A case study about the comparability of the youths behavior in 90’s and 21st century

Member:
Pansoy,Elizabeth
Pareja,Annabelle
Pendre,Josephine
Rayos,Kassandra R.
Repedro,Ericka
Reyes,Giezel
Sable,Ofelyn
Salas,Vivien Marie
Raga,Tristan Jay
 Review of Related Literature

This chapter contains foreign and local review of related literature of our study

(Bor et al., 2015)

According to them one out of five children worldwide experience mental health and also this
situation affects the youth’s behavior and this case is increasing. And the main cause of youth’s
mental health is depression and also suicidal attempts. Additionally, it was stated that most of
adolescents mostly female is prone to this situation and it will also affect their personal
behavior. The changes in the family environment can affect the child's behavior because there
are lot of external changes like new neighbors, the environment and the influence of society.
Another effect of mental health that is related to the 21st century youths behavior is the
exposure to the screen time, internet, and social media that may lead to the changes in youth
behavioral traits compare to the 90's youth wherein there are no use of gadgets and no
exposure on that. They stated that in 21st century the mental health problems is growing and it
affects the behavior of the youth compared to the 90's. And there are some things that can
affect youths behavior both 90's and 21st century: Suicide, Deliberate self-harm, Drinking of
alcohol, Using of drugs and influence of peer

According to (Kirk,2006)

He state that the human behavior of the youth is affected by the environment, neighborhood,
schools, influence of peers and society so that the youth that are affected his/her behavior may
be in good or bad effect. And also the human development and behavior changes because of
our environment today, and they stated that there are lots of sources of influence that affects
youths behavior like the families, schools, neighborhood. And there are some negative effect
on youths behavior like in the schools, the fraternity or any group of people can influence the
person to do some bad things like using of drugs, drinking of alcohol and using some bad words
that they say, so that the influence of the people my change the person behavior.

Cruz et al., (2001)

According to them, family influence the youth behavior because the family is our first society so
that the role of family in youths behavior is to teach some manners and do some good thing
and in this situation the parent needs to guide his/her child to grow kind, formal, simple, and
manners. But the other family has a bad influence on youth's behavior like shouting their child
with a bad words or anything that child hurts and the effect of this is the child will apply it and
do it on the other people when he/she get older. And also they state that the father's and
mother's attitude is controlled like he/she become strict in their child to do smoking, using of
bad words to other people, drinking alcohol, and early marraige. And we need to teach the
children some manners to guide his/her behavior until he/she gets old.

Hicks, J., Waltz, M., & Riedy, C. (2018)

Cross-Generational Counseling Strategies: Understanding Unique Needs of Each Generation.

Journal of Counselor Practice, 6, 6-23. Generation Z was born between 1995 and 2004 (depending
upon researcher) and is the most wired generation in history. They easily and quickly use
technology to find information and are perceived as having little patience for older people who
cannot use smartphones and apps. They also experience and/or witness violence daily.
Researchers are still learning about this group but, as of now, they seem to be concerned about
personal finances. This group may be our future entrepreneurs as they seem well versed in
technological advancements their predecessors do not fully understand. This group easily
multitasks, gathers information quickly, and likes to learn experientially.

Morgan (2005). He says that when you see challenging behavior, it usually means that your child
can’t figure out how to express her feelings in an acceptable way or doesn’t know how to get a
need met. That is the reality now here in millennials. What helps your child learn is when your
response shows her a different, more constructive way to handle these feelings. Not like then,
the kids on that day is really coping with their problems because they sees it not as a threat. They
were told by their parents not to be so private in terms of it. Learning to cope with strong feelings
usually happens naturally as children develop better language skills in their third year and have
more experience with peers, handling disappointment, and following rules. Although children
won’t completely master self-control until they are school-age. The youths now are more private
than the kids then.

Scott (2002). Young children nowadays are developing self-regulation—the ability to calm or
regulate themselves when they are upset, thats what he said. This process leads to some
challenging moments for both adults and children. Learn more about how to respond to
challenging behaviors like crying, aggression and defiance, and how to support your child’s
development of self-control and self-regulation. But in some cases he stated that the children
nowadays are the more rebel than then. They view the challenges as their deat thats why in
some psychological views, these can be derived into suicidal manner that is oftenly happened.
Hall (2014). He says that the kids are all right. He know this because every two years, the
federal government asks thousands of teenagers dozens of questions about whether they are
all right. Since 1991, it has sent something called the Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance Survey to
more than 10,000 high school students every other year, to inquire about all sorts of bad
behaviors that range from drug use to unprotected sex to fighting at school. His overarching
question survey asks is basically: How much trouble are you getting into? The answer, lately,
has been, “Not that much at all” — especially when we compare today’s teens with their
parents, who came of age in the early 1990s. Most of the survey questions show that today’s
teenagers are among the best-behaved on record. They smoke less, drink less, and have sex less
than the previous generation. Youths now are, comparatively, a mild-mannered bunch who will
probably shoo away from your lawn quite respectfully (and probably wouldn’t dare set foot on
your lawn to begin with!). This is different from what adults typically expect. Polls show that we
generally think teens’ behavior is getting worse. One 2013 study, for example, asked Americans
whether the teen pregnancy rate had gone up, down, or stayed the same since 1990. Half of
respondents said it was going up, and another 18 percent said it was the same. Only 18 percent
got the right answer: Teen pregnancy has declined dramatically over the past three decades.

Reyes (1998)

According to Reyes, every generation of adults seems to worry that the next generation of
youth is in trouble. He says that the perception of kids today is no different, with theories
abounding as to why the mental health of the newest generation is slipping, compared with
previous standards. From mobile phones to helicopter parents, it might seem like a foregone
conclusion that our current crop of young people is destined to be insecure, inattentive, and
unable to cope with challenges and stress. He encountered many news headlines on the latest
mass shooting or standardized test results often seem to confirm these widespread concerns.
Pediatricians often hear parents lamenting the “good old days” when such things as corporal
punishment were more easily accepted to help keep kids in line. But he says that they taking a
step back, it maybe worth a more objective look to examine the assumption the child
behavioral problems are worse than ever compare to the then youths that is more discipline
and such. They are measuring overall mental health is not an easy task, but looking at several
important metrics indicate that things may not be nearly as bad as many people think. The use
of both alcohol and tobacco among youth is at the lowest level since the study began in 1975.
Use of drugs like heroin and ecstasy also are declining. The only major exception to this trend
seems to be cannabis use, which has generally shown stable rates during this climate of
marijuana decriminalization and, for some states, legalization.

Astroth, Kirk A. (1994) Beyond Ephebiphobia: Problem Adults or Problem Youths?

It is common today to hear that almost half of all young people between the ages of 10 and 17
are at risk of school failure, substance abuse, delinquency, and teenage pregnancy.Indeed, it
would appear that troubled youths are no longer the exception but have become the
dysfunctional rule. Young people today are typically portrayed as an aberrant pariah class that
suffers its own distinct "epidemics" bearing no relationship to adult patterns of behavior. Are
today's young people really so different? Given the barrage of adolescent problems uncovered
by so-called researchers, it should come as a shocking surprise to learn that U.S. teenagers
today are, by nearly every important measure, healthier, better educated, and more
responsible than teens of the past.

Moreover, the Iowa Youth Poll for 1991, published by the Iowa State University Extension
Service, revealed that most young people feel satisfied with their lives and generally positive
about themselves. Not only are today's teens healthier than teens of the past, but they are
typically healthier than the adults who seem so ready to label them as "at risk." Even in such
cities as Los Angeles, it is estimated that 90% to 95% of all young people are not involved in
gangs.
Yet we are bombarded with alarms about rising gang activity in our big cities. Like previous
generations of adults, we appear to be suffering from ephebiphobia - a fear and loathing of
adolescence.Nearly every generation of young people has been chastised for being "out of
control" or aberrant in some way. Adult claims of degeneration among the young can be found
in nearly every previous decade. For example, the cover of the 6 September 1954 issue of
Newsweek blared: "Let's Face It: Our Teen-Agers Are Out of Control." The article inside
lamented a "national teen-age problem - a problem that is apparently getting worse." And
why? "Too much divorce, too few normal homes," claimed one sociologist. Others denounced
"salacious, sadistic comic books." Today, we might blame MTV. Unfortunately, the notion of
"youth at risk" has become a lens through which we view all young people, so that today
adolescence is seen as some incurable social disease. For example, a study of teenage drinking
in the 1950s describes patterns that are the same as those of teens today.In reality, today's
teens behave in ways very similar to those of teens of the past and very much like those of
today's adults.

The recent sharp increase in teen psychiatric admissions is one manifestation of our
pathological treatment of today's youth. Since 1980 adolescent psychiatric admissions have
increased 250% to 400%, but ifs not because teens are suddenly so much crazier than they
were a decade ago. The Children's Defense Fund suggests that at least 40% of these juvenile
admissions are inappropriate, may violate the civil rights of the "patients," and are a result of
parents' inability to deal with adolescent behavior.

Though commonplace, such a pathological perspective on adolescence exaggerates the

negative. Stanton Peele, a Princeton University psychologist, has observed that today's views
often define adolescence itself as a diseased state. He points out that research is usually
skewed toward the maladjusted young, which has created a myth of the prevalence of
adolescent maladjustment.
As astonishing as it may sound, today's teens lead healthier lives than most young and middle-
aged adults. Teens have lower rates of suicide, violent death, unwed pregnancy, drug abuse,
smoking, and drunken driving. When youth problems do occur, adult influence is apparent.For
example, in Montana "nearly 60% of |teen' pregnancies are [caused] by men over the age of
21." Only 29% of all |teen' pregnancies actually involve two teenagers. …

Rogers, Anita M. and Taylor, Adrea S. (2008)

Most of the youths growing up at risk dropping their subjects in schhol, abusing themselves and
exhibiting other problem behavior. As a young people we are enganged in adults activities
that might affect our behavior base on this article, many young people are being isolated from
range of caring and consistent adult relationships. Mentoring young people helps to deal with
their behavior they can self-steem and skills. The untapped resource for mentoring youths is
the fastest ways to grow.
Roberts et al, (2018)

Their research has found that peer pressure is one of the causes of suicidal behavior of youths.
Ranging from randomised trials of newer antidepressants, used to alleviate depression.
A meta-analysis was carried out to calculate odds ratios for the combined data.
Self-harm or suicide-related events occurred in 71 of 1487 (4.8%) of depressed youths treated
with antidepressants v. 38 of 1254 (3.0%) of those given placebo (fixed effects odds ratio 1.70,
95% CI 1.13–2.54, P=0.01). There was a trend for individual suicidal thoughts, attempts and self-
harm to occur more often in youths taking antidepressants than in those given placebo, but
none of these differences was statistically significant.
Antidepressants may cause a small short-term risk of self-harm or suicidal events in children
and adolescents with major depressive disorder. This study concerns the youths behavior with
the effect of antidepressants. This scenario is occured often in young people.

Perkins dock, Robin (2001 )

Juvenile delinquency is a widespread societal problem threatening the well-being of families

and communities throughout the country. In 1997, approximately 125,000 juveniles were
incarcerated in public and private residential facilities as a result of a law violation. The rearrest
rate for juveniles illustrates the need to develop effective interventions for incarcerated youth
and their families. Although treatments focusing on the family as a unit may be more effective
than individual treatment with delinquent youth, it is often difficult to involve families in the
treatment process while juvenile offenders are incarcerated. This article discusses familial
influences on delinquent and antisocial behavior, provides a review and critique of the
literature related to family intervention models for juvenile offenders, and discusses treatment
dilemmas in working with incarcerated juvenile offenders. A pilot project comparing the
effectiveness of a conjoint family intervention and a systemic individual intervention with
incarcerated youth is described with preliminary results.

Thomas R Wójcicki, Edward McAuley (2014)

With physical activity levels among children and adolescents at an all‐time low, there is a
critical need for scientists and public health officials alike to further examine the physical
activity behaviors of this population. Accordingly, this chapter will act as an entrée to the rest of
the monograph by providing a general overview of the epidemiology of physical activity among
youth in the United States. In so doing, we discuss the following: public health guidelines for
youth‐based physical activity, current rates and trends of physical activity participation in
youth, issues related to physical education rates in school systems, lifestyle practices that
encourage sedentary behaviors and attendant disease states, a synopsis of the health‐related
benefits of a physically active lifestyle, promotion of and opportunities for increased
engagement, and comparisons of objective and subjective methods of measuring physical
activity.

Marissa Sim (2001)

"Moral values and graciousness, in the past, were prominent in most teenagers. Majority of the
youths then learnt respect, courtesy, consideration, decency, propriety, honesty and
righteousness from a young age, and had enough self-discipline to hold to these values.
However, these moral values and self-discipline are slowly diminishing over the years, as most
of the younger generation are gradually disregarding these ethics.

The listed values have slowly faded away, as they mean little to these adolescents, as moral
values and self-discipline are on the verge of disappearing. This lack of self-discipline and self-
control is becoming more and more apparent over time. However, this situation is not to be
taken lightly as the younger generation is the future of our nation.

Even the simplest of morals like, respect, care and consideration are slowly fading away over
the years. A simple display of respect like offering the elderly a seat on the bus is being replaced
by scenarios of students competing with them for seats. Instead of showing the principles of
care and concern, several youngsters even engage in decadent behaviour by taking pleasure in
inflicting torture upon less able people. As fewer people lack the morality to help the needy,
even Community Involvement Projects have to be forced upon students.

The masses of the youths today have little regard for moral values. As society is under the more
‘open-minded’ western influence, many teens are just blindly following trends, placing peer
pressure and the desire to fit in over their own moral values. One example is the fact that
promiscuity is on the rise. Many youngsters are even engaging in pre-marital sex, against their
moral values. One reason for this is that many teenagers lack the self-discipline to resist the
temptation, and their raging hormones overpower their ethics. This lack in self-control in
resisting their impulses leads to pre-marital sex.

Another reason is that many teenagers lack the courage or self-discipline to stop themselves
from breaking under peer pressure. Thus, when lead on, they are unable to say ‘no’ to their
boyfriends of girlfriends. Under western influence, subjects such as sex are no longer
considered taboo. Therefore, youths feel that it is thus okay for them to be promiscuous, which
is a clear lack of principles. Another lack of propriety can be seen in the fact that the multitude
of juveniles today are turning to less ethical forms of activities. Some such examples are drugs,
smoking, drinking and shoplifting.

As the younger generation is becoming more and more materialistic, numerous teenagers are
slowly putting aside their morality to make way for their desires. Thus, actions such as
shoplifting are not uncommon anymore. These young adults have strong desires for material
objects, which drive them lose control of their impulses to get what they want. The apparent
lack of morality and self-discipline leads to teens failing to stop themselves from committing
crimes. Furthermore, drugs, smoking and drinking are unethical activities that can prove to be
harmful to oneself, as well as to others. However, these activities are addictive, which youths
cannot restrain from.
Despite knowing the harmful effects that these activities have, the pubescent adults still choose
to ignore the fact that they are debauched simply because they do not have the self-discipline
required to control themselves. Therefore, unlike in the past, where moral values and self-
discipline were the norm, they are scarce in today’s younger generation. Teens today generally
lack morality, and do not realize the severity of their debauch actions. Instead, they display
extremely bad ethics and treat their immoral actions lightly. Thus, something must be done to
prevent the already worsening situation from getting any further out of hand.

Holland (1994).

He says that "Drawing on several intellectual traditions in social psychology, including the social
structure and personality paradigm, the life course perspective, and the status attainment
school, the ongoing longitudinal Youth Development Study (YDS) was initiated in the late
1980’s. Longitudinal data, collected from the same persons over time, is especially useful in
understanding socialization and change, because the processes of reviewing significant
experiences on the basis of individual and social characteristics can be identified and controlled.

The initial objective was to assess the psychological and behavioral consequences of youth
employment during high school. Subsequently, the YDS examined the consequences of teenage
work experiences for young adult mental health, educational attainment, and career
establishment. Undertaking a study of the consequences of youth employment at this historical
moment was propitious, as the high demand for adolescent labor at that time offered the
opportunity to study teens’ short and long-term responses to a wide variety of work conditions.

As the youth moved through the transition to adulthood, the YDS team capitalized again on the
longitudinal character of the data to identify pathways of movement from school to work and
pathways of acquisition of adult role markers.

Our purview thus widened to include leaving home, changing relationships with parents, family
formation, civic participation, deviance, and victimization. Extending this rich data archive, now
encompassing more than two decades of life experience intergenerationally, the investigators
are beginning to examine the impact of parental trajectories on their children’s psychological
and behavioral adaptations. This article describes the emergence, evolution, key contributions,
and future prospects of the Youth Development Study."

Steinberg, (2008).

He state, the legal system, policymakers, and sci- entists have focused an enormous amount of
attention on risky adolescent behavior as a problem in need of a solution.
Given the problems caused by risky adolescent behaviors, it is tempting to regard them as
maladaptive. Indeed, the prevailing conceptual framework for thinking about these behaviors
consid- ers them to be negative or disturbed developmental outcomes arising from stressful life
experiences (together with personal or biological vulnerabilities).

According to this framework, children raised in supportive and well-resourced environments

(e.g., who live in communities with social networks and resources for young people, who have
strong ties to schools and teachers, who benefit from nurturing and supportive parenting that
includes clear and consistent discipline, who are exposed to prosocial peers) tend to develop
normally and exhibit healthy behavior and values. By contrast, children raised in high-stress
environments (e.g., who experience poverty, discrimination, low neighborhood attachment, and
community disorganization; who feel disconnected from teachers and schools; who experience
high levels of family conflict and negative relationships with parents; who are exposed to de-
linquent peers) often develop abnormally and exhibit problem behaviors that are destructive to
themselves and others.

Different developmental outcomes are regarded as “adaptive versus mal- adaptive” depending
on the extent to which they promote versus threaten young people’s health, development, and
safety. We refer to this set of guiding assumptions as the developmental psycho- pathology
model of risky adolescent behavior.

Although the validity of the developmental psychopathology model seems self-evident, one
purpose of this article and of this special section of Developmental Psychology is to show how it
is incomplete—that it can lead scientists, policymakers, and practi- tioners to miss key insights
about risky adolescent behavior that can inform intervention strategies for high-risk youth. To
under- stand why, consider the basic definition of risk as “the possibility of suffering harm or loss”
(YourDictionary.com, 2010). This def- inition, which forms the backbone of the “risk factor”
approach to psychiatric and biomedical disorder, only captures the downside of risk without
considering why people take risks.

Risky behaviors are not maladaptive if the expected benefits outweigh the expected costs.
People take calculated risks all the time, at all stages of the life cycle. One cannot legitimately
regard risky behaviors as mal- adaptive based only on their costs.

Although some developmental psychopathology models recog- nize the importance of goals and
motivation in explaining risky adolescent behavior (e.g., problem behavior theory; Jessor, 1987),
theory and research are still dominated by pathologizing views of risk. The benefits of risky
adolescent behavior—particularly the evolutionary fitness benefits—are rarely analyzed, built
into mod- els, or employed in the design of interventions. A central goal of this article is to extend
the developmental psychopathology model to address, at a foundational level, “what’s in it for
the kids” who engage in risky adolescent behaviors.

High-risk behaviors can result in net harm in terms of a person’s own phenomenology and well-
being (e.g., producing miserable feelings or a shortened life), the welfare of others around the
person, or the society as a whole but still be adaptive in an evolutionary sense. Consider, for
example, risky behaviors that expose adolescents to danger and/or inflict harm on others but
increase dominance in social hierarchies and leverage access to
mates (e.g., Gallup, O’Brien, & Wilson, 2011; Palmer & Tilley, 1995; Sylwester & Pawlowski,
2011). “Risky” in this context does not equal “maladaptive.” Although the problems associated
with risky adolescent behaviors are real and there is a strong need to reduce them, regarding
them as dysfunctional does not point to a solution. Rather, from an evolutionary perspective,
viable solu- tions involve understanding the functions of risk taking in the contexts of adolescents’
lives. As articulated below (Risky Ado- lescent Behavior: Five Key Insights From an Evolutionary
Per- spective), successful intervention depends on working with, in- stead of against, adolescent
goals and motivations.

We call the study of risky adolescent behavior from an evolu- tionary perspective the
evolutionary model, in contrast to the developmental psychopathology model. The two models
are not mutually exclusive, and both share the same practical goal of reducing problem behaviors
for the long-term benefit of individ- uals and society (regardless of the evolutionary adaptiveness
of the behavior). The evolutionary model, however, can help achieve that goal through increased
understanding of the adaptive logic and motivation that underlie so many risky adolescent
behavior

(Richerson & Boyd, 2005).

The emphasis of the evolutionary model on fitness costs and benefits leads to a different way of
thinking about environmental stress and adversity, as well as about environmental resources and
support, than is found in the developmental psychopathology lit-erature. According to the
developmental psychopathology model, positive or supportive environments, by definition,
promote “good” developmental outcomes (as defined by dominant Western values; e.g., health,
happiness, secure attachment, high self- esteem, emotion regulation, educational and
professional success, stable marriage), whereas negative or stressful environments, by definition,
foster “bad” developmental outcomes (as defined by that same value system; e.g., poor health,
insecure attachment, substance abuse, conduct problems, depression, school failure, teenage
pregnancy).

Moreover, these “bad” outcomes are often studied as if they are intrinsically unwarranted and
costly—a dysfunctional outcome, as opposed to possibly being the best choice under the
circumstances. In contrast, from an evolutionary perspective, environments that are positive in
character dispropor-tionately afford resources and support that enhance fitness, whereas
environments that are negative in character disproportion-ately embody stressors and
adversities that undermine fitness.
The evolutionary model posits that natural selection shaped human neurobiological mechanisms
to detect and respond to the fitness-relevant costs and benefits afforded by different environ-
ments.

Most important, these responses are not arbitrary but func-tion adaptively to calibrate
developmental and behavioral strate- gies to match those environments

(e.g., Belsky, Steinberg, & Draper, 1991; Chisholm, 1999; Ellis, 2004)

. This view of devel- opment challenges the prevailing psychopathology analysis of dysfunctional
outcomes within settings of adversity. In particular, an evolutionary perspective contends that
both stressful and sup- portive environments have been part of the human experience
throughout our history, and that developmental systems shaped by natural selection respond
adaptively to both kinds of contexts (Ellis, Boyce, Belsky, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & Van
IJzendoorn, 2011). Thus, stressful environments do not so much disturb devel- opment as direct
or regulate it toward strategies that are adaptive under stressful conditions (or at least were
adaptive during human evolutionary history).

It is important to note that optimal adaptation (in the evolution- ary sense) to challenging
environments is not without real conse- quences and costs. Harsh environments often harm or
kill people, and the fact that children and adolescents adapt developmentally to such rearing
conditions (reviewed in Ellis, Figueredo, Brumbach, & Schlomer, 2009; Pollak, 2008) does not
imply that such condi- tions either promote child well-being or should be accepted as
unmodifiable facts of life (i.e., David Hume’s “naturalistic fal- lacy”).

Developmental adaptations to high-stress environments enable individuals to make the best of

a bad situation (i.e., to mitigate the inevitable fitness costs), even though “the best” may still
constitute a high-risk strategy that jeopardizes the person’s health and survival (e.g., Mulvihill,
2005; Shonkoff, Boyce, & McEwen, 2009) and is harmful to the long-term welfare of the society
as a whole. Furthermore, there are genuinely novel envi- ronments, such as Romanian or
Ukrainian orphanages (Dobrova- Krol, Van IJzendoorn, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & Juffer, 2010;

Nelson et al., (2007),

that are beyond the normative range of conditions encountered over human evolution. Selection
simply could not have shaped children’s brains and bodies to respond adaptively to collective
rearing by paid, custodial, nonkin caregiv- ers (Hrdy, 1999). Exposures to such challenging yet
evolutionarily unprecedented conditions can be expected to induce pathological development,
not evolutionarily adaptive strategies.
Research on the effects of stressful environmental conditions on mental health is central to the
field of developmental psychopa- thology. Much work in the area focuses on building empirically
based models of child and adolescent behavioral problems that provide a direct link to malleable
environmental factors, paving the way to prevention and treatment (Dishion & Patterson, 1999).

Although this approach has been instrumental in developing empirically supported interventions
(e.g., Chamberlain & Weinrott, 1990; Dishion, Nelson, & Kavanagh, 2003; Eddy, Reid, Stool-miller,
& Fetrow, 2003; Forgatch & Patterson, 2010), the developmental psychopathology model has led
researchers to focus— first and foremost—on the role of environmental adversity in promoting
health-risking behaviors and associated mental health problems. As such, the developmental
psychopathology model has placed undue emphasis on the expected costs and largely ignored
the expected benefits of risk taking

Dishion, 2007).

An intriguing possibility is that it may be possible for adults to measure and attend to emerging
social networks to prevent these dynamics from developing in high-risk community contexts.
Teachers, school administrators, and parents are often aware and concerned about the early
formation of deviant peer groups in early adolescence.

Social network data could be used to design classroom assignments that mix high-risk and low-
risk youth into learning environments. Extant research suggests that adults can be effective in
engineering peer group environments that promote pro social behavior and reduce antisocial
behavior by attending to the supra ordinate goal structure (e.g., the Good Behavior Game,
described above).
Postlewaite, & Silverman, 2004)

again suggesting long-term con- sequences of “stature” in adolescence. Finally, early maturing
boys (but not early maturing girls) display a more unrestricted socio- sexual orientation (i.e.,
greater willingness to engage in casual sex) and have a higher number of lifetime sexual
partners through young adulthood than do later maturing boys (Ostovich & Sabini, 2005; see
also Ellis, 2004). Interestingly, pubertal status is clearly linked to levels of aggressive/delinquent
behavior in pubescent boys, but timing of puberty does not feed forward to predict
aggressive/delinquent behavior in young men

(Najman et al., 2009).

It may be that status obtained in adolescence is long lasting and obviates the need for risky
antisocial behavioral strategies in adulthood.
Extant research has also documented the long-term sequelae of early pubertal development in
girls. Women who experienced early pubertal development, compared with their later
maturing peers, tend to have higher levels of serum estradiol and lower sex hormone binding
globulin concentrations that persist through 20 –30 years of age; have shorter periods of
adolescent subfertility (the time between menarche and attainment of fertile menstrual cycles);
experience earlier ages at first sexual intercourse, first pregnancy, and first childbirth; display
more negative implicit evaluations of men in early adulthood; attain lower educational
outcomes and occupational status; engage in more aggressive/ delinquent behavior as young
adults; and are heavier, carry more body fat, and bear greater allostatic loads (cumulative
biological “wear and tear”) in adolescence and early adulthood

Allsworth, Weitzen, & Boardman, 2005; Belles, Kunde, & Neumann, 2010; Emaus et al., 2008;
Najman et al., 2009; van Lenthe, Kemper, & van Mechelen, 1996; reviewed in Ellis, 2004;
Weichold, Silbere- isen, & Schmitt-Rodermund, 2003).
These effects can be concep- tualized as part of a developmental continuum in which familial
and ecological stressors in childhood forecast earlier pubertal maturation in girls (Belsky et al.,
1991; Ellis, 2004; Ellis & Essex, 2007; Ellis, McFadyen-Ketchum, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 1999),
which in turn regulates important dimensions of social and repro- ductive development

(Belsky, Steinberg, Houts, & Halpern- Felsher, 2010; James, Ellis, Schlomer, & Garber, 2012;
Trickett, Noll, & Putnam, 2011).

Status and risk-taking are also linked in adolescence (see Key Insight 4). Among youth whose
current condition or circumstances are predictive of future reproductive failure (e.g.,
unemployed, unmarried, marginalized young men with few resources or pros- pects), low-risk
strategies that minimize variance in outcomes have limited utility. By contrast, high-risk
activities (e.g., confronta- tional and dangerous competition with other males, gang member-
ship, criminal activities), which by definition increase variance in outcomes, become more
tolerable— even appealing— because success at these activities can yield otherwise
unobtainable fitness benefits for disenfranchised individuals

(Wilson & Daly, 1985).

Along these lines, male–male homicide rates increase with income inequality (Daly, Wilson, &
Vasdev, 2001), suggesting that young males who lack the resources to socially compete and
reproduce may be willing to risk even their lives to alter the balance of power. Extensive data
support these inferences, uniformly demonstrating
markedly elevated rates of violence among young, poor, marginalized males

Archer, (2009)
a group that may largely ac- count for the dramatic rise in serious violence and delinquency in
adolescence. Furthermore, peer aggression and risk-taking behaviors among adolescents
correlate reliably with greater mating op- portunities

(Gallup et al., 2011; Palmer & Tilley, 1995; Pellegrini & Long, 2003; Sylwester & Pawlowski,
2011).

Evidence suggests that threats to social status for aggressive children emerge quite early in
development, such as the first years of school entry (Coie & Kupersmidt, 1983; Dodge, 1983).
Chil- dren and young adolescents who tend to be rejected or ignored by peers are those most
likely to form coalitions with other high-risk children and engage in “deviancy training” (i.e.,
giving attention and rewards for talk about engaging in deviant behavior) in the context of the
playground (Snyder et al., 2005) as well as in their adolescent friendships

(Dishion, Spracklen, Andrews, & Patterson, 1996).

There is a clear process through which middle school children who are harassed by their peers
into marginal positions in status hierarchies come to associate with deviant peers and engage in
progressively higher levels of risky and antisocial behavior over time (Rusby, Forrester, Biglan, &
Metzler, 2005). This competition for peer status and acceptance may be most intense and
consequential in early adolescence. For example, in a study of 206 male youth (Dishion, Nelson,
& Bullock, 2004), behavioral

Konner, 1975, 2010; Whiting & Whiting, 1975).

In Western and Westernized cultures, however, young people generally grow up with little
opportunity to know and interact with others much younger or older than themselves. Factors
such as age-graded schooling, age-segregated out-of-school activities, a decline in family size,
weakened extended-family ties, and the removal of adult work from areas where children and
adolescents are welcome have driven this change.

Indeed, the peer group today typically consists of children or adolescents whose ages are no
more than a year or two apart. In contrast, a typical group of young people playing or exploring
with one another at any given time in a hunter-gatherer band consisted of a mix of children and
adolescents anywhere from about 4 to about 17 years of age (Konner, 1975, 2010). From an
evolutionary perspective, the modern age-segregated environment is a clear departure from
the human norm.

Dr. Ediwin (2004).

Adolescence is a period of significant transformation from childhood to adulthood. The change

during this period is equaled only by the growth and development that happens in infants.
Adolescence is marked by tremendous physical, cognitive, emotional, and social challenges and
growth. This chapter describes the myriad changes that occur in the bodies, minds, and lives of
typical adolescents. Although there is a definite expected pattern of development, many
adolescents encounter roadblocks along the way, whether related to differences in biology,
environment, or a combination of both. This chapter addresses some of the challenges to
appropriate adolescent development that may arise in the lives of many young people.
Unfortunately, some challenges may contribute to the youth’s involvement in unacceptable or
illegal activities, which in turn change the path of that youth’s development.

A transition is change and movement from one state to another. As disruptive and complicated
as this can be, the most hopeful aspect of transition is the opportunity for choosing which path
to take forward. A crucial role of society and its adults is to provide the greatest number of
positive paths for adolescents to choose from, as they become the next generation of leaders
and to minimize the factors that lead adolescents to more negative and destructive paths. One
of the most important developments of adolescence is in the ability to make reasonable,
rational choices for oneself. An adolescent’s development cannot proceed appropriately
without making choices and learning from good and bad ones alike.

When an adolescent enters the juvenile justice system, in most cases, the opportunity for daily
choices is greatly curtailed. Movement, routines, behavior, activities, and social associations are
all strictly prescribed and closely monitored. The typically adolescent traits of risk-taking,
pushing boundaries, and self-expression are all discouraged (reasonably so) in facilities. How
does this strange environment impact adolescent development? Is it possible for the critical
changes in adolescence to occur in such a setting? It is similar to uprooting a tree and planting
that tree in a different type of soil, with reduced sunlight, less water, and a different
temperature. Is it reasonable to expect that tree to continue to produce its fruit as expected?
This is not meant to argue that confinement facilities are dark and barren places of deprivation,
as many facilities provide great opportunities for growth and support for youth. However, many
of the ingredients for healthy adolescent development are very difficult to provide in facilities,
even with the best of intentions.

Even though the environment in facilities can be challenging for ongoing and appropriate
development, that development does not stop. This chapter should stimulate thought about
the role of confinement facility staff as a strong and positive force to guide young people to a
more successful and meaningful life.

Anee G. Wheaton, Daniel P. Chapman, Janet B. Croft (2017).

Said that Youth nowadays experience lack of sleep with a wide variety of adverse outcome,
from physical health to behavioral problems and lower grades. However, most of the student
do not get enough sleep because of a lot of things need to do, that may cause delaying of
school. Delaying school start times for the Youth has been proposed as a policy change to
address lack of sleep in this population and potentially to improve students’ academic
performance, reduce engagement in risk behaviors, and improve health.This paper reviews 38
reports examining the association between school start times, sleep, and other outcome among
the students.

Most studies reviewed provide evidence that delaying school start time increases weeknight
sleep duration among of the youths, primarily by delaying rise times. Most of the studies saw a
significant increase in sleep duration even with relatively small delays in start times of half an
hour or so. Later start times also generally correspond to improved attendance, less tardiness,
less falling asleep in class and have a better grades.