acts, The “Euthalian’ chapter divisions which are given in the first part of Acts—they stop at ,-—are added in a small neat hand which ‘must in any case be very early, and cannot, on palacographical grounds, be regarded as later than the MS. itself, The pression made on my own mind is that these numbers were added by the same scribe as added the ‘titui" or chapter head: ings in Acts. ‘The relation of these chapter headings to the chapter divisions is a problem which ought to receive attention {from textual critics: itis here, however, out of place to do more than draw attention to the obvious fact that neither system is ‘complete. There is also room for doubt whether all the ‘titi? were written by the same scribe: the curious way in which 6 is sometimes written raises suspicions that two hands have bbeen at work. I am inclined, however, to think that this ‘curious letter is a peculiarity which the scribe only sometimes used, especially since in some of the “tituli* both the ordinary and the exceptional forms of f are found. Moreover, a com- parison of the writing inthe ‘titul with that of the corrector At suggests strongly that he was the scribe who wrote them. If this be so, and if the writer ofthe ‘tituli? were also responsible for the chapter numeration, this part of the apparatus, like the Eusebian canons, is brought within the seriptorium. (9) The ovis in the Epistles, These are added in a small neat hand, which does not seem to be identical with the 2 The codex refered 19 fs the archetype of MS. Patis. Nat Gr. 97 (Cod. Evan. s79 or in von Soden's notion + 376) corrector At,but to have more afity with At Aswas shown above (sce p. xix) the evidence ofthe cancelleaves shows that these erie: were added in the scriptorium ; if, therefore, their scribe were identical with At this would bring his corrections (of which there are but few) within the seriptorium. In spite, however, ofthe affinity between the erie and the corrections of A’, I doubt whether they are really due to the same scribe : ‘Avs style seems to be somewhat sifer. T suggest thatthe writer ofthe oxi should be called “Scribe S*, The correcors properly so called. (3) The uncial corrector 4, In many places the text of the Codex Sinaiticus has been corrected by a seribe who sed uncial srip, clearly intended to resemble the original writing as nearly as possible. Some of these corrections seem really to be in the same hand as the text; some vary slightly from it, but so slightly that the ‘ze clearly contemporary, and probably belong tothe Bipbaoie sade in the seriptorium. Tischendorf ascribes them as a rule to the original scribe D: this is quite possible, and in some cases extremely probable as the seribe has added at the end of a ine the > which is characteristic of D (see p xx), but it must be remembered that corrections made in rasura are almost impossible to handle with certainty, asthe inferiority of the surface reacts unfavourably on the writing. Thus it is possible that At ought to be divided into two or more hands A small selection of istrative places is given in the first column of Plate II. Attention should especially be directed to the second specimen, which shows the > at the end of 4 line, and the third and fourth specimens should be com- pared with the rest. Are they a diferent hand or not? The corrector A*. By far the greatest number of correc tions of early date were made by this hand, the main charac. teristics of which are an alternation of large and small letters— nat however, by any means always equally marked—and the frequent use of a curious form of « in which the middle line is greatly elongated so that it becomes 4 That this scribe ‘belonged tothe scriptorium is rendered probable by the super- scriptions and ‘titui” in Acts, which seem to show that A? is ‘identical with the original scribe D (see p. x2). It appears, however, that he did his work as corrector before the super scriptions were added, as in 1 Corinthians the superscription is ‘on £73" forced to one side by a correction in the hand of A’ which has already occupied the place where it ought to haveDESCRIPTION OF THE CODEX been, If this supersripton be compared with the correction, doubt will be felt as to the identity of the hands, but farther study of other superseriptions and corrections willbe enought to show that probably both were writen by the same hand, though the scribe varied his ‘stroke’. This passage is interesting as suggesting that it was usual in sriptoriam forthe NapBorf to correct the text before the titles, subscrip ns, and similar details were added; it also supports Dr. Driateko's contention that the custom of adding superscrp tions began inthe second half of the fourth century, and at fest were not put in by the orignal seribe (se p. xi A further ilustaton of the same point is perhaps aforded by the frst example classed on Plate Il as doubtful. Here the seribe who added the Eusebian apparatus has placed the appropriate numerals agains a correction inthe lower margin. Tis, however, doubtful whether this correction from the hand of AY, and there are fn any case two possiblities; () that the correction was made before the Eysebian scribe dd his work, (a) thatthe Eusebian scribe noticed thatthe begining of his section was mising and himselfded it inthe margin affxing the proper number. Iam inclined to think thatthe second is the corect view, a3 the wing of the eorecion seems to me to be identical nether with AY nor with A’, to both of hich it has superficial resemblance. In this case we have in this correction a specimen of the wring of the Eutebian serbe: it is doubtful whether there are any others though it is of course posible that some of the many corrections, which are to short to enable us to identify the hand, may be due to this serbe Tischendort thought that he had founda convincing proof of the identity of AP with the original sre D in the cor. rection to Matt v. 45 (3%) given in the second column of Plate II. Here the large uncial ends with the incomplete Sentence wu ape en and the missing words—Reaove al DpNICOATHAICeT SDM eNNICHMC Ree TOIeAcniforepor AINTICAMC NOI HHNTIONYC Nr XMIAN Deuter Neroxy race pe AME ICES ret Gheaknencror FeRNOICCE AEINancay in coven a PAPANIKEDNKOH! 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