CHAN CHAN AND EL CHIMOR tradução

Régulo G. Franco Jordán

GUIDE

CHAN CHAN,
THE CITY OF THE MOON

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Cover photo: Aerial photo of the city of Chan Chan, courtesy of Daniel Castillo Benites.

Design and layout:

D.R. © Editorial Focus Ediciones, S.A. from C.S.

Salazar Bondy Street n ° 588-B-504, Urb. Rázuri, Trujillo.

First edition, March 2019

The partial or total, direct or indirect reproduction of the content of the following work is
prohibited without prior express written authorization from the editor, in terms of copy-
right and applicable international laws. The person who violates this provision will be
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Legal Deposit at the National Library of Peru:

ISBN970-607-9100-01-08

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Tribute:

Tribute to Dr. Alberto Pinillos Rodríguez, Rodolfo Gutiérrez Rodríguez, Cristóbal Cam-
pana and Dr. Federico Kauffmann Doig who made it possible, through their guides or
works, to share their knowledge of this great city of Chan Chan for the learning of who
visited and lived a wonderful experience, visiting those architectural spaces that were
once sacred and used by the Chimor elite and that today constitutes Cultural Heritage
of Humanity.

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CONTENT

Introduction

Chimor Kingdom Extension

The environment where they lived

Origins of the Chimor kingdom

Great builders and craftsmen

Skillful sailors in the sea

They cultivated a thriving agriculture

Chimor decline of the kingdom and the main city

Meaning and spatial organization of Chan Chan

Chan Chan's walled compounds

Tshudi walled complex (NI-AN)

First major ceremonial square

Corridor with stepped symbol and marine motifs

Ceremonial courtyard with the central altar and deposits

U-shaped sanctuary compound

Second ceremonial place

Ceremonial Wachaque or source of life

Mausoleum of the Main Lord

Storage Areas

Latest archaeological discoveries in Chan

Bibliography

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Chronological table of the cultures of northern Peru.

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Expansion area of the Chimor kingdom.

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 INTRODUCTION

Chan Chan, declared Cultural Heritage of Humanity in August 1986, has many myster-
ies yet to solve, as a political and religious capital of the Chimor kingdom spread over a
vast coastal territory. It had a comparable organization with the major centers of cul-
tural development in the Peruvian coast, as Pachacamac on the central coast, Pacat-
namú in the Jequetepeque valley or Batan Grande in Lambayeque valley. The differ-
ence between this city to the other sites lies in the character of the settlement itself and
the large horizontal extent of its architectural evidence which came to occupy 20
square kilometers. Now this memorable site is recognized by scholars as the largest
adobe city in America during the time of its peak (1100-1475 AD) and is located on the
right bank of the Moche valley, on the north coast of Peru.

Location of Chan Chan on the Moche Route (CADETUR la Libertad Archive).

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 SOCIOPOLITIC ORGANIZATION AND THE KINGDOM EXPANSION

Before the Spanish conquest, the Chimor kingdom, according to some prominent
scholars, managed to extend over a coastal territory of more than 1300 kilometers,
from the Zarumilla river in Tumbes (northern Peru) to the Chillón River in Carabayllo
(south), near the Lima City. That is, its domain covered from the shores of the Pacific to
the first rocky foothills of the Andes, where there are mountain ecosystems such as
Chota and Santa Cruz (department of Cajamarca) that comprised an approximate terri-
tory of 40,000 square kilometers.

The Chimor extended more than their Moche ancestors to incorporate and control new
towns or administrative centers and manage economic and religious power, especially
agricultural production that helped maintain the power of the dynasties for an extended
period of time. They had control of the Lambayeque Valley with direct influence at the
sites of Apurlec, Chotuna and Túcume, the latter site with monumental characteristics,
known as the “Valley of the Pyramids” that groups 26 truncated adobe pyramids, with
platforms, fenced rectangular spaces and cemeteries, built around the majestic Purga-
tory Hill (Heyerdahl et al., 1996).

According to Donnan and Cook (1986), Pacatnamú is another site, located on the north
side of the mouth of the Jequetepeque River, which extends over a natural terrace
overlooking the valley and the sea. It is a center of political, religious and administrative
power with more than 50 architectural ensembles. It has pyramids with platforms and
ramps remarkably similar to those of the ceremonial center of Pachacamac, south of
Lima. Huaca 1 and Huaca 16 are the most complex architectural complexes partially
investigated.

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Farfán and El Algarrobal de Moro comprise two other archaeological complexes that
were under the control of the Chimor government. They are established in the Je-
quetepeque Valley, each distant 12 kilometers away. Farfán repeats several architec-
tural features of Chan Chan and should have housed a vast population, it had large
spaces for storage. It is a key site for the control of the hydraulic system of the valley
and a series of roads that connect the south with the north and the coast with Ca-
jamarca. Keating and Conrad (1983).

Attention is drawn to the walls of the Santa Valley, a magnificent work with monumental
characteristics, which in the pre-Hispanic era was known as Mayao and was discov-
ered in 1932 by the Shipee-Johnson air expedition. It is an adobe and stone wall with
an extension of 66 kilometers long and three meters high. This wall is still a mystery,
some think it is a defensive and border structure of the kingdom of Chimor during the
expansion achieved by its first rulers; and others consider it an interval path. Further
south is the Manchan site in the Casma Valley, where there are large adobe and quin-
cha architecture complexes.

Three kilometers from Pativilca and 200 kilometers north of Lima is another site that,
apparently, was built under the influence of the Chimor government, known as the for-
tress of Paramonga, although some scholars say it was built in the Inca era because of
its similarity with the solar temple of Pachacamac. Espinoza (1974). This architectural
complex is located on a hill and its construction is based on terraces, and its general
characteristics resemble the figure of a camelid seen from the side.

According to the chronicler Antonio de la Calancha (1638), two languages were spoken
in the vast Chimor territory: Muchik and Quingnam. The first was spoken from Pacas-
mayo to Motupe, in the Lambayeque Valley; and the second, it was utilized from Pa-
casmayo to the north of Lima. In addition, there were a variety of languages known as
the fisherwoman, typical of ethnic groups linked to navigation and fishing. John Rowe
(1970) and Jorge Zevallos (1994) refer to the conservation of many surnames that are
related to onomastics and place names, such as Huamanchumo, Chilmaza, An-
huamán, Piminchumo, Biminchumo, Chumo, Cuyuche, Suy Suy, Chayhuac, Asmat,
Aznarán , Chinchayán, among others.

Moseley (1990) indicates Chan Chan is the art-type archeological site with imperial
Chimú architecture. Upon arrival of the Spaniards, the Peruvian coast was divided into
partialities; that is to say, in a valley or basin they had populated by way of headquar-
ters, curacazgos and manors dispersed with their own structures of economic power
that controlled and adjudged irrigation channels for the success of agriculture and the
increase of subsistence that allows to supply the broader population that concentrated
on each partiality. Rostworowski (1981: 92-94); Netherly (1977).

This last proposal or model of socio-political organization, in my opinion, is the most

successful in contrast to other criteria like that of a state or imperial model, as Moseley
pointed out. However, there is full assurance that the power structure was formed by
hierarchies. In addition, this model of organization was based on the decimal system
(Huarancas: ten groups of a thousand families), perhaps imposed by the Inca Empire.
In the Chimor government there was, moreover, a diarchy, that is, two important au-
thorities, the main lord and a second person. The existence of several dynasties is pro-
posed, something like the Inca organization.

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THE ENVIRONMENT WHERE THEY LIVED

The northern coast, controlled by the populations of the Chimor kingdom, is established
in a tropical environment, which seems to be an area of heavy rains and plenty vegeta-
tion to the seashore, however, it is not so, there is no rain and presence of shrubberies,
due to the Peruvian Current and the height of the central mountain range of the Andes.
The winds transport clouds to the mountain range chain and when the clouds reach it
produces rain flows that give rise to the rivers that pass the mountain range and reach
the coast, seasonally enhancing the hills and feeding the outcrop of the water table or
subsoil waters, which contributes to wetlands.

The Chimor lived between deltas and very rich oases, transformed hundreds of years
ago by man. On the coast, there were wetlands and lagoons where birds and freshwa-
ter fish bred and were components of the diet of the people living near these sources.
The mountains near the wetlands were enriched with bushes, fruit trees, and native
plant species. Until a few decades ago, during the summer season (December-March),
many native animals such as the jaguar, deer, wildcats, vizcachas, guanacos or ro-
dents, went down the ravines bathed by the rainy waters of the mountains in search of
marine species. Today it is impossible to see them, only in the mountains or at the bot-
tom of the valleys can they be found with a bit of luck. This is a result of the radical
change of the ecosystem and urban and industrial increase. Even until the 16th cen-
tury, the auquénidos, such as llama and guanaco, were adapted to the coast, accord-
ing to paleozoologists.

One of the natural resources used by man is the lomas, a very particular phenomenon
of short-term span and which appears in the winter season associated with a desert
environment. About the exploitation of the lomas and the products that were obtained,
there are many representations in Cupisnique ceramics with 2800 years, especially in
Moche ceramics, and a few ones in Chimú. Land snails were also collected to add
them to the diet of the coastal man, they even worked as psychotropic substances in
their rituals, as well as many medicinal plants to cure different diseases.

When we travel along the coast, we still see some varieties of sea and land birds, like
lizards, that appear and run quickly among the huacas, which were represented in the
Moche iconography. With some luck, when visiting the north of Peru, we can eat, in the
valleys of Virú and Jequetepeque, a delicious dish of cane cebiche, species that live at
the foot of the carob trees.

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This valley was populated with carob, huarango, pacae, zapote and lucuma tree for-
ests. There were mountains with many bushes and on the seashore, large natural ar-
eas of totora (reed) or wetlands that were used by man as raw material for the building
of their homes and in the development of their rafts and basketry products. The la-
goons or large mirrors of freshwater were enriched with abundant flora and fauna of a
coastal ecosystem.

The inhabitants of the Chimor Valley and the north coast, in general, were concerned
about the cyclical and intercontinental impact of the El Niño phenomenon that, in times
before and after the survival of this kingdom, caused significant disasters. When this
climatic phenomenon occurs, rains increase, varieties of rare plant and animal species
appear that modify the climate due to excessive humidity and the rise in heat is respon-
sible for decomposing plants and, at the same time, epidemics in the community in-
crease. In distinct circumstances, the soil of the desert became more fertile, where
grasses and grasslands grow and become huge lagoons that favor fishing, as hap-
pened many years ago in Bayobar and Sechura, the northern edge of Peru, known as
the La Niña phenomenon. This climatic crisis has been registered by the chroniclers,
historians, archaeologists, and paleoclimatologists at all times, so much so that it has
been assumed that, due to its vast outcome, the great kingdoms would have collapsed.

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ORIGINS OF THE CHIMOR KINGDOM

What story is unveiled about the origins of the great Chimor? What happened at the
end of the Lambayeque culture? And what conditions were given for the origin of the
kingdom? These are basic questions that scholars always ask ourselves, and that has
been partially revealed.

Thanks to the chroniclers, the story of the legendary men and city founders is filled with
stories of their descendants. Before the establishing of the Chimor kingdom, says a
legend collected in the Lambayeque Valley by the chronicler and father Miguel Cabello
Balboa (1586), that Naylamp arrived by the sea accompanied by his wife Ceterni, his
concubines and numerous people who were at his service, like Pitazofi, his musician;
Ninacolla, in charge of his bunk and his throne; Ninagentue, who took care of the food
and beverages; Ollopcopoc, in charge of the baths and dresses; Fongasigde, who
sprinkled seashells powder on the places where he was going to pass; Ochocalo, the
cook; Xam, who took care of the oils and colors with which he painted his face; and
Llapchilulli, who tailored his feather dresses.

Naylamp, after having ruled for extended years, left many children and, at his death,
was revered by all communities. They say that, by his divine power, he had traveled to
heaven to be immortal. He was considered the founder of the Lambayeque culture that
preceded the Chimor kingdom. His eldest son, Cium, married Zolzdoñi and they gave
birth to 12 children. Cium, before the death grasped him, hid in a cave where he finally
departed. The heirs in the government were Escuñain, Mascuy, Cuntipallec, Allascunti,
Nofanech, Mullumuslan, Llamecoll, Llanipatcum, Acunta and Tempellec. The latter, try-
ing to replace the idol that was worshiped in Chot was punished, by the demon who ap-
peared in the body of an attractive young woman, seducing him, which triggered a
flood for 30 days, followed by droughts and starvations. After those events, in a council
meeting including the priests and chiefs, Tempellec's death was determined and he
was taken and thrown into the sea, tied in hands and feet. Therefore, end the offspring
of Naylamp.

Archaeological and geological evidence ensures that by 1050 A.D. there was a high
impact climatic disturbance with destructive effects for the Andean area inhabitants
(Thompson et al., 1985). This climate crisis triggered a long drought of almost thirty
years and persistent rain that lasted a month on the northern coast, because of the El
Niño phenomenon. The Lambayeque Valley suffered the most from plagues, starva-
tions, and floods that made Michael Moseley (1997) believe that this disaster is linked
to the legend of Fempellec, former dynastic ruler of the Lambayeque government, who
faced a torrential rain throughout 30 days and that became the uprising of other digni-
taries who fled by sea. The Japanese archaeologist Izumi Shimada, in the last Chimú
colloquium, held in the city of Trujillo (2008), indicated that the rulers of the ceremonial

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center and capital of the kingdom of Lambayeque and Batán Grande would have fled
to the Moche valley where Chan Chan lies, following the weather disaster associated
with the El Niño phenomenon. If this information is accurate, it would mean that these
high-ranking Lambayecan dignitaries went into exile in the Moche Valley and from
there the city of Chan Chan gradually developed, with a series of institutional reforms.
Indeed, there are numerous unknowns to explain.

Many names are on the list of the governors of the kingdom, considered as noted con-
querors and builders. The story told about the legendary Naylamp is repeated with the
establishing of the Chimor kingdom, when, in an anonymous chronicle of 1604-1610,
the mythological name of Tacaynamo appears, who arrived by sea in a timber raft,
landing between 1252 and 1262 AD. This dignitary arrived to rule the Moche Valley, to-
day Trujillo.

Diorama of the arrival of Tacaynamo by sea to the Moche Valley (Chan Chan Museum
/ Ministry of Culture).

The renowned American archaeologist John Rowe (1970) points out that Tacaynamo
was the founder of the Chimor kingdom, as Manco Capac was for the Incas. This king
introduced significant ceremonies, founded sanctuaries and instructed the people to
dress and feed. Guacri Caur was his son and Ñancempinco his follower, he was the
one who expanded the kingdom by his conquests spreading the territory by the east to
the head of the Andes, by the North to Saña and by the South to Santa. The names of
the top ten rulers are unknown because they would have tried erasing certain leaders
from history, due to their poor management during their administrations.

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The eleventh ruler was Minchancaman, much loved and remembered by his people, for
having conquered Tumbes in the north and Carabayllo in the south, north of Lima. This
daring warrior sacrificed his life for the Chimor, throwing himself into the void, possibly
from the Campana hill, which until then was a place of worship since ancient times and
in the Moche period would have become a sacred mountain, receiving thousands of pil-
grims who went to the central peak to offer sacrifices of men and women (Franco et al.
2013). This hill looks imposing on either side, which is why the inhabitants of the Chi-
mor kingdom remained with the tradition of pilgrimages to these sacred spaces. Also,
the Cabras Hill is critical, from where they managed the construction of the city of Chan
Chan, according to the Japanese archaeologist Masato Sakai (1998).

The lord Chimor carried on a platform by his vassals (Chan Chan Museum / Ministry of
Culture).

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GREAT BUILDERS AND CRAFTSMANS

From the high pyramids in the Moche and Lambayeque period, they undertook the hor-
izontal constructions in Chan Chan, although it wasn't a difference of purpose. So, in
the surroundings of the city followed the pyramidal adobe constructions. The excep-
tional work performed by the great builders is admirable, especially in the planning of
the site with massive quadrangular spaces, a constructive system established that de-
notes a considerable knowledge of science, measurements, astronomy. This project
would have been in charge of a specialized group of architects who succeeded to man-
age the topography, the drainage system, the type and movement of the building mate-
rials and the building technology. According to the architect Carlos Williams (1986-
1987), one of the measurement patterns in the constructions, endorsed by historical lit-
erature, was 83 and 86 centimeters, which is related to the length of one extended arm.

The vast walled complexes are worthy of praise, not only for the height of the walls, al-
most 15 meters high by 5.20 meters at the bottom, of pyramidal cut but for the structure
itself in terms of topography management and adobe, adobon, and small stones. The
walls and other adobe elevations are built with an earthquake-resistant system, and
with expansion joints. According to Cristobal Campana, in the walls of some groups like
Bandelier and Rivero (Chol-An) human burial rituals of sacrificed youths were per-
formed, in other cases apparently strangled, sitting or lying down and that could have
been buried in connection to the presence of the El Niño phenomenon, others were
buried as an offering to symbolically dominate telluric movements. This practice of bur-
ying individuals inside the buildings was already performed centuries ago in Viracocha-
pampa, in Huamachuco, Sierra de la Libertad. Sometimes the Spóndylus shell was
placed inside the walls (Campana 2010: 31). Some specialists say that urban planning
and coastal construction technology were inserted in Cusco by Chimor architects who
were taken to serve the Inca empire.

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Building system of the adobe walls of Chan Chan (Campana, 2012).

At this place, we uncover one of the few known themes, the mural art, an ancient tradi-
tion in the pyramidal coastal temples; an art worthy of being admired for their beauty
and their magical-religious content. The techniques employed are a straight inheritance
of their ancestors, first the Moche and then the Lambayeque, whose extraordinary evi-
dence can be seen in the Huaca de la Luna, in the Moche Valley; in the Huaca Cao
Viejo, in the El Brujo complex (Chicama valley) and at the site of Chotuna and Chor-
nancap, in the Lambayeque valley.

The ornamentation embossed that we frequently see in archeological sites is colorless,

but there are also some pieces in color, that were inside each of Chan Chan's most
outstanding walled complex. The one that has a greater extension in polychrome repre-
sentations is the Great Chimú citadel. In this art, two techniques were utilized: model-
ing and subtractive, which consists of the design and cutting of mud, whose model was
the Velarde citadel with an 80 square meter wall of exquisite and impressive em-
bossed. (Pillsbury, 1994).

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Representations of the embossing on the walls of the walled complexes of the city of
Chan Chan (Courtesy: Luis Valle).

The production of ceramics is widely recognized in this culture and represents the item
that is most exposed in the museums of the northern coast. It is predominantly pitch-
black, with few clear ceramic vessels, especially in navigation and ceremonial scenes.
The potters worked with molds to fabricate it and the finishing of the vessels was done

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with incisions and reliefs. The shapes are varied and the best known is that one which
consists of a spherical body on which a stirrup handle is formed by an angled cutting
tube and, preferably, has the figure of a monkey, toad or geometric motifs. The most
standard representations in Chimú pottery are scenes of everyday life or funerals, char-
acters moved in bunk beds or playing musical instruments, navigators, animal figures,
fruits, characters, and rituals.

Classic Chimú pottery

Metallurgy represents another of the cultural manifestations that had recognized value
in this period, it was so important that the Incas, when subdued the Chimor people, not
only brought many gold-carved objects to Cusco to melt them down but also their
skilled specialists to the service of the imperial court of Cusco. One of the surprising
findings of the Chan Chan Executing Unit in 2012, with Henry Gayoso as director, in
the Uhle walled complex, was an unusual rhomboidal object of 10.06 by 5.03 centime-
ters with seven inlays. Later scientific studies registered that its structure is 90% lead
and the remainder is iron, copper, zinc (10%). This would indicate that at least, in the
first half of the second millennium of our Era, lead was already used.

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 Metal objects Chimu style

Textile art represents another outstanding achievement, either because of the accom-
plished mastery of techniques, as well as its aesthetic and iconographic beauty, always
adorned with symbolic images. Thanks to a fluid exchange of products, they achieved
fine camelid fibers, dyes, and massive cotton production. The yungas weavers pro-
duced beautiful mantles, dresses, girdles, headdresses, canvases to plaster walls and
personal accessories with the techniques of tapestry, gauze, double fabrics, embroi-
dery, fabrics painted in tie-dye. The most remarkable work is the feather art in the
dresses of the dead of higher prestige and social rank. Multicolored feathers were ac-
quired from the jungle by an exchange. The exceptional handling of polychrome in tex-
tiles is superb. The most typical designs are mythological characters, especially an an-
thropomorphic character with his arms outstretched, associated with birds, geometric
figures, scrollwork in the shape of waves, fish and land animals such as the jaguar or
hunched lunar feline that retains an ancient presence in Andean and coastal art.

Textile Chimu style

Wood carving art was also superb. They manufactured many artifacts: household uten-
sils, spoons, glasses, tools for farming, command scepters, models with ceremonial
scenes, containers for inhaling psychotropic substances, ceremonial vessels and oth-
ers that were used by the manorial court in ordinary life and ceremonial occasions.

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There is, above all, extensive production of wooden statuettes, many of them with in-
lays of semi-precious stones and seashells. These were produced to be placed within
the walled areas in Chan Chan, especially in the main entrances.

Wooden figurines that were originally placed inside niches in the portals of the walled
complexes (Museo de Sitio / Kauffmann, La República, 2002).

Notable works in wood and matte inlaid with the Chimú style. Edward De Bock (2010).

In the Chimor kingdom, several languages were spoken, so that the chroniclers said
that each province had a distinctly diverse language from the others. In Trujillo there
was Quingnam, in the north of this region, Muchik; others farther north were Sec, the

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Olmos language (Piura); and also alternatives of difficult pronunciation, such as the
Pescadora, on the coast of Trujillo, which looked like a talk for the stomach and not for
understanding.

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 SKILLED SAILORS AT SEA

They were expert sailors who made various crossings to the north and south. These
trips had commercial and supply purposes concerning exotic products like the Spóndy-
lus, transported from the coast of Ecuador for rituals or services. This shell known as
mullu, in Quechua mythology, was considered the food of the gods and widely used in
the funeral rites of the dominant elite, like the Lord of Sipán and other royal tombs of
the northern coast.

Navigator on a totora horse (Kauffmann / La República, 2002). A character with

Spóndylus in the hands and an inlaid Spóndilus. Quilter (2005).

The various representations we examine in the art of ceramics and murals indicate that
they were expert swimmers, divers, and specialized fishermen. Archaeologists excava-
tions report nets with copper or stone weights, bone or copper hooks, cane harpoons
with copper tips. They employed many methods to navigate and fish using the cormo-
rant. One of the things we can admire in the reliefs of the Lambayeque and Chimú style
is representations of divers who descended in the sea at depths of 30 meters to fish or
collect the Spóndylus in equatorial waters. These representations were found in the
murals of the Chotuna-Chornancap site in the Lambayeque Valley.

The boats were of various types and shapes. Rafts and the totora horse are known as
millenary vessels. The rafts were constructed of wooden logs driven by square, rectan-
gular or triangular sails, made of totora or cotton. This system was extremely efficient,
also helping the raft to propel against the wind. It is known that there were immensely
large rafts, that could carry up to 70 tons of weight. The best known that lasts today in
the fishing coves of the northern coast are the totora horses, properly known as rafts.
These vessels were called tup, in the muchik language and, according to the most re-
cent discoveries of archaeologist Gabriel Prieto at the site of Pampa Gramalote,
Huanchaco is 3,500 years old before Christ and is considered as the earliest evidence
in America. The totora horses, today, are executed by an expert in two hours, with
totora stems tied that have a life span of up to a month of use. Piminchumo (2004).

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Many centuries have passed, and you can still see totora rafts in Huanchaco and
Huanchaquito, employed by fishermen who row sitting or kneeling, as their ancestors
did.

Photo of a contemporary fisherman in Huanchaco.

In the surroundings of Chan Chan and within the city, there were large Wachaques that
were man-made holes to extract water from the subsoil. In the Wachak (uterine mother,
where the water is born) the totora (Scyrpus californicus; typha angustifolia) grows nat-
urally. It is typical to find sunken farms and water springs for cultivation in walled com-
plexes. In fact, they are wells adapted with narrow stone walls, some with ramp-shaped
accesses and various sizes. Some of these water sources were for ceremonial use.

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 THE SUBSISTENCE OF THE CHIMOR

Thanks to its extremely sophisticated hydraulic technology, the farmers in the Chimor
kingdom grew in fertile lands of the valley and wetlands, filled by river waters and as-
sisted by a complex hydraulic engineering system, such as the Chicama-Moche canal
that has been estimated at a range of 114 km.

Sweet potatoes, pallar, beans, achira, cassava, chili, corn, peanuts, squash, varieties
of native cotton and coca were produced in the Moche Valley. Among the fruits, they
consumed guava, pacay, custard apple, soursop, avocado, and plum. Agricultural
products were fertilized with guano from the islands. The crop fields had channel
shapes, different from those currently known. Fields in the form of meanders or serpen-
tiform, U-shaped, E-shaped and straight, have been found, such as those currently
used. Gálvez et al (2004).

The shape of the grooves demonstrates the capability to grow a diversity of products
and, above all, the necessary understanding of the management of the environment or
weather and the topography of the soils for fertilization purposes.

Chimú cultivation fields shapes (Chan Museum / Ministry of Culture).

The meat provided them almost 80% protein. The animal they consumed the most was
the llama that was later replaced by beef from the cattle brought by the Europeans. In
the excavations, few dog and guinea pig bones emerged, animals that served as a
supplement to disrupt the boredom of the ordinary diet. We know that, in some towns

24
on the central coast, it was routine to consume dog meat, and those who ate were
called "alcabizas" (eat dogs).

The list of fish and marine animals caught in the sea is wide: conger, corvina, lisa,
trambollo, lorna, tollo, horse mackerel, catfish, tuna, hake, anchovy, pejeapo, silver-
side, ray, varieties of seafood, octopus, sea lions , dolphins, whales, sharks and spe-
cies of mollusks. It is equally known that when the El Niño phenomenon occurred,
aquatic species from northern tropical waters flowed to the Humboldt stream (frigid wa-
ters) and were consumed by the natives. There is a fish preferred by the inhabitants of
Chimor: “drunk” fish (Scartichthys gigas), feared for its hallucinogenic effects and
sought to use its meat as bait in the hooks. The head is consumed in a broth that pro-
duced a deep sleep.

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 DECLINE OF THE CHIMOR KINGDOM

This part of the story is tinged with confrontations or military disputes. According to ar-
chaeologist John Rowe of the University of Berkeley (1970), the sudden expansion of
the northern kingdom of Michancaman may have rushed to the conquest of the south-
ern peoples through the Inca Pachacutec, so that when they met around 1470 AD, the
contingencies of both were alike. Pachacutec ordered his half-brother, General Capac
Yupanqui, to the conquest of the center and later to the north of Peru. In a first van-
guard took Cajamarca, then Huamachuco and then the Moche river towards the center
Chimor. Michancaman opposed a fierce but ineffective defense, which caused the In-
cas to raid Pacasmayo and the neighboring valleys, after which they returned to Ca-
jamarca.

The Inca army, after conquering Quito and Manta in Ecuador, returned to the conquest
of the kingdom of Chimor in Tumbes, where Topa Inca erected a fortress, today known
as the archaeological site Cabeza de Vaca. It is observed that the Incas sacked Chi-
mor and the riches were taken to Cusco so that, by order of Pachacutec, the statue of
Tecsi Viracocha, del Sol, Mama Ocllo and a pure gold frieze on the walls of the promi-
nent Koricancha temple were made. Michancaman, unfortunately, was kept in an exile
in Cusco, full of honors, as part of the acute administration of the Cusqueños who liked
to negotiate cunningly to later submit their vassals.

The Incas learned a lot from the Chimor, in terms of political organization, city planning,
routines in metals, textiles, etc., so that even a colony of workers from the Chimor king-
dom was taken to Cusco for the service of the Inca State. Huayna Capac had extin-
guished a Chimú uprising, punishing the sacred, dynastic ceremonial settlement and
disbanding the functions of the aristocracy. Thus, this coastal center began falling de-
finitively.

By 1534, the Spaniards entered Chan Chan and discovered vacant spaces, perhaps
funeral services continued, but unfortunately, it had lost its political use. King Huaman-
chumo, the grandson of the great Minchanzaman, seems to have been assigned with
his imperial family to the site of Mansiche or Mansiz. Afterward followed the looting of
graves, as evidenced in the document by John Murra, when in the year 1535 mention
is made of Captain Blas de Atienza, a grocer from Collique, who discovered a grave in
“a house of idols that were at the sea." Zevallos (2010: 20). The looting was to the im-
perial mausoleum of a walled Chan complex.

After the establishment of Trujillo, the frantic search for treasures in the graves contin-
ued with the incredible stimulus of the Royal government through the Reales Quintos
tax, under the purported lawful activity of pursuing the discovery of hidden wealth "by
the Gentiles", according to the way of that time. The fifth of the king helped to pay

26
taxes in exchange for the looting of graves, unfortunately with good results for the Van-
dals. At that time, between 1577 and 1578, 61,622 Cs. Gold was found. They discov-
ered more treasures, so much so that in 1592, according to Tshudi and Rivero, the
crown charged 47,020 Cs. for taxes on the new riches extracted from the city of Chan
Chan.

Alberto Pinillos (1975) says that "if from a elementary operation we deduce the" fifth
"amounted to 194.13 Cs. Gold, the treasures of the Huaca Toledo would have reached
the fabulous amount of 970,945 Cs. gold, whose gross value, without taking into ac-
count the artistic, would reach today many millions of soles.”

They stated the lords of Chan Chan kept two great treasures, known as the big peje
and the small peje, hinting, according to Ravines, that the treasure discovered at the
curaca Chayhuac corresponded to the small peje and that the big peje remains to be
discovered. Many companies were founded to plunder the significant archeological
sites, just remember the looting of the Huaca Yomacyogoan, now known as Huaca To-
ledo, from where they extracted one of the most fabulous gold treasures in the region,
from the tombs of noble lords of the kingdom Chimor. It is claimed that they found a
solid goldfish with emerald eyes that served as a reference for the writer Ricardo
Palma to take into account in his acclaimed work Peruvian Traditions.

There is a photo of 1920 that is in the files of Dr. Alberto Pinillos, which shows, on a ta-
ble, a mummy with a set of ceremonial gold and silver vessels, profusely embroidered,
embossed with various designs, gold pins with anthropomorphic personifications, ce-
ramic vessels and textiles. They say that these treasures were detected by a spiritualist
named Neyra who lived in Unión de Trujillo Street, who dug this Chimor funeral setting
in the huaca La Misa, inside the Cholán (Rivero) citadel, in Chan. This treasure was
bought by the Larco family and today it must be found in the museum of the corre-
sponding name in Lima.

1920 photograph in which a mummy is observed with a set of ceremonial vessels of

gold and silver (Archive Dr. Alberto Pinillos).

27
28
 MEANING AND SPATIAL ORGANIZATION OF CHAN CHAN

The name Chan Chan presumably derives from the word muchik: Jan Jan or Xllang,
Zevallos (1995) and means: Sun-Sun or the sun, according to many authors. It is pos-
sible this refers to the extremely significant radiation that the ancient archeological cen-
ter receives. However, the name could also derive from Sian-Sian or Shian-Shian,
which translates as: "House of the Moon", Kauffman (2005). I consider this last defini-
tion, as Federico Kauffmann Doig states, provides a certain logic — according to my
opinion — since the entire iconography of the walled complexes is inspired by the sea
and its magical-religious and mythical relationship with the moon, a worldview with a
prevailing tradition that has its primary background in the Lambayeque and Moche cul-
tures respectively.

Chan Chan plan with walled compounds (taken from Kauffmann / The Republic, 2002).

29
The walled compounds of Chan Chan with their current names (courtesy of Luis Valle).

To attribute vaster importance to the Moon as the outstanding divinity, archaeologist

Arturo Paredes (2010: 99), synthesizes properly the references of the chronicler Anto-
nio de la Calancha (1977/1636), which tells about the beliefs and mythical passages of
certain star phenomena. The chronicler refers to a mythical cycle and then to the series
of narrative events. Mention is made of the temple (Sian: house or shrine of the moon),
therefore, it is assumed that the nomination for the deity was Si, which was once regis-
tered as Shi, in Eten, Lambayeque Valley, by Brunning (1902). The divinity, according
to the information, refers to the relationship of the deity with the sea, because it causes
uproar and thunder in the sky, and its influence on earth is to encourage the men and
provide them with meals or food. Also, the chronicler highlights that Shi was more pow-
erful than the Sun. According to the chronicler Fernando de la Carrera (1939/1644), it
would have been called Xllang or Han, according to Martínez de Compañón
(1936/1790), because it was visible at night and during the day — while the Sun rises
throughout the day — and because it often eclipsed Han. There are other references
about child sacrifice rituals when there was a full moon because the natives believed
the darkness was because Shi was found in the other world punishing deceased
thieves. These phrases are rescued “… In the eclipses of the Sun, they fester feasts to
the Moon, celebrating their victory; in those of the Moon, they rained in gloomy bays,
while their eclipse lasted, expressing sympathy for their sadness, and accompanying
their draining with mourning… ”. We see, then, how important the moon was within the
worldview of the Chimor.

30
The planning of the monumental complex has been one of the features that research-
ers have discussed in recent years. The architect Carlos Williams (1986-1987) de-
clared that it is surprising that the list of the kings of Chimor is directly related to the
number of complexes or citadels that form the whole complex, for example, Tshudi,
Rivero, Gran Chimú, Squier, Bandelier, Uhle, Chayhuac, Labyrinth and Velarde. These
names were established concerning the memory of travelers and researchers who ex-
plored the site. However, there are other researchers like Kolata (1980) that records 10
citadels in its extension. The vast majority of researchers agree that in Chan Chan
there are 10 walled complexes, including Tello, even though it does not present the
similar architectural design of the others, nor the architectural complexity, and perhaps
it was a later development.

Other buildings are added to Chan Chan and are called Huacas, located in the central
perimeter and surroundings, known as Toledo, Las Conchas, El Higo, Esmeralda, El
Dragón or Arco Iris and Tacaynamo. The last ones are buildings of great effort and
praise since they have walled constructions and systems of ramps, deposits, ceremo-
nial enclosures with images carved in wood and, above all, with mural representations
of marine elements and supernatural figures that are related to the worldview coastal.
Astonishingly, some murals were painted.

Aerial photo of Chan Chan (courtesy of Daniel Castillo).

The fundamental thesis posed by the researchers of the Harvard mission, from the 60s
of the last century, is that each walled complex would correspond to the headquarters
of a successor or hierarch who ordered to erect his “citadel”, converted in a ceremonial

31
and administrative center to accumulate wealth and for religious celebrations for pro-
moting food. Put differently, the "citadels" performed the function of controlling food
production, storage, and redistribution of goods. It is indeed claimed that when a sover-
eign died, he was buried inside his "citadel" in a funeral platform or royal mausoleum,
accompanied by his concubines, servants and perhaps relatives of the royal family.
Moseley and Mackey (973); Conrad (1978, 1982); Day (1980); Keating and Day
(1973); Moseley and Day (1982); Moore (1996); Pozorski (1971).

As we have discussed, a preponderance of researchers say a lot about the role of "cit-
adels", but judging by the architectural evidence and associations, and taking as a
model the walled complex Tschudi, everything seems to indicate that more than "cita-
dels" - although the term is misused because it is a western concept - it would be worth
considering them as private, reserved walled complexes, whose function was not that
of palace or residence of the lords of the Chimor dynasty, but preferably were ceremo-
nial and governmental centers, in whose interior propitiatory rites of different classifica-
tions were performed, of worship to the ancestors and to the founder of the dynasty
that was inside in a royal mausoleum, in a place nearer the sea, while the sacred pre-
cincts called “audiences ” were nothing more than sanctuaries and the Wachaques sa-
cred water sources where they performed rites of worship to the deity of water.

Aerial photo from the south side of the city of Chan Chan (courtesy of Daniel Castillo).

Needless to say, everything was associated with the administration of the goods de-
manded by the main lords, owners of each walled complex, their ancestors and the dei-
ties of the sea. The goods were gathered in the various warehouses, according to the
nature of the products they charged. The goal was to accumulate wealth and mainte-
nance for the chief Lord, his family, and relatives. Indeed, a question arises from here:
Where did the lords who were buried inside these walls live? Or where did they come
from? It seems that each walled complex belonged to a provincial dignitary of the Chi-
mor Administration and only the founding lord of that province or kingdom was buried in
the inner mausoleum, to which they paid veneration and tribute cyclically. The ances-
tors of the different Panacas of the kingdom were also worshiped, in other locations, as
we will see later. Indeed, there were other adjoining walled enclosures such as Tschudi

32
that was kept for the development of other mausoleums for the most cherished succes-
sors of the royal dynasty. Simultaneously, the spaces of these walls were utilized for
the making of warehouses to accumulate more considerable wealth, as the number of
families paying taxes increased.

Studies conducted on the chronology of Chan reveal they are different in time. To
grasp this issue, some radiocarbon dating was used, and seriation and type of adobes
were made. In this regard, the researcher Kolata (1980) observed that Chayhuac, Uhle,
Tello and perhaps the Labyrinth constituted the ancient constructions; Great Chimú fol-
lowed, maybe Squier and Velarde, Bandelier, Tschudi and Rivero were definitely built.
The shapes of adobes established are planes, considered the oldest (Chayhuac and
Uhle); continue the adobes of square sides and finally the tall ones, considered the lat-
est. It has also been established that the growth of the walled complexes was from
those near the sea, that way, the growth of the city went from west to east and from
south to north towards the Cabras hill that was a sacred mountain for the Chimor,
where, in addition, ran the official road to get to and from the city. It should be noted
that, although it is true the walled complexes are built with adobes and adobon (blocks
of land), outside the walls the social groups of the middle class lived and even in the
peripheral area and the constructions were simple, of quincha (mud and cane) and
stones with mud. Periodically they were adobe.

The Japanese researcher Masato Sakai (1998) has proposed an interesting hypothesis
about the planning of the city of Chan Chan, using the time-space method, based on
measurements of axes and angles. He observed the position of the Pleiades and stars
as Syrian, Orion, among others to indicate that from the funerary platform of Chayhuac,
considered the oldest, the orientation and planning of the city's walled complexes
would have been defined. According to Sakai, the first sovereign constructed the
Chayhuac platform, as an observatory, from which axes were projected to Cerro Prieto
and Cerro Blanco, where the huacas del Sol and the Moon are located. The symmetric
organization of the Chan Chan space reflects, to some extent, a dualistic conception
that became increasingly complex as generations progressed.

What happened outside the private walled complexes? According to the Harvard mis-
sion researchers, a layered nature is observed in the architecture and spatial organiza-
tion of Chan Chan. The houses and workshops of artisanal production of the population
gather around the walls, especially to the west, with no order or control, distributed by
narrow and winding alleys as described by the architect Carlos Williams (1986-1987).
These neighborhoods called Siars by the students of Harvard University, translated into
Spanish as "small and agglutinated irregular rooms", utilized public structures like
wells, to reach the water of the underground layer, control doors, and cemeteries. Nev-
ertheless, among the walled complexes and the agglutinated dwellings were the cham-
bers of the nobility that have been called “intermediate or elite architecture”, located be-
tween the vacant spaces of the walled complexes. In sum, Chan Chan offers architec-
tural distinctions correlated to the three social classes of the Chimú population: upper,
middle and lower classes Moseley and Day (1982). It is appropriate to indicate there
was a legend collected by Father Antonio de la Calancha (1976-78 [1638]), with the na-
tives, who in the seventeenth century, when referring to their origins, said that they
came from three eggs: gold, silver, and copper created the nobles, their women, com-
moners and the rest of the offspring.

33
 Hypothetical reconstruction of a Chan Chan sector (Drawing by Cossi Salas / Chan
Museum, Ministry of Culture).

Reconstruction of a popular house in Chan Chan (Chan Chan Museum / Ministry of

Culture).

Diorama of a domestic dwelling in the Chimú era (Chan Chan museum / Ministry of
Culture).

Chan Chan was linked to the northern and southern populations through a "road com-
plex" of a different dimension, as defined by Cristóbal Campana (2005), who argued

34
that some arrived at the main station on roads with diverse conditions, many of them
well constructed and were in connection to water intakes and field crops, which means
that they were well managed and controlled. A road is identified departing from Chan
Chan and has an approximate distance of 9 km and an average width of 14 meters. It
is enough space for the displacement of dozens of men and women. This road goes to
the El Milagro canal and sets the intersection of the Cumbre and Vichansao canals, lo-
cated on the slopes of the Cabras hill. Valle (2010: 75-77). Naturally, we cannot forget
another road from south to north that appears today at the height of Cerro La Virgen,
follows a direction towards the contact with the Chicama Valley and runs laterally to the
sea and Cerro Campana. The wide walls are built with stone and plastered with mud,
and surely at the time, it was associated with field crops and architectural structures
that still need to be investigated.

There were many estimates about the amount of human population living in the city of
Chan Chan. Population figures vary. Ernest W. Middendorf (1894) thought that one
hundred thousand inhabitants could have inhabited it. Kend C. Day (1977) indicated
that they did not exceed 20 thousand. Richard Keatinge (1974) considered the popula-
tion did not exceed 12 thousand. While John Rowe proposed 30 thousand inhabitants,
Ravines (1980); Kauffmann (2002). The problem is that they are all unlikely ap-
proaches, because more research is required in terms of population density from the
use of architectural spaces and their function, and this is virtually impossible to do now
because of the extent of the site. But, at least, we have a general idea that several hun-
dred men, women, and children lived in this city, especially in areas that weren't inside
the walled complexes.

CHAN CHAN WALLED COMPLEXES

The architecture and civil engineering deployed in Chan Chan have its predecessors in
the Lambayeque and Moche cultures. The archaeological discoveries of recent years
in the Huaca Chornancap in the Lambayeque Valley establish it with courtyards,
squares, warehouses, ornate embossed walls, meeting rooms, etc. Wester (2018).
These pieces of evidence found recently would help to state that a group of the elite
from Lambayeque possibly settled in Chan Chan.

Lord Chimor recreation (Chan Chan tourist center / Ministry of Culture).

35
Isometric of a compound of ceremonial spaces in the Huaca Chotuna-Chornancap, as
an antecedent of the Chimú architecture (courtesy Carlos Wester).

Model of one of the squares in a walled complex in Chan Chan (Chan Chan Museum /
Ministry of Culture).

Model of one of the ceremonial courtyards in a walled complex in Chan Chan (Chan
Chan Museum / Ministry of Culture).

36
According to Jorge Zevallos Quiñones, around 1945, a list of names officially begins to
be used to identify the “citadels” and honor the prominent Chan Chan scholars, taking
advantage of the first level of delimitation. It is presumed that Dr. Julio C. Tello was the
author of the naming, in versions by Rodolfo Gutiérrez Rodríguez (1990). This list in-
cludes eleven citadels: Martínez de Compañón, Gran Chimú, Bandelier, Uhle,
Chaihuac, Tschudi, Rivero, Labyrinth, Velarde, Squier, Calvary of the Incas. Zevallos
(2010: 18). However, there is talking of nine walled groups with a funeral platform,
whose names allude to foreign and national personalities, including archaeologists, ex-
plorers, and scholars, as well as predators such as Velarde that misusing his political
authority in Trujillo (vice mayor) became a treasure hunter. In 2006, a recent policy of
the National Institute of Culture (INC) of Peru, under the management of Dr. Luis Lum-
breras, these names were changed to names in the native language to serve, accord-
ing to Arturo Paredes, as “true identity reference and pride, from whatever side you are
referred to.”

Four criteria have been considered to define the so-called citadels: Dimensions, chro-
nology, location, and embellishment. In this sense, due to its dimension, there are dif-
ferences between the groups: large house and small house, and due to its temporal dif-
ference, house of the beginning and house of the end are mentioned. And as for the
spatial arrangement, it is nominated as house of the east, house of the west, house of
the north and house of the center; and by the embellishing distinctiveness, the exist-
ence of a birdhouse and a house of the sea is confirmed. Following a route from the
south, it can be called an ancient house or house of the beginning (Quixmic-an) or
Chayhuac, to which the specialists specify as the most considerable antiquity in Chan
as opposed to new house or house of the end (Chol-an) which refers to the former
Rivero set, which is the latest or most recent in time. Therefore, based on this, the term
center house (Nik-an) refers to the former Tschudi group is explained, as it is located in
the middle of both. The house of the east or house of the dawn (Xllangchic-an) refers
to former Uhle and its counterpart the house of the west or house of the sunset
(Fechech-an) that alludes to the former Labyrinth, in addition to the house of the north
(Fochic- an) ex Squier. The small house (Tsuts-an) ex Tello continues, which at the
same time contrasts with the large house (Utzh-an) former Gran Chimú and finally,
there are the birdhouse (Ñain-an) ex Bandelier and the house of the sea (Ñing-an) ex
Velarde. Walls (2010: 56).

To the extent that archaeological investigations continue to demonstrate the lack of evi-
dence of domestic occupation in each of the walled complexes, it is considered, in con-
sequence, that these spaces had particular uses closely connected to the dominant
elites.

37
Hypothetical reconstruction of building a sector within one of the walled compounds of
Chan Chan (Bruning Museum of Lambayeque).

Alberto Pinillos, quoting the archaeologist Michael Moseley, with whom worked since
1969, indicates the proposal that each citadel “… was built to serve as a sovereign and
that the old list of kings establishes there were 10 monarchs before the Incas con-
quered Chan Chan. But the first, Tacaynamo, was presumably a mythical founding fig-
ure... And from this, it turns out that historically there were only nine divine sovereigns,
each of whom erected his own citadel to serve as a sumptuous palace in life and as a
revered mausoleum after his death. Therefore, what began as a residence became the
holy field in the care of royal relatives and personal servants, while the main heir who
would take the reins of the government, as a master and an absolute ruler, had to erect
a new palace from where, along government officials, would govern the development of
Chimú life, receiving tribute from the valleys and blind submission. ”

Michael Moseley's approach, from Harvard University, accredited by Dr. Alberto Pinil-
los, still transmits some doubts. For example, it indicates that the purpose of each
walled complex was to be a palace. To begin with, the term palace represent not the
coherent concept for our Andean reality and second, within these buildings the sover-
eigns did not live because Tschudi and the other walled groups have exclusively cere-
monial and/or ritual role sectors, consisting of sanctuaries, mausoleums, squares and a
considerable number of warehouses to collect the tributes of the population in favor of
the lords of Chimor and their ancestors.

Cristobal Campana (2006: 218) comments that a “palace” (walled complex) contained
a particular pyramid for funeral purposes for the chief lord. Rescue the information of
the chronicler Inca Garcilaso de la Vega that is extremely useful to take into account
the nature of these constructions: “The curacas developed their homes for the moment
they came to court, and each time one completed them, the other made his (...) keep-
ing each of them the site of his province”. In this way, observes the chronicler, the cura-
cas did not live in Cuzco, that is to say in court, but in their fields, as noted by Father A.
Oliva. Campana affirms “it is probable that the Chimú rulers have lived in “their fields”,
but they made their palaces for all the ceremonies and protocols in the plain, therefore
founding the city.”

My hypothesis is contrary to the aforementioned proposals, to the extent that each of

the walled groups would belong to a chief lord or descendant of the founders who were
part of the confederation of grouped kingdoms that were in the Chimor territory and
each of them commanded to build his religious building in the main center for the per-
formance of "all ceremonies and protocols" of religious and administrative order. In re-
ality, this model is repeated in all the most important archaeological centers and has
had a long history in the Andean area since the Preceramic. This type of religious-ad-
ministrative center from the presence of Wari tends urbanization or the existence of a
vast population concentrated around the "walled groups" or "pyramids."

38
 TSHUDI WALLED COMPOUND (NIK-AN)

The Tschudi complex, now called NiK-AN, is one of the most recent constructions in
the city and is the one that is currently in social use, open to visitors, which at the same
time becomes a model of interpretation around the function of the nine walled com-
pounds, not counting the Tello compound. In the map, you can see that there is a tour
of sectors from north to south, and you can visit passages and long corridors with side-
walks, large and small squares, patios, enclosures with "U" structures. The admirable
thing about this walled complex is that the walls of many ceremonial spaces are orna-
mented with magnificent figures embossed according to the function of the sector and
the worldview of the Chimor world. Galvez and Runcio (2010: 84).

Model of the Tshudi walled complex (NIK-AN) with its various sectors to visit (Ministry
of Culture).

39
We will be explaining the walled complex parts, following the conventional route visit
planned by the state agency. There is, of course, an architectural language that must
be interpreted according to our route and we will do so with a possible approximation to
the facts.

Aerial photo of the current situation of the Tschudi walled complex (NIK-AN) (courtesy
Bruning Museum).

The first impression that one retains from the outside and when entering this site repre-
sents the magnificent height of the wall. They are anti-seismic walls with a pyramidal
cut that reaches almost 15 m high and at the bottom 5.20 m. The reason why the walls
are so high is sure to preserve the internal structures from any human intervention and
create, maybe symbolically, a sacred space of extraordinary privacy and show the no-
table social division between rulers and commanded.

The perimeter wall of the Tschudi compound

40
I do not know if it is this case, but in Bandelier (Ñain-AN) there is a porch with platforms
and pillars that suggest the revenues to these walled complexes were very private, per-
haps shielded by guards stationed on the platforms to limit the entry of the people. I do
not doubt that these walled areas, before making, were previously planned in wooden
or perhaps stone models by the architects. The main access is on the north side. It is
all but impossible to discover doors in the main entrance of these compounds, but per-
haps they should have, in some cases, been made of wood and reeds, because some
of this evidence I found, many years ago, in my diggings in a Pyramid with Ramp in Pa-
chacámac that are from the similar age as the Chimor.

Hypothetical reconstruction of the main portico of the Bandelier walled complex (taken
from Campana, 2012).

When someone enters the interior of the walled complex, an interminable corridor with
sidewalks and porches with extremely restricted access is seen to the left. These long
corridors probably served for the entry, from time to time, of the royal families in rejoic-
ing who visited the ancestors who were farther inside because the chief lord was at the
end in a majestic mausoleum and other deceased in a special room near the ceremo-
nial square. They would bring offerings to praise them, as well as many arrangements
would be made for the new deceased and other socially accepted funeral acts. For
these long corridors, trustworthy people would surely travel carrying camelids with the
products or goods to accumulate them in the actual interior storage rooms.

On the other side of the main access, to the right, there is a limited section with a por-
tico to reach a broad entrance that leads to the first major ceremonial square; it is like
entering a new world where architecture is predominant and quickly captures us to start
a magical experience inside this compound. Next, we will describe each sector of the
interior, following the visiting circuit to distinguish the possible function of each of these
ceremonial spaces:

41
 Corridors inside the Tschudi walled complex.

First main ceremonial square

The front ceremonial square has two opposite main entrances, one to the north and
one to the south, in addition to two lateral accesses to the east and west, which form
four-way access. When entering the main north door, to both sides (west and east)
there is, what is known in architecture, the “buttress”, which translates as altarpieces
that at the bottom occupy a limited central space of two small stepped structures that
observe each other, and to both sides, there are other small stepped structures. On
this level, embossed, two vast inverted staggered figures oriented downwards to the
mother earth, with a central groove that separates them. Because of the size of the in-
verted figures, they seem to be related to the sacred symbol of the Chakana or Incan
cross, oriented towards the earth. It is a significant cosmic, integrative symbol that can
indicate that in these ceremonial spaces the Mother Earth or Pachamama was also
worshiped and its direct connection with the mummies known as Malqui (synonymous
with seed in the Quechua language) that gave them all maintenance. We ask our-
selves: What would they have placed on these altarpieces? Maybe offerings or some
objects of worship? The fact of rendering these figures in the entrance porch repre-
sents at present a compelling, symbolic message for those who joined or were inside
the ceremonial square.

Lateral altars inside the entrance to the first ceremonial square. Robert Gutierrez re-
construction.

42
Reconstruction of the west half of the north wall of the first ceremonial square. Robert
Gutierrez.

Rodolfo Gutiérrez Rodríguez (1990) affirms that the ceremonial square by its dimen-
sions was for public use and would have served to concentrate the people to achieve a
direct and subtle link with the ruling elite. Here, indeed, in this vast enclosure, the mass
acts around the cult of their divinities, their ancestors and perhaps religious jubilee par-
ties with the presence of royal panacas and special guests would take place. “Those
from outside” would enter through the north entrance and “those from inside”, those
characters who led, presided and intervened in the ceremonies, who would use the
sidewalk with a wide ramp and serve as a platform and space to develop the civil cere-
mony of ancestor worship. The narrow side benches were for guests of Chimor royalty.
The presence of an almost central podium in the square closest to the principal en-
trance possibly served to preside over the general events of the ceremonies that were
updated or recreated cyclically according to a lunar or stellar calendar.

South front of the ceremonial square (from the internet).

On all four sides, the walls of the main square are ornamented by narrow delineated
and very slightly undulating bands that seem to mimic the surface of the marine waters
when they are calm, while at the bottom, on the plinth, within a wide band , towards the
three directions (south, east and west) they are oriented in a row a species of marine
carnivores in extinction called anzumitos, which are actually a species of otters. These
animals on the walls are symbolically directed towards the four directions, noting that

43
only on the southern front, especially in the side frames, three figures of juxtaposed an-
zumitos are distinguished, accompanied by three pairs of seabirds and minor triangular
figures.

Cristobal Campana (2006) when referring to the representation of the walls indicates a
horizontal reading can be done; that is to say, the level of the anzumitos would be the
shore of the sea, the undulating lines, the marine surface, and the topmost part not or-
namented the sky, as it is in nature.

Wall on the eastern side of the ceremonial square with the presence of anzumitos.

We will talk about anzumitos. On the walls of the terraces of the Emerald Huaca, these
animals are observed in a row, combined with thin bands and nets that allude to the
sea cult. They also appear in the walled Rivero group associated with marine elements
of fish and birds. The question that jumps is: why would they have represented this sea
animal? It is still a question, because its manifest stylization, perhaps hybrid, especially
the tail, nevertheless forces researchers to be confused in the sense that it could repre-
sent the “squirrel of carob trees”. The truth is that, for now, the current discussion is
if it is an anzumito or a squirrel. I am inclined to think it would be the anzumito stylized
by the Chimor because it appears next to all the marine elements figured in the em-
bossing of the walls. If it were a squirrel, it would have no logical relationship with the
general iconographic content that appears in many walled complexes because they all
have representations of marine and non-terrestrial motifs. It should be noted that some-
times the same type of anzumito tail is also found in seabirds, including the primary di-
vinity; for that reason, we are assigning a representation of a composite creature. Let's
not forget the Moche also handled the representations of hybrid animals very
well; for example, the snail-fox or the feline snake. Of course, some special signifi-
cance of these animals with life in the sea is surely related to some myth.

What ceremonial activities were performed in this square? Happily, in the Huaca de la
Luna, inside a looted tomb, located at the top of the pyramid, magnificent models of
this era were found that reveal exclusive ceremonies performed in one of the squares
of the Chan Chan's walled complexes. Uceda (1997); Uceda et al (2016). Extraordinary
representations are known on pallets, like a funeral procession, where the deceased
lies within a kind of wooden capsule and is loaded and accompanied by individuals, ap-
parently, from different hierarchies. The other representation is that of a musician play-
ing a quena and carrying a flame for the offering, along with two other llamas with loads
of goods that would be taxed for the ancestor. Another representation of the model is
the funeral ceremony for the funeral of a Chimú that is carried by two characters ac-

44
companied by priests, warriors, and women bearing children on their backs. And in an-
other three-dimensional scene, two armed warriors have been depicted transferring a
naked prisoner to be sacrificed on a platform.

In one of the models of the Huaca de la Luna, there is a commemoration of the mum-
mified and enraged ancestors, where characters from the royal class and bidders par-
ticipated. The most complex model is a broad square with ornate embossed walls, rep-
resenting fish and a rear corridor with sidewalks in the inner and lateral parts. The
scene includes certain groups of characters. Some are musicians (drummers, sonatas
and quenistas), other servers of chicha (with a bucket, in front of a vessel and accom-
panied by several characters). There are mourners or mochadores (bidders with
chests, baskets and two objects with a pyramidal trunk base). The humpbacked bearer
of the cup and the characters on the sidewalks confront the center of the square, per-
haps some with the mutilated right hand because they appear in the form of stumps.
The outstanding thing is that the whole ceremony is around the cult of the Munaos (fu-
neral bales) that are three, two located in the corridor after the square and another
found inside the disturbed filling of the tomb; maybe two bales of women initially were
part of the ceremony. They are molded funeral bales, with shell inlays on their bodies
and painted masks. In other cases, the transfer of the ancestor within a kind of mortu-
ary capsule is observed in wood or silver only with two individuals, where accompany-
ing characters intervene who carry out a proper function within the ancestor worship
ceremony.

45
 Models found in the Huaca de la Luna with the ceremony of ancestor worship (taken
from Uceda, Morales and Mujica, 2018).

All ceremonies should have been sacralized in these vast spaces. From there comes,
in effect, the cult of the ancienter ancestor, which means, in my view, that these ances-
tors were periodically taken out to worship them in the first ceremonial square, as can
be seen in the wooden models found in the Huaca de la Luna. There is the possibility
that in the second ceremonial square only the eldest ancestor, founder of the Chimú
dynasty, was removed, which is why its proximity to the imperial mausoleum is evident.
It should be noted that possibly the elder ancestor, founder of the dynasty, was moved
periodically and especially when a climatic disorder was coming, such as the El Niño
phenomenon, droughts or some stellar phenomenon never seen, just as the Incas did.

We understand presently that the issue of circulation and the articulation of architec-
tural spaces of the walled complexes retain a lot to do with some complementary activi-
ties. It had been stated that the west front of the main square, where the sun goes
down, leads to a long corridor, whose walls have staggered motifs with lines, fish and
birds on one side and in the other walls we see nets, while the east door, where the
sun rises, leads to an indirect space that has been named by Rodolfo Gutiérrez (1990)
as the room of the 24 niches. We will stop for a while in this sector because I consider
it has a lot to do with the ceremonial activities that took place in the first ceremonial
square. In fact, this door leads to five intercommunicated enclosures: the entrance is
virtually in a zigzag, which leads one to think that the access was private and not direct,
perhaps only for a specialized group entering this sacred sector.

Initially, we recognize a room before entering through a broad door towards an environ-
ment with niches on its four fronts: eight on the west side and eight on the east, while
on the south and north sides there are four side niches on the sides of the main doors
(buttress). So, there are 12 niches in each half of the environment. There are also other
interesting details, the inner faces of the main door are ornamented with symbols in the
form of three high vertical slits that resemble channels. Sidewalks appear on the longer
sides (east and west) and a central ramp associated with a podium that axis with the
south entrance, hence we assume this is the main entrance. In terms of circulation, we
would indeed be entering a unique environment with power and sacred architecture.

Rodolfo Gutiérrez and Francisco Iriarte, the forerunner of the restoration of this monu-
ment, had found the niches closed with adobes and plasters, and within these selected
seeds, which could have been the remains of offerings that were inside the niches
when they were in function. Also, at the foot of the sidewalks were found holes of hor-

46
cones (timbers) that supported the roof. The reasons why the Chimor would have de-
cided to close the niches and modify the function of the site will be impossible to know,
perhaps this reformulation occurred in the Inca era. Rodriguez argues the second func-
tion of the environment would have been for the meetings of the nobility; In my opinion,
this comment is inaccurate. It is intriguing to identify the possible function of this room
when the niches were in use during the validity of the Chimor. The number 24, added
to the four entrances of the enclosure sums 28 and, according to Francisco Iriarte, this
number would be related to the number of days of a lunar month. I think this idea is
also questionable.

What I believe is a capital contribution is that of Jorge Zegarra Galdós, artist and exca-
vator, who worked with Arturo Jiménez Borja in Pachacámac, in the sixties of the last
century and then did so in the seventies with Francisco Iriarte in Chan Chan. Zegarra,
making a comparison with the Inca mummies in Cusco, especially with those in the
Koricancha (Temple of the Sun), and being this sector close to the main square, states
that the mummies of the panacas were possibly placed inside the royal Chimor niches.

I refer to the quotation of the historian Susan Ramírez which I consider is close to the
function of each walled unit in Chan Chan, who states: “a case about the treasure of
the huaca Yomayoguan (in Chan Chan, the ceremonial center of the Chimú, near from
the modern city of Trujillo) dating from the years 1558-1559 contains information about
the ceremonies that were held there and the beliefs of the population. The Spaniards
uncovered bones and wool figures dotted with blood that were offerings to their grand-
pas and ancestral. The curaca admitted that in this structure his parents and grandpar-
ents were present. Witnesses said that if the huaca was sacked and the grandparents
removed, everyone would die.” Ramírez (2008: 234). This is a good comparative inter-
pretation to define the function of this sector, which is also surrounded by storage
rooms and other secondary environments for ritual activities. The storage rooms would
have served to store the taxes or goods that the ancestors of the different lineages re-
ceived as rulers.

It is necessary to remember that, in the temple of the Sun of Pachacámac, in the front
overlooking the sea, the mummies or ancestors of the Incas were in wide niches within
a long north-south corridor with windows to pay them worship and tribute. Franco
(2016: 52). There are many possibilities that these mummies have been taken tempo-
rarily in procession to the main square to render public worship. Even if we see the
model discovered in the Huaca de la Luna we will find that in the back hall other mum-
mies are waiting for their turn to go out and be venerated, it is not a single mummy.

Historians argue that Cusco, considered the navel of the universe, was an axis mundi,
where the mummies of the ancestor kings were consulted as oracles. Indeed, as a hy-
pothesis, we could state that the mummies of the Chimor lords went out at some time
of the year to the public ceremonial square to be venerated and taken in procession,
something similar to the Inca custom in Cusco. Therefore, the question remains: was
the elder ancestor, founder, who was in the royal mausoleum taken out to the second
ceremonial square that is closest to the mausoleum? And in the first ceremonial
square, the mummies of the royal panacas were taken out and venerated? This logic
and hypothesis are interesting, considering the study and the relationships between
ceremonial spaces.

47
The room of the ancestors where they were placed in niches.

Hypothetical reconstruction of the ancestor’s hall.

48
 Detail of the reconstruction of the north front of the ancestor’s hall.

The large enclosure with 24 niches containing the mummies of the ancestors. Hypo-
thetical reconstruction of a gallery with niches containing the mummies of the Inca
kings of the Central Coast in the Temple of the Sun in Pachacamac (courtesy of Alfio
Pinasco).

Storehouses to keep the goods taxed to the mummified ancestors.

What caught my attention is an extraordinary model found out of context, with no re-
vealed origin, where, incredibly, an exclusive ceremony is observed similar to the mod-
els of the Huaca de la Luna; in this particular case is a ceremony performed by a real
breed of hunchbacks and humpbacks. They make their own rite to his royal ancestor,
also hunchback or humped. The chronicles mention nothing about these scenes in real
life; however, it is perceived that this class must have been extremely distinguished in
the Chimor kingdom, while possibly existed generations of a particular breed of power
of men and women with this type of bodily abnormality that may have been associated
with mystical practices or oracular developed in some of the compounds of the walled
city of Chan Chan.

Wooden model with a scene of hunchbacks participating in a ceremony of ancestor’s

worship.

49
Corridor with staggered symbol and marine motifs

It is a beautiful ornate corridor with symbols that leads to the interiors of the walled
complex. First, there is an anteroom with a wall called closure, which includes a ramp
at its feet, which means that the entrance has been very ceremonial. Crossing the an-
techamber, the corridor is extremely long, but the two long sidewalls and the one at the
back include a symbology linked to the Northern cosmovision. On the eastern wall, a
double-stepped symbol predominates with fish that face north, crossed by slightly wavy
lines (symbol when the sea is calm). While, at the bottom, which is part of the socket,
there is a band of a double line, inside which pelicans (pelecanus) following northward,
like the fishes. In other segments of the wall, the fish head south, in the opposite direc-
tion. According to Rodolfo Gutiérrez, the direction of the fish can be attributed to the cli-
matic changes caused by the moon, especially when the El Niño phenomenon was ap-
proaching.

The western wall has been excavated in recent years, where interwoven rhombuses
were discovered in the form of nets and at their feet a long and wide bench for rest and
used to enter by an access, at the bottom, of some products taken to the storerooms
located in the western area adjacent to the long corridor. Rodolfo Gutiérrez, who partic-
ipated in the excavations of this area, indicates the largest site had the function of a
textile workshop with warehouses to store this product and, apparently, there was a
kitchen north of the referred environments. This researcher refers to the final reuse of
the walled complex, perhaps there were domestic activities in the Inca era. It has al-
ready been mentioned that there are two uses at various times in this construction, in-
cluding reuse when the Incas settled in the place.

Corridor with fish murals and half chakana.

50
 Embossing of the fish and bird’s motif with the half chakana.

We will seek an explanation close to the meaning of the representations on the walls of
the long corridor. The staggered symbol is the most important. It has its primary back-
ground in the Lambayeque culture and, before that, in Moche iconography and archi-
tecture, even more extensive. The northern wall of the mausoleum complex of the Lady
of Cao retains its double-step crenelated shape, whose upper part forms a half cha-
kana and is associated with the so-called "lunar felines.” It also appears on the mural of
the Huaca de la Luna, in the mythical ceremonial calendar, where there is a chakana-
shaped figure tied to a rope that is held by a character, a theme associated with the
creation of the world or its origins. The staggered symbol, according to pre-Hispanic
ideology, is typically associated with the three levels of the world that, in the Quechua
language, is translated as Hanan Pacha (above), Kay pacha (here, present) and
Ukupacha (below, underworld).

Federico Kauffmann Doig (2012) states that the staggered sign would represent the
mountain (earth-platforms), while another interpretation of his is that the wave-ladder
sign would become that of the earth and the sea.

Cristóbal Campana (2012) considers the chakana as the symbolization of the "four
spaces", in opposing places, in negative or embossed. In short, the truth is this stepped
symbol has been represented throughout the iconography and architecture of the An-
dean cultures since ancient times and perhaps its meaning is related to the integral
worldview of the world.

Ceremonial courtyard with central altar and warehouses

At the end of the corridor that we have described appears an indirect entrance in the
shape of an “L”, which leads to a small and pretty ceremonial courtyard, where you
have the feeling that we are in a sacred, ritualized space. In the mid part of the north-
ern wall, there is an altar similar to those described in the lateral parts of the main door
to the great ceremonial square. It is a central altar in the north wall and in the lower
part, it occupies a confined space with facing staggered symbols and, on each side,
narrow staggered structures. On this level, embossed, there are again the two large,
staggered inverted figures directed downwards, with a central slot that separates them.
The change is caused by the presence of slightly undulating lines, a symbol of the
placid marine surface that envelops the stepped figures of the lower and superior parts,
leaving clear the interior of the large stepped symbols that face down.

In the remaining area of the wall, the high plinth is formed by slightly undulating lines
and over it, in the north wall, there is a general finish, forming interwoven rhombuses in
the shape of a significant reticulated mesh that symbolizes the fishing nets, to fish in
abundance. On the southern front, there are two ramps, one wide (east) and another
narrow (west) leading to an “L” shaped platform (south and west) with the difference
that the net ornaments appear on the western side in these walls. Without a doubt, rites
associated with the marine world were developed here because the iconography in-
cludes the sea, fishing nets and cosmic elements on the altar that symbolize the propi-
tiation of the marine world to guarantee subsistence.

51
 Ceremonial courtyard with an altar for propitiatory ceremonies.

Reconstruction of the altar grounds. Robert Gutierrez

Reconstruction of the northern front with the altar. Robert Gutierrez

Reconstructions of the northern front of the altar grounds with net motifs. Robert
Gutierrez.

52
To the northeast of the courtyard, there are two entrances, one that leads through a
ramp to a sector of 10 warehouses aligned to the western side and that served to accu-
mulate goods, and another with a ramp that enters a long corridor that culminates in a
small patio with a platform, ramp, and sidewalks that has connection with the southern
entrance of the first main square, where the ancestors appeared for the public cere-
mony as seen in the model found in the Huaca de la Luna.

Between the courtyards of the altar and the main square, there is an interrelation or
communication that could indicate that in this ceremonial space, some activities prior to
or binding to the central ceremony would be carried out. However, I would be inclined
to think that this patio had a frequent and particular use, perhaps for the development
of the rites commemorating the divinities of the sea and the Moon, considering its con-
nection with a flat corridor and notable reliefs of marine symbols on its walls. The 10
storerooms would have served to drop the tributes, which was, of course, a way to ac-
cumulate goods that would serve for celebrations and offerings.

Plan and photograph of the meeting room and receiving the mummified ancestors.

Reconstruction of the meeting room and reception of the ancestors. Robert Gutierrez

53
 Detail of the main front of the ceremonial site where the ancestor was placed. Robert
Gutierrez

U-shaped sanctuary compound

It is the primary sector that has deserved many discussions about its function and there
is still no adequate explanation regarding the activities that were developed there. Al-
berto Pinillos, in 1975, already called it as the “sanctuary sector” and Rodolfo Gutiérrez
called it pavilion. Cristóbal Campana (2012: 122) states that these spaces should have
been used in rituals with few people, in acts before major ceremonies performed in the
squares and consist of a series of variables that exceed twenty.

Anthony Andrews (1980: 173) notes that a total of 178 “U” structures were excavated in
Chan Chan, of which 101 (75%) are located in the walled complexes; 74 appear in in-
termediate architecture units (57%), and only 3 (1.5%) in the general neighborhoods.
Andrews highlights the discovery, in the Great Chimú and Bandelier, of skeletons of
adolescent women buried under the floor that had as offering ceramic objects, textile
fragments, flame bones and some items brought from the jungle like ishpingo (healing
seeds), and the Gulf of Guayaquil, Spóndylus princeps. He says that in the citadels
called Tschudi, Uhle, Rivero, Bandelier and Gran Chimú, burials were found looted un-
der the "U" structures. He concludes these human burials may have been part of the
offerings dedicated to the structure during its construction. Naturally, these findings re-
inforce the thesis that these “U” structures were sanctuaries and not audiences’ places
as many still hold so far, and that they absolutely have nothing to do with this function.
If we look at the entire south-central sector of Tschudi, we can see there are nine sanc-
tuaries with “U” structures that curiously would suggest they have some relationship
with the nine walled compounds of Chan Chan.

Entering this sector of the sanctuaries is like entering a different world of labyrinths with
interrelated ceremonial spaces, where the ornamentation in the walls is really remarka-
ble, with many arts, full of sacred symbols that in its time of operation would have been
worthy of admiration and reverence. There is, of course, an extensive display of sacred
mural art, all with the marine and lunar representations. Towards the eastern side of
the sector, there are fences to build vaster deposits, always considering a patio with
platforms and ramp for meetings of characters or group ceremonies.

54
A small courtyard has the model of the main ceremonial square, with ramp and side
benches, an anteroom that has a close connection with the sanctuary sector; as well as
with the ceremonial courtyard of the altar and with the principal entrance to the main
ceremonial square. In the left and right masons and the adjacent wall sockets on the
western side, there is a beautiful representation of pelicans with their heads back and
openwork frames in the rest of the wall. Besides, the machón (a tall vertical cylindrical
structure standing upright and used to support a structure) has a socket with represen-
tations of small pelicans with the head back, while the side frame contains more mas-
sive juxtaposed pelicans and, in the center, we identify a niche that fits two structures
as columns with openwork frames forming a checkerboard.

The art displayed inside this courtyard for meetings or celebrations is extremely spe-
cial. This sector provides much functionality in the circulation of the whole sector,
hence we are confronting a model of ceremonial architecture par excellence, where
you can admire the mural art of the Chimor. César Gálvez and María Andrea Runcio
(2010: 91), who investigated the circulation of this sector, agree it had a ceremonial
function and that the iconography of the “U” structures is a protocol to organization,
where the occupants would have made a trade ceremonial and that several indicators
would reveal the greater sacralization of the REU (“U” enclosures) and that for narrow
entrances would circulate private groups of hierarchy individuals that possibly made
gestures in front of the “U” structures.

On the other hand, Rodolfo Gutiérrez (1990) notes that some alleys and openings
were found, as well as coverings of some figures in a relief plane that suggest a final
interior remodeling, perhaps some areas with a change of the primary function. It
seems that before entering each room in "U" there is a little ramp. The “U” rooms have
different orientations, 2 to the north, 4 to the west, 2 to the south and, as an interesting
detail, behind and on the sides of each room, there are private environments directly
related to the activities that were carried out there.

Map of the sanctuary sector with “U” shape.

55
The ornamentation in each sanctuary varies. In the sanctuary “a” (see the plan), on the
internal walls of the “U” enclosure and on the walls of its front and sides, there are jux-
taposed figures of pelicans, of geometric treatment with opposite directions, while in
the remaining walls there are openwork rhombuses in the form of meshes with sockets
of slightly undulating lines. In the sanctuary "b", in the socket, stylized pelicans are ob-
served and in the topmost part of the wall, there are openwork rhombuses. In the sanc-
tuary "c", the figures represent waves. The niches of the "U" are always framed at their
edges usually with thin mud ribbons embossed, some containing small waves inside. In
the “d” sanctuary, we determine more significant representations: on three of the inte-
rior walls, there is an outgoing plinth with juxtaposed lines that symbolize the calm sea
surface and on top an ornate strip with 28 circles in relief that, with no doubt, represent
the full moon. Apparently, it is a lunar calendar, because in each strip of the sides there
are 12 lunar discs and inside, on the front and side faces, there are 9 lunar discs. In
fact, that in this enclosure there was a cult to the moon for being the most significant
satellite in the worldview of the Chimor.

General view of the sanctuary sector before its protective cover.

Drawings of some interior corners of other “U” sanctuaries by Rodolfo Gutiérrez (1990).

56
 Model of one of the “U” sanctuaries (Chan Chan site museum/Ministry of Culture).

The sanctuary of the full moons (drawing by Rodolfo Gutiérrez, 1990).

Sanctuaries in "U" with several mural representations.

In the lateral sides of the entrance and the external sides of the corners of the “U”, peli-
cans are displayed with their maw under the beak, while in other cases there are slight
waves and pelicans that have small fishes inside the beak. In the sanctuary "e", the
baseboard consists of representations of slight waves and in the upper part rhombuses
in the shape of meshes. In the sanctuary "f", in the plinth, there are pelicans with their
heads bent backward and over this row of birds, we see squares. The "U" structure has
no niches, but ornaments of squares as if it were a checkerboard.

The moon intervenes directly in agricultural and marine activities and in the biological
rhythm of animals and human beings, for that reason the Chimor and its predecessors
would have precisely handled the seasons of this satellite and its consequences in the
metabolic processes of plants and animals; for these reasons, the moon, which once
was part of the earth, was rightly considered a central divinity in its worldview. Given
these circumstances, it is important to indicate the gravity of the moon that attracts sea-

57
water and causes the tides, hence the fishermen cannot go out to sea. The fact of rep-
resenting the full moon and the placid waters in the sea in the walls is with the symbolic
intention of promoting the tranquility of the sea and its enormous benefits for fishing.

The moon was called SI, and considered the primary divinity of the Chimor kingdom, as
witnessed by Father De La Calancha in the seventeenth century, mentioning the moon
makes plants spring, commands the sea and produces “dawn and thunder” and is the
protector of Fishing. The moon was more powerful than the sun because it is day and
night. The Chimor celebrated the eclipses of the sun as proof that the moon conquered
the sun. The eclipses of the moon caused grief. When the moon did not appear, the
reason was she was in another world, punishing the thieves who died. Ravines (1980:
211).

If we review the Chimor iconography in textiles, the mythical principal deity has an an-
thropomorphic representation, mainly surrounded by symbols of water and marine
wealth. The most typical symbols represent waves, fish, seabirds, snakes and minor
characters. This being is constantly opposing us with a human face and on the head
has a trapezoidal bonnet and headdress of multicolored feathers. Appears with open
arms and legs slightly apart, whose finishes on the hands and feet are apparently of fe-
line claws that remind you of the tail of the birds and the hooks on the embossing of the
walls in Chan Chan. Ravines (1980: 212), citing Luis E. Valcárcel, indicates that this
being would have been a humanized idol that is none other than the one called Llam-
pellec; that is, the statue of Naylamp.

Considering many architectural details of the sanctuary sector, I would dare to propose
the following hypothesis: the compound of environments with “U” structures represent
spaces to worship certain images carved in wood or stone of the Chimor religion
placed within the niches and also for the exclusive realization of oracular consultations
by specialists that came from numerous sites of the manor. In these “U” sanctuaries,
the destinies of marine production, their changes, their effects and weather forecast,
and life in the sea, were typically handled. The entire architectural ensemble behaved
like a ceremonial calendar during the year that was part of the political/religious system
of the Chimor and that, each sanctuary, would belong to certain particular families or
panacas with their respective favorite deities. This suggested hypothesis, obviously,
should be discussed in the future in light of recent excavations in other walled Chan
Chan assemblies.

As a complement to the information presented, Margarita Gentile (2008: 235), when

studying the model found in the Huaca de la Luna — to which we have already referred
to formerly — detects the evidence of a kind of dice in the ceremony of worship of an-
cestors called Pichca (five, in Quechua language), which was used for consultations
using the oracle form. As a result, these pieces (dice) would have been handled in the
sanctuary sector or only in the social ceremonies of the ceremonial square? Another
hypothesis would be that in the presence of humpbacks in ancestor worship rites, the
intervention of these specialists in the management of oracles would be unruled out.
The chronicler Inca Garcilaso de la Vega said that people with a physical defect were
considered huacas or extraordinary beings, with many talent to engage in paranormal
activities. This belief is equally valid until today when people say that those beings
caught by lightning are special and very talented for the faith-healing practices.

58
Second minor ceremonial place

In general terms, in form and functions, this plaza is exactly similar to the first major
ceremonial square, but of a narrower dimension. Some particular evidence was not
found in the first place, for example, entering through the main door (north) a pedestal
of large adobes was found that, according to Rodolfo Gutierrez, an idol could have
been installed for veneration because it was a private space used by the senior elite,
where official ceremonies led by the main lord were held. However, because of its
proximity to the royal mausoleum and the water source (Wachaque), I would rather
think that the ceremony of the main ancestor was held here, of the founding lord of the
dynasty, whose body was in the mausoleum for almost all year and, once a year or
during difficult climatic periods, it was taken out to avoid disasters or long droughts, as
it was usual to do with the Inca mummies located inside the Koricancha temple in
Cusco or, as in some cases, in Moche when they unearthed from great depths the Ma-
jor ancestor in the upper ceremonial courtyard, as is the case of the Moche tomb in the
Huaca Cao Viejo of the El Brujo Complex.

Hypothetical reconstruction of a ceremony in one of the squares of a walled complex of

Chan Chan (taken from Campana, 2012).

On both sides of this ceremonial square appear sectors different in function. In the
eastern sector, there are two sanctuaries with “U” structures, a meeting room and at
least 24 warehouses. There, in the western sector, there are ample spaces with stor-
age rooms. A vast number of niches are distributed on the walls of the two sanctuaries
that differ from the sanctuaries associated with the first sector, with the main ceremo-
nial square. It has been debated that there is definitely a hierarchy of structures, where
the square becomes an articulator with the U-enclosures and it is equally possible that
in the patios the patterns of ceremonial activities were marked, where the iconography
was relevant to define the hierarchy of the enclosures. Galvez and Runcio (2010: 94-
95).

59
Daniel Castillo (2006: 218-223) reports on his excavations in the compound “audience
1”, which is one of the sanctuaries indicated in the previous paragraph. The presence
of tall adobes is an indication to the primary sector as a delayed construction. In the
base of one of the walls, representations of azumitos have been found in the corre-
sponding direction, as well as motifs on the side of the sidewalk. In the machón wall of
the main access to the sanctuary were found altarpieces that have the particularity of
showing staggered symbols facing and ornamented with azumitos and their breed. On
the altar appears the stepped symbol with direction to the bottom, also with azumitos
and breed. The artistic representation of the side walls is remarkable and if we add the
finding at the base of cylindrical columns, we will immediately link it with a sacred
space. It is an environment with square niches on the walls, cylindrical pillars on the
sidewalks that supported the roof and a dominant ramp that axes with the main access.

Hypothetical reconstruction of a shrine located east of the second ceremonial square

(courtesy of Daniel Castillo).

Hypothetical reconstruction of one of the environments located east of the second cer-
emonial square (courtesy of Daniel Castillo).

60
Anzumitos with their breed found in the excavations of the shrine located east of the
second ceremonial square (courtesy of Daniel Castillo).

Wachaque Ceremony or the source of life

Let's start by defining what wachaque means within the walled compounds. It is a cere-
monial source for water worship. Cristóbal Campana (2012) argues there are three
types of wachaques in the city of Chan Chan: it is a cultivation field that feeds on the
groundwater. Campana says that the word wachaj of the rune simi (Quechua) of
Carhuaz is “to give birth.” These sacred sources represent a system of generation of
life that had a relationship between the seed (munao) that was in the imperial mauso-
leum.

It is estimated that 60% equivalent to 140 wachaques have been located in the most
important ceremonial grouping. In other cases, they are uncovered in front of the mau-
soleums, which means that their ceremonial function is linked to certain ritual practices
with the world above and the world below. But, by comparison, the largest known
wachaque is found in Tschudi (NIK-AN) that travels from north to south. Bell rescues
the version of George G. Squier in 1863-1865, who claims that this enormous source of
water:

“It is 137 meters long by 59 wide and 18 deep. The sides fall to the bottom by two steps
or gradients and were covered, from top to bottom, with unworked stones, carefully
placed in place. In the southern part and near the left end there is a ledge like a pier,
from which there is a reason to believe that stairs were coming up to the bottom of the
excavation. It is 27.7 meters long and stands out 4.5 meters ”(Squier1974: 83). The
measures of Iriarte and Gutiérrez were corrected at 138 meters long and 48 meters
wide at the bottom. But this fountain is extremely big and would have been impressive
at the time of its operation.

Francisco Iriarte and Rodolfo Gutiérrez intervened in the partial cleaning of the
wachaque at the end of the sixties and noted the internal walls were lined with boulders
to prevent corrosion caused by moisture and saltpeter. Gutierrez indicates that towards
the southeast near the royal mausoleum they found a broad platform that protrudes
from the water mirror and that the lower contours form narrow terraces to the interior,

61
especially towards the north and west sides, as if they were retaining walls intercon-
nected by ramps that frequently form a snail. Gutierrez (1990) adds the platform was
roofed and that in the lower gradient of the four fronts there was an orchard or garden.
It also indicates that on the wall of the upper east path, which is the entrance to the
wachaque and on the part that was buried by the clearing there were “drawings of sev-
eral butterflies” (graffiti) made with incised lines by someone who perhaps saw them
flutter in middle of the garden. The access ramps would have served to collect the sa-
cred water during the ceremonies, leave offerings and make possible human sacrifices.
It is important to note the pre-Hispanic Maya, in Central America, had sacred cenotes,
that were natural water wells, and that measured between 50 and 60 meters in diame-
ter with depths of up to 50 meters, where they practiced the worship of the god of wa-
ter; they were in the habit of throwing ceremonial offerings and making human sacri-
fices, whose victims were usually warriors, children, and maidens. On the platform on
the south side of the Tschudi wachaque, archaeologists found burials of individuals
probably sacrificed within the rites of water worship or simply wanted to bury them-
selves in this sacred sector to possess what they were looking for, return to the world
of ancestors and pursue an eternal life.

Aerial view of the wachaque in the walled complex of Tschudi (courtesy Bruning Mu-
seum).

Ceremonial Wachaque in the walled complex of Tschudi.

62
The wachaque was a ravishingly beautiful area, inhabited by birds of all species, fish,
flora and the infallible plants of reed and cattails, the preferred for making various items
used in construction. Gutierrez says that in these sector ceremonies directed by the
high dignitaries were staged where they enjoyed the pleasant natural panorama offered
by the water, the plants, the side paths, the depth and the environment of the
wachaque. We must not forget that the water below was sacred and surely when there
was a full moon the panorama of this sector was magical and dazzling with silver
tones. At this place, the water was worshiped as an element of the origin of life. The
ceremonies would have been so rich with ritual protocols. Cristóbal Campana (2012)
rouses the attention about the existence of another ceremonial wachaque of smaller di-
mensions to the north of the royal funeral complex of Chayhuac (Quixmic-an) that is re-
lated to a mausoleum; that is, these sacred sources were also linked to the world of the
dead. According to Campana, the wachaque of the walled complex Uhle (Xllangchic-
an) is more striking because it is placed in the center of a ceremonial square, inte-
grated into a compound of architectural structures located south of the mausoleum. On
the walls of the square, there are niches and attics that suggest there were very special
ceremonies to worship the water. Even the Trujillo archaeologists discovered many hu-
man burials on the southern platform of the wachaque.

Hypothetical reconstruction of the ceremonial wachaque located near the mausoleum

of Chayhuac (Campana, 2012).

Cristóbal Campana (2012: 99) ponders why in the case of Tschudi the wachaque has a
displacement from east to west when the vast majority of these have an axis from north
to south, which is the most logical, because the veins of undergrounds water derive
from the towering mountains and slide down the ravines, where the Moche River also
plays an important role in drainage. These enormous mirrors of water rise or fall ac-
cording to the intensity of the rains in the towering mountains. This knowledge was very
well dominated in the Chimor kingdom. Campana warns it is possible that the archi-
tects have observed that to the east there is abundant water in the wetlands, given
their relationship with the Moche River, a phenomenon that in both cases nevertheless
exists. That knowledge would have been integrated into the cosmogonic vision (origins)
of the Chimor with ceremonies of significant religious content. The rise in the level of

63
water would have been understood, according to Campana, as the swelling of the
seeds, the greening of the plants and their relationship with the various life forms.

These kind of water sources also existed in the ceremonial center of Pachacámac,
south of Lima, in the Acallawasi complex (house of the chosen ones). In these ceremo-
nial sources, the young women selected by the Inca empire produced freshwater fishes
and worshiped the water; conceivably in some more minor sources in the interior, these
women had their purification baths. These water sources are mentioned in the coastal
myths and in the chronicles associated with the sea and the creation of fish, which is
why the historian Waldemar Espinoza Soriano argues that these water sources were
used as fish aquariums.

Ceremonial fountain in the Acllahuasi of Pachacamac. Watercolor by artist Ricardo

Wiesse.

Mausoleum of the Main Lord

Archaeologist Roger Ravines, who edited the book Chan Chan, Metropolis Chimú, in
1980, quotes Father Oliva when he refers to the cult of the dead on the coast: “… the
greatest veneration and worship of the Indians are their Malquis that in the plains call
Munaos, which are the bones of intact bodies of their parents and gentiles that they say
are children of the Huacas that they have in the fields, in very remote places in the
Machaiz that are their ancient graves and sometimes they are adorned with very ex-
pensive shirts of feathers of different colors or Cumbi. These Malquis include their par-
ticular priests and ministers who offer the same sacrifices and make the same parties
as the Huacas and usually have with them the instruments they used in life, women,
cobs of spun cotton and men the tacllas, or lampas with which they worked the field or
the weapons with which they fought. In these Malquis and Huacas are their plates to
nourished them and drink that is mate and cups; use of mud other than wood and
sometimes silver, but for the Yncas they were invariably of that metal and gold.” Oliva
(1895: 134).

64
Many archaeologists like Conrad (1980) have suggested that Chan Chan's platforms
have differences in size, location, construction material, number of "cells", among other
aspects.

We entered a walled sector that in its time would have been very reserved for all who
made use of the Tschudi compound (NIK-AN). This is the mausoleum where one of the
legendary Chimor kings was enclosed, accompanied by his concubines and women
sacrificed in his honor. It is an elevated platform of almost 8 meters high with 42 graves
or narrow square chambers; in addition to four possible graves on a western side plat-
form. Rodolfo Rodriguez (1990) recalls that Francisco Iriarte came to clean only the
southern half of the compound of smaller tombs and storerooms that surround them
and the front of the funeral platform. When they intervened, they came up with the un-
grateful surprise that they were all looted on the sides until they reached the central or
main tomb. This destruction, Rodríguez says, was identical to the excavations in the
huacas El Obispo, Toledo, Las Conchas, and Higo; that is to say, from a substantial cut
from north to south they reached the center of the platform; it was until then a way to
open the Huacas through the center in the Viceroyalty.

Hypothetical reconstruction of the transfer ceremony of the Lord Founder's mummy.

(Chan site museum/Ministry of Culture).

65
 Aerial photo of the royal mausoleum of the Lord Master (taken from Kauffmann/La
República, 2002).

The current status of the royal tomb with a "T" shape where the Lord Master was

buried.

The current status of the Lord's royal mausoleum.

When the rubble was removed and the contents of the land that left the looted funeral
platform (NIK-AN) were found several logs of carob, cane, and guayaquil, various hu-
man bones, a considerable amount of long gauze, cotton portions were found , colored
textiles, copper and silver accessories in the form of birds and fish that adorned cloth-
ing, colored tassels, remains of plain white cloth, lots of nectandra seeds, Spóndylus
shells and Strombus snails that were brought from Ecuador , fragments of these shells
and snails in the form of idols. The most surprising finding of the selection of remains of
the rubble remains the fragments of a sculpture made of pink marble stone, streaked
with various colors and spots by fossilization that corresponded to an anthropomorphic
sculpture of about a meter high. The most differentiated fragments are the bottom in
the shape of a pedestal and the well-polished right shoulder, the lower part of the jaw,
with circular imprints that were possibly filled with metallic or marine shell inlays. This
anthropomorphic image would have been revered in some upper space of the mauso-
leum.

The funeral platform was constructed with blocks of dough from a potent mixture of
pebbles with mud, fine sand, and coarse sand, and that way they constructed the fu-
nerary spaces. There are two stages in its construction: they leveled the native soil and
set a foundation of broad stones as a foundation, then on a mixture, they began to form
the minor tombs and the central tomb, so that before building the second architectural

66
level they prepared an external path. The admirable thing about the work of architects
and/or engineers is that they did not use timber or reeds to create the roof for the
smaller tombs because previously the rooms were filled with river sand and on this
platform a thin layer of mud was laid that would serve as a kind of solid beam to the 70
cm thick mud blocks that were together, with the difference that the central block was
shaped like an inverted trapezoid to dominate gravity and have resistance. On top of
that, they put the armed blocks 1.25 meters thick to continue with the construction.

The funerary platform was fenced with access to the north that allows entering a front
courtyard with a principal entrance that leads to a rear passage that communicates with
a western-facing side ramp and that rises to half the height of the main front, then an-
other eastern-facing ramp appears and extends the elevated platform. However, on the
western side, there is a narrow, uneven platform, where there are additionally burial
chambers, attached to a ramp that was used to climb. In summary, the royal tomb was
in the center with access stands to the interior, with traces of use, and the sides of the
funeral platform were aligned to the graves of the companions.

Cristóbal Campana (2006) states that it would have been difficult for Europeans to per-
ceive that the munaos or the mallquis continued to maintain activities after death. They
were taken out in procession, they were considered seeds of the ruling race, they were
offered food, drinks, and adolescent women.

Geoffrey Conrad (1980: 219) of the Harvard mission, citing the archaeologist Thomas
G. Pozorski, presents an estimate that on the funerary platform of the Labyrinth walled
complex, with a "T" shaped front yard and central grave, should have been buried be-
tween approximately 200 to 300 individuals, apparently a substantial majority corre-
sponded to adolescent women slaughtered and accompanied by offerings and llamas.

Thomas Pozorski (1980: 232-242) points out that in Chan Chan there are nine funerary
platforms. In 1970 he was interested in excavating the Las Avispas platform, which
measures 49 x 32 meters and is made of a funerary platform with access ramps on the
north front and rear patio associated with a lobby. The funerary platform has a central
T-shaped tomb facing north where the chief lord was buried, surrounded by 25 little
rooms that housed individuals in a flexed position. In the excavations, 5,320 bones
were recovered, which resulted in the presence of at least 325 individuals, aged be-
tween 17 and 24, of whom at least 300 young women would have been buried, accom-
panied by sacrificed llamas, black pottery, textiles with shell applications, metal orna-
ments, carved wood fragments and whole shells of Spóndylus sp. and Conus fergu-
soni; as well as food scraps placed in bowls. In short, in the mausoleum, they buried a
Chimor king accompanied by a considerable number of adolescent women sacrificed in
his honor, possibly part of his harem of concubines or were selected from the kingdom.
It is surprising the necropompa with which these sovereigns were buried, unmatched
with any other civilization of America. You notice much pageantry and wealth at this
time.

67
Hypothetical reconstruction of the royal mausoleum of Huaca las Avispas (Conrad,
1980).

STORAGE AREAS

In the city of Chan Chan, in each of the walled complexes, we have a considerable
number of storerooms or warehouses that unquestionably are what you have most in
this sort of sites and that deserves some comments about its presence. In Tshudi (Nik-
An) there are about 260 storerooms distributed in its various sectors. These rooms are
associated with the ceremonial squares, the sanctuary sector, the wachaques and at
the back, where are free areas for the construction of more warehouses. Many vast ar-
eas or fenced areas were places specially selected to build larger rooms to accumulate
goods as the tribute in favor of the divinities, the ruling elite, and the ancestors. There
is clearly that the surpluses of agricultural production were stored in these rooms, per-
haps various agricultural foods, clothes, salted fish and artifacts for the use of the cere-
monies that took place inside the walled complex. To transmit an idea and by compari-
son, in the case of some warehouses of the pyramid with ramp No. 2 of Pachacámac,
the corn cobs, chili and mattes were exclusively preserved with dry river sand that pre-
vented the seizure of insects and external hazards. If we look at other complex sites
like the pyramids of Túcume (Lambayeque), Pacatnamú (Pacasmayo), Pisquillo Chico
(Chancay) and Pachacamac we will discover a considerable number of storerooms to
accumulate the tributes of the communities for the ruling elite, deities, ancestors, etc.

68
One of the sectors with warehouses in the Tschudi walled complex (Campana, 2012)

Storerooms or warehouses in one of the Tschudi sectors.

69
 Most recent archaeological discoveries in Chan Chan

Chan Chan will surely give much to discuss in the next few years. Recognizing its mag-
nitude, there is however much to discover. Cristóbal Campana (2010) comments that,
in 2006, archaeologist Arturo Paredes in the company of Yemina Asmat, when they
were doing a plaster consolidation treatment, found in Velarde (Ñing-an) a possibly
staggered main portico that would serve as an access to the ceremonial square and
other sectors. On the inner walls of the porch were found 17 anthropomorphic wooden
sculptures and three sculptures disappeared in time inside twenty elongated niches.
The aforesaid researcher revealed his findings in Bandelier (Ñain-an) in 2009 within the
main portico of access to this walled complex. The surprise represents the finding of 12
anthropomorphic wood sculptures in niches, ten on each side and built on the internal
walls of the main access porch that were named by the author as "sculptures of life”.
He says they would have tried to place two sets of 10 and 10 anthropomorphic statues
with painted faces with ground white Spóndylus, bearing gender symbols, the feminine
by a Spóndylus shell and the masculine by a snail mollusk known as Conus Fergusoni.
The unusual thing about this finding is that the sculptures were cut off the nose and
others the hand and a part of the right arm, and also destroyed the Conus snails of the
masculine characters. The cause for that intervention is unknown. The sculptures are
in a squatting position and a ceremonial gesture of delivering mollusks with their hands.
Five bodies were also found on either side that could have been placed sometime after
the initial construction. According to Campana, these findings allow us to assume "ac-
cess to life and death”. So, surely inside the walled complex where the ancestors
rested in the underground world, there was indeed a mysterious, hidden world. Nothing
more than remembering what the Egyptians thought, translated into the book of the
dead, about the parallel world, where the dead faced many obstacles sustaining their
passage to the other world, with the same activities as they did on the earthly world;
the Moche and all the cultures of the Andes believed the same.

The executing unit 001 Chan Chan of the Ministry of Culture, in 2015 and 2016, inter-
vened in the Huaca Toledo, which is located east of the city central area. Gálvez and
Gamarra (2016). It is an adobe pyramid of more than 20 meters high and 90 meters
per side, with a staggering front. Its construction core is built with stones and gravel
blocks, plated with adobes to create finely plastered steps. It has stairway access lo-
cated in the northwest corner. In the area surrounding the pyramid, walls have been
identified with sidewalks that define courtyards where many participants would have
gathered for the ceremonies. The most relevant finding following the excavation of the
temple remains the fragments of reliefs painted in ocher and black in a courtyard next
to the Huaca Toledo.

70
 Huaca Toledo after the archaeological research work.

Within the same project, according to Gálvez and Gamarra (2016), in 2015, the south-
ern part of the walled complex Chayhuac An (the oldest in the city) was intervened,
next to the western wall, where graves with corpses were discovered that remained in
extended and flexed positions, with offerings and without distinct arrangements. These
individuals were wrapped in textiles and duffels, along with pitchers, bottles, and pots
from the Late Chimú period (1300-1470 A.D.). The initial analyses identified three adult
women 35 to 50 years of age and even an infant of 3 to 9 months. The women present
cranial deformations with front-occipital flattening and injuries apparently caused unin-
tentionally.

In the year 2018, according to the media, archaeologists Arturo Paredes and Henry
Gayoso, of the executing Unit 001 Chan Chan, directed by María Elena Córdoba, dis-
covered the principal arcade of access to the Great Chimú (Utzh-An) walled complex
compound and the direct corridors that lead to the front ceremonial square. The find-
ings are impressive. On each side of the walls of the porch, there are 10 niches with
anthropomorphic wooden sculptures standing and facing the observer, with pale faces
in harsh condition, because such evidence was strongly affected by insects during the
years they were concealed. It seems that the sculptures carry, in some cases, a kind of
pole, without discerning any ceremonial gesture.

Some bodies have also been registered that are yet unrecognized at what stage of the
construction they were settled there, but they have certainly been buried later the initial
construction. On the other hand, it was discovered that on the porches and walls of the
corridor leading to the main entrance of the ceremonial courtyard are magnificent re-
liefs with marine and lunar motifs: squares (similar to the squares of a chessboard),
waves, staggered figures, and on the first access porch to the long corridor, represen-
tations of the mythical lunar or feline fantastic animal associated with waves, reticulated
in the appearance of meshes and other symbolic elements not yet identified. The front
of the two doors that face the first ceremonial square are superbly adorned with a sort
of columns embossed and decorated with waves, three on each side, allowing an inner
space established by a rectangular structure also embossed and finished with waves,
and at its feet a narrow platform. The internal spaces of the wall are embellished with
small squares (similar to the squares of a chessboard). Excavations have discovered,
so far, that the northern wall of the ceremonial square retains adornment of small
squares.

71
An internal sidewall of the main portico of the Rivero compound.

The main entrance to the walled compound Gran Chimú.

72
The western sidewall of the main porch of the Gran Chimú walled complex.

Entrance passage with friezes in the walled complex Gran Chimú.

73
 First access door with friezes in the Gran Chimú walled complex.

Lateral Buttress on the inner face of the entrance to the ceremonial square of the
walled complex Gran Chimú.

Conclusively, this guide represents a personal and ethical commitment to socialize the
information so that local and foreign visitors enjoy a joyous experience during their visit
to one of the extraordinary sites of the northern coast of Peru: Chan Chan, recognized
as Heritage Cultural of Humanity. I express a deep conviction that future archaeological
research in this city will provide multiple pieces of knowledge about its history for the
next generations that will witness the most extraordinary discoveries that will astonish
the world.

74
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