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    (Miguel - A. - Centeno, - Patricio - Silva) - The Politics of Expertise in Latin America PDF

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    General Editors: Pt LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES Si Vv IN PARAGUAY TERRITORY AND STAt POWER IN LATIN AMERICA The Politics of Experti in Latin America Edited by Miguel A. Centeno Contents ISBN 0-333-60146-5 ‘Amerc,"orraized by the Ce Research and Doctimnation (CE im Set. I-13, 1985, eraphicl references 312-21026- 4h ati A pe Jan index. 0-—cox ‘Congresses, sees, 1 Cent hs reserved, No repro Tieene Pe sm Cour Road ert th ance with te Co te be i Designs and Patens 09 8 7 6 Ss 57 06 05 04 03 02 Great ey Preface 's of Expertise in Latin America: io Si Chapter 2 TThe Quest for Modernity: L Ideas i Am ical Technocrat Avant-la-Lettre nvestor C ty Politics: Ch mists in Peruvian 36 32 96 126 142 vi Contents Chapter 9 racy: Femocrats in Bi Incke van Hals Chapter 10 Technocrats and Pt Argentina (1983-95) Carlos Hune! Chapter 11 Technoctacy a la Mexicana: A Roderic Ai Camp References Index 165 Preface nocracy has been u a large part n done on the single-country stud This book is the product of the contributors’ col the process of technocratic ascei Ai stressing historical continuities and changes, as w: snces, Far this purpose, on September sonference “Technocrats a owe particular grat: league and friend Arij Ouweneet ly supported took personal care of t Ui Notes on the Contributors Latin American Studies, Leiden University. the nineteenth- and twentieth century history of ‘Andean regions. He recently conducted archival resear he history of the tobacco industry and the sm and Ecuador. He is the author of Peasants and Tobacco in the Don Republic, 1870-1930 (University Press of Tennessee, ocrats in particular 's Leaders: Their Arizona Press, 1980); ry Mexico (University of Among his many books one can mer Education and Recrui rofessor ey ly focused on the study in America and contemporary processes of demo: cratization. He has published many articles in several journals and is the author of Democracy within Reason: Technocratic Revolution in Mexico State University Press, 1994), and co-editor of Towards a New Cuba? (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1996). He is currently working on a ook analyzing the link between war and state-making in Latin America, tentatively titled Blood and Debt. ine M. Conag Queen's University, Canada, Her research has been mainly focused on the business-state relations in Andean countries. She has put many ar ted to several books. She Restructuring (University of Statecraft: Democracy and Neoliberalism in the Cent (University of Pittsburgh Press, 1994), Notes on the Contributors ix iate Professor of jes at the Center for DLA) at the University Pitou van Dijek Latin American en and development tly sho has bes development of a feminist approach towards issues of food production and consumption, Among other publi author of Housewives in the Field: Power, Culture and Gender in a South-Brazilian Village (CEDLA, Amsterdam, 1991), Political Science at the Departmento de Universidad Catélica de parative studies on the democratizati at the Department of (e University at Mekcesport. Recently her ly focused on the ascendence of professional econ ts in the inner circles of the p% working on a revised version of 1 politics in the period dam, Ben Ross Schneider teaches politics at Northwestern University. During the last few years he has studied bureaucratic processes in both developing \d industrial sociaties, He has made several contriby books and published many articles in journals. He is the author of Politics within the State: Bureaucrats and Industrial Policy in Authoritarian Brazil de 1973-198] (CEDLA, Amst 1 The Politics of Expertise in Latin America: Introduction Miguel A. Centeno and Patricio Silva the economic and pol last decades, as techni experts was oft icians, experts now indey book analyzes these 2 The Politics of Expertise in La America Introd 1994), no s is been done. Son n 3 (. Silva, 1991; Ce 1994; Conaghan and Mal om micro bureaucratic polities, In some, if not all, cases, the their specified ish betwer ing circles is t and it matters for cess of consol 1. Pol wocratic institutions have \y. They are capable of ‘8 major role in deter sd (cf. Evans, 1995). inctional bailiwick in the pr autor -ncing overall policy ing which fe responsibi yws them to escape the technocratic institutions share c + depending on the of bureaucrat characteristics, ipposed to repres: tion o ito rule, In this i ‘we want to focus on the luch of previous se qualific nee of Aes to a political, social, and econc perspective. logy (Granovetter and 1992) we assert that culture al frameworks shared by these experts help to ‘book emphasizes ese experts work. While pol power from the support of key se m in organizations which obtain such suppor success in organizational settings far lectual pedigree: training in i careers are in the to Europe and the United is impossible 4 The Politics of Expertise in Latin America it) discomfort with nationalist language. Ail these components con tribute towards the elaboration of an internally consistent policy scheme. ‘The emphasis on economic growth and the itm following the dictates of the existing social structures. Combined with the rejection of conflict as ‘unproductive and the faith ia the ability of expertise to solve it altogether, the technocratic mentality can serve as a powerful ally to those sectors ing to preserve their advantaged position, Technocratic policy ration- by dismissing the inherent antagonism between classes or groups as change appear dysfunctional. Most technocrats ief that conflicts can be resolved, or better yet, circum- of resources. Classes, interest groups, ict because resources are distributed ‘The integration of their interests through systemic manage- struggle by improving the lot of all. On the smism is and has been a powerful force calling ly revolutionary fervor of technocrats and their wish to recreate societies in their ow ‘The curves n, Enough examples exist of leftist revolutions from above (e.g. in 1968) and of more progressive experts (e.g. the ECLA hegemony of the 1950s and 1960s) as to ono-ideological definition of tech- ences, these men (and very few tool kits (Swidler, 1986) which lems and constrain the set ‘The technocratic mentality encompasses a psychological predisposition towards specific types of rationality and discourse (cf. 1995). Experts legitimate their rule through appeals to the superiority of ‘entific knowledge. ‘Thi 's. The objectivity of seient terests. Perhaps more before that of its and political ‘must conqui iportantly, the good of the ‘must come Jual parts. The central difference between expert sionmaking or the set policies may be proposed or defended by reference to some set of widely held social values or rests of a particular group; public discourse of a technocracy rejects Perhaps ich a linkage. ‘most powerful of these cognitive predisposti scientific methods and rega the technocratic frame, there is a y of an optimal solution which all sectors must accept for reater good. Solutions are not the result of a balance of power between various interests and classes, but are determined through the application of relevant models. Given that there is a truth and that abject- in be established, politics comes down ‘o achieve a particular goal. Comparative and historical How do the chapters presented below illuminate the insttuti tural basis For expert rul Michiel Baud’s essay clearly demonstrates th new about the technocratic phenomenon of the 1990s, Comptean pos ism and its adherents were already a powerful force in Latin American thought and politics in the nineteenth century. What is perhaps most ing about Baud’s analysis debate. Perhaps !portant contribution of this chapter, however, i to identify a critical shift in the arena where experts predominate, Where previously expertise was limited to purcly technical tasks, Baud demon- strates how the 1 led to the intrusion of such profes- ‘The campaign to reshape parallels in a variety of the Dominican tobacco farmer would have Miguel A. Cen izes the inherent anti-democratic core of ogy. Using the example of Friederich Hayek, he demon- preserving human liberty appear vulnerable to the temptation to discover a policy truth over which there wing of the technocr approaches to als a certai phenomenon cal In doing so, however, tience with parliamentary procedure (as sympai his circumstances) would not have appeared of Ramfrez ate that technocrats an who can be expec Schneider's rea (0 those who really matter Following the emph role of the Bank in empowering and le he policymaking process of man; jous implementation of structural adjustment programs has, helped to strengthen the rel mnocrats who in I financial Introduction 7 ganizations. Each plexities with -w adjustment program brings n the presence of local financial experts with an knowledge, deepening i ion of the policy process, Van Dijck underscores the gers this process of ts ic deepening can present for the consoli- ion of democratic rule in the region, but he contends that the existence, cies are desig economic or social sectors invalved, the econ i ‘Verénica Montecinos agrees with Schneider that the signs of expertise is critical and she demonstrates how this knowledge has been used in the process of political legitima regimes in Chile. Nonetheless, she conter by a variety of politicization. Montecinos provide experts were able t0 /erment has had its costs, can democracy. Precisely take over the democratic tran Which are beginning to take th because they have su cuses not only on how experts have changed s, but also how political involvement has altered the economics pri fession in Peru, Alone among the cases analyzed here, hhas not been taken aver by experts, They surely are lapse of the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria (APRA). Peruvian economists’ only path to power is through nage of a political leader with access to government p sof Expertise in Latin America iso transformed the profession as pub is have become the most ige. Conaghan however, is often based and legit grassroots level. This creates a Carlos Huneeus strategy and expe and und Ip influence the success of experts in power: the internal dynami amount of popular support that gover This context is preci the Mexican techi tional and political struct (in the case of Mexico) considera ine most important message is that wi which allow a form of bureaucrat to din contemporary Mexico, ipatory mechanisms. Camp analyzes new Mexican Introduction 9 Some persistent questions e conference m fferences fro must be given 1 chapters in this book ar of experts and thoir relative power. We need to clarify the condi- tee technocratic autonomy ain nce. For example, in our stud ‘on theie int particularly to produce special conditions ge of the economic id indicate that such agreements wil the North American Free Tr same effect? assumed. All participants ¢ relationship. In the 1990s, however, we ration of a, Chile and Mexico were very laying organiz: but there are also examples of failure (Peru, Brazilian femocrats), We also ne es tween the rise technocrats and al parties in Latin The Politics of Expertise in Latin America ore elaborate anal ference participants emphasized was the pr ‘marriage of expert rule and democracy. ‘Technocratie democracies? Since the 1980s, Lati Yet the new democracies are very age. In the 1990s we have seen the viral disappearance of pop Parties (c.g. APRA in Peru) or theit transform: features of ed beyond recognit Who have succeeded the authoritarian is process of democrati 1¢ as the increasing dominat onship between expert rule ity between technocra affinity ypical example of a positivist regime. The ficz. and the money doctors of Kemmerer found it easier the 1960s and 1970s, econ- In the 1990s, however, the coexistence of these experts ‘ions of representative democracy has made categories impractical, imprecise, and oft argue that 1988-89 has not changed Ct have not become more democrat ‘may wish to ask whether they have beco ‘We would like to suggest that the and Argentina past few years, However, we need for a cteristios Introduction nl fe (0 discuss the democracies. Tre combin- are bl in new ways. Specific appearance of what may be called rec ation of the formal instit ive democracy with the effec- live control by expert elites may provide a much needed conceptual clarifica w process of democratic tran of comprehension beyond the eapac- ty of the population, Simulta formal acquaintance or . In the most extreme case, the ians disappears as the former ies may impose new economic rationales ty (€.g. El Salvador). More politically oriented regimes m: c of a cadre of experts through inter: Is (Mexico) or have the new order imposed f ze (Eastern Europe), Democr choices constrained by what is c. Certainly in Western Europe and the United States, ance 10 our ease, several of Asian Tigers (such as Taiwan and h Korea) have increased at least nominal or institutional manifesta- of democracy while main iderable control by expert cadres (ef. Haggard and Kaufman, 1992, 1995), Technocratic democracies depend on the existence of a relatively wide consensus regarding the basic values of the society, This frees technocrats ‘manage precisely those ideological questions which cannot ally gcrals are capable of 1ax rates, but they are less able to rule in a setting wher the concept of private property remsins problematic. This doesnot ic debates about other issues (again, for example, bi does imply that certain items are, intents and purposes, off the public agenda, This consensus is precisely what we may sec developin; 1990s, With spectacular unanimity, al yw share what John Williamson has Washington Consensus, which prioritizes free markets, private property, 2 The Quest for Modernity: Latin American Technocratic Ideas in Historical Perspective Michiel Baud INTRODUCTION requires Latin America The Politics of Expertise ;portant than the me je development of Lat T analyze the contents o' radi cratic discourse. The principal goal of these zrats was to bring. about radical changes in th often were in which their expertise American societies Je moving it towards modernity. 1 times contradictory, ways the advocates of modern- in best be done on the basis of con- use of two short case studies from lic to make clear that these solutions that itis almost jon of the technocratic p non in the late th century. The technocrats of this period w i ids, interests and so« fin the potential of tec knowledge to reach the goal of THE QU LATIN AMERICA th-cemtury Latin America.’ sd by the scant use their societies economic development offered to Liberals considered it absolutely n El progreso was a sacred goal ians and in to develop their cot Lopez succinctly poi for progress..." (Lopez, 1975: 62). ay have been unequivocal, the way ‘American elites were strongly di instruments of progress. This was the result of the wi intellectuals and pe wardness. S the “disast ¢ races, and still others inadequate te ogy, and so on. There were also different and sometimes economic interests within the elite, ‘The pi cemizing society inevitably meant partly to uproot back development is a Technocratic Ideas in Historical Perspective Is creator and a destroyer of v lites tried to preserve and slowly adapt to endanger their elites often ended up dete id (0 the “old ord 1e young Latis loosely organized to harmonize c was expected t0 as logy may have pursued the free development reached the state's non: iberal reo preconditions for e progress. It was the ultimate paradox of Latin Am this period that so much state intervention was bring about the free interplay of the economic forces and pher August Comie (and, to a lesser ext matic impact on Latin American soci world did European positivism bet Tee tocratie Ideas in Hi orical Perspe to problems like national integration, promotion of industry and the devel ‘opment of education (Herschmann and Messeder Pereira, 1994a, nt of the idea “scientific politics” in count Spalding, 1988: 384-87), This resulted in the emergence of the cientificos in Mexico, who formulated official policy during much of the lengthy rule of Porfirio Diaz (1876-1910). The government of Carlos Ibiiiez. del G 17-31), recrul ber of ingenieros for importar apparatus (see Silva's Chapter 4 in this book). These developments also had a as a way to inc and Martz, 1970; 121-29 et passi Although it was impor ‘own characteristi ated sci :ht as in Europe, and tl ; Adas, 1989: 1991D, rom Europe, Latin Ameren p 1994), Many politicians sought to improv tunities to help create a scientific elite. Another important incentive for ‘educational reform, shared by positivists and liberals alike, was the desire to decrease the influence of the Roman Catholic church, wore particularly clear in the countries where the influence of the Puerto Hostos was great nphasis on non-fel schools, Fationalism and opposed religious dogma (see Lewis, 1983; 271-76; Hoetink, 1982: 141-45). In the twentieth century, this development also to primary education. Many which complete individual freedom was possible. Nikita Harwich has sug- gested that positivism in Venezuela called, before a govern- bickering and civ ¢ led to developmen y achman, following Zea, stresses the conserv: ge (Ni in this period wer the methods of science could be apy This gencral statement should not make us forget that inte in individual countries led to a vi pretations of positivis tizens.’ The strong notion in modernizing ideology which became general in the twen century could also be seen in Europe, but was much more vehement in the Latin American countries, not in the last place because it was colored by sirong ethnic 1993; Cassé, Factor leading to in the Ande: necessary thal 's involved the argument ind its policies formed si in contrast 10 8, The concept of “sci of most politician: but technical. For them, bring ese miracles of progress 1 needed technical - often fore during this period they Tee foreign expense, of technical schools, especi quest for develop ie center of the attempts es im this period. Although everyor quest and especially highly charged suffices to have a say in the decisions ruggled continuously for control and their benefits. This political strife led to e and frequent al the heart of “scientific een vonsidered the prime ex: ie prosperity of the northera ie port Puerto Plata by herds of the per- ts and public off the underdevelopment Technocratic Ideas in Historic Perspective L territory. Especial w first stretch near Puerto Plata Faced numerous problems the government wi Tis not surpri sue in the Cibao produced problems the place to go into the det Europe can modernity of late-nineteenth-cet \d even be considered some sort company before it was finished. The fact that chey were both fore cannot be taken as a sign that they were exogei received Cc ‘capital was corn all Was e jes shows that the incidentally, never reached either of the two (but, y engineers hired by the Scottish ironmaster Alexander Baird. Its construction was supervised p by six British of the engineer MacGregor. These men worked from 1884 to 188: id under ‘The marshes in the eastern part of the valley ‘After its completion, the railroad remained a private road its trajectory was political debates about the company. Ou as the gauge and aspects of the construction such were political issues debated in publ roads were repeatedly interviewed by Dor ivities were avidly watche: (as opposed 10 rench. They were probably hired because in mountainous, rugged case gives an indica the realm of pe nth-century development ist practice that ers could in i technocratic goals by entering poli tics and mixing with the local POLITICIANS AND PROGRESS strongly influe to copy the European model, This was cleares reception of Ci jon. Europe and, to a far jel defining the contours of Latin Americt tean idcology and the fre logy to Latin America, however, nee. Specific Mexico, and the grafting of new ideas or and imperceptibly (Hale, 1988: 388-89; nes came more natur ikkink, 1991). These general Technocratic Ideas in Historical Perspe a differences existed above between countries, but they were also dis- cemible within them, One sector of the economy, for different reasons but differonce was the extent to which governments co ‘and control the development in their countries (Marichal, 1989), Th determined governments’ relationships with the groups executing the ppians deemed necessary for the moder id Q) technocrats who were ed in the second only a thin line dividing them Jhnocrats were never far from serving th business) interests. Where national governments were able process of modernization and to pay the necessary tec the sitation was ikely to favor the stereotyped sit nocracy. In less developed, poorer countries governments were unable to control the process of development. In these i, the government ‘can hardly speak of technocrats, but might instead speak of “private tech ‘There is no doubt that because of the weakness of the state and employees to do the job, this group often acquired (o reach the sacred goa! of progress without endangering. oo many vested interests and stirring up too much social trouble. This resulted in a contradictory state policy, with uneven and divergent resul and with governments often relegating certain state tasks to panies and individu been technocrat sense of the wor he functions to them, They invented and executed the pl ‘ans were supposed but unable to execu - They transformed the 24 The Pol of Expertise in Latin America ocial history are notorio in the first twenty years of the twentieth c in the second decade ~ a fundament and economic change, had to play process, b eral vision on modernization which had been shared by ike was gradually replaced by the c ion was indispensable for the social wed the sacred goal, but to the free market to This ideological transformation took place u historical changes. the world market in the proce productive forces capacity. A\ also caused a jon of capital and productive is was the zenith of European and U.S. sant an increasing ican soil and the introduction of es. This process gathered pace reginning of the wenticth century when increasingly m system and forced a wor ‘There were also more spet lating this chan in factors which were stimu te nineteenth century saw self-confidence of Latin American elites and their belief in the self-regulatory mechanisms of society. The most dramatic ones were the War of the Pacific between Chile smbia.'* The disillusionment ized that they had to find new ways of 3 of their societies. When nological progress had tes had to decide on the preferred policy wi asants, the urban populations and the 2, 1988), in American elites were confronted by general problems rel xdernization and urbaniza- tion. The concentration of people in cities and it e urban centers and the provision of electricity were no Tess i From technology to social engineering nands on modernizing Lat hods of state ion. These problems no ical solutions. They were also social problems which needed different kinds of expertise, From the point of view of the elites, they involved two goals. On the one hand, the potent ‘order by urban masses and dislocated peasants needed to be cur- . This e 1e by social projects and better control ofthe urban space. On the other, the laboring masses needed to be prepared for their Integration in modern society, t laborers and agrarian cultivators (cf. Haynes, 1991) another incentive for sta he attraction of foreign capil Rosemary Thorp wri find the bulk of the in se measures designs ion more ‘suitabl 12). It was this I that made financial pol for many Latin American countries leading, for instance, {o the famous Kemmerer missions (cf. Drake, 1989, 1994a). This situation was a crucial factor in changing perceptions of change and the emergence of new ideas about the development of Latin American Technocratic Ideas in Historical Perspective ey just society. On hand, reformers were often exasperated by the poverty, passivity . strongly criticizing in 1921 that “in the engineering took h-century i ‘American sas, which saw society as an organism t we former opted for repressive pi Iso ation in order to explai treated and cured, they became incerest Latin An fore advocated “white” ion. To bring about moderniz European in ary to change the organization of society ment became quite influ population. These ideas about bigger coun were pat theory. Obviously these also had they were more than simple expres. 's to “educate” the peasantry, elevate the urban masses and to teach hygiene and good customs to the stequired a great technocracy in this period. rganized in Pan Americ ence on a variety of eugenic laws an 1991; 58-62 et passin), ed by a more or less engaged convic- sd and educated to be abl ‘human beings”. C was no longer mical problems and their sol ye considered as part of a larger social and p The building of railroads, the creation of water and electri the planning of cities EP . were all acti al consequences. Therefore they could not be ‘What made the earl predecessors was ould not just their ideas on the population, but that they had to mold popular perceptions ai ic opinion in accepting ‘modernization.'* Paraphrasing Leopoldo Zea we 1979; Romero, 1986), 1 the Russian) Revolut question remained unsolved, Diverging perspectives emerged to co we Latin American modernism ized the efforts of modernist 28 The Politics of Expertise in Latin America artists and int peculiarities of their sox "s Seven Essays (1928), Mar 1933) and Freyre’s The Masters and the became viewed as the result of a more conserv eject and increasing ai ment was clearly influenced by Rod6's Ariel ( being so authoritarian), and it gave a defi is process intellectuals acquired a new place in society. P lectuals had always been closely connected groups in ninetoenth- in America, but in the first decades of the twentieth century, the role of the more or fess independent intellectuals became more pro- e essential rol re were few people contradict ask was the formulation and defini 1978), But simultaneously, they pheres of politics and social-eci ns. José Vasconcelos suggs Mexica which contained an assault on “Porfirian po nary fervor, his article tated that the future of Mexico wo lose relationship etween intellectuals and the state. However strong and may be asked how fundamentall ist predecessors. Tt is as important to stress the cont these periods (and their intellectuals) as the change: The underlying question was to what extent int ‘were prepared to fully accept the revolutionary consequences of the soci economic changes affecting their societies. Just as in the late nine math century po society was accep ‘within Latin American soci eal men, who were e) ‘They therefore

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