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Philippe Gille and Edmond Gondinet. In fact, their libretto is full of Indian
names and lore that, while having nothing to do with Rarahu, do indicate an
aufait understanding of India and the Orient in general that neither librettist
possessed.3 Theodore Pavie, who wrote the story that inspired their drama, had
such an understanding.
Theodore Pavie (1811-1896) was born in Angers, a city in the Loire valley,
where his family owned a small bookshop and publishing house. Pavie's mother
died when he was two and his brother Victorfive.It fell to his father, therefore,
to supervise their education and to teach them horticulture, music, and the
visual arts. The boys' grandmother—assisted by two family servants, Manette
and Renee — also helped care for them. All three women were relics of the
ancien regime who had spent part of the Revolution in prison. At bedtime the
servants would entertain Theodore and Victor with heroic stories of the Rev-
olution or didactic peasant tales that occasionally included supernatural ele-
ments. Their stories were typical of peasant lore with their rich descriptions,
shallow character development, and abundant action. Despite his sophistica-
tion as an adult, Pavie wrote in a narrative style that betrays the influence of
these tales from childhood.
Born into a positivist age, Pavie contributed to the emerging sciences by
recording empirical observations of exotic places, in the tradition of Captain
James Cook and Alexander Humbolt. But whereas those two men traveled with
retinues of artists and scholars, Pavie worked alone, relying on his skill with
pencil and pen.4 Throughout his life he drew from his sketches and travel notes
to produce a literary oeuvre that displays a cultural sensitivity exceptional for
its time.
Indeed, unlike those orientalists excoriated by Edward Said, who were lin-
guistically unprepared for foreign travel and who saw the East through a West-
ern veil, Pavie prepared for his Far-Eastern journey with the thoroughness of
his grandmother's friend and compatriot, Volney.5 Pavie learned several Ori-
ental languages before his departure. With this training he made observations
and collected notes and stories with the proficiency of a cultural anthropolo-
gist; he has been called one of the most erudite, yet least pedantic, of the ori-
entalists.6 A by-product of Pavie's travels was his collection of stories, full of
richly described locales and exotically named characters that transported France's
armchair travelers to faraway places.
Between 1835 and 1839, pursuing his love of languages, Pavie studied Sanskrit
under Eugene Bournouf in Paris. In 1839 he had an opportunity to apply his
knowledge of the language when he accompanied Great Britain's Chief Engi-
neer for India on an inspection tour of Calcutta. Pavie spent two years in India
drawing, taking notes, and collecting stories. Years later, in 1853, he published
several of these Indian tales in a collection of short stories, appropriately titled
Scenes et recits despays d'outre-mer.7 This collection carries the reader from Peru
to Louisiana, down the Mississippi and the Nile, and along the coast of India.
In tales of love or vengeance the reader meets Toby the lumberer, Haddji the
mutineer, and the beautiful Mallika, daughter of a gardener. One also meets
two women near Pondicherry, ex-concubines known as "brides of Vishnu" or
"lakshmis " and, in "Les babouches du Brahmane," a sinister Brahmin named
Nilakantha, who stalks a young Englishman who dared to set eyes on the Brah-
min's beautiful daughter and himself.8
One day in September 1884, more than thirty years after his stories were first
published, Theodore Pavie received an unexpected visitor at his home near
Angers. Pavie had been the topic of conversation the previous evening when
opera benefactor Count Louis de Romain had been entertaining Le"o Delibes,
a native of nearby La FMche, and his collaborator Philippe Gille, who had come
to fine-tune the production of Lakme that would soon open in Angers after a
successful reception in Paris. The event was recalled by writer Rene Durbal in
the 5 February 1927 issue of the Angers Petit Courrier:
Seated at the table, quite naturally they were discussing Lakmi when,
turning to Gille, Delibes asked the origin of Lakme'. He was told that
the idea came after reading "Les babouches du Brahmane," a story
taken from a book whose author was a certain Pavie. Here the Count
de Romain interrupted, talked about the Pavie family, and announced
the presence of Theodore Pavie in the vicinity— which shot fear
through our artists because no permission had been requested from
the authon9
But Louis de Romain assured them, "Go and visit him, invite him to attend
your performance, and that will settle the matter." Indeed, complimentary tick-
ets were the only royalties ever paid to Theodore Pavie, whose work had been
the inspiration for the opera. Gille and Delibes neglected to mention this fact
upon their return to Paris, the city that had forgotten the oriental scholar who
had left the capital four decades earlier.10
on the summit of one of these islands, far from all human creatures in
this absolute solitude, I, a son of the old world, born on the other side
of the globe, am sitting and loving you."19
One can safely conclude that Delibes derived Gerald not from Loti, but from
Pavie's Edward because of the similar transgressions Gerald and Edward com-
mit and the consequent vengeance of Nilakantha they both suffer that brings
about the loss of their beloveds. Furthermore, the gradual buildup toward the
final tragic events, precipitated in both stories by misunderstandings that repre-
sent a larger cross-cultural friction, makes "Babouches" andZ/wbwtf'suspenseful,
a quality absent from Lori's quasi-autobiographical Rarahu.
The names, personalities, and actions of the principal characters of Lakme
reveal the extent to which Delibes based his opera on the work of Theodore
Pavie. ButLakme's setting also evinces the proximity between "Babouches" and
Lakme that in turn points up the distance between these two works and Loti's
Rarahu. The relatively propinquitous locations of "Babouches" and Lakme—
the west coast and northeastern regions of India, respectively— have little in
common with Rarahu's southern-hemisphere setting on the island of Tahiti.
As to be expected in works written for a nineteenth-century French audience,
the majority of whom had never left the continent, each of these stories empha-
sizes the natural beauty and climate of an exotic location. In Rarahu in partic-
ular, hardly a page fails to allude to the paradisiacal climate and vegetation of
Tahiti. Like the Tahitians themselves, the island landscape is seductive but rarely
treacherous, despite the occasional scorpion that drops from the palm trees dur-
ing storms. How appropriate that the score of Meyerbeer's Africaine should
appear on the music rack of the first piano in Papeete, newly arrived from
Europe! In a picturesque scene, Loti accompanies himself in a performance of
Vasco da Gama's aria from that opera, the words of which echo his own feelings
about the salubrious quality of tropical nature, but are not specific to Tahiti:
"Pays merveilleux! Jardin fortune! Temple radieux, salut! Oh paradis sorti de
l'onde! Ciel si bleu, ciel si pur dont mes yeux sont ravis!" [Wondrous country!
Lush garden! Radiant temple, I greet you! Oh paradise rising out of the sea!
So blue the sky, so pure the sky to my delighted eyes!].
In "Babouches" and Lakme', however, nature is not always as benign a force
as it is in Rarahu. Lakmd draws upon her knowledge of the medicinal proper-
ties of Indian vegetation when she nurses Gerald back to health after her father
has stabbed him; but among these plants is xhtAscUpiade that kills Edward's
young wife, Augusta, as well as the Datura that Lakmd purposefully consumes
to commit suicide. The polysemous lotus also appears in Lakme'; in act i Mallika
and Lakme collect its blossoms to adorn themselves and the pagoda. Moreover,
the description of the pagoda itself, as worded inLakme"s libretto, is strikingly
similar to that used by Pavie in the earlier "Babouches" when he refers to the
religious significance of the lotus blossom. These references may also conjure
in the reader's mind die fruit of the mythical lotus tree, said to induce a dreamy
indolence abhorrent to the Western psyche:
"Babouches" Lakme
The image of a lotus blossom, A very shadedgarden overrun with all
sketched in chalk on the doorstep, theflowersofIndia. At back a low-built
traced a large rosette and formed a house, half hidden by the trees. The
type of block in which no profane design ofa lotus blossom is carved over
foot would have dared to tread. A the front door. This, and a statue of
garland of freshly cutflowerswas Ganeca [Ganesh]—idol with an
balanced above the door and also elephant's head, the goddess of wisdom-
decorated the statuette of Ganeca, impart to the mysterious dwelling the
idol with die head of an elephant, appearance ofa sanctuary.1^
that the Brahmins invoked as the
goddess of wisdom.20
Theodore Pavie learned from his travels and deeply appreciated the trans-
formative influence of foreign cultures and geographies. His description of
Augusta, the woman Edward marries, reflects this belief in nature's power to
affect not only our physiognomy, but also our personality: "An Englishwoman
born in India, who combined the graceful delicacy of the Northern races with
the more severe beauty of the Asiatic types. The scorching climate of Bengal,
which had etched a soft languor on her features, seemed to have enhanced,
rather than dissipated, die force of her personality."22
Nature in the East, like Oriental culture in general as understood by nine-
teenth-century Europeans, combined ameliorative and injurious powers
unknown to Westerners. In Lakme and "Babouches," a flower—nature in its
most beguiling manifestation—devastates die lives of the Western protagonists
whose ignorance of its venomous strength results in the loss of not only the
women they love, but also their perception of the Orient as a place of oppor-
tunity and innocence.
The parallel characters, settings, and plots in "Babouches" and Lakme pro-
vide convincing evidence for the claim that Delibes's opera owes its story to
Thdodore Pavie. This is not to say, of course, that Lakme precisely mirrors
"Babouches," for the librettists freely selected characters and events from sev-
eral of Pavie's stories. In accounting for divergences between those tales and
Lakme', we should also keep in mind the differences in genre. The constraints
of time and the braking effect of sung words and separable musical numbers
on dramatic momentum are accepted limitations in opera and, as such, predis-
pose audiences to suspend the standards of verisimilitude and coherence that
are more rigorously applied to spoken drama and literature. We are not, for
instance, disconcerted byLakme''s pat ending. The British troops conveniently
march by Ge'rald (AWOL in Lakme"'s purportedly remote cabane en bambous),
the sound offifeand drum dividing Gerald's loyalty to England from his devo-
tion to Lakme\ This unlikely convergence of events — heavily underscoring the
NOTES
i. According to Joseph LoiseL, Delibes, Delibes's reading of Ramhu may indeed have
at the suggestion of librettist Edmond led him to abandon his plans for writing a
Gondinet, read Rarabu while traveling by work about the artist Jacques Callot in favor
train to Vienna. Enthralled by the story, of working on "an amorous idyll in an exotic
Delibes telegrammed his enthusiasm to land" (ibid., p. 28). The authors thank Hugh
Gondinet even before leaving the station at Macdonald for identifying for them Loisel's
Vienna ("Lakmd" de Leo Delibes [Paris: account of Delibes's decision to write an
Iibrairie Delaplane, 1924], pp. 28-29). exotic opera.
Assuming the accuracy of this account, 2. Wright and Eleanor Frierson, in the
introduction to their English translation of Le la "Revue des deux mondes" (Paris: Revue des
manage de Loti claim that the name Lori is a deux mondes, c.1940), pp. 102-11.
corruption of the Tahitian word roti [rose] 7. Eugene Bournouf was a linguist and
(Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, comparative mythologist who held the chair
1976), p. xv. In thefirstchapter of the novel, in Sanskrit at the College de France (Sor-
Viaud writes that in Tahiti he was rebaptized bonne). Before he died in 1853, Bournouf
"Loti" because his Western name—Harry designated Pavie as his successor, though
Grant—was unpronounceable to the Pavie was never tenured in that position.
Polynesians. Elsewhere, however, it is Pavie also studied with Garcin de Tassy and
reported that as a young naval officer Julien Stanislas Julian. The names of these oriental-
Viaud's timidity earned him the sobriquet ists are little known to Americans today, who
"Loti," the name of aflowerthat grows in tend to be more familiar with the artists from
India and that hides like a violet among its this period.
leaves (Dictionnaire universel des amtemporains Michel LeVy published Scenes et remits in
[1893], s.v. "Loti"). 1853. His brother Calmann inherited Michel's
3. Philippe Gille (1831-1901) was also an interest in the publishing house in 1875.
art and music critic for Le Figaro. The Coincidentally, though Calmann Levy
Dictionnaire universel des amtemporains (1893)forwarded Lori's Rarahu to the Nouvelle Revue
provides an extensive treatment of Gille's for initial serial publication, he too published
oeuvre but identifies Edmond Gondinet this novel in 1880. He also put out at least
(1829-1888) as simply "auteur dramatique two editions of the libretto to Lakmi.
francais." Although Gondinet is said to have 8. "Les babouches du Brahmane" was first
sparked Delibes's initial interest in writing published in the Revue des Deux Mondes of 4
Lakmi, Gille was brought in early on to assist October 1849. Subsequent citations from
with the libretto {The New Grove Dictionary of "Babouches" refer to this publication.
Opera, s.v. "Gille"). 9. "Rene" Durbal" was the anagrammatic
4. Although photography eventually pen name of Andre" Bruel. Another local
undermined the tradition of "pencil-and-pen" account adds that Pavie bought the book
travelers, in the 1880s Julien Viaud (Pierre from a bouquiniste along the quays of the
Loti) still followed his forebears' example. Seine (Auguste Pinguet, Theodore Pavie
His drawings of Tahiti illustrate at least one et Lakmi" La Province d'Anjou, no. 43
of Calmann-Le'vy's editions (1898) of Rarahu. (September-October 1933), pp. 297-99. The
Perhaps Gille and Gondinet saw his sketch of authors are grateful to Yves Pavie, Louis
Rarahu's thatch-roof hut, which may have Torchet, and Andre' Laiyet for their assistance
been the prototype of Lakme^s cabane en in identifying and obtaining these documents.
bambous. Lakmi also evokes this pencil-and- Unless otherwise indicated, translations of
pen tradition in the act 1 scene in which French source material in this article are by
Gdrald considers sketching Lakm^'s jewels the authors.
(Trendre le dessin d'un bijou"). 10. In 1883, two years after having been
5. "Vblney" was the pseudonym of promoted to the rank of lieutenant, Loti was
Count Constantin-Francois Chasseboeuf stationed in Indochina to assist in the Tonkin
(1757-1820) from Angers. He was a classical campaign. After publishing a letter in Le
scholar who spent four years in the Middle Figaro criticizing the cruelty of the French
East and later wrote about these travels in a soldiers during that campaign, Loti was repri-
two-volume work entitled Voyage en Fgypte et manded and ostracized from the navy for
enSyrie (Paris: Desenne, 1787). See Edward about half a year. Absent from Paris at the
W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon time of Lakmi's premiere in 1883, Loti then
Books, 1978), p. 81. would have been unable to correct any
6. Rene" Bazin (1853-1932), a popular misattributions regarding the source of the
French writer also born in Angers, identified opera.
Pavie as such in his discussion of him in Le 11. In Rarahu, when their ship docks in the
livre du centenaire: Cent ans de vie Jmnpaise a port of San Francisco (May 1873), Loti and
his chum William, in a theater in Chinatown, Hadji for Lakme''s loyal servant makes no
tie together the braided pigtails of two sense in light of the fact that the presence of
Chinese men in the seats in front of theirs. a Muslim in Nilakantha's home would have
"Oh Confucius!" adds the author, with a offended him as much as that of an
wink. It is a minor event, but reminiscent of Englishman. The librettists found the name
the prank in "Babouches." Hadji — appropriately applied to a Muslim
12. One encounters similarly sadistically pilgrim—in Pavie's "Ismael Er-Raschydi," the
flavored scenes—in which a young woman is first of the stories published in the collection
forced to use her talents against herself— in that Gille happened upon at die Parisian
contemporary works like Offenbach's Contes bouquiniste's stall. Pavie spells die word
d'Hoffmann (1881) and Massenet's Rot de "haddji" and uses it not as a proper name but
Lahore (1877); in the latter, the Hindu maiden as an occupational tide to refer to a pilgrim.
Sita is ordered by the high priest to intone According to Del Bonta, Hadji is a Muslim
the evening prayer in order to expose her name denoting a pilgrim who has "made the
lover. In another Massenet work, the ballet hajj, visited Mecca" (ibid.).
Espada (1908), the dancer Anitra, after receiv- 16. The'odore Pavie, "Sougandhie" in
ing news that her lover has been killed, is Scenes et ricks despays d'outre-mer (Paris, 1853),
forced to dance until she, too, drops dead. p. 241. ^
See Demar Irvine, Massenet, A Chronicle ofHis 17. Pavie, "Babouches" p. 301.
Life and Times (Portland: Amadeus Press, 18. James Parakilas addresses this recurrent
1994), pp. 94, 273- topic in opera in his two-part article, "The
13. This duet has become the most widely Soldier and the Exotic: Operatic Variations
disseminated number Delibes ever wrote, on a Theme of Racial Encounter" The Opera
having been appropriated for British Airways Quarterly, vol. 10, no. 2 (Winter 1993/94),
commercials and die soundtracks of the PP- 33-56; vol. 10, no. 3 (1994), pp- 43-69-
movies Someone to Watch over Me, I Heard the 19. Pierre Loti [Julien Viaud], Le manage
Mermaids Singing, and most recently The de Loti, trans. Clara Bell (London: T. Werner
American President. Laurie, 1929), p. 109. The insensitivity with
14. Delibes completed the piano-vocal scor- which Loti treats his wife links him with the
ing of an aria for Ellen, "C'est un peu de obtuse narrator of his Madame Chrysantheme
jalousie" but he never orchestrated it. He also (1887), published seven years after Rarahu.
eventually cut a trio for Ellen, Rose, and Madame Chrysantheme has the same static
Fre'de'ric (intended to be sung when Fre'de'ric quality of Rarahu, and the two works offer
discovers Gerald's hideaway in act 3); this trio the same story— through different venues—
was supplanted by a scene for Fre'de'ric and of a young serviceman's impressions of an
Ge'rald that the composer completed during a Asian society and his oddly impersonal,
visit to Lake Lucerne in August 1883, about diough physically intimate, relationship with
four months after the opera was first a young woman in an exotic land, like Loti,
performed in Paris. the narrator of Madame Chrysantheme is a
15. Robert J. Del Bonta, in his article naval officer, though of the French rather
"Songs of India," The Opera Quarterly, vol. 2, than the English navy. He is stationed in
no. 1 (Spring 1984), p. 10, points out that Japan, which has led writers to assume that
Nilakantha ("Blueneck") is the name given he was the model for Pinkerton in Puccini's
the god Shiva, whose neck turned color after Madama Butterfly. Arthur Groos believes that
he swallowed poison in order to save others the inspiration for John Luther Long's short
at the Creation. On the basis of the use of this story on which Puccini based his opera was a
name, Del Bonta credits Gille and Gondinet true event witnessed by Long's sister, married
for "doing their homework" (ibid.). How- to an American missionary in Japan. See
ever, it now appears that they were relying Groos, "Madama Butterfly: The Story,"
on Pavie's knowledge, for—as pointed out Cambridge OperaJournal, vol. 3, no. 2 (July
by Del Bonta— their use of the Muslim name 1991), pp. 125-58. Also see the same author's
"Return of the Native: Japan in Madatna death by the Datura plant. Gondinet
Butterfly/Madama Butterfly in Japan," claimed—incorrectly—that the Datura was
Cambridge Opera Journal, vol. i, no. 2 (July not poisonous and that they would have to
1989), pp. 167-94- choose a more plausible means for Lakmd's
20. Pavie, "Babouches" p. 301. death. "It is poisonous because we need it to
21. LaknU, act 1: translation of stage direc- be" was the gist of Delibes's response to
tions in the Gille-Gondinet libretto (New Gondinet's objection. Eventually they
York: Charles Burden, n.d.), p. 4. reached a compromise, having Frederic main-
22. Pavie, "Babouches" p. 311. tain that the Datura, while not toxic in
23. Along these lines, Delibes is reported to Europe, becomes so when transplanted to
have argued with Gondinet about Lakmd's India! (Loisel, "LakmP de Uo Delibes, p. 28.)