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AGPL or Actual Ground Position Line is a line not held by troops, but a mutually agreed no-go
zone where the border could not demarcated clearly due to the difficult high mountainous
geography of the area. The border here was agreed as a line running northward beyond point
NJ 9842.

Department of Civil Engineering, UET Taxila


WIKIPEDIA
The term Line of Control (LoC) refers to the military control line between the Indian
and Pakistani controlled parts of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir—a
line which does not constitute a legally recognized international boundary, but serves
as the de facto border. Originally known as the Cease-fire Line, it was redesignated as
the "Line of Control" following the Simla Agreement, which was signed on 3 July 1972.
The part of the former princely state that is under Indian control is known as the state
of Jammu and Kashmir. The Pakistani-controlled part is divided into Azad Jammu and
Kashmir and Gilgit–Baltistan. The northernmost point of the Line of Control is known
as NJ9842. The India–Pakistan border continues from the southernmost point on the
LoC.

Another ceasefire line separates the Indian-controlled state of Jammu and Kashmir
from the Chinese-controlled area known as Aksai Chin. Lying further to the east, it is
known as the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

Former US President Bill Clinton has referred to the Indian subcontinent and the
Kashmir Line of Control, in particular, as one of the most dangerous places in the
world.[1][2][needs update]

Chakothi / Salamabad
Salamabad crossing point is located on the road between Chakothi and Uri in the
Baramulla district of Jammu and Kashmir along the Indo-Pak LoC.[13] It is a major
route for cross LoC trade and travel. Banking facilities and a trade facilitation centres
are being planned on the Indian side.[14] The name in English translates to "bridge of
peace" is located in Uri. The bridge was rebuilt by Indian army after the 2005 Kashmir
earthquake when a mountain on the Pakistani side had caved in.[15] This route was
opened for trade in 2008 after a period of 61 years.[16] The Srinagar–Muzaffarabad
Bus passes through this bridge on the LoC.[17]

Tetrinote / Chakan Da Bagh

Department of Civil Engineering, UET Taxila


A road connects Kotli and Tatrinote in Pakistan side of the LoC to Indian Poonch
district of Jammu and Kashmir through Chakan Da Bagh crossing point.[13][18] It is a
major route for cross LoC trade and travel. Banking facilities and a trade facilitation
centres are being planned on the Indian side for the benefit of traders.[14]

The flag meetings between Indian and Pakistani security forces are held here. These
meetings are held at the border or on the Line of Control by commanders of the armys
of both sides. A flag meeting can also be held at the brigadier level on smaller
issues.[19] If the meeting is on a larger context, it could be held at the general
level.[20]

Chilliana / Teetwal
The Teetwal crossing is across the Neelum River between Muzaffarabad and Kupwara.
It is usually open only during the summer months,[21] and in contrast to the other
two crossings is open only for the movement of people, not for trade.[22]

Further crossings
Two further crossings are at Haji Pir pass and one near Tattapani, but these are
currently not operational.[23]

950 cases of ceasefire violations along LoC between August-October

Read more at:


//economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/72110015.cms?utm_source=contentofi
nterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst

BU Case Study

The Line of Control separating Indian and Pakistani owned parts of Kashmir is
435 miles or 700km long. 45% and 35% of the Kashmir has been in the

Department of Civil Engineering, UET Taxila


control of India and Pakistan respectively, while the rest of 20% belongs to
China.

The military confrontation between Pakistan and India had begun right after
independence for the cause of Kashmir. Later, India claimed that it has started
surgical strikes against the militant groups in Pakistan resulting in significant
casualties (figured as more than 47000). But Pakistan on the other hand
rejected Indians claim.

Because of such violations and instability in the region the ceasefire


agreement was made between both countries in 2003 by UN. But the
agreement has been broken by India several times and they named it surgical
strikes. The most intense violations were made in the last year which can
indulge both countries in intense artillery duels. Both countries accused each
other for violation of ceasefire agreement. They blame each other for
unprovoked firing and proudly said that they respond befittingly. The issue is
becoming hot day by day which may lead towards another war between two
countries.

The game of lives along the borders is continuous since the partition but in
recent years it is on its brinks. The facts and figures are horrible. Disaster
Management Authority (DMA) Director General (DG) Zaheer Uddin Qureshi
reported in National Assembly committee that ‘unprovoked’ Indian firing
across the LoC had cost 832 lives, 3000 severe injuries, and 3,300 houses
had been damaged. He further said that 425,000 citizens are under the threat
of Indian unprovoked firings.

If we talk about the ceasefire agreement 2003 it has not taken seriously by
India. But this is not the point, what matters is that UN has not taken any
action against breaking of agreement by India. Current prime minister of
Pakistan Shahid Khaqan Abbasi briefed in press conference that only this
year India has broken the agreement at least 600 times.

Territorial disputes between the two countries have resulted in three major
wars. And the initiative has mostly taken by India. Even FO Director General
(SA & SAARC) Dr Mohammad Faisal criticized the Indian Deputy High

Department of Civil Engineering, UET Taxila


Commissioner J.P. Singh and condemned the unprovoked ceasefire violation
by the Indian forces on 10th and 11th May, 2017.

DAWN

Unprovoked firing by Indian forces across the Line of Control


(LoC) has taken 832 lives lives while 3,000 have been injured and
3,300 houses been damaged, the director general (DG) of the
Disaster Management Authority (DMA) informed the National
Assembly's Standing Committee on Kashmir Affairs Monday.

Presided over by PML-N MNA Khalil George, the standing committee had
discussed Indian ceasefire violations on the LoC.

DMA DG Zaheeruddin Qureshi informed the committee that about 425,000


civilians residing in areas around the LoC were under threat because of Indian
firing.

Incidences of firing have so far caused 832 deaths while 3,000 people have
been injured. 3,300 houses have also been damaged as a result, Qureshi said.

The spokesperson for the AJK government also appeared before the
committee. He complained of the Pakistan government not assisting them in
providing financial assistance to the families of the deceased and injured.
Rs300,000 are given to families of the deceased while Rs100,000 go to the
injured, Qureshi said.

Members of the committee insisted on visiting the LoC to determine the


accurate situation on the border, but were discouraged to do so by Dr. Syed
Asif Hussain, Azad Jammu Kashmir's (AJK) additional chief secretary of
planning and development.

"Indian behaviour has been inappropriate of late, which is why security


agencies are recommending that the members of the committee postpone
their visit to the LoC," Hussain informed the committee.

Department of Civil Engineering, UET Taxila


A date for the visit will be decided after clearance is received from security
agencies, Hussain said, adding that the members of the committee would be
potential Indian targets.

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Insurgency_in_Jammu_and_Kashmir

Indian HDM

The number of ceasefire violations (CFVs) in Kashmir has


sharply increased in recent years, and even more
dramatically since 2017.1 India and Pakistan have not
fought each other openly since the 1999 Kargil conflict and
have oscillated between military tension and peace
talks,2 but the growing number of violations since 2013
threatens to push the countries back to the dangerous
posturing of the late 1990s and early 2000s.
The government of India has informed the Lok Sabha
(India’s lower house of parliament) that 881 ceasefire
violations took place in Kashmir in 2017, compared to only
449 in 2016. Of these 881 incidents, 110 occurred along the
international border (which Pakistan calls the working
boundary) and 771 along the Line of Control (LoC)—the de
facto border that separates Indian- and Pakistani-
controlled segments of the disputed territory.3 Figures
provided by the Pakistani army in late October 2017 were
even higher. The Inter-Services Public Relations office
(ISPR), the media arm of Pakistan’s armed forces, counted
1,140 violations in 2017, compared to just 382 in 2016.
Pakistan’s director general of military operations (DGMO)

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recorded 1,299 CFVs in 2017.4 Interestingly, written in the
margins of the printout provided by the ISPR was,
“Highest CFVs in 2017 any other year since 2003”—the
date of the last ceasefire agreement between India and
Pakistan.

The salience of CFVs is growing as their number continues


to increase. Indeed, this level of belligerence has been
unprecedented following the post-2001 military buildup.
By August, the number of CFVs registered in India for
2018 had already risen higher than the total number for
2017. The Indian minister of defense, Nirmala
Sitharaman, told the Rajya Sabha (India’s upper house of
parliament) that 1,432 CFVs had taken place, including
942 along the LoC and 490 along the international
boundary.6 Casualties have increased, too. In 2017, thirty
people were killed on the Indian side and forty-five on the
Pakistani side (compared to forty-six total in 2016, which
had been the highest figure since 2003).7 Regarding the
current year, the Indian Ministry of Home Affairs declared
in October 2018 that CFVs over the first seven months of
the year killed fifty-two people on the Indian side
(including twenty-eight civilians, twelve soldiers, and
twelve Border Security Force personnel) and injured 232
others8.
The accuracy of these data is impossible to ascertain—and
the discrepancies between the ISMPR and DGMO figures
show that different sources even in the same country can
produce disparate data. In Pakistan, the army is in charge
of the LoC, so any CFV is made public via military
channels of communication, starting with the local

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commander and ending with the director general of the
ISPR (DGISPR).9 In October 2017, the DGISPR proudly
stated that “even the foreign affairs minister waits for my
information.”10 Before issuing a press statement, the
DGISPR takes no more than one hour to cross-check the
information by asking the officer in charge of the nearest
post whether it is correct.11 Then, he may ask for film to be
made, in which case clips are released to the media after
six to seven hours. Journalists covering Kashmir have
widely testified that they had no access to the LoC and
could go there only through military-guided trips.12 For
independent sources, communication with locals is even
more difficult because, in spite of the establishment of the
Special Communications Organization after the 2003
agreement, only a “handful of places” got “access to
internet and mobiles services,” according to Pakistani
researcher Anam Zakaria. Some localities “don’t even have
a landline connection,”13 and “the establishment controls
communications, shutting it down whenever it likes.”14
Pakistani army communications regarding CFVs routinely
emphasize civilian casualties. Their press statements offer
details of the women and children who have been killed,
which, like on the Indian side, is happening with greater
regularity.15 Civilian casualties justify, on humanitarian
grounds, official protests vis-à-vis the Indian government
as well as in the international arena.16 More importantly,
perhaps, civilian casualties play a role domestically in
Pakistan. Contrasting the proximity of Pakistani civilians
to the LoC with the buffer India has created on the other
side, journalist Khaled Ahmed remarked:

Department of Civil Engineering, UET Taxila


The population on the Indian side is about five miles
removed from the border. Our people, even now, live on
the border. So, when there is fire, it hits their house and
people get killed. That’s when the army calls in the
television channels and they record it. So, I think that
it’s the army which chooses when to call in to show the
damage or somebody who has died. This is when we get
in and report.17
When pressed on whether there is a threshold under which
an incident would not get reported, Ahmed replied:
I think when there is visible damage then the army can
actually get us to record it and show it, because that
feeds into the public view of India very effectively. And
they always say that it is one sided, but they also add
that we have retaliated and damaged a lot of things on
the other side. You don’t know whether they do or not
but they always say that “we have effectively retaliated.”
But they choose when we go in and report.18
The fact that casualties are not systematically
acknowledged and publicized suggests that official data
may underestimate the real numbers. Between September
and January 2017, thirteen civilians were killed in Neelum
Valley alone, according to oral testimonies.19
Civilians continue to live close to the LoC or the working
boundary out of a desire to stay on their land, according to
local politicians. For instance, Khawaja Asif, who was
minister of foreign affairs at the time of interviewing,
confirmed that his constituency in Sialkot, along the
working boundary, refused to evacuate despite being hit
with attacks repeatedly.20 Anam Zakaria’s investigation
shows that many people from the Neelum Valley “ran away

Department of Civil Engineering, UET Taxila


to Muzaffarabad,” whereas others who stayed behind had
simply no place to go—and no other means of subsistence
other than their farms.21
Although the Pakistani army may instrumentalize civilian
casualties in its public relations exercises regarding CFVs,
that alone does not explain the substantial increase in
reported deaths.
https://carnegieendowment.org/2018/10/24/ceasefire-violations-in-kashmir-war-by-other-means-pub-
77573

https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/fatalities

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4921413/

Over the study period, terrorist induced injuries accounted for 8.16 deaths per thousand troops
deployed whereas enemy action from across the line of control accounted for 0.63 deaths per thousand.
Terrorist induced fatalities peaked in 2001 and thereafter revealed a declining trend (‘p’ < 0.001).
Fatalities due to enemy action across line of control declined to zero since 25 Nov 2003 consequent to
effective ceasefire. Of the total fatalities, 89.5% were killed in action (KIA) while 10.5% died of their
wounds after reaching the hospital. Fatality to total injured ratio peaked to 29% in 2001 and than
stabilized to about 23%. Mean KIA to total casualty ratio was 21%. The rank structure of the fatalities
was officers 8.6%, JCOs 7.3%, and Other Ranks 84.1%. Most of the soldiers died young, 51% being below
25 years of age. Out of the terrorist induced fatalities, 78.2% died of gunshot wounds and 21.5% by
splinters and improvised explosive devices (IED). The ratio was reversed in enemy induced fatalities and
in Kargil war. Fatalities peaked during June to November and declined in winters. Body region wise,
23.4% of all deaths were due to head injury, 8.4% due to neck and maxillofacial injury, 18.4% due to
injury to lungs and 11% due to heart injury. Most frequent target of the fatal bullet was brain (25.4%),
closely followed by lungs (22.5%) and heart (12.3%). When soldier died of splinters / IED, multiple body
parts were injured in 57.5%, brain in 17.3%, face & neck in 3.5%, heart in 6.6%, lungs in 5.3%, abdomen
in 3.5% and limbs in 5.8%. Fatality due to head and heart injury peaked in 2001, while multiple injuries
peaked in 2000, declined in 2001 and peaked again in 2004 and 2005 (‘p’ < 0.001). In fatalities of Kargil
war, chest injuries were less but multiple injuries were more.

Department of Civil Engineering, UET Taxila


https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karachi_Agreement

Department of Civil Engineering, UET Taxila


SITUATION REPORT – UNPROVOKED FIRING ALONG LINE OF
CONTROL (LOC)
AZAD JAMMU & KASHMIR (AJ&K) AS OF 2 MARCH 2019
Districts Deaths Injured Houses Damaged
Bhimber - 3 24
Haveli - - 1
Jhelum Valley - - 8
Kotli 5 18 -
Poonch - 11 9
TOTAL 5 32 42

Preliminary Overall Losses / Damages. 5 x Killed, 32 x Injured and 42 x


Houses

Source. State Disaster Management Authority (SDMA), Muzaffarabad

Department of Civil Engineering, UET Taxila

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