LEONTIUS OF

BYZANTIUM
Complete Works

Edited by Brian E. Daley, S]

OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN TEXTS

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Gillian Clark Andrew Louth
 OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN TEXTS

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Leontius of
Byzantium
Complete Works

EDITED AND TRANSLATED,

WITH AN INTRODUCTION, BY

BRIAN E, DALEY, SJ

OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
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 Acknowledgements

I would like to express my thanks, however haltingly and briefly, to some of

the many people who have helped me, in so many different ways, to bring this
work, which began as a doctoral dissertation at Oxford in the 1970s, to a slow
completion. I am grateful, first of all, to the Institut de recherche et d'histoire
des textes in Paris, and particularly to Pere Joseph Paramelle, SJ, of the Section
grecque, for allowing me to use the Institut's photocopies of the manuscripts of
Leontius for so many years undisturbed. I am grateful, too, to all the librarians
who have given me their assistance, particularly to Msgr Paul Canart and
Dr Salvatore Lilla of the Vatican Library for their readiness to answer my
questions about Vat. Gr. 2195 and the Columnenses back in the 1970s, and to
P. Edmond Lamalle, SJ, librarian of the Jesuit Curia in Rome, and P. Mario
Scaduto, SJ, of the Jesuit Historical Institute, for their help in tracing the
manuscripts of Francisco Torres. I am grateful to Miss Maryse Waegeman, of
the University of Ghent, for so kindly sending me a copy of the excerpt
from Leontius in Athen. 1431; to my long-time friend, Fr Joseph Munitiz,
SJ, of Campion Hall, Oxford, for his encouragement and critical suggestions;
and to my friend Philip Pattenden, fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge, for his
constant willingness to look out for manuscripts ofLeontius while pursuing his
own research. I am grateful to the late Fr Joseph Gill, SJ, a colleague at Campion
Hall, Oxford, both for his good example and wise advice, and for spending so
many hours in the cheerless task of proofreading my original Greek text, to save
it from containing many more errors than it does. And I am grateful, too, to the
Merton College Boat Club, and more recently to the Notre Dame Boxing Cub,
for keeping me in good health and good spirits through the years of my research
and revision. For friendship, interest, and support, however, I owe my thanks
above all to the Master and Community of Campion Hall, and to my fellow
Jesuits in Cambridge, Mass. and in South Bend-my "friends in the Lord" -
who have made the years of work on Leontius years of human and religious
growth as well.
I am grateful, too, to Prof. Giles Constable and the staff and fellows of
Dumbarton Oaks, in Washington, DC, for their support when I was correcting
and revising the text; to my colleagues at the Weston Jesuit School of Theology,
in Cambridge, Mass., for believing that this task would come to a happy
conclusion; and especially to my friend there, Fr John O'Malley, SJ, for always
asking perceptive questions about Leontius. More recently, I am grateful to
friends and colleagues in the Department of Theology here at Notre Dame, for
vi Acknowledgements
their confidence and support, and to my students here over the last eighteen
years, for their unfailing expressions of interest in the obscure issues of late
patristic Christology. And I am grateful to a number of our doctoral students
here for their patient and skilled help in putting the text of Leontius and the
rest of this volume into final form: to Richard and Kelly Klee and to Robert
McFadden, for their invaluable help in digitalizing the original typescript, and
to my friend Fr Brian Dunkle, SJ, for lending his wise and critical eye to read the
final draft.
There are four individuals, however, without whom-in the hackneyed but
here fully justified phrase-this edition could never have been made, and
whom I want to thank especially. The first two are my Oxford supervisors from
the 1970s: Nigel Wilson, fellow of Lincoln College and a friend of many years,
who guided me through Leontius's palaeographical and linguistic shoals, and
who always gave unstintingly of his time and his encouragement; and the late
Dr Henry Chadwick, Dean of Christ Church during my years at Oxford, who
helped me past my first misgivings about undertaldng this edition, who wisely
and kindly saw me through the final stages of its production, and who continued
to urge me, through the years that followed, to complete its publication. The
third person who deserves mention is the late Aloys Cardinal Grillmeier, SJ,
my former professor and ever-kindly mentor at the Hochshcule Skt. Georgen
in Frankfurt, who awakened my interest in Leontius, and in all of patristic
Christology, while I was still his student, and whose irrepressible enthusiasm
and generous support continued to spur me on in the years that followed.
And the fourth is the late Abbe Marcel Richard, who first actually suggested to
me (over a pint of ale in an Oxford pub) that I edit Leontius's works, who put
his own transcriptions and notes at my disposal, answered my uninformed
questions about manuscripts and florilegia, and supported me as long as he
lived with his advice, hospitality, and paternal interest. If it is appropriate
for an edition also to bear a dedication, I should like to think of this one, in
Leontius's words, as a A~871s; cp6.pµaKov Kai p,v17µ,ijs Eµ7TUpEuµa-a very
inadequate memorial to these four great scholars and friends.
University of Notre Dame
Feast of St Ignatius Loyola, 2014
 Contents

Key to the Apparatus of Leontius's Florilegia viii

Abbreviations xv

Introduction 1
I. The Author and his Times 1
II. The Works 25
A. The Six Treatises 25
B. The Florilegia 54
III. Leontius the Theologian 72
IV The Manuscripts 78
V. The Scholia 94
VI. Earlier Editions 96
VII. This Edition 100
VIII. Select Bibliography 102

Text and Translation 111

1. Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos (A6yos- a) 125
Appendix I (Scholion) 266
Appendix II (Scholion) 267
2. Epilyseis (= SolutionesArgumentorum Severi) 269
3. Epapori!mata (= Triginta Capita contra Severum) 313
4. ContraAphthartodocetas (A6yos- (3)' 337
5. Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos (A6yos- y) 411
6. Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 525
7. Fragmenta Incerta 5 72
Appendix III (Excerpta Leontina) 5 78
Appendix IV (A tabular comparison of the extracts in Leontius's
florilegia with the florilegia of other ancient authors) 585

Index to Introduction 607

Index to Works of Leontius 611
Greek Terms 615
 Key to the Apparatus of Leontius's Florilegia

1. Editions of the Original Texts, outside of the Patristic Corpora

Amphilochius of Iconium, Works: ed. Cornelius Datema, CCG 3 (Leuven, 1978);
(cf. F. Cavallera, "Les Fragments de saint Amphiloque dans fHodegos et le tome
domatique d' Anastase le Sinane;' RHB 8 ( 1907), 47 4-97).
Antiochus of Ptolemais, Fragments: cf. C. Martin, "Un florilege grec d'homelies
christologiques des IV' et V' siecles sur la Nativite (Paris Gr. 1491);' Le Musean
54(1941),17-57.
Apollinarius of Laodicaea, Works and Fragments: ed. H. Lietzmann, Apollinarius von
Laodicea und seine Schule (Tilbingen, 1904).
Basil of Caesaraea, Letters: ed. Y Courtonne (3 vols.) (Paris, 1957-66).
Cyril of Alexandria, In D. Joannis Evangelium: ed. P. E. Pusey (3 vols.) (Oxford, 1872).
Epistolae Tres Oecumenicae; Libri Quinque Contra Nestorium; XII Capitum
Explanatio; XII Capitum Defensio Utraque; Scholia de Incarnatione Unigeniti: ed. P. E.
Pusey (Oxford, 1875).
De Reeta Fide ad Imperatorem; De Incarnatione Unigeniti Dialogus; De Reeta Fide
ad Principissas; De Reeta Fide ad Augustas; Quad Unus Sit Christus Dialogus;
Apologeticus ad Imperatorem: ed. P. E. Pusey (Oxford, 1877). (For On the Incarnation
and That Christ is One, see also: Cyrille d' Alexandrie, Deux Dialogues Christologiques,
ed. G. M. de Durand; SChr 97; (Paris, 1964).
Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses: ed. W. K. Reischl and J. Rupp (2 vols.) (Munich,
1848-70).
Diodore of Tarsus, Fragments: ed. R. Abramowski, "Der theologische Nachlass des
Diodor von Tarsus;' ZNW 42(1949),19-69;
cf. also R. Abramowski "Untersuchungen zu Diodor von Tarsus;' ZNW 30 (1931),
234-62.
Ephrem Syrus et Graecus, Opera omnia quae exstant graece, latine, syriace: ed. J. S.
Assemani (6 vols.) (Rome, 1732-43).
Flavian of Antioch, Fragments: ed. F. Cavallera, in S. Eustathii Episcopi Antiocheni in
Lazarum, Mariam et Martham homilia christologica ... (Paris, 1905), 103-10.
Gelasius of Caesaraea, Fragments: ed. F. Diekamp, Analecta Patristica. Texte und
Abhandlungen zur griechischen Patristik (= Orientalia Christiana Analecta 117:
Rome, 1938),44-9.
Gregory Nazianzen, Epp. 101-102, 202: ed. Paul Gallay, SChr 208 (Paris, 1998).
Orationes 1-3: ed. Jean Bernardi, SChr 247(Paris,1978).
 Key to the Apparatus of Leontius's Florilegia ix

Orationes 27-31: ed. Paul Gallay, SChr 250 (Paris, 1978).

Qrationes 38-41: ed. C. Moreschini, SChr 358(Paris,1980).
Gregory of Nyssa, Opera: gen. ed. W. Jaeger; particular works ed. W. Jaeger, F. Mueller,
J. McDonough, P. Alexander, H. Langerbeck, H. Musurillo, ). P. Cavarnos, V. W.
Callahan, G. Heil, A. Van Heck, E. Gebhardt, A. Spira, H. Horner, 0. Lendle,
E. Muhlenberg (10 vols. to date, with supplement) (Leiden, 1952- ).
Hippolytus, Fragment De Libra Primo Regum, Quae de Helcana et Samuele: cf.
G. Jouassard, "Une citation et un ouvrage d·e saint Hippolyte sous le nom de saint
Jrenee?" RevSR 17 (1937), 290-305.
Isidore of Pelusium,Epistolae: ed. P. Evieux: SChr 422 (Paris, 1997); 454 (Paris, 2002).
Nestorius, Fragments: ed. F. Loafs, Nestoriana. Die Fragmente des Nestorius (Halle a.
s., 1905).
Paul of Samosata, Fragments: ed. G. Bardy, Paul de Samosate (Louvain, 1929'). Cf. aiso
J. W. Feuerlein, Dissertatio de haeresi Pauli Samosateni (Gottingen, 1741); J. G.
Ehrlich, Dissertatio de erroribus Pauli Samosateni (Leipzig, 1745); M. J. Routh,
Reliquiae Sacrae (Oxford, 1814).
Proclus of Constantinople, Homilies 1-5: ed. N. Constas, Proclus of Constantinople and
the Cult of the Virgin in Late Antiquity (Leiden, 2003); for fragments, cf. C. Martin,
"Un florilege grec d'homelies christologiques des Ive et V" siecles sur la Nativite
(Paris Gr.1491);' Le Museon 54 (1941), 17-57.
Theodore of Mopsuestia, Fragments of Christological Works: ed. H.B. Swete, Theodori
Episcopi Mopsuesteni in Epistolas B. Pauli Commentarii II (Cambridge, 1882),
AppendlxA, pp. 289-322.
Timothy of Berytus, Ad Homonium: ed. H. Lietzmann, Apollinarius van Laodicea und
seine Schule (Tiibingen, 1904), 277-9.
Valentinus Apollinaristes, Capita Apologiae: ed. H. Lietzmann, Apollinarius von
Laodicea und seine Schule (Tiibingen, 1904), 287-91.

2. Florilegia Containing Parallel Texts

(The works are published in Greek unless otherwise noted.)

Anast. Sin., Hod. Anastasius of Sinai, Hodegos: ed. K.-H. Uthemann, CCG 8.
Arnobius )nnior, Confl. Arnobius Junior, Conflictus cum Serapione: ed. K. Daur,
cum Serap. [Lat.] CCL25A.
Cod. B. M. Syr. Add. A fifth- or sixth-century manuscript, containing part of a
14669 [Syr.] translation of Theodore of Mopsuestia's De Incarnatione:
ed. and tr. E. Sachau, Theodori Mopsuesteni Fragmenta
Syriaca (Leipzig, 1869).
Cod. Navar. 30, Flor. Florilegium in cod. Novariensis 30: ed. E. Schwartz, ACO IV,
[Lat.] 2, 74-96.
x Key to the Apparatus of Leontius's Florilegia

Cone. Chalc., Ad Council of Chalcedon, Acta: Allocutio ad Marcianum:

Marc. ed. E. Schwartz,ACO II, l, 3, 110, 1.10-116, 1.12.
Coll. Sangerm. [Lat.] Collectio Sangermanensis: ed. E. Schwartz,ACO II, 5.
Cone. Eph., Coll. Ath. Council of Ephesus, Acta: Collectio Atheniensis: ed.
E. Schwartz,ACO I, 1, 7, 17-167.
Coll. Cas. [Lat.] Collectio Casinensis: ed. E. Schwartz,ACO I, 3-4.
Coll.Pal. [Lat.] Collectio Palatina: ed. E. Schwartz,ACO I, 5, 1, 3-215.
Coll. Vat. Collectio Vaticana: ed. E. Schwartz,ACO I, 1, 1-6.
Cone. Const. II [Lat.] Second Council of Constantinople (553),Acta: ed.
E. Schwartz and). Straub,ACO IV, 1-2.
Cone. Const. II! [Gk. Third Council of Constantinople (680-1), Acta: ed.
And Lat.] R. Riedinger, ACO, Series Secunda.
Ctr.Cal. Anonymous tract Contra Calumniatores Duplicis Naturae
(npOs roVs r~v 3vc£8a 8£a~dAAovTas Ws StatpETLK~v),
in Doctr. Pair. 30, Ill, 220.
Cyr. Alex., Ad Mon. Cyril of Alexandria, Ep. 1, ad Monachos Aegypti, in Cone.
Aeg. Eph., Coll. Vat.: ACO I, 1, 1, 10-23; cf. also PG 77, 9-40.
Adv. Nest. Blasph. id., Adversus Nestorii Blasphemias: ed. P. E. Pusey (Oxford,
1875), 54-239; cf. also PG 76, 9-248.
De Sect. Ps.-Leontius of Byzantium (Theodore of Raithu?),De Sectis:
ed. M. Waegeman (in preparation); cf. incomplete edn. in
PG 86, 1193-268.
Doctr. Patr. Doctrina Patrum de Incarnatione Verbi: ed. F. Diekamp
(Milnster, 1907; repr. 1981).
Ephr. Am., Def Cyr. Ephrem of Amida, Defensio Cyrilli Epistulae Secundae ad
Succensum in Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. 229: ed. R. Henry IV
(Paris, 1965), 126-35; cf. also PG 103, 972-81.
Ad Domn. Et Joan. Ad Domnum et foannem, ibid.: ed. R. Henry IV, 142-59;
cf. also PG 103, 988-1008.
Ad Or.Mon. Ad Orientis Monachos, ibid.: ed. R. Henry IV, 159-74;
cf. also PG 103, 1008-24.
Eulog., Or. Eulogius of Alexandria, Orationes, in Photius, Bibliotheca,
cod. 230: ed. R. HenryV (Paris, 1967), 8-64; cf. also PG 103,
1024-68.
Def Defensiones (Evv"}yop{ai), in Doctr. Patr. 29,XIII and XV,
209-13.
Euth. Zig., Pan. Euthymius Zigabenus, Panoplia Dogmatica: PG 130, 33-1360.
Fae. Herm., Def Tr. Facundus of Hermiane, Pro Defensione Tri um Capitulorum,
Cap. [Lat.] adfustinianum: ed. ).-M. Clement and R. Vander Plaetse, CCL
90", 3-398; cf. also PL 67, 527-82.
 Key to the Apparatus of Leontius's Florilegia xi

Flor. B. M. Syr. Add. A monophysite florilegium in a manuscript of the eighth or

12154 [Syr.] ninth century; cf. W. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts
in the British Museum II (London, 1871), 976-89. (f.18'
pub!. by J.B. Pitra,Analecta Sacra IV (Paris, 1883), 183).
Flor. B. M. Syr. Add. A monophysite florilegium in an eighth-cent. manuscript; cf.
12155 [Syr.] Wright II, 921-55. (f. lll' pub!. by J.B. Pitra,Analecta Sacra IV,
183).
Flor. B. M. Syr. Add. An anti-Chalcedonian collection compiled before 562,
12156 [Syr.] incorporating florilegia of Timothy Aelurus (q.v.). cf. Wright
II, 639-48; E. Schwartz, Codex Vaticanus gr. 1431, 117-32.
Flor. Cyr. Florilegium Cyrillianum (Le Florilege Cyrillien refute
Par Severe d' Antioche): ed. R. Hespe!, BMus 37 (Louvain,
1955).
Flor.Edes. [Syr.] Florilegium in cod. B. M. Syr. Add. 12156, ff. 69-80: ed.
I. Rucker, Plorilegium Edessenum Anonymum, SBAW
(1933), 5.
Flor. Len.131 Florilegium in cod. Moscow Lenin 131 (Fund. 339), ff.
15v_23v_
Flor. Marc. 573 Florilegium in cod. Marcianus Graecus Z573 ff. 3or_47v,
Fulg. Rusp., Ep. [Lat.] Fulgentius of Ruspe, Epistulae: ed. J. Fraipont, CCL 91,
189-444; cf. also PL 65, 303-498.
Gelasius, De Duab. Pope Gelasius I, De duabus naturis in Christo, adversus
Nat. [Lat.] Butychem et Nestorium: ed. A. Thiel Epistulae Romanorum
Pontificum Genuinae I (Braunsberg, 1868), 530-57; cf. also
E. Schwartz, Publizistische Sammlungen zum Acacianischen
Schisma (ABAW NF 10: Munich, 1934), 85-106.
Geo. Kaph., Ep. ad George of Kaphra, Ep. ad Mi'ntl: tr. 0. Braun, Das Buch der
Mi'na [Syr.] Synhados (Stuttgart and Vienna, 1900), 348-71.
lnnoc. Mar. [Lat.] Innocent of Maroneia, Ep. ad Thomam Presbyterum, de
collatione cum Severianis habita: ed. E. Schwartz, ACO IV, 2,
169-84.
Joan. Caes.,Apol. John of Caesaraea,Apologia Concilii Chalcedonensis,
Cone. Chalc. [Gk. Fragments: ed. M. Richard CCG 1, 6-58.
andSyr.]
Adv. Aphthart. Adversus Aphthartodocetas: ibid. 69-78.
Ctr.Mon. Capitula XVII contra Monophysitas: ibid. 61-6.
Toan. Cass., De Inc. John Cassian, De Incarnatione Domini: ed. M. Petschenig,
Dom. [Lat.] CSEL 17; cf. also PL 50, 9-272.
Joan. Dam., Ctr.Jae. John Damascene, Contra ]acobitas: ed. Bonifatius Kotter,
Die Schriften des hi. Johannes van Damaskos IV (Berlin, 1981),
109-53.
xii Key to the Apparatus of Leontius's Florilegia

Joan. Max., Lib. Fid. fohn Maxentius, Libellus Fidei: ed. E. Schwartz, ACO IV, 2,
[Lat.] 3-10; cf. also PG 86, 79-86.
just., Ctr. Mon. Justinian, Contra Monophysitas (Schreiben an Alexandrinische
Manche): ed. E. Schwartz, Drei dogmatische Schriften
Justinians (ABAW, NF 8(Munich,1939), 5-43); cf. also PG 86,
1104-45.
Conf Rect. Fid. Confessio Rectae Fidei (Edikt uber den rechten Glauben):
ed. E. Schwartz, ibid. 72-111; cf. also PG 86, 993-1035.
Ctr. Tr. Cap. Contra Tria Capitula: ed. E. Schwartz, ibid. 47-69; cf. also PG
86, 1041-95.
Leo, TomusI Pope Leo I, Tomus ad Flavianum (= Ep. 28): in Cone. Chalc.,
Acta, ed. E. Schwartz,ACO II, 1, 1, 10-20; cf. also PL 54,
755-82.
Tomus II [Flor. in Tamus ad Leonem Augustum (= Ep.165): ibid.,ACO Il,4,
Lat] 113-31; cf. also PL 54, 1155-90.
Leon\. Byz., CNE Leontius of Byzantium, Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos:
thisvol.,pp. l-74.
APA Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum: this vol., pp. 201-25.
CA ContraAphthartodocetas: this vol., pp. 109-44.
DTN Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos: this vol.,
pp.145-200.
Leon\. )er., Ctr. Mon. Leontius offerusalem, Contra Monophysitas PG 86,
1769-901.
Max. Conf., Ep.15 Maximus Confessor, Ep.15, ad Cosmam Diaconum: PG 91,
544-76.
Nest., Sermones Nestorius, Sermones: ed. F. Loofs, Nestoriana: die Fragments
des Nestorius (Halle, 1905).
Niceph., Antirrh. II Nicephorus the Patriarch, Antirrhetica II: ed. f. B. Pitra,
Spicilegium Solesmense I (Paris, 1852), 302-70.
Antirrh.IV Antirrhetica IV: part I: ibid. 371-503; part 2: ibid. IV
(Paris, 1858), 292-380.
Pamph. Pamphilus of Jerusalem, Quaestiones et Responsiones:
ed. fose Declerck, CCG 19.
Pelagius II, Ep. 3 ad Pope Pelagius II, Epistula 3 ad Episcopos Histriae: ed. E.
Episc.Histr. [Lat.] Schwartz,ACO IV, 2, 112, 1.15-132, !. 37; cf. also PL 72,
715-38.
Petrus Diaconus et al., Peter the Deacon and others, Epistula ad Episcopos (included
Epist. ad Episc. [Lat.] among the works of Fulgentius ofRuspe): ed. f. Fraipont,
CCL 91 ', 551-62; cf. also PL 65, 442-51.
Ps.-joan.Mar. [Syr.] Pseudo-fohn Maron, Libellus Fidei: ed. Michael Breydy,
CSCO 497-8(Leuven,1988).
 Key to the Apparatus of Leontius's Florilegia
Ps. -Leoni. Byz., Flor.
de Corr. et Incorr.
Rust. Diac., Syn. [Lat.]
"Sermo maior de Fide"
Sev. Ant., ad Neph,
[Syr.]
Ad Serg. [Syr.]
Antiljul. [Syr.]
Ctr. Gram. [Syr.]
Exp.Fid.
Phil. [Syr.]
Syn. Hispal. [Lat.]
Syn. Lat. [Gr. and Lat.]
Syn. Sel. Ctes. [Syr.]
Thdt.,Eran.
Haer. Fab. Comp.
Theod. bar Konl,Lib.
Schol [Syr.]
Theor., Disp. I
Disp. ll
Tim. Ael., Ep. de Isaia
[Syr.]
xiii
Pseudo-Leontius of Byzantiwn, Florilegium de Corruptibili
et Incorruptibili, in cod. Vatopedi 236: for contents and partial
publication, cf. M. Richard, Le Mus eon 86 ( 1973 ), 249-73.
Rusticus Diaconus, Synodicon (~ Coll. Gas.): ed. E. Schwartz,
ACO l,3-4.
Pseudo-Athanasius, "Sermo maior de Fide" (florilegiwn in
cod. Laur. Gr. IV, 23): ed.E. Schwartz, SBAW (1924), 6.
Severus of Antioch, Orationes ad Nephalium: ed. and tr.
J. Lebon, CSCO Script. Syr. IV, 7(Louvain,1949).
Epistulae ad Sergium: ed. and tr. J. Lebon, CSCO Script.
Syr.IV, 7(Louvain,1949).
Antijulianistica (La Polemique Antijulianiste) I-III: ed.
and tr. R. Hespel, CSCO Script. Syr.104-5, 124-7, 136-7
(Louvaln, 1964-71).
Liber contra Impium Grammaticum: ed. and tr. J. Lebon: Orat.
1-11: CSCO Script. Syr. 58-9 (Louvain, 1952); Oral. III, I:
CSCO Script. Syr IV, 5 (Louvain, 1929); Oral. III, 2: CSCO
Script. Syr. IV, 6(Paris,1933).
Expositio Fidei, Fragments: in Doctr. Patr. 2 LI (24,
1.17-25, 1.15).
Philalethes (Le Philalethe): ed. and tr. R. Hespel CSCO Script.
Syr. 68-9(Louvaln,1952).
Synod of Seville (619),Acta: Mansi X, 555-68; cf. also J. Vives,
Concilios Visig6ticos e Hispano-Romanos (Barcelona and
Madrid, 1963), 163-85.
Lateran Synod (649),Acta: Mansi X, 865-1186.
Synod (Nestorian) of Seleucia Ctesiphon ( 612): tr. 0. Braun,
Das Buch der Synhados, 315-31.
Theodore\ Eranistes: ed. G. Ettlinger (Oxford, 1975); cf. also
PG 83, 28-333.
Haereticarum Fabularum Compendium: PG 83, 336-556.
Theodore bar Konl, Liber Scholiorum: ed. A. Scher, CSCO
Script. Syr. II, 66(Paris,1912).
Theorian, Orthodoxi Disputatio cum Armenorum Catholico I:
PG 133, 120-212.
Orthodoxi Disputatio cum Armenorum Catholico II: ibid.
212-97.
Timothy Aelurus, Letter about Isaiah of Hermoupolis and
Theophilus ofAlexandria, in the Syriac continuation of Zachary
of Mytilene, Hist. Eccl. IV, 12: ed. E.W. Brooks, CSCO III, 5
(Louvain, 1919), 186, 1.16-202, I. 7; tr.129, 1.19-140, I. 7.
xiv Key to the Apparatus of Leontius's Florilegia
Ref Cone. Chalc. Refutation of the Council of Chalcedon (Widerlegung der
[Arm.] auf der Synode zu Chalcedon festgesetzten Lehre): ed.
K. Ter-Mekerttschian and E. Ter-Minassiantz (Leipzig and
Etchmiadzin, 1908); cf. E. Schwartz, Vat.gr.1431, 97-132.
Tim. Ael. (?) Liber ctr. Timothy Aelurus (?), Liber contra Synodum Chalcedonensem:
Syn. Chalc. [Syr.] florilegium in cod. B. M. Syr. Add.12156, ff.1-91'; excerpts
from Theodore of Mopsuestia, ff. 83b-86': ed. P. de Lagarde,
Analecta Syriaca (Leipzig, !SSS), 100; tr. E. Sachau, Theodori
Mopsuesteni Fragmenta Syriaca (Leipzig, 1869), 63. cf.
E.Schwartz, Vat.gr.1431,126.
Vat. Gr.1431 Florilegial and II in cod. Vat. Gr.1431, ff. 299-322: ed.
E. Schwartz, Codex Vaticanusgr.1431: eine anti-chalkedonische
Sammlung aus der Zeit Kaiser Zenos (ABAW XXXll, 6:
Munich, 1927), nos. 65-6 (pp. 28-49).
Vigilius, Const. I Pope Vigilius I, Constitutum I, in Collectio Avellana, Ep. 83: ed.
[Lat.] 0. Guenther, CSEL 35 (1895), 230-320; cf. also PL 69,67-114.
 Abbreviations

1. Corpora
ACO Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum. Berlin, 1914- .
Cath Catholicisme. Paris, 194 7-75.
CCG Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca. Turnhout/Louvain, 1977-.
CCL Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina. Turnhout, 1953-.
Corp.Apo!. CorpusApologetarum Christianorum Saeculi Secundi. Jena, 1847-81.
csco Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Rome/Paris/
Louvain/Washington, 1903- .
CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. Vienna, 1866-.
DSp Dictionnaire de spiritualite. Paris, 1932-95.
GCS Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Drei
)ahrhnnderte. Berlin, 1897- .
Mansi Sacrorum Conciliornm Nova etAmplissima Collectio (ed.). D.Mansi).
Florence, 1759-1827.
PG Patrologiae Cursus Completus, accurante J.-P. Migne: Series Graeca.
Paris, 1857-66.
PL Patrologiae Cursus Completus, accurante J.-P. Migne: Series Latina.
Paris, 1841-55.
PO Patrologia Orientalis. Paris, etc., 1907- .
SC Sources chretiennes. Paris, 1941-.

2. Other Collections and Periodicals

ABAW Abhandlungen der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
philosopisch-philologische und historische K.lasse (Munich,
1909-28).
id., philosophisch-historische Abteilung, NS (Munich, 1929- ).
AB la 'AvaAeKrn BAaTa8wv (Thessaloniki, 1967).
AFLF(N) Annali della Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia, Universita di Napoli
(Naples, 1951c ).
An Gr Analecta Gregoriana (Rome, 1930- ).
Bess Bessarione (Rome, 1896-1923).
BMus Bibliotheque du Museon (Leuven, 1929-68).
xvi Abbreviations

BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift (Leipzig, etc., 1892- ).

ByzF Byzantinische Forschungen (Amsterdam, 1975- ).
Chalkedon A. Grillmeier and H. Bach! (eds.), Das Konzil van Chalkedon.
Geschichte und Gegenwart (Wiirzburg, 1951-4).
ChH Church History (Chicago, etc., 1932- ).
CrSt Cristianesimo nella storia (Bologna, 1980- ).
DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers (Cambridge, Mass., 1941- ) .
DOS Dumbarton Oaks Studies (Cambridge, Mass., 1950- ) .
DThC Dictionnaire de thealogie catholique (Paris, 1899-1950).
EOr Echos d'Orient (Bucharest, 1897/8-1942/3).
EThL Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses (Louvain, etc., 1924- ).
GOTR Greek Orthodox Theological Review (Brookline, Mass., 1954- ).
Gr Gregorianum (Rome, 1920- ).
HJ Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesellschaft (Munich, etc., 1880- ).
HTR Harvard Theological Review (Cambridge, Mass., 1908- ).
IThQ Irish Theological Quarterly (Maynooth,etc., 1906- ).
JTS Journal of Theological Studies (Oxford, etc., 1899-49; NS 1950- ).
Kl KA~povoµ(a (Thessalonike, 1969- ).
MS Mediaeval Studies (Toronto, 1939- ).
MSR Melanges de science religieuse (Lille, 1944- ) .
NAWG Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in GOttingen
(Gottingen, 1941- ).
OCA Orientalia Christiana Analecta (Rome, 1923- ).
OLA Orientalia Lovanensia Analecta (Leuven, 1975- ) .
OLoP Orientalia LovanensiaPeriodica (Leuven, 1970-2000).
OS Ostkirchliche Studien (Wiirzburg, 1952- ).
PBR Patristic and Byzantine Review (Kingston, NY, 1982- ).
PTS Patristische Texte und Studien (Berlin, 1969- ).
RB Revue biblique (Paris, 1892-94; NS 1915- ).
RE' Realencyklopiidie fur protestantische Theologie und Kirche. Founded by
). ). Herzog (1854); 3rdedn., ed. A. Hauck(Gotha, 1896-1913).
REB Revue des etudes byzantines (Paris, 1946- ).
REG Revue des etudes grecques (Paris, 1888- ).
RevSR Revue des sciences religieuses (Strasbourg, 1921- ).
RHB Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique (Louvain, 1900- ).
RHLR Revue d'histoire et de litterature religieuses (Paris, 1896-1907; NS
1910-22).
 Abbreviations xvii

ROG Revue de /'Orient chretien (Paris, 1896-1946).

RSPhTh Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiques (Paris, etc., 1907- ).
SBAW Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in
Munchen. Philosophisch-philologisch und historische Klasse (Munich,
1871-97;NS 1898- ).
SCH(L) Studies in Church History (London, 1964- ).
SHAW Sitzungberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Philosophisch-historische Klasse (Heidelberg, 1910- ).
SROC Studi e ricerche sull'Oriente Cristiano (Rome, 1978- ).
ST Studi e Testi (Vatican City, 1900- ).
StAns StudiaAnselmiana (Rome, 1933- ).
StPatr Studio Patristica (Berlin, etc., 1957- ).
Theol(A) Beo;\oyia (Athens, 1923- ).
ThQ Theologische Quartalschrift (Tiibingen, etc., 1818- ).
TS Theological Studies (Woodstock, Md., etc., 1940- ).
TU Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur
(Berlin, etc., 1882- ).
ZNW Zeitschrift fii.r die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der
alteren Kirche (Berlin, etc., 1900- ).
ZSRG Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftungfar Rechtsgeschichte (kanonische
Abteilung) (Weimar, 1880- ).
 Introduction

I. THE AUTHOR AND HIS TIMES

Modern attempts to speak of the person of Jesus within the framework of the
Christian tradition usually begin with the dense, technically worded formula-
tion produced, after several decades of heated controversy, by the Council of
Chalcedon in the year 451; for most Christians, this statement provides the
necessary foundation for an orthodox understanding of who and what Jesus is.
There, after reviewing the earlier creedal formulas for Christian theism prom-
ulgated by the Councils ofNicaea (325) and Constantinople (381), which pres-
ent, in summary form, the biblically based narrative of creation, Incarnation,
and Christian hope, and after reviewing the more sharply focused questions
aboiit the personal identity of Christ that had arisen, mainly in the Greek-
speaking world, in the years since the Council of Constantinople, the bishops at
Chalcedon added their own terse, carefully balanced attempt to express clearly
how the Churches, building on that classical base, must understand Jesus:
Following, then, the holy Fathers, we have all learned to confess with one voice that our
Lord Jesus Christ is one and the same Son: the same one complete in his divinity and
complete in his humanity, the same one truly God and truly human, with rational soul
and body; of one substance with the Father in his divinity, the same one of one substance
with us in his humanity, "like us in all respects apart from sin''. .. ; recognized in two
natures without confusion, without alteration, without division, without separation, in
such a way that the distinction of his natures is never destroyed by their union, but
rather that the particular character of each nature co1nes together to form one persona
and one hypostasis-so1nething not divided or distinguished into two personae, but one
and the same only-begotten Son, God the Word, the Lord Jesus Christ ... 1
Much has been written, and continues to be written, about the import of this
statement for Christan faith and practice; about the historical context, origins,
and intended signification of the terms being used; and about the complex
history of the reception and theological use of the statement, especially in the
three or four centuries immediately following its formulation. Carefully crafted
to reflect the language and emphases of a number of different voices in the

1
Council of Chalcedon, Formula of faith, in G. Alberigo and N. P. Tanner (eds.), Decrees of the
Ecumenical Councils I (London and Washington, DC, 1990), 86. For a careful analysis of the
terminology of this famous definition and its intended meaning, see esp. Andre de Halleux, "La
Definition christologique de Chalcedoine," Revue thiologique de Louvain 7 (1976), 3-23.
2 Introduction
debates about the person of Christ during the late fourth and early
centuries, the Chalcedonian formulation was-and still is-capable vo'i"'"
of interpretations. It can be read as a cautious affirmation of the emphasis
of Alexandria had increasingly articulated, on Christ's personal, sul>je1;ti1re
unity as Son of God and divine Savior, during his long debate with Nesta>riu1s
and his followers in the two decades after 429; it can also be read as an att1empt
to express, in widely acceptable terms, the symmetry and balance Ch.ristiatlS
recognize between Christ's human and divine characteristics, as the the,olc>ghms
and exegetes of the Antiochene tradition had stressed. Taken by ityself,
seems to reflect a studied ambiguity.
And as is well known, the immediate effect of Chalcedon's formula was
to be the basis for reconciliation among dissenting parties in the Churches
the Eastern Empire-despite the fact that, with the sanction of the impe1cial
government, it immediately attained the force of law. The statement
instead, to be the cause of even more long-lasting and bitter divisions. To
Christians in Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, it was simply Nestorian Chris1tolcigy
thinly disguised-the triumph of a way of thinking about Jesus that focused
the irreconcilable differences between his full human reality and the M'.st<erv nt
God that he personally revealed; ta others, intellectual heirs of the Antia,ch<,ne
school, it seems to have represented compromise and pious obscurantism,
pointed up the need to be still more explicit about not confusing God and
human in the person and work of Jesus. During the reigns of the emperms
Zena (474-91) and his successor Anastasius I (491-518), imperial policy
clearly leaning away from relying on the Chalcedonian formula to
about a religious reconciliation in the Eas~ even though no later emperor
formally disowned what Chalcedon had produced.
In the second decade of the sixth century, the direction of official the,olc>gy
changed. The emperor Justin (518-27), along with his gifted, ambitious, theo-
logically learned nephew and successor Justinian (527-65), tried to rebuild
consensus through ecclesiastical diplomacy, through negotiation, and through
promoting a careful, subtly expressed reinterpretation and even a rephrasing of
the Chalcedonian portrait of Christ, which made the Council's language appear
to be more unambiguously friendly to the vision of Cyril of Alexandria than
had been obvious before. This attempt to recast Chalcedon in more unitive,
Word-centered terms has been called by some modern Western scholars
"neo-Chalcedonian'' Christology. 2 And while the term has not been universally
accepted-especially by those who want ta emphasize doctrinal continuity
and consistency in the Church's classical pronouncements-the reality of
an increasingly unitive, increasingly God-centered interpretation of what

2
Seep. 13 and n. 73.
 I. The Author and his Times 3

Chalcedon had said about the person of Christ is clearly expressed in the writ-
eings of such sixth-century theologians as John of Caesaraea, Ephrem of Amida,
•_and the emperor Justinian himself, as well as by such Latin writers as John
··• Maxentius and the celebrated "Scythian monks;' who campaigned together in
and West for such an understanding of Christ in the 520s. This approach
receiving and expressing Chalcedonian Christology became official Church
<:•aioc1:rtne--ana imperial law-with the decrees and canons of the Second
Co1~nc:11 of Constantinople, in 553. 3
The late fifth to early sixth century, then-the century between Chalcedon
and Constantinople II-was a time of enormous importance for the develop-
roent of Christian theology and institutions, mainly centered on the continuing
.:(:,reception of Chalcedon's vision of Christ. Christian theology, from the mid-
fifth century on, was characterized to an unusual degree by a new, "scholastic"
style of thought and expression: by a rhetoric and a style of argument derived
roore from academic debates than from ecclesiastical preaching or polemics.
Question-and-answer format, sets of theses or provocatively formulated state-
:.·'"«"'' chains of syllogisms, and the use of massive dossiers of excerpts from
classical Christian authorities to lend weight to an author's argument all be-
came standard features of theological controversy. Accuracy in terminology,
coherent argument, and theological consistency and precision became increas-
ingly the central concern on all sides of Church debates, and the terms used
.,.,. frequently those of the philosophical schools-especially of the Athenian
. . , . -0

and Alexandrian Neoplatonic commentators on Aristotle. 4 This is the cultural

and historical context, clearly, in which the theological writings edited here, all
focuS<'d on defining the person and the reality of Christ, all reflecting the heat
and intensity of sixth-century post-Chalcedonian debate, must be located.

The six theological works associated with the name of Leontius of Byzantium
provide little clue to the author's life or personality. Indeed, the manuscripts of
his works give no place of origin for their author at all, but refer to him simply

J For a full treatment of the complex events and theological currents of the century between
Chalcedon and Constantinople II, see esp. W. H. C. Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement
(Cambridge, 1972); Patrick T. R. Gray, The Defense of Chalcedon in the East (451-553) (Leiden,
1979);Aloys Grillmeier (with Theresia Hainthaler), Christ in Christian Tradition, Il/2 (London and
Louisville, 1995); Carlo dell'Osso, Cristo e Logos; il Calcedonismo del VI Secolo in Oriente (Rome,
2010). For a study specifically focused on theological developments at this period in Palestine, see
Lorenzo Perrone, La Chiesa di Palestina e le controversie Cristologiche (Brescia, 1980),
4
For a survey of these developments, especially as background for understanding the theolog-
ical works of Boethius, see my article, "Boethius' Theological Tracts and Early Byzantine Scholas-
ticism;' Mediaeval Studies 46 (1984), 158-91. See aso my article, "'A Richer Union': Leontius of
Byzantium and the Relationship of Human and Divine in Christ;' Studia Patristica 24 (Leuven,
1993), esp. 244-5.
4 Introduction
as a monk: "the "blessed monk Leontius;'s "the blessed hermit Leontius;''
"Leontius the ascetic;'' ''Abba Leontius:' 8 And the tracts themselves do not add
much to our information. Their author was once, we read, when still young, an
enthusiastic member of a group of Chalcedonian Christians, whose theological
heroes were Diodore of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia, 9 but he was
providentially"converted'' 10 to a more orthodox understanding of the Church's
official Christology. Now, apparently after some years of strenuous theological
controversy, he has been urged by pious friends to put his own position in
writing, 11 and a "just cause;' 12 as well as the duties of friendship, move him to
comply. He tells us no more, however, about what that just cause might be.
Besides these direct autobiographical references, the works themselves give a
few further hints to the identity, career, and date of Leontius the monk.Although
he claims, with conventional modesty, to have had neither secular education nor
experience as a writer, 13 the author of these tracts was clearly a man of consi-
derable dialectical and philosophical training, with extraordinary sharpness of
mind and strong theological passions. All of his extant works are polemical in
nature. The first three treatises in the collection-the Contra Nestorianos et
Eutychianos (CNE), the Epilyseis (Epil.) or Solutiones Argumentorum Severi, and
the Epaporemata (Epap.) or Triginta Capita contra Severum-are undoubtedly
directed first of all against the anti-Chalcedonian supporters of Severus of
Antioch. The fourth tract, Contra Aphthartodocetas (CA), is aimed against
Chalcedonians who have adopted Julian of Halicarnassus's theory of the innate
incorruptibility of Christ's body. The Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos
(DTN) is a tirade against the more extreme representatives of Antiochene
Christology. Even Leontius's remaining work, the florilegium of extracts from
the Apollinarian writings known as the Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum
(APA), though it contains no substantial theological arguments of the author's
own, has the polemical purpose of proving that many of the patristic proof-texts

5 See below, p. 114, title. (Henceforth I shall refer to passages in the text of Leontius simply by

the page and line-number in this edition.)

6 p.114, title (in manuscript 0). 7 p. 126, title (in manuscript G).
8
p. 336, title (0). All four of these epithets could be applied almost interchangeably to a monk
of the desert, particularly to one who had lived in the semi-eremitical conununity of a lavra. They
also reflect the image associated with the author of our tracts by later writers. Sophronius of
Jerusalem, according to Photius, quoted AE6vTior; 6 TTJV €pT}µtK~v noAtTE"uiv Kal T0v µov6.8a
~[ov k,\6µEvor; in the florilegium of his Synodikon (Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. 231: ed. R. Henry,
V (Paris, 1967), 66; PG 103, 1092 A5-6), and Patriarch Germanus of Constantinople refers to
AE6v-rior; 6 T7jr; Ep~µov µovax6s (De Haer. et Syn. 33: PG 98, 72 Al-2); both references appear
to be to our Leontius.
9
On his membership, seep. 412, 11.15-28; on the adherence of the group to Chalcedon, p. 416,
ll. 5-10; on their following of Theodore and Diodore, p. 416; p. 418, 11. 17-19; p. 440, ll. 1-2.
rn p.412,1.22-p.414,l.8. "p.116,ll.1-6,19-21. "p.414,ll.145-7.
13
p.116,ll. 8-15.
 I. The Author and his Times 5

used by his opponents-presumably, again, the party of Severus-are really

taken from the writings of Apollinarins or his followers. 14 In addition to this
fairly well-defined set of opponents, Leontins occasionally refers in a veiled
but more personal way to the other enemies against whom he wields his pen:
these are "the wise ones of today (oi viiv aocpoi);' 15 the "top philosophers
(aKpocpiAoaocpoi);' 16 who hold the traditions of the Fathers in contempt, 17 and
who hope, by the nse of their influence at court, to "make themselves wise men
by decree:' 18 Clearly politics, as well as theology, is in the air.
All of these polemical references, taken together, suggest the reign of
Justinian, the emperor-theologian in whose court theological controversy
seethed through all the toils of political and personal intrigue; 19 more specifi-
cally, they suggest the 530s, when the controversy over Julian of Halicarnassus's
doctrine of the incorruptibility of Christ had spread beyond Egyptian and
Palestinian "monophysite" circles to the Byzantine Church, and when the
emperor's policy of promoting conciliation towards Severus and his followers
had led to heated public debate between Chalcedonian and anti-Chalcedonian
theologiansw Further, Leontius's allusions to the Pseudo-Dionysius in the
CNE, 21 and his inclusion of a passage from the De Divinis Nominibus in the
florilegium of the CA, 22 make it unlikely that he was writing much before 532,
the year of the first known reference to the Dionysian corpus within the
Chalcedonian Church. 23 There are, it is true, two apparent references to Leontius
by Byzantine writers, which suggest a somewhat later date for his writings than
Justinian's reign, but neither of them has a strong claim to credibility as a
source. 24 And two references in the DTN seem to confirm a date of composition

" p. 526, ll. 1-14; p. 568, ll. 6-10 " p. 116, 1.12; p. 126, 1.3
17 18
16 p.126,1.17. p.116,l1.12-14;p.126,ll.7-12 p.126,ll.15-16
19 Cf. E. Stein, Histoire du Bas-Empire II (Paris, Brussels, and Amsterdam, 1949), 369-95 and

623-90; E. Schwartz, "Zur Kirchenpolitik Justinians," Sitzb. der hayer. Akad. der Wiss., phil-hist.
Abt. (1940), 2, II, 32-72.
2
° Cf. Stein, Histoire du Bas-Empire II, 377-9 and n. l, 377.
' 1 CNE 4: p.146, 11.17-19; CNE 7: p. 172,ll.15-18. " CA Flor., Test.I: p. 388, ll. 7-10.
23 At the so-called "Collatio cum Severianis;' described by the pro-Chalcedonian Latin bishop

Innocent of Maroneia (in Thrace), in his Epistula ad Thomam Presbyterum: ACO rv, 2, 173,11.12-18.
24 The Patriarch Germanus of Constantinople (d. 733), in his De Haeresibus et Synodis 33 (PG

98, 69 C9-72 Bl)~a work notable for its confused chronology~connects both "Leontius,monk
of the desert:' defender of the Chalcedonian Christology, and John Philoponus, with the Patriarch
Anastasius of Antioch (559-70, 593-8), and puts them all before his account of the reign of
Justinian (c. 34) and the schism of Severus (c. 35)! The Byzantine historian Nicephorus Kallistos
Xanthopoulos (c.1256-1335) makes "the monkLeontius:'whom he recognizes as the author of"a
book (against the monophysites) in 30 chapters" (cf. n. 236) and as a strong opponent of the
Severan party, a much older contemporary of George of Pisidia (fl. 610-41) (Hist. Eccl. 18, 48: PG
147, 428 B12-C4). As Friedrich Loafs has shown (Leontius van Byzanz und die gleichnamigen
Schriftsteller der griechischen Kirche (=TU III, 1-2: Leipzig, 1887), 130-2), Nicephorus, too, is
often confused about dates in the sixth and seventh centuries.
6 Introduction
in the middle of Justinian's reign: an allusion to Antioch, in DTN 10, as
Brnv7Tollis, 25 a short-lived title conferred on that city when it was rebuilt
after the disastrous earthquake of 29 November 528,26 which provides a termic
nus post quern of 529; and a reference to the Council of Chalcedon as
rEAEvrala 1TaaWv avvOOwv,27 which shows-as a terminus ante quern-that
the author did not yet know of the Conncil of 553. In fact, since he concedes, in
DTN 43, that Diodore of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia have not yet
been officially condemned,28 and since he makes no mention of !bas of
Edessa or Theodore! of Cyrus in his polemic against the "Nestorians" of the
previous century, it is ahnost equally certain that the "collected edition'' of
Leontius's works, as described in his Foreword or 7Tpo8ewpia, was complete
before Justinian issued his first edict condemning the "Three Chapters" in 544
or early 545. 29
Besides these few tantalizing hints of time and circumstance, there is little in
the works of Leontius the monk to suggest who he was, or how his writings fit
into the complicated theological struggles of his age. Cyril of Skythopolis
(c.523-c.558), however, in his colorful Life of St Sabas and in other lives of early
Palestinian monks, frequently mentions, with bitter hostility, a Palestinian monk
named Leontius of Byzantium'° who was a ringleader of the "Origenist" party in

20
p.420,1.20.
26
Cf. Theophanes, Chronographia (ed. C. De Boor, I (Leipzig, 1883), 177, I. 22-178, l. 7.
"DTN42:p.444,ll.19-20. "DTN43:p.444,l.27.
29
This edict must have been issued at least several months after Justinian's edict condemning
Origen, which was promulgated in Jerusalem in February of 543. And since Facundus of Hermiane
(Pro Defensione Trium Capitulorum IV, 4, 8-9: CCL 90A, 124-5,ll. 58-63; PL 67, 626 B4-9) tells us
that Ephrem of Amida signed the edict against the Three Chapters under the threat of removal
from his office as Patriarch of Antioch, and since Theophanes ( Chron. I, 224-5) and other
chroniclers place Ephrem's death before the end of August 545, the most probable time for this
edict seems to be 544 or the beginning of 545. Stein (Histoire du Bas-Empire II, 634) wants to place
the publication of the edict against the Antiochenes somewhat earlier, "vers la fin de 543 ou en
544;' since he assumes Ephrem delayed as long as possible between its publication and his signing.
Facundus only mentions imperial pressure on Ephrem, however, not temporal delay; and the
events that seem to have elapsed between these two theological edicts of Justinian suggest a later
rather than an earlier date for the second of them. Cf. E. Amann, "Trois-Chapitres;' DThC XV
(1947), 1889.
30
Tis TWv ... µovaxWv, Bvi;ci.vTios T<j> yEVEi, AE6vTios Ov6µ,aTi: Vita Sabae (VS) 72: ed.
E. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skythopolis (=TU XLIX, 2 (Leipzig, 1939)), 176, ll 11-12; AEDvTios
o 'Bvcavnos: VS 74, 179, I. 9; 83; 189, 11. 1-2; 84: 190, ll. 4, 8; Vita Cyriaci (VG) 13; 230, IL 29-30.
Cyril's monastic lives have been translated into English by Richard Price, with an introduction by
John Binns: Cyril of Skythopolis: Lives of the Monks of Palestine (Kalamazoo, 1991). For the history
and spirituality of Palestinian monasticism in the fifth and sixth centuries, see John Binns, Ascetics
and Ambassadors for Christ: The Monasteries of Palestine, 314-631 (Oxford, 1994); Jennifer L.
Hevelone-Harper, Disciples of the Desert: Monks, Laity and Spiritual Authority in Sixth-Century
Gaza (Baltimore, 2005). For an archeological study of the remains of these monasteries, see Yizhar
Hirschfeld, The Judaean Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Period (New Haven, 1992).
 I. The Author and his Times 7

the desert monasteries during the 530s and early 540s, and who exercised, for a
v>time, strong influence at Justinian's court. Since the works of the monk Leontius
~,'were first published, in Francisco Torres's careful Latin translation, in 1603,31
·'.;scholars have debated whether the author is indeed the same Leontius as Cyril's
',brigenist from the judaean desert. Before we attempt to reach our own
~.conclusion, it may be useful to summarize briefly what Cyril has to say.
·· first mentions Leontius of Byzantium as a member of the party of
- '·" '""n accompanied St Sabas, the influential Palestinian monastic founder
.;;.jllld 1eaLaer, on a mission to Constantinople in April 531, to petition the emperor
economic aid for Christian Palestine, which had recently been devastated
blf s,nnaritan raids. 32 In return for the emperor's help, Sabas predicts success for
2.j:ustinian in his reconquest of the territory lost by his predecessors: success as
of God's plan for ridding the capital and the world of"the heresy of Arius
those of Nestorius and Origen:' 33 His mention of Arianism here is
~•1mclerstanaao.1e enough, since much of the empire Justinian hoped to regain
then held by Arian Goths; but Sabas mentioned Nestorianism and
¥~•:Oirig<mi1;m, Cyril tells us, because he had discovered that some of the monks in
company, who were now busily holding disputations in the capital with
•('~moniJpl1ysite1;· (d7TaaxiaTa1), were in fact tainted with these two heresies. 34
two classical heresies seem to be associated in Cyril's mind, for reasons I
explore further; and Leontius of Byzantium is the one Origenist Cyril
•mtpUicitly names. 35 About 514, a monk named Nonnus and three of his friends
expelled from the Nea Lavra, one of the smaller communities in the
···~~·:~~~~~':s,desert, for holding the "atheistic" doctrines of Origen, Evagrius
·:•· and Didymus the Blind. 36 Five years later, under a new hegumen, the
i\:•i.•.()ri:gerlist group had been quietly readmitted; then, if not before, Leontius had
•. 'i:'Pl&een one of their number. Now Sabas discovered again, in Constantinople, the
£'•.~.T11no1rth·od1JXJ"' of Leontius and his party; accordingly, he "sent them away and
•7+•;•·•·¢ll:clu1de.dthem from his companY:'"
Sabas sailed home the following September, leaving Leontius and the other
. Ci!{: SIUSF>eCt monks behind. 38 Until the Old Man's death in December 532, Cyril
.~ ·~,:;a.1su:res us, "a single confession of faith prevailed in all the monasteries of the

31
In H. Canisius, Antiquae Lectionis, Tomus IV, 1 (Ingolstadt, 1603), 1-171.
:u VS 70, 173, ll. 4-11; 72, 175, 11. 7-19. Cyril, usually exact and reliable in his chronology, gives
''''"·'"" as 530; but, as Franz Diekamp has shown (Die Origenistischen Streitigkeiten im sechsten
>;jJahrhu•ndertund das fanfte allgemeine Concil (Miinster, 1899), 11-15), Cyril's indictional dates in
'.'.'./AL the Vita Sabae are all one year early, for some unexplained reason, after he narrates the departure
Constantinople.
31
VS72,175,l.23-176,l.2. "VS73,176,ll.7-15. "VS73,176,ll.11-15.
"VS36,124,l.21-125,l.24. 37
vs 72, 176, ll. 18-20. 38
VS74,179,ll.8-11.
8 Introduction
desert;" 39 under his less experienced successor Melitas, however, theological
strife broke out with unprecedented force. The followers of Nonnus began to
sow seeds of unrest in the minds of their confreres, 40 the "intellectuals"
(>wyidiTEpoi) of the Nea Lavra, as well as among the brethren of the monastery
of Martyrius and the lavra of Firmin us. Jn a short time, even Sabas's own Great
Lavra, and many of the other desert communities, were tainted with the
Origenist heresy. Two of the chief representatives of the new movement,
Domitian, the new hegumen of the monastery of Martyrius, and Theodore
Askidas, leader41 of the Origenists in the Nea Lavra, went up to the capital
themselves "about this time;' 42 Cyril tells us, and while "pretending to fight for
the Synod of Chalcedon'' they set about disseminating Origenist doctrine
there. 43 Their first contact in Constantinople was Leontius of Byzantium, whom
presumably they knew from Palestine; he introduced them to the influential
rrarra<; Eusebius-a presbyter, treasurer of the Constantinople Patriarchate,
and a leading Chalcedonian, who seems to have taken a particular interest in
the Church in Palestine44-and Eusebius presented them to Justinian. By
concealing their true theological opinions, Cyril asserts, these two newcomers
acquired a strong influence (rrpdiTYJ rrappriaia) at court, and eventually were

" vs 83, 188, 11. 7-9; cf. 36, 125, 11. 22-4.
40 Literally, "they gave their neighbours dangerously upsetting ideas to drink (E7r0Ti,ov Tciv
1TA~aiov dva-rpo71'Yjv 8oAEpdv)": VS 83, 188, 1. 17. On the events described here and in the
following three paragraphs, up to the appointment of Macarius to the See of Jerusalem in 552, cf.
vs 83-90, 188, I. 3-198,1.17.
41
Etdpxwv (VS 83: 188, ll. 26-7): presumably not a canonical title here.
42
VS 83: 188, 1124-5; the date is probably in 535 or early 536, as we shall see later (p.19).
43 VS 83: 188, 1. 28-189,l. 4. Cyril's suspicion that a defense of Chalcedonian Christology may be

a cover for an Origenisttheological agenda is worth noting here; we shall see it again (e.g. pp. 13-14).
44 When news reached the capital of Sabas's coming embassy to Justinian in 531, Cyril tells us

(VS 71: 173, ll. 13-17), the treasurer Eusebius sent his own representatives, along with
representatives of the Patriarch Epiphanius and of Hypatius, bishop of Ephesus, on the imperial
corvette to meet Sabas's party at sea. In Novella 51, of 8 May 536 (ed. C. E. Zachariae vonLingenthal
I (Leipzig, 1881), 350, ll. 8-10), Justinian refers approvingly to Eusebius's recent work as imperial
envoy to Jerusalem to review the financial affairs of the Patriarchal See. Cf. also the letter
of Patriarch Menas to Peter of Jerusalem and the Jerusalem Synod, of 19 Sept. 536 (ACO III, 124,
ll. 23-5) and Cyril's reference to Eusebius's work in VS 54, 146, l. 27-147, 1. 2. As we shall see,
Eusebius was, with Leontius, one of the Chalcedonian observers at the collatio of 532, at which the
spokesman for the Chalcedonian side was Hypatius of Ephesus (Innocent of Maroneia, 170,
ll. 2-3). Eusebius is sometimes referred to in modern works as "treasurer of the Hagia Sophia:'
probably because he is designated as KElf.1-EAldpx'fJs -rijs Ka-rd -ri}v ~aaiAlOa -raDT'fJV 1T6Aiv
O.yu.u-rd-rr;s EKKAr;alas in Novella 51; this phrase, however, seems to have a Mder reference than
simply the Hagia Sophia, and the title "great Church of Christ" was applied not only to Justinian's
new basilica (still under construction in 536!), but also to the Patriarchate and even to the whole
Byzantine communion. Cf. R. Janin, La Geographie eccliisiastique de l'empire byzantine, I, 3 (Paris,
1969), 456. For a summary of what is known about Hypatius of Ephesus, as well as the fragments
of his writings, cf. F. Diekamp, Analecta Patristica (= Orientalia Christiana Analecta 117: Rome,
1938), 108-53.
 I. The Author and his Times 9

···b.oth given major bishoprics: Domitian that of Ancyra in Galatia, and Theodore
.•· at of Caesaraea in Cappadocia. 4 '
Sabas's successor, thehegumeu Melitas, died in 537, and was succeeded at the
reatLavra by Gelasius, a long-time disciple of St Sabas and a strong opponent
f the Origenists. On the advice of the venerable bishop john the Hesychast-
other confirmed anti-Origenist46-Gelasius began a campaign against Abbot
}llonnns and his disciples by having Antipater of Bostra's tract against Origen
read in the Church of the Great Lavra. The Origenist group there seem to
ve protested-Cyril says they "strirred up trouble (hapaaaov)" 47 -and
'snme forty of them were again expelled. They withdrew to the Nea Lavra, to
Nonnus, "and to Leontius of Byzantium, who at that time had returned from
:,,.Constantinople and who was fanatically opposed to the successors of blessed
·:\t'Sabas:'" A general caucus of the Origenist party seems to have been called. The
2'(ifugitives complained about their treatment at the hands of Abba Gelasius and
the brethren of the Great Lavra, and Leonti us, "who bore an old grudge against
the blessed Sabas, advised them all to give vent to their arrogance and to make
j\taid on the Great Lavra, so that it would no longer be habitable:'49 Origenist
itnonks from all around gathered at the Nea Lavra and set out, with Leontius
the forty exiles, on a mission of assault. First, says Cyril, they attempted to
....~····the monastery of St Theodosius (some 6 km north-west of the Great
dri!0c<La>""J and kidnap the hegumen Sophronius 50 and his senior monks, "but their
was frustrated and they went away in shame:' 51 Then some of Leontius's
' collected "picks and shovels and crowbars of iron, and other
.;jfi.~.'iinstri1menlls of destruction;''' and set out, with a band of peasant reinforce-
·:,; .1ne1m, to attack the Great Lavra itself. This move, too, was frustrated by divine
e 2<ilnt<,,venltion, according to Cyril: "at the second hour, mist and darkness came
I.
x.u«muon them, and they spent the whole day in close quarters, 53 groping their
1 through rough and inaccessible places:' 54 The next morning, they found
J •<•.••> ,,,., had only reached the monastery of St Marcianus (still some 5 km west of
.I
J • 2~($1.fbie Great Lavra), so they abandoned the plan and went home.
r
I,

e VS 83: 189,113-7. The date of their promotion must be after June 536, since in the Acta
), ·2\Z;;;oftheHome Synod of 2 May-4 June of that year they still appear as Palestinian monks: Domitian
a presbyter and hegumen of the lavra of Martyrius (e.g. ACO III, 36, I. 30) and Theodore as a
v >(1s;•;i)!eacon (e.g.,ACO III, 37, I. 3).
" Cf. Cyril, Vita Johannis (Vn 20, 216,ll.13-15; 27, 221, ll.19-21.
"'s 47
vs 84, 189,l. 23. 48
vs 84, 190,ll. 4-6. 49
vs 84, 190,ll. 8-10.
e 50
the successor of Theodosius, was at this time chief archimandrite of all the
;, ;.:):cf.>. crnmolJitic monasteries in Palestine: cf. ACO III, 133, 1. 36-134, 1. 2.
51 52
5 VS84,190,ll.15-16. VS84,190,ll.18-19.
53
Reading avyK,\tta8,vTES' for avyKAaa&EvTES: VS 84, 190, I. 23.
M VS84,190,ll.21-3.
10 Introduction
''.About this time;' says Cyril, Ephrem of Amida, the "neo-Chalcedoniarr'
Patriarch of Antioch and a trusted adviser of Justinian, had come to Palestine,
along with rraTra;; Eusebius, to settle the deposition of Patriarch Paul the
Tabennesiot from the see of Alexandria. 55 When their synod was over, according
to Cyril, Eusebius went on to Jerusalem and met his old friend Leontius, who
presented to him the Origenist exiles from the Great Lavra. They pleaded their
case against Abba Gelasius, and Eusebius, "deceived by the words of Leontius
and knowing nothing about the heresy;' 56 summoned the hegumen of the Great
Lavra and ordered him either to accept the Origenist faction back or to expel
their adversaries as well. Gelasius and his advisers preferred the second
alternative, and sent away six of the Lavra's leading anti-Origenists; they went
directly to Antioch and won Patriarch Ephrem to their side, showing him the
treatise of Antipater ofBostra which had begun the whole controversy. Ephrem
then joined the fray with vigor, Cyril reports, and anathematized Origen in a
local synod at Antioch. By the time news of this reached Jerusalem, Leontius
had already returned to the capital; Nonnus and the Palestinian Origenists
enlisted his help there, along with that of his former proteges, the bishops
Domitian and Theodore Askidas, to force Patriarch Peter of Jerusalem to
remove Ephrem's name from the diptychs. Pressure was duly applied, "but Peter
quietly asked the two leading monastic leaders of Palestine, Sophronius and
Gelasius, to compose a libellus of incriminating texts, arguing the case against
the Origenists, and he then forwarded it to the emperor, along with his
own complaint about their 'revolutionary doctrines'." 57 Justinian-who loved
settling doctrinal disputes by imperial decree, as another ancient writer drily

55
The occasion was the Synod of Gaza, also attended by Peter, Patriarch of Jerusalem, Hypatius
of Ephesus, and the Roman deacon Pelagius, who represented Pope Vigilius in Constantinople.
It seems to have been essentially a gathering of Chakedonian leaders, held at Justinian's order
to tighten discipline within the ranks; specifically, its purpose was to deal with the complaints
of brutal maladministration made against Paul, a Chalcedonian monk installed forcibly at
Alexandria by Justinian two years before, The ancient sources conflict over the date of Paul's
deposition, as they do over much of the chronology of the Patriarchs of Alexandria in the sixth
and seventh centuries. A. von Gutschmid ("Verzeichnis der Patriarchen von Alexandrien:' Kleine
Schriften II (Leipzig, 1890), 460-9), following Theophanes, L1beratus, and Victor of Tunnuna,
puts the deposition of Paul at the end of 542. Diekamp (Die Origenistischen Streitigkeiten, 42-5)
accepts Von Gutschmid's dating in general, but wants to move the synod back to Easter, 542, to
allow time for all the events Cyril narrates between that meeting and Justinian's edict against
Origen of February; 543. A. Jiilicher, however ("Die Liste der alexandrinischen Patriarchen in16.
und 7. Jahrhundert;' Festgabe Karl MUiler (Tiibingen, 1922), 18) argues forcibly for accepting
Zacharias Rhetor's date of 539/40, and he is followed in this by J. Maspero (Histoire des Patriarches
d'Alexandrie (Paris, 1923), 148: "milieu de 539?"), Schwartz (Kyrillos, 401, n. 3: 539), and Stein
(Histoire du Bas-Empire II, 391: "vers les premieres mo is de 540"). Although the date of the synod
does not directly affect the chronology of Leonti us, the earlier date would allow more time for the
intrigues Cyril tells 0£
56 57
VS 85, 191, ll. 8-9. VS 85, 191,L 32.
 I. The Author and his Times 11

arked58 -found their argument convincing, and published an edict against

doctrines of Origen, which was signed by Patriarch Menas and the Home
d of Constantinople. Domitian and Theodore Askidas found themselves
to sign as well-in Cyril's view, by blatant hypocrisy-and when the edict
promulgated in Jerusalem in February 543, ''it was signed by all the bishops
Palestine and the abbots of the desert except Alexander, bishop of Abele:'"
er the bishops had signed, Cyril tells us, Nonnus and the other leaders of the
igenist monastic faction, who presumably refused to accept the decree, were
ommunicated;60 they left the Nea Lavra and lived again in the Pedias, the
thern Judaean wilderness, as they had done in their first exile some thirty
ars before.
'The Origenist cause was by no means dead. Cyril goes on to narrate in some
il the intrigues of Theodore Askidas to have Patriarch Peter of Jerusalem
the excommunication against the exiles,61 the bloody riots in the streets of
salem between the opposing factions, and the temporary triumph of the
igenist party which followed. Theodore succeeded in forcing two Origenist
kelloi on Peter, as well as an Origenist hegumen for Justinian's "New Church''
the Theotokos in the Holy City, 62 and when, after a fruitless journey to the
pita! to protest, Abba Gelasius died in Phrygia on his way home in October of
7," another Origenist named George was even installed, for several months,
his successor in the Great Lavra. As late as 552, the Origenist party succeeded
having one of their own, Macarius, of the Nea Lavra (and so a onetime
nfrere of Leontius), raised to the Patriarchal see of Jerusalem as Peter's
ihc1ceS1>0r. 64 But all of this seems to have been the work of Theodore Askidas. By

sa Liberatus, Breviarium 23 (ACO II, 5, 140, l. 7; PL 68, 1046 B12-13): "gaudens se de talibus
iudicium ferre." Liberatus's account of the events leading up to the condemnation of Origen
rent from Cyril's, but not contradictory. Justinian, he says, sent the deacon Pelagius first to
ch, then to Jerusalem, to summon Patriarchs Ephrem and Peter to the Synod of Gaza. After
Synod had deposed Paul and ordained Zo:ilus in his place, Pelagius returned to the capital,
mpanied by "certain monks from Jerusalem" who had met him on his way to Gaza. They
ght with them "capitula de libris Origenis excerpta;' by which they hoped to persuade the
eror to condemn Origen as a heretic. Pelagius, says Liberatus, was personally jealous of
dare Askidas, who was an admirer of Origen, and, hoping to damage his career, he threw his
behind the petition. Together -with Menas, Patriarch of Constantinople, he persuaded
to issue his anti-Origenist decree (Breviarium 23: ACO II, 5, 139, I. 26-140, L 12; PL 68,
Al-C6). Liberatus sees the ultimate source of both the decree against Origen and Justinian's
edict against the Three Chapters in the personal enmity between Pelagius and Theodore
as (Breviarium 24: ACO II, 5, 141, 11 7-11; PL 68, 1049 D13-1050 AS): an oversimplification,
o doubt, but an explanation that expands the purely Palestinian perspective of Cyril of Skythopolis.
00
"VS86,l92,ll.14-17. VS86,192,l.19;cf.193,ll.3-5.
<•1 VS86,l92,l.22-l93,l.12. "VS86,193,ll.16-18. "VS87,195,ll.5-6.
4
• ~ VS. 90, 19811. 9-12. The presbyter Eustratius (Vita Eutychii 34: PG 86, 2316Al-3) credits the
rigenists -with urging Justinian to issue his edict proclaiming the incorruptibility of the body of
'hrist in the autumn of 564: cf. n. 260.
12 Introduction
the time the news of the expulsion and excommunication of Nonnus and his
comrades reached Constantinople, Cyril tells us, both mi7TaS' Eusebius and
Leontius were dead. It is not clear from Cyril's account just when the Origenist
monks were expelled, so that the date of Leontius's death cannot be fixed with
certainty. But Justinian's edict against the Three Chapters-which our other
sources clearly ascribe to Theodore's influence, as part of his Origenist counter-
attack 65 -seems, as I have said, to have been issued in 544 or the early months
of 545. 66 Tue latest probable date, then, for the death of the Origenist monk
Leontius is sometime in 544.
So much for Cyril's narrative. For us, the most important question is whether
we can, with any certainty, identify his Origenist Leontius with the author of the
works edited here, who was at least the Origenist's contemporary. Doubts can
certainly be raised about the identification. 67 Cyril gives no hint that the
Leontius he speaks of was a writer or even a theologian, apart from his allusion
to the debates between Sabas's monks and the representatives of the "mono-
physite" party in the Basilica of Constantinople, in 531. 68 But Cyril, however
painstaking he may have been in reporting detail, frequently omits important
matters which are not germane to his hagiographical purpose, as we have seen
in the case of Justinian's edict against the Three Chapters.
More important, despite some recent attempts to find an Origenist or
Evagrian Christology in the writings of the monk Leontius,69 there is, as I have

65
Cf. Liberatus,Breviarium 24 (ACO II, 5, 140,1.13-14,1.11; PL 68, 1049 A3-1050AS); Evagrius,
Hist. Eccl. IV,38 (ed.). Bidez and L. Parmentier, 187,ll.11-16; PG 86,2773 B4-10). Cyril of Skythopolis
does not mention the edict directly, but has Abba Gelasius allude to it in a farewell address to his
monks before leaving for Constantinople, presumably in the spring of 547. Gelasius warns his
monks against Theodore of Mopsuestia, who is a heretic on a par with Origen, and says he now
regrets having signed the libellus sent by the desert monks to the emperor, on the Patriarch's orders,
urging against the condemnation of Theodore (VS 87, 194, 11. 19-27). Clearly Justinian's edict against
the Three Chapters was, in its origin, very much part of the struggle betvveen the monastic factions
in Palestine. But even Theodore Askidas's friends seem not all to have been in sympathy with his
campaign to have the Three Chapters condemned; Facundus of Henniane (Pro Def Tr. Cap. IY,4, 15:
CCL 90A, 126, 11.103-12; PL 67, 627 Bl-13) quotes from a letter of Askidas's friend, Domitian of
Ancyra, to Pope Vigilius, in which the Origenist bishop speaks ruefully of the attack on Theodore of
Mopsuestia as the counter-ploy of those in his party who found themselves unable to defend Origen
directly (cf. also Facundus,Pro Def Tr. Cap. I, 2, 4: CCL 90A, 9,ll. 20-7: PL 67, 532 C2-10).
66
Seen. 25.
67
Among modern authors, at least Eduard Schwartz continued to maintain that Leontius the
hermit-theologian was not Leontius the Origenist, but an obscure author, unknown to Justinian
and without influence: c£ Kyrillos, 388 f., n. 2; "Kirchenpolitik," 54, n. 2.
68
VS72,176,ll.7-15.
69
Cf. esp. D. B. Evans, Leontius of Byzantium: An Origenist Christology (=Dumbarton Oaks
Studies XIII: Washington, DC, 1970). Evans's arguments are accepted and developed somewhat
further by J. Meyendorff, Christ in Eastern Christian Thought (Washington, DC, 1969), 43-9
(French edn.: Le Christ dans la theologie Byzantine (Paris, 1969), 79-89); and Byzantine Theology:
Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes (New York, 1974), 35 f.
 I. The Author and his Times 13

gued at length elsewhere,'° virtually no trace in his works of any of the

ological doctrines associated with Origen and his followers and condemned
543 and 553. This absence of Origenist theology need not, however, deter us
m identifying the author with the Leontius of the Vita Sabae either. 71
rything depends on how one understands the epithet "Origenist:' As I have
d to show in the article just mentioned, 72 Cyril of Skythopolis was far from
g uninterested in theological nuance, and equally far from being neutral on
ctrinal issues; his writings reveal him as a passionate "neo-Chalcedonian;' 73
ingto accept the Christological language of Chalcedon only when carefully
alified by further formulas that were largely borrowed from the more
compromising passages of Cyril of Alexandria-formulas which were to be
onized, as organically part of orthodox Christology, at the Council of 553. 74
someone as strongly committed as Cyril of Skythopolis was to a strictly
"live understanding of the person of Christ, the Evagrian Origenism that was
died and embraced by the monks of Palestine seems to have been repugnant
much for its "divisive'' Christology-its tendency to distinguish between the

"The Origenism of Leonti us of Byzantium;' JTS NS 27 (1976), 333-69. Daniel Hombergen has
ied at length the portrayal of the "second Origenist controversy" in Cyril of Skythopolis's
astic biographies, and has arg·ued, on that basis, that while there is no trace of an Origenist or
·an Christology or Trinitarian theology in the works of Leontius, they do reveal an
ying Evagrian spirituality and anthropology. (See Daniel Hombergen, 7he Second Origenist
oversy: A New Perspective on Cyril of Skythopolis' Monastic Biographies as Historical Sources
ixth-Century Origenism, StudiaAnselmiana 132 (Rome, 2001), esp.207-21.) The evidence for
this view, in the works of Leontius themselves, seems to me scanty.
It also need not force us to accept the theory of Marcel Richard that the works edited here are
e theological propaganda and do not represent their author's real position: cf. "Leonce de
ance etait-il origeniste?" REE 5 (1947), 31-66 (= Opera Minora II (Turnhout/Leuven, 1977),
59).
i "Origenism:' 362-4.
3 For the meaning and reference of this term, the best study is still the unpublished dissert-

of S. Helmer, Der Neuchalkedonismus: Geschichte, Berechtigung und Bedeutung eines

engeschichtlichen Begriffes (Bonn, 1962); cf. also M. Richard, "Le Neo-chalcedonisme:' MSR
946), 147-56 (=Opera Minora II, no. 56); C. Moeller, "Le Chalcedonisme et le neochalcedon-
e en Orient de 451 afin du VI" siecle;' in A. Grillmeier and H. Bacht (eds.), Das Konzil van
edon. Geschichte und Gegenwart (Wilrzburg, 1951), 637-720; A. Grillmeier, "Der Neu-
alkedonismus: um die Berechtigung eines neuen Kapitels in der Dogmengeschichte;' in Mit
m und in Ihm(= collected essays: Freiburg 1975), 371-85. Eastern Orthodox theologians have
erally rejected the notion that imperial and patriarchal policy in the mid-sixth century
mated any major modifications of the real Christological intent of the Chalcedonian definit-
. Hombergen (Second Origenist Controversy, 198-9 and n. 294) also denies the existence of a
-Chalcedonian" Christology before the Council of 553, and prefers to distinguish between
egrated Chalcedonians;' who read the council's decree from the perspective of Cyril of
andria's Christology (and who included the "Origenists") and "integralist" or stubbornly
'physite Chalcedonians.
74
, For the hagiographer Cyril's Christological position, see his account of the faith of St
uthymius, in Vita Euthymii (VE) 26, 40, 1.12-41,1. 3; 27, 42,1. 23-44,1. 4.
14 Introduction
divine Logos and the created nous named "Christ" -as it was for its better- ,
known doctrines of the pre-existence of souls and the coming apokatastasis. So
we find Cyril speaking several times of Nestorianism and Origenism in close
parallel,75 even accusing two monks ofNestorianism on the same grounds that
he allows St Cyriacus, in another place, to criticize the Origenists: "because they
did not maintain that Christ, the true God, is one of the holy and consubstantial
Trinity:' 76 And Cyril was not alone. Theodore of Skythopolis, a reformed
Origenist of the same generation, equates the teachings of Origen "with the
Arian and Jewish blasphemies that Nestorius or the godless Theodore invented;'n
and evenAnastasius of Sinai, at the end of the next century, includes Origen with
''Artemon" (presumably Artemas the Adoptionist), Paul of Samosata, Theodore
of Mopsuestia, Diodore of Tarsus, and Nestorius as those who "divided Christ
KaKw<;" -with Artemon, he says, "Origen taught that Christ was a mere man:'"
It is easy, then, to imagine a writer like Cyril of Skythopolis branding our
theologian Leontius-clearly a strict diphysite, with strong reservations about
some of the Christological formulae dear to the "revisionist" party-as an
Origenist, for the same reason he might call him a Nestorian or a follower of
Theodore: his Christology seemed divisive.
Secondly, it is far from clear that the so-called Origenist party among the
Palestinian monks were all committed Origenists in any doctrinal or exegetical
sense. Undoubtedly, their existence as a group among their monastic fellows
was fairly well defined; and undoubtedly, an interest in the speculations of
Origen, Evagrius, and Didymus characterized many of them-otherwise the
condemnation of Origen in 543, or that of all three authors at the start of the
Fifth Council ten years later, would not have struck them so hard. Still, one need
not assume, as Cyril does, that Theodore Askidas and Domitian of Ancyra were
in bad faith when they subscribed to the condemnation of propositions
ascribed to Origen in 543; membership of the party against which the decree
was directed may have been compatible with a good deal more latitude in
doctrine than their name suggests. In fact, a number of passages in Cyril's
writings and in other monastic works from his time give the impression that
the "Origenists" were held together not so much by their belief in such doctrines
as the pre-existence of souls or apocatastasis as by their willingness to tolerate

75
VS 72, 175, 1. 23-176, l. 2; VJ 27, 221, ll. 18-21. In his farewell address to the monks of the
Great Lavra, Gelasius reminds them that his predecessor, St Sabas, had opposed Theodore of
Mopsuestia-a classic Nestorian, to the neo-Chalcedonian mind-as adamantly as he had Origen:
vs 87, 194, 11.19-22.
'" Cf. VS 38, 127, 11. 19-24, and VC 12, 230, ll. 3-4.
n Libel/us (PG 86, 232 B12-C2).
78 Hodegos 20 (PG 89, 277 Bl-2). For further references to this understanding of Origenism

from the seventh century, cf. my"Origenism;' 365 and n. 3.

 I. The Author and his Times 15

respect speculation on these subjects as being worth a monk's time 79 -by

intellectual curiosity, by the secular, predominantly philosophical ring of
of their theorizing, and by their interest in free-ranging theological
, , Inspired, perhaps, more by Origen's approach to theology than by his
, they are, as we have seen, branded contemptuously by Cyril as the
WTEpoi, 80 the fomentors of doctrinal revolution, 81 the critical intellectuals
had always been troublesome to men of simple faith like Sabas. 82 In the
of Abba Barsanuphius, the Origenistswere "gnostics;' monks whose idle
osity for theological and cosmological niceties only led to vanity and
weakening of religious practice. 83 If they had one doctrinal position in
on,itmaywellhave been a strict insistence on the diphysite, "symmetrical"
ology of Chalcedon-the insistence on doiog Christ's humanity equal
with his divioity-and a corresponding suspicion of what I have called
rowing "neo-Chalcedonian'' synthesis. 84
en before considering the positive evidence, then, it is not impossible that
"monk Leontius" who composed the treatises edited here-treatises free
the characteristic Origenist doctrines stigmatized under justioian, but
ks of remarkable iotellectual subtlety, for the most part, all devoted to
ending the formula of Chalcedon io one way or another-could also be the
rigenist" Leontius of Byzantium. Admittedly, the name Leontius was a fairly
on one io the Greek East at that time; Loafs lists twenty Leontiimentioned
hurch documents of the reigns of Justin I and Justinian alone. 85 Still, there
s to be a certain a priori resemblance between Cyril's Origenist and
author. The theological debates Cyril's Leontius held in the basilica of

Cf. VC 12,229,1.24-230,l. 10. '" VS 83, 188,1.18; VC 13, 230,1.31.

VS 85, 191, 1-32. The Nea Lavra seems always to have been suspect in Cyril's eyes, since it
its foundation to a rebellion of 60 of Sabas's monks against the Old Man's rule: cf. VS 36, 122,
124,1.3.
Cf. his story of the "men of worldly judgment" &om the Great Lavra, who complained to
arch Sallustius of Jerusalem, as early as 486, that Sabas was unfit to govern them "because of
eat rusticity": VS 19, 103, IL 25-6; 104, 1. 6. In contrast to such critical attitudes, most of the
monks seem to have had strong anti-intellectual prejudices: cf. the remarks of Pere
ifre in Les Moines d'Orient I (Paris, 1961), 83-91; III, 2 (Paris, 1962), 118 f., n. 279.
Replies of Barsanuphius and John, resp. 604 (ed. Nikodemos of the Holy Mountain (Venice,
; republ with slight additions and corrections by S. N. Schoinas: Volos, 1960), 286b, ll. 9-13; PG
00 D9-12. For the attitude of more traditional monks towards the Origenists, cf. Replies, nos.
7 (Volos ed. 283a-292a; partly in PG 86, 892-901; cf. also the excellent French translation by L.
ault and P.Lemab:e,Barsanuphe et Jean de Gaza:Correspondence (Solesmes, 1971), 391-404).
Even Cyril must admit that the theological position publicly adopted by the Origenists in the
' al, both in their debates with the monophysites in 531 and later on in the decade, was the
e of Chalcedon; he labels this, however, mere pretence: cf. VS 72, 176, ll. 15-16; VS 83, 188,
89, l. I. On the whole question of the doctrinal unity of the Origenist monks, cf. also my
'de, "Origenism;' 366-9.
'.115" Leonti us van Byzanz, 226-7.
16 Introduction
Constantinople would correspond well with the "frequent public disputations"
mentioned by our author as the proving-ground of what he writes in his
treatises; 86 his occasional references to enemies in high places, 87 as well as to
distinguished and God-fearing friends, 88 would come easily, one imagines,
from the pen of a political tactician such as Cyril describes.
And the positive evidence for identifying these two Leontii is substantial.
First of all, there is the matter of his name. Both the eighth-century compiler of
the so-called Doctrina Patrum and the twelfth-century Byzantine theologian
Euthymius Zigabenus quote from the works of the monk Leontius, edited here,
under the name Ae6vTios 0 Bv~dvTtos. 89 John of Damascus, too, credits
o
Arnvnoo; Bv~avnoo; with taking the word arnapKwµ€v71 in Cyril's formula,
"one nature of the Logos, made flesh;' to refer to a second nature in Christ. 90
While he could be alluding to a number of passages in the works of the monk
Leontius, 91 the Damascene is probably thinking of a passage in the eighth actio
of the De Sectis; 92 although this work is almost certainly not by the monk
Leontius, it seems regularly to have been attributed to him by Byzantine copyists
and authors, as early as the end of the eighth century. 93 And an anti-julianist
florilegium discovered and partially published by Marcel Richard94 is also falsely
ascribed in the manuscript to Ae6vTios µovaxOs Bv~6.vTios; this collection is
probably of"monophysite'' or anti-Chalcedonian origin, and seems to date from
the late sixth or early seventh century, but its ascription to "Leontius, monk of
Byzantium'' suggests that even then the author of the CA, another anti-julianist
tract, was known by this name. It seems beyond dispute, then, that the author of

"' p.116,11.2-3. "'p.126,ll.15-16;p.416,ll.22-7.

"" p.116, l.1, ll. 20-1; p. 412, IL 8-11.
89
Doctrina Patrum 28, I (ed. F. Diekamp: Milnster, 1907), 198, 1. 24, quoting a fragment of the
Epilyseis; Euthymius Zigabenus, Panoplia Dogmatica XVI (PG 130, 1068 B7), quoting from the
Epaporemata.
90
De Fide Orth. 55.3.11 (ed. B. Kotter, Die Schriften des Johannes van Damaskos II ( =Patristische
Texte und Studien, U Berlin, 1973), 132, ll. 38-40; PG 94, 1025 A14-Bl).
" e.g. CNE J, p. 130, I. 17, p. 132, 1. 16; Epil. 7, p. 294, I. 27-p. 296, 1. 8; Epap. 16-17' p. 320,
1. 15-p. 322, I. 5.
" PG 86, 1253 A4-B12.
93
Cf. Theodore the Studite, Epist. II, 168 (PG 99, 1532 Bl0-12), referring to the ax6>.ia
iJ1TEpKa.\~ of .A©v7tos- b µaK6.pios. The Doctr. Patr. cites the De Seci-is as ,-d AEov.,{ov ax6>.ia
(16, XVII, Ill, I. 23; 24,XV' 177, I. 21; 27, J; 19!,l. 20; 29,XVJ, 213,l.3; 30,II' 217, 1. 16). The title of
the De Sectis-in its present version, at any rate (PG 86, 1193)-is AEovT{ov axo>.aa7iKoiJ
Bv,av-r{ov ax6>.ta d7TO r:pw~s BEoOWpov .. .; probably this refers to a scribe named Leontius of
Byzantium, who copied down the lectures of the Abba Theodore (of Raithu?), its real author. (Cf.
M. Richard, ".il7Td rpwvijs'; Byzantion 20 (1950), 191-222, esp. 198-201 (=Opera Minora III, no.
60)). The work seems clearly later than that of Leontius the monk, and shows some theologic1~.l
differences from his writings, even though its author seems to be dependent on Leontius s
Christology in its general outlines; cf. M. Richard, "Le Traitt': 'De Sectis' et Lt':once de Byzance", RHB
35 (1939), 695-723 (= Opera Minora II, no. 55).
94
"Le Florilege du Cod. Vatopl:di 236 sur le corruptible et l' incorruptible", Le MusCon 86
(1973), 249-73, esp. 249 £(=Opera Minora I, no. 4).
 I. The Author and his Times 17

the works edited here was referred to as "Leontius of Byzantium" from at least
the eighth century on, even if his manuscripts do not refer to him that way. And
besides this similarity of name, there are two scholia, undoubtedly of early
origin, in the Vatican manuscript of our author,95 which make an identification
of him with Cyril of Skythopolis's Leontius virtually certain. The first names a
certain "pious and godly man'' quoted in the text96 as the Abba Nonnus; the
second correctly identifies an authorless quotation in the text, attributed only to
"a certain divinely wise man before our time;' 97 as coming from Evagrius
Ponticus. Surely a theologian, too, can be known by the company he keeps.
We can, then, with perfect confidence call the author of the treatises edited
here "Leontius of Byzantium"; provided we make allowance for Cyril of
Skythopolis's strong theological bias, we can also begin to form some idea of his
career from the details furnished in the Vita Sabae. And there are three further
allusions to a monk named Leontius in contemporary sources which seem to
refer to the same man, and which add detail and colour to Cyril's portrait.
The first of these is in Innocent of Maroneia's letter to the presbyter Thomas
of Thessalonica, in which Innocent reports on a three-day dialogue between
representatives of the Chalcedonian and "monophysite" parties held in
Constantinople, at Justinian's order, probably sometime in 532. 98 Besides the
twelve episcopal participants in the collation-six Chalcedonian bishops,
including Hypatius of Ephesus (who seems to have been their leader and spokes-
man), and six "monophysite" bishops-Innocent mentions a number of other
Chalcedonians who attended, either as periti or as official observers. These in-
cluded the 1Ta1Tas Eusebius, two synkelloi of Epiphanius, the Patriarch of
Constantinople, three presbyters acting as representatives (apocrisiarii) of the
Patriarchal city of Antioch, and "Leontius vir venerabilis monachus et apocrisiar-
ius patrum in sancta civitate constitutorum'' -a monk delegated to represent the
monastic communities in the Jerusalem Patriarchate. 99 Since Loofs, 100 a number

95
Vat. Gr. 2195, £ 5 and 12. These scholia are in the same hand (L' 1) as a later part of the
manuscript, and may have been copied -with the works of Leontius from their source; cf. my
further discussion, p. cxvii.
96
p. 128, II. 4-6 and scholion.
97
Ti vi TWv 7rp0 ~µWv dvOpi eEoaOcp<p: cf. p.142,ll. 22-4 and scholion.
98
ACO rv, 2, 169-84. For the date, cf. Stein,Histoire du Bas-Empire II, 378, n. l; W H. C. Frend,
The Rise of the Monophysite Movement (Cambridge, 1972), 264, n. 2. According to the Syriac
continuation of Zacharias Rhetor (Hist. Eccl. IX, 15: CSCO III, 6, 122, 11. 19-20; tr. 84, 1. 16),
negotiations between monophysites and Chalcedonians lasted "for a year or more;" thus there
may have been more than one meeting of the kind described by Innocent. Sebastian Brock has
published two partly preserved Syriac summaries of the same conversations, written from the
viewpoint of the "monophysite" participants: "The Conversation with the Syrian Orthodox under
Justinian (532);' Orientalia Christiana Periodica 47 (1981) 87-121. Unfortunately, they do not
mention Leontius or the other non-episcopal observers by name.
99 Innocent of Maroneia, 170, 11. 5-6. 100
Leonti us van Byzanz, 261-9.
18 Introduction
of scholars 101 have identified this Leontius, too, with Cyril's LeontiusofByzantium,
not only because of his connection with the Palestinian monasteries, but also
because his Chalcedonian colleague Hypatius and his own friend and patron
Eusebius were also there. From what Cyril tells us of Leontius's connections in the
capital later in the 530s, from the simple title monachus which Innocent gives his
observer, and from the sense of actual "combat experience" conveyed by Leontius's
anti-Severan writings, it does seem highly likely that the observer of the conver-
sations of 532 is also our author. 102 If this is true, however, it provides an impor-
tant correction to Cyril's version of his career. It is not likely that Leontius would
have been publicly disowned by St Sabas in Constantinople in 531, only to act
there within a year as representative of the monasteries of the Jerusalem patriar-
chate, 103 even if he had been appointed to the post by Justinian, as Schwartz
suggests. 104 The most likely explanation is that the biographer's story of Sabas's
repudiation of his entourage is colored by Cyril's partisan sympathies, and that at
least some of the delegation which accompanied the Old Man to the capital in
531 had been sent by the whole monastic and hierarchical establishment in
Palestine, to act as its permanent embassy there. 105 The Leontius of the conversa-
tions of 532, at any rate, is a man of some standing, a vir venerabilis~not a heretic
in disgrace.
A second group of apparent references to our Leontius from the same period
is found in the lists of non-episcopal petitioners and observers at the Home
Synod held in Constantinople from 2 May to 4 June, 536, under the leadership
of Menas, the new Patriarch. 106 This synod was to mark the end of what seemed

101
e.g. W. Ri.igamer, Leontius van Byzanz. Bin Polemiker aus dem Zeitalter Justinians (Wiirzburg,
1894), 56-8; V. Grumel, "Leonce de Byzance:' DThC IX (Paris, 1926), 400-1; and most recently
Evans,Leontius of Byzantium, 172-5.
102
Richard, however, is dubious; he finds it hard to believe that the monk of the Vi'ta Sabae,
whom Sabas dismissed from his entourage in 531, should have been acting as the representative
of the Jerusalem Church and all the monks of Palestine a year later. Richard thus prefers to identify
the Leontius of the collatio of 532 and the Home Synod of 536 (see further pp. 18-22) with
Leontius of Jerusalem, the sixth-century "neo-Chalcedonian'' writer about whom we know
virtually nothing at all. Cf. "Origt'!niste? ;' 65; "Leonce de Jerusalem et Leonce de Byzance;' MSR 1
(1944), 85-8 (= Opera Minora II, no. 59). Leontius of Byzantium, Richard conjectures, "est
demeure, presque seul, fidele jusqu' au bout au chakedonisme le plus strict et pour cela fait figure
assez c:!trange au milieu des tht':ologiens de son temps" ("Origeniste?;' 65).
103
Innocent malces Leonti us the "apocrisiarius patrum in sancta civitate constitutorum': which
suggests first of all that he represented the Palestinian monasteries. But since the other observers
at the collatio were representatives of the Patriarchates of Constantinople or Antioch, and since
the monks of the Judaean desert were, if anything, more closely involved in setting the theological
tone of the See of Jerusalem than their counterparts in Syria or near the capital, it seems probable
that Leontius represented the Jerusalem Patriarchate as well
104 105
Kyrillos, 391. So Loofs,Leontius van Byzanz, 300.
106
The Acta of this Synod, along with those of its counterpart in Jerusalem in September of the
same year and with Justinian's anti-Origenist decree of 543, comprise what Schwartz called the
Collectio Sabaitica: vol. III of his Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum.
 I. The Author and his Times 19

to some contemporaries Justinian's period ofleniency-his rro>.>.~ &vox~ 107 -

towards Severus's anti-Chalcedonian party. Since the summer of 531, when the
emperor had invited banished "monophysite" monks and bishops back to the
capital, 108 his policy seems to have been one of persuasion rather than coercion:
of putting gentle, sometimes rather ambivalent, pressure on them to overcome
their scruples about Chalcedon and to be reconciled with the rest of the Church.
Negotiation and dialogue-as exemplified in the conversations of 532-was to
be the new approach to doctrinal unity. All of this meant a new freedom of
movement and speech for the "monophysites;' and by the mid-530s-undoubt-
edlywith the support of the empress Theodora-theywere apparently enjoying
considerable freedom of movement in the capital. 100 Zooras the Stylite, an ag-
gressively anti-Chalcedonian hermit from Syria, now settled in Sykai, on the
outskirts of Constantinople, and conducted his own baptisms and Eucharists; 110
Peter of Apamaea, deposed from his see in 518, arrived too, and Severus him-
self, the most celebrated theologian of the movement, appeared in the winter of
534/5, to be given hospitality by Theodora in the royal palace until March of the
following year. 111 After the death of Patriarch Epiphanius of Constantinople, in
June 535, the ascetical Anthimus, former bishop of Trebizond, was named his
successor; he had participated in the conversations of 532 as a Chalcedonian,
but now was known for his close relations with the other side. 112 This new
"monophysite" presence in Constantinople clearly worried the defenders of
Chalcedon, whose formula of faith remained the official doctrinal position of
Church and empire. So a determined group of diphysites-Schwartz calls them
"eine geschlossene Truppe" 113 -seems gradually to have gathered in the impe-
rial city in the mid-530s to oppose them, drawn together not only from the
monasteries and sees of Asia Minor but from as far away as Syria II (roughly
present-day Lebanon) and Palestine. Among them were Leontius's old col-
leagues, bishops Domitian of Ancyra and Theodore Askidas of Caesaraea in
Cappadocia. 114 Late in 535, after receiving an urgent letter from some diphysite
monks in the capital, 115 Pope Agapetus arrived from Rome to negotiate on a
number of matters with Justinian. He refused to communicate with Patriarch
Anthimus, pointing to his uncanonical translation from the bishopric of
Trebizond.Anthimus was deposed, and Menas ordained bishop in his place, by

107
Cf. the petition of four monastic leaders to Justinian: ACO III, 133,1.19.
106
Cf. the Syriac continuation of Zacharias Rhetor,Hist. Eccl. IX, 15(CSCO111,6, 115,ll.15-25;
tr. 79, 1.28-80,L 4).
109
Cf. Schwartz, Kyrillos, 392-3, and the evidence assembled there.
no Cf.ACO III, 139, ll. 1-3; 148,l.35; 181, I. 22; 33, I. l; 43, UL
111
So John of Beth-Aphthonia, Vita Severi: PO 2, 252, l. l.
ui Cf.ACO III, 134, 1. 31; 179, ll. 4, 26-8. 113
Kyrillos, 392.
'" Cf.Cyril,VS83,189,ll.3-7. "'Cf.ACOIJI,141,1.30.
20 Introduction
Agapetus, on 13 March 536. Agapetus himself then died in the capital on
22 April, and the emperor summoned the "Home Synod;' or locally resident
bishops, to deal with the broader question of the reception of Chalcedon,
during the month of May.
The Acta of that Synod, which anathematizedAnthimus, condemned Zoiiras,
and renewed the old excommunications of Severus and Peter of Apamaea,
include a monk named Leontius among the representatives of the Palestinian
monasteries who are listed as observers at the first four sessions, and also
among the signatories of three recent petitions from the monks of the East,
which were read into the Synodal acts: one addressed to Justinian, one to Menas
and the Home Synod, and one to the newly deceased Pope Agapetus. In the
attendance-lists the monk is called AE6vTios- µ,ovaxOs Kal ~yoVµ,evos Kai
To1TOTTJPTJT~S T~S Jp~fLOV miaris. 116 In the libellus addressed to Agapetus, he
styles himself in practically the same way, 117 but the other two Zibelli provide
somewhat more elaborate signatures: Ae6vTios EAEEt EJeoV µ,ovaxOs,
1TotoVµ,evos rOv A6yov VnEp TWv KaTd r~v Ep'r}µ,ov dy!wv 7TaTEpwv, in the
petition addressed to Justinian; 118 andAe0vTtos ~yoVµ,evos Kai fLDvaxOs lOiov
µ,ovaar'r}plov Kai VTT~P TWv Ev Tfj Ep~µ,q; Kai'Iop86.vv &ylwv trarEpwv, in
that addressed to Menas and his Synod. 119 He is recognized, in other words, as
a monk and abbot from the judaean desert, who represents that crucially
important ascetical population. There seems to be little question that this is the
same Leontius who represented the Palestinian monks in Constantinople in
532; and from what Cyril tells us of the connections of Sabas's companion,
Leontius of Byzantium, in the capital in the mid-530s, it seems, once again,
highly probable that that monk also is the Leontius mentioned here. First, both
Domitian and Theodore Askidas-active and influential in the Chalcedonian
cause, as we have seen, from the mid-530s 120 -appear in the same lists, a few
names away from his own. 121 Secondly, of the fourteen-to-twenty monks named
in the Palestinian delegation, a majority come from Origenist strongholds, as
Schwartz observed; 122 one or two delegates appear from the Great Lavra-now
fast being won over by the Origenists, according to Cyril-four, including

u 6 AC?III,l~O,,l.24;15~,l.29;1~5,l.3?;f74, 1.7(om.K~i~yoVµEvos?·
117 1 , ,., , ,
AEov-rios EAEEl !9Eou µovaxos Kai "f}youµEvos Kai T01TOT"fJP1JT1JS 1Taa"f}s TT}S Ep17µ,ou:
ACO III, 145, ll. 34-5.
118
ACOIIl,37,Il.1-2.
"° ACO III, 50, ll. 30-1.
"" VS83,188,l.24-189,l.7.
121
In three of the lists (ACO III, 158, 1. 23; 165, 1. 24; 175, 1. 1), the manuscripts wrongly give
.doµv{vos for .doµETiav6s; this may result from a confusion of names between the later bishop of
Ancyra and the Patriarch of Antioch at the ti1ne of the Council of 553.
122
Kyrillos, 391-2; cf. also Evans, Leontius of Byzantium, 163-4.
 I. The Author and his Times 21

Domitian, are from the coenobitic monastery of Martyrius, one or two from
the lavra of Firminus, and three or four from the Nea Lavra. 123 So the Leontius
present at the Synod is in just the sort of company where one would expect
Cyrifs Origenist to be.
If we do identify this Leontius of the Home Synod with the author Leontius
of Byzantium, we learn a few important new details about his career. He is
still-in 536-acting as "representative (TO'TrOTTJPTJT~;; = apocrisiarius) of the
whole desert;' still "speaking for the holy fathers in the desert:' True, the latter
of these two phrases is not peculiar to Leontius in the Acta, but resembles the
declaration made by many of the signatories-and by the whole Palestinian
delegation 124 -that they represent all of the monks of the desert near Jernsalem.
But Leontius, as Evans observes, 125 is the only monk in the Palestinian sections
of the lists who is never connected with either a monastery or a particular place
there; instead, he is simply called "monk and hegumen" -a title not given to
him in any of our previous sources-or even "hegumen and monk of his own
monastery:' Although Richard takes these titles as proof that the Leontius of the
collatio and the Synod is not the hermit-theologian, 126 Schwartz127 and Evans 128
suggest-more plausibly, I think-that the former follower of Sabas may simply
have set up his own hermit's cell or Einsiedelei in Constantinople, and that
"hegumen of his own monastery" may merely be a decorous way of saying
Leontius was now juridically an independent ascetic, not subject to any of the
established superiors of the Judaean desert. 129 As such, his role at the Synod of

123
For their Origenist allegiance, cf. VS 83, 188, ll. 15-24. We have no evidence about the
theological orientation of the relatively new lavra of Jacob, called "the Turrets" (IIvpylot), which
sent three delegates; and the koinobion of Theodosius-called by Schwartz "ein Bollwerk der
Orthodoxie" (Kyrillos, 391)-was undoubtedly represented because its hegumen, Sophronius, was
archimandrite of all the koinobia in Palestine (so ACO III, 133, I. 36-134,1. 2). Cf. Evans, Leontius
of Byzantium, 165.
124
Cf. the formula which ends the list of Palestinian delegates at session 1: ol nrivTES
npriTTOVTES VnEp TE EavTWv x:al. TWv olx:E{wv µovaa7'1)p{wv Kai nriVTOJV TWv Ev Tfj rly{as
n6AEws µovaxWv (ACO III, 130, ll. 33-4).
125
Leonti us of Byzantium, 180-1, n. 102.
126
"Origeniste?;' 64-5; "Leonce de Jerusalem': 82.
128
127
Kyrillos, 391. Leontius of Byzantium, 181-2.
129
Evans (Leontius of Byzantium, 182) points out the parallel instance of a certain Isidore, who
signs the libellus addressed to Menas and the Home Synod as "priest and hegumen of his own cell
(µov~), which is in the woods near the (church of the?) holy martyr Epimachus, under Photinus,
the holy bishop of Chalcedon (ACO Ill, 49, 11. 9-11):' Clearly this Isidore is a hermit living by
himself.A monk named John signs the libellus to Pope Agapetus "priest, of his own cell (µov~) in
the Pedias (ACO Ill, 146, ll. 11-12);' and the libellus to Justinian "priest and monk of the lavra of
the sands(?: TWv d.µµ{wv) in the Pedias (ACO III, 37, ll. 31-2);" Evans (Leontius of Byzantium,
n. 107) takes these two signatures as meaning that Jolm is actually head of an established -and
unknown-lavra, but it seems equally plausible to see them as a roundabout way of saying that he
has been living in the desert by himself. In support of this interpretation of Leontius's way of
22 Introduction
536 seems to have been that of delegate-at-large for all the Palestinian commu-
nities: a position similar to his apparent role at the conversations of 532.
A third Leontius of this period, finally, who may well be identical with_
Leontius of Byzantium, is mentioned by Photius in his summary of a polemical
work by a certain "Basil the Cilician:' According to Photius, 130 this Basil
identifies himself as having been a priest of Antioch under the Patriarch Flavian
(498-512), during the reign of the emperor Anastasius I (491-518)-a claim
probably meant as much to underline Basil's theological allegiance to the
moderate Chalcedonian Patriarch as to provide biographical information.
Photius summarizes Basil's treatise against John of Skythopolis, as Codex 107
of his library. John, a learned and outspoken proponent of the "neo-
Chalcedonian'' Christology that was then being developed, seems to have been
bishop of Skythopolis in Palestine between 536 and 548; 131 he wrote several
works in defence of Chalcedon and against Severus, 132 and composed the first
scholia on the works of Dionysius the Areopagite. Basil's attack on John was in
sixteen books, mainly in dialogne form; besides the usual range of personal
charges, he apparently criticized John for relying too heavily on the celebrated
anathemas appended to Cyril of Alexandria's Third Letter to Nestorius,
especially on the twelfth, "theopaschite" anathema. 133 Photius tells us that Basil
rejected two of John's own theses in particular: "that the Logos suffered in the
flesh'' and that "to say 'Christ' is the same as to say 'God~' 134 In Photius's eyes,
Basil was clearly a Nestorian; true, he did not acknowledge Nestorius openly,
"but he called Diodore and Theodore 'Fathers';' 135 which for Photius amounts to
the same thing." 6 John of Skythopolis, too, had equated BaaiAELavoi with

styling himself, Evans reminds us of a quip St Sabas is said to have made to St Theodosius, founder
of the great koinobion (VS 65, 166, ll. 24-6): "Lord abba, you are the hegumen of children, but I am
a hegumen of hegumens; for each of those under me, being independent (aVTEgoVaios), is
hegumen of his own cell (ToU l8£ov KEAA{ov)."
"" Bibliotheca, Cod. 107: ed. R. Henry II, 77, 11. 34-7; PG 103, 380 C7-10.
ui Cf. Loofs, Leontius van Byzanz, 269-72, n.
132
It is unclear just how many anti-monophysite works John -wrote. The Doctrina Patrum (13,
XII, 85-6), the Lateran Synod of 649 (Mansi X, 1108 Bl-5), and the Sixth Council (Mansi XI, 437
D-440 C) quote from a work of his ''Against Severus" in at least eight books. Photius,Bibl., Cod. 95
(ed. R. Henry II, 48; PG 103, 340 B14-C7) briefly summarizes another work of John's ''Against
Those Who Are Separated (d7Toax{a7a.l) from the Church, or Against Eutyches and Dioscorus
and Those Who Agree with Them, and Refuse to Confess Christ in Two Natures:'
133
Photius, Bi bl., Cod.107: ed. R. Henry II, 78, ll. 9-11; PG 103, 381 A5-7.
'" Bibi., Cod.107: ed.R.Henry75,ll.24-6; PG 103, 377 B16-17.
m Bibi., Cod.107: ed. R.Henry78,ll. 5-7; PG 103, 380 D4-381 A2.
136
So Photi us, reporting on John of Skythopolis's treatise ''Against the ):11Toax{a'Ta.t" (Cod. 95),
says that it was directed against another, anonymous polemical work, entitled ''.Against Nestorius"
but in reality aimed at "seducing the simple to give an ear" to Nestorian doctrine (ed. R. Henry II,
48,lL 17-21; PG 103, 340 C13-D4). Photius conjectures that the author may have been Basil the
Cilician. If he is right, Basil must have written a treatise to prove one could be a supporter of
 I. The Author and his Times 23

NEaToptavo{ in his commentary on the Pseudo-Dionysius, 137 a title which

suggests that Basil-in alllikelihod this same Basil-represented a whole group
of diphysites to whom John was fiercely opposed. Once again, the linking of
epithets seems questionable; from the hints Photius gives of the doctrinal
content of Basil's work, it seems to have been a defence of the "symmetrical"
language of the Chalcedonian formula, but to have concentrated largely on the
analysis of scriptural texts in the longer Antiochene tradition.
Significantly, Basil, who seems to have been writing actively at least through
the 530s, 138 dedicated his attack on John of Skythopolis "to a certain Leontius,
who had requested it;" 139 he addresses this Leontius, Photius tells us, with the re-
spectful titles of"most holy ( oau.iiTaTOV) and most dear to God ( BEDqnAEaTaTOV)
and father:' 140 Although it cannot be shown conclusively that this Leontius is the
Leontius of Byzantium I have been discussing, Basil's dedication would fit the

Theodore and still be an opponent of Nestorius, which in turn inspired John, aneo-Chalcedonian,
to demonstrate his own distance from the classical monophysites Eutyches and Dioscorus
(cf. n. 128). Photius, however, remains unimpressed by Basil's distinction. It is interesting to
note that Philoxenus of Mabbug, in his letter to Maron of Anazarbus, boasts of having forced
a "certain person'' on the Chalcedonian side-clearly Flavian of Antioch-to anathematize
"Nestorian" theologians by name, because "he considered them as orthodox teachers and Fathers"
(cf. J. Lebon, "Textes inedits de Philoxene de Mabbog': Le Museon 43 (1930), 50, I. 2; tr. 73,
ll. 16-17; and cf. Lebon's explanation, pp. 25-7). Fanatical opposition to Diodore and Theodore
undoubtedly had a long history.
137
In De Cael. Hier. 7 (PG4, 72 A13-14); In De Eccl. Hier. 7 (PG 4, 181 C3).
13
~
Basil's controversy with John must have been at its height during the 530s, since it is unlikely
that John's commentary on Ps.-Dionysius, in which he refers disparagingly to Basil's party, can
have been written much befOre then. In one passage, after referring to the "Basilians," John also
refers scornfully to "the myths of the Origenists" as a contemporary threat (vVv): cf. In De Eccl.
Hier. 7 (PG 4, 176 A8-9). Since the controversy between "neo-Chalcedonians" and Origenists in
Palestine apparently did not become violent until some time after the death of Sabas (so Cyril, VS
83, 188, 11. 13-22), John's remark against Basil, too, would seem to date from after 532.
Photius confirms this dating in a general way by reporting on another work of Basil: his
Ecclesiastical History (Cod. 42: ed. R. Henry I, 26-7; PG 103, 76 A7-C2). This was written in three
books, according to Photius: the first dealing with the years of the emperors Marcian to Zeno
(450-74); the second (which Photius possessed) reaching from Zeno to the death of Anastasius I
(474-518); and the third "beginning from the reign of Justin:' Unless this third book was very
short, or dealt with events in much greater detail than the first two, it must have gone down well
into the reign of Justinian: perhaps into the 540s.
E. Honigmann (Eveques et eveches monophysites d'Asie Anterieure au VI" siecle: CSCO Subsidia
2 (Louvain, 1951), 80-1) is surely right in distinguishing this BacriAE{os K{Aig from the "Basil,
bishop of Irenoupolis in Cilicia under the Emperor Anastasi us" mentioned in the Suda (cf. Suidae
Lexicon I, ed. A.Adler (Leipzig, 1928), 459, II. 7-9). Nor is there any evidence to support identifying
either Basil with the author of"homilies and other works" in Syriac, mentioned in the Catalogue
of 'Abdisho' bar Berikha, as J. S. Assemani (Bibliotheca Orienta/is Clementina-Vaticana Ill, 1
(Rome, 1724), 38) and K. A. Baumstark (Geschichte der syrischen Literatur (Bonn, 1922), 118) have
done. The name Basil, after all, was probably even more common than that of Leontius.
139
Photius,Bibl., Cod.107 (ed. R. Henry II, 75,l. 7; PG 103,377 Al3).
'" Photius,Bibl., Cod.107 (ed. R. Hemyll, 78,ll.12-14; PG 103, 381 AS-10).
24 Introduction

Origenist leader well, particularly at the time of his influence in the capital during
the mid-530s. Leontius's own theological position, as we shall see, is also decidedly
opposed to the "neo-Chalcedoniari' stream represented by john of Skythopolis,
just as his main work in Constantinople in the 530s and 540s seems to have
been directed against compromise with the party of Severus; it is probable, then,
that he developed cordial relations with other diphysite Chalcedonian groups.
Nevertheless, Leontius is careful, in his own writings, to recognize the correctness
of theopaschite language, 141 even though he lays no emphasis on it himself His
own fierce attack on Diodore and Theodore, along with his disavowal of earlier
cordial relations with their admirers, may be, as we shall see, an attempt of the
Origenist leader to free himself from earlier, compromising associations-even,
perhaps, from his association with Basil the Cilician!
Having examined all the available evidence for the life of Leontius, I ought
perhaps to summarize what can be said about him with any degree of certainty,
granting the validity of all these identifications, before going on to consider the
date and character of his writings. Leontius was probably born-in Byzantium,
as his name suggests-during the last quarter of the fifth century. We know
nothing of his ancestry or early life, but can assume from the quality of his
works that he received a good education. At some time between 510 and 520,
probably, he would have come to the Palestinian desert to live the monastic life,
and after spending some time as an exile in the wilderness of the Dead Sea, with
Nonnus and his "Origenist" companions, Leontius would have been admit-
ted-or readmitted 142 -with them into the Nea Lavra, abouttheyear 519. There
he seems to have risen quickly to prominence, in a community traditionally
known for its interest in the tradition of Origen and Evagrius, and for its intel-
lectual intensity and freedom; at any rate, we next find him as part of Sabas's
delegation in an important mission to the capital in 531, and immediately hear
of his joining there in theological debate to defend the Christo logy of Chalcedon
against its Severan critics.
Whether he had been sent by his desert brethren as a kiud of permanent agent,
or whether Justinian now noticed his theological acumen and coopted him for
the post, Leontius apparently remained in Constantinople for several years: living
independently-in title, at least, a hermit-and taking part in the ecclesiastical
controversy and intrigues of the imperial city. He would have attended the
conversations with the "monophysites'' in 532, as the Palestinian monastic
representative on the Chalcedonian side. When the "monophysite'' party began to

"' CA; 112,ll. 30-1; 113,ll. 1-2; DTN 41: 160, 11.1-2.
142
It is not clear from Cyril's account whether Leontius was one of the original four Origenists
who had entered the lavra in 514,orwhether he had first joined Nonnus and his followers in their
desert exile.
 II. The Works 25
speak out more boldly, in the mid-530s, Leontius seems still to have been one of
the leaders of the opposition, and brought at least two of his old Origenist allies-
Domitian and Theodore Askidas, both now bishops in Asia Minor-to join him
in preparing for a confrontation. At the Home Synod of 536, Leontius and his
fellow Chalcedoniansapparently won their greatest victory, and he seems to have
returned to Palestine soon afterwards, his mission accomplished.
There, new conflicts awaited him: more primitive conflicts, between the rest-
less, inquiring "Origenist" monks-who seem to have defended, among other
things, a strongly diphysite Christology as the only possible form of Chalcedonian
orthodoxy-and their more cautious opponents, whose Christological sympa-
thies lay with the growing "neo-Chalcedonian'' synthesis. By 538 or 539 these
conflicts ended in violence, and whatever credence one gives to Cyril's story of
the abortive assault by the "Origenists" on the Great Lavra, Leontius seems to
have been at the center of the storm. After enlisting the help of his old friend
7Tatras Eusebius, in late 539 or early 540, Leontius himself returned to the capi-
tal to conduct the "Origenist" defence in the capital once agan. This defence in-
cluded persuading Peter, Patriarch of Jerusalem, to break with Ephrem, the
strongly "neo-Chalcedonian'' Patriarch of Antioch, who had recently con-
demned the works of Origen; but Ephrem and the ambitious Roman deacon
Pelagius allied with Patriarch Peter and the anti-Origenistmonks of Palestine to
persuade Justinian to join himself to that condemnation. The emperor's edict,
published in Jerusalem in February 543, was a severe blow to the Origenists, but
not the end; fighting for survival in Palestine, and helped by the diplomatic strat-
egy of Theodore Askidas at court, they rose again to influence in the late 540s,
and only seem to have declined permanently after the second condemnation of
Origenism, at the Council of 553. Leontius had died before this last Origenist
revival, probably sometime in 544. But the year or so between the publication of
Justinian's edict against Origen and Leontius's death may well have been the
most fruitful of the monk's life, from a theological and literary point of view: the
time when most of his works were either composed or put into their present
form, and began to circulate as a defense of Chalcedon. It is to those works-to
their contents and their probable dating-that we must now turn.

II. THE WORKS

A. The Six Treatises

In the Foreword (77po8<wp{a) found at the beginning of his collected works,

as I have already mentioned, Leontius speaks of the collection itself as a
26 Introduction
relatively late product of his theological career. Friends, he writes, "who have
approved of the public disputations which we have often held, have urged us to
provide them with some kind of written copies of the many theses and solutions
we have orally proposed:' 143 He has delayed writing for a long time, despite their
urging, he says-diffident because of his lack of "worldly" education and of
God-given inspiration. 144 But now the spiritual need of the weaker brethren has
driven him to comply. 145 He has put together a "modest treatise;' comprising
"three Books in all;' 146 which he proceeds to describe and name: in their
traditional Latin titles, the Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos, the Contra
Aphthartodocetas, and the Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos. 147
This simple three-part structure, however, is not quite what we find in the
two main manuscripts of Leontius's works, Vaticanus Graecus 2195 (V) and
Oxford, Laudianus Graecus 92B (0). In each of them, Leontius's two other anti-
Severan works, the Epilyseis and the Epaporemata, are inserted between the
CNE and the CA, even though the latter treatises are still labeled "Book I" and
"Book n;' respectively. In addition, as we shall see, 148 manuscript 0 presents us
with what seem to be two alternative endings for the main text of the DTN,
one of which presumes that a florilegium is to follow-as promised in the
Foreword-and the other apologizing for its absence. If these endings are both
the work of Leontius himself, they would provide evidence for two editions of
the treatise. And V offers us, after the DTN, still another work not mentioned in
the Foreword but purporting also to be by Leontius: the annotated florilegium
of late fourth-century Apollinarian texts and forgeries known as the Adversus
Fraudes Apollinaristarum. The story of the composition and arrangement of
Leontius's works, then-which the Byzantine world seems to have called simply

14
~p.116,ll.l-4. 144 ibid.,ll.8-11. 145 ibid.,11.19-20.
146 p.122,l.l;p.116,ll.21-2.
147
In his first edition of the Greek text of Leontius, Angelo Mai gave birth to several long-
standing misconceptions about the original titles and arrangement of Leontius's works. First of all,
he ran together the colophon he found at the end of the CA in the Vatican manuscript (KaTd
J4rp8apro80K17TWv) with the correct title of the DTN (Tijr; d7Topp~-rov ... rpWpa 1<:al 8p{aµ{3or;)
to give an unintelligible combination at the start of"Book 111:· a hybrid title that he abbreviates, in
Latin, to Adversus Incorrupticolas et Nestorianos. He then added to the confusion by presenting
the Epilyseis as Book II of the collected edition and moving the CA to a place by itself after the
DTN. Migne, when reprinting Mai's edition in 1865,restored the CA to its correct place as book II
of the collected edition, but continued to give the impression (begun by Mai but supported neither
by the manuscripts nor by the content of the works) that Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos is the
title of the whole, which is then subdivided into three books. This last misconception, in particular,
has remained in practically all the secondary literature since Mai, and has resulted in the habit
of referring to the CA as book II of the CNE, and to the DTN as book III of the CNE. In fact, the
manuscripts give no title to the collected edition at all. Although they do refer to the CNE as
A6yos ci, the CA as A6yos {3; and the DTN as A6yos y; it seems less confusing here to call the
treatises simply by their individual (and correct) titles.
148
See p. 48 and n. 321.
 II. The Works 27

Td AE6vTta 149 -is clearly not so simple as the Foreword suggests. To understand
their order and interrelationship, we shall have to look at them one by one.

1. Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos

The full title of this treatise, the first of the "three books" mentioned by Leonti us
in his Foreword, is "An Examination and Refutation of the Opposed Fantasies of
Nestorius and Eutyches on the Divinity and Humanity of Christ (Tijs KaTd T~V
e'EO'TYJTa TOV 'XptaTOV' Kal''O I
av pw1TOTl)TQ EVQVTlQS' 'I~ OOKYJGEWr; N EaTopiov
I '
Kal EVTvxoiJr; EA.eyxor; Kai dvaTpD7T~):' The very breadth of such a polemic,
aimed apparently at both extremes of fifth-century Christological interpretation,
may at first surprise us. But there is obviously a common danger in both an
exaggeratedly unitive Christology and an exaggeratedly divisive one: that each
effectively reduces one aspect of the concrete Jesus to mere appearance-the
approach of the Nestorians, his divine personhood and agency, and that of the
Eutychians,his abiding full humanity. In fact, Leontius suggests, both parties can
be brought together under the stinging epithet he attributes to theAbba Nonnus,
"opposite kinds of docetist ( JvavnoOoK~Tai):'' 50 Leontius's underlying thesis in
this book is that both kinds of Christological error rest on a common mistake,
avoided only through a careful adherence to the formula of Chalcedon: the
failure to distinguish clearly between the hypostasis or prosopon, the concrete
individual being, and the physis or ousia, the generic reality to which a number
of individuals belong. Further, he compares the classical positions of Nestorius
and Eutyches in Christology to those of Sabellius and Arius on the Trinity: all
four are led into error by confusing hypostasis, the individual, with physis or
essence-the particular with the generic or common. 151 Sabellius, wishing to
emphasize the unity of the divine substance, refuses to distinguish three
hypostases in God, while Arius, in his eagerness to safeguard the distinction
in hypostasis between Father and Son, "divides the essence along with them:'
Similarly, Nestorius "divides the natures into hypostases;' while Eutyches
"mingles the natures into a (single) nature:' 152 So Leontius sets out in the CNE,
first of all, to "clarify and explain the concepts of hypostasis and essence, or

149
So Germanus of Constantinople, in the reference to Leontius mentioned above (p. 5, n. 24),
speaks of the "very acceptable work" which Leontius, monk of the desert, composed in defence of
Chalcedon, containing"many testimonia ... about the twofold terminology (1T6AAas µap-rvp{as
... 11Epi -rfjs Sv"iKfjs cpwvfjs); for this reason the book is also called AE6v-ria:' Corresponding to
this, the brief collection of excerpts from the CNE and the DTN which is found in a number of
m_:dieval m~nuscripts-what I have called the "Excerpta Leontina'' or 11-is entitled simply EK
-rwv AEoV-rtwv.
150 p. 128, ll. 3-6; cf. also the scholion in V ad loc.

"'p.128,1.24-p.130,l.6. "'p.128,1.25-p.130,l.21.
28 Introduction
of person and nature;" 153 the whole treatise is devoted to explaining how a
single hypostasis, or concrete individual, can participate in more than one nature
at the same time, without suffering damage to its own internal unity.
After a brief introduction, 154 Leontius presents his argument in seven
numbered sections; 155 each begins with a question put by a "Nestorian" or
"Eutychian' interlocutor, and consists mainly in the author's detailed reply.
Only in one case-question 5156-is the interlocutor allowed to interrupt
Leontius's answer with a further, related question. The work is not a dialogue,
then, so much as a scholastic treatise, arranged according to difficulties and
solutions. 157 Question 1' 58 directly takes up the problem of distinguishing
between nature and hypostasis. Both sets of opponents point out together that
if, as all parties to the discussion seem to assume, no nature actually exists apart
from a hypostasis (ovk EGTi rpv&is aVv77o&TaTos) 159-if, in other words,

153 154
p,126,ll.l-4. p.126,1.1-p.130,l.9.
155
These sections are not reproduced in Mai's edition, even though they are clearly numbered
in the manuscripts. This has led to some confusion. For instance, in a note to a passage from the
CNE 3 (p. 140, ll. 6-18) included in the florilegium of the Patriarch Nicephorus's Antirrhetica II,
Cardinal Pitr a questions the accuracy of Nicephorus's information that the source of the passage
is the Tp{-r17 TWv alperiKWv 7rp6Tar:ns-. Mai's edition presents the CNE simply as A6yos- 6., Pitra
observes, and therefore the reference to a third proposition "nihil est nisi scholioninsulsum'' (Spic.
Sol. I (Paris, 1852), 348, n. 2). Actually, Nicephorus is referring correctly to the beginning of the
third question and response of the CNE.
156
p. 156,ll. 1-3,
157 Leontius himself suggests this in the first sentence of the Foreword to the "collected edition,"

when he refers to the works he is publishing as TWv 1To,\,\dKis- ElpruJ,E:vwv €1Ta1Top~aEwv Kai
,\Vat:wv V1ToTv1TWaEis- (1268 B5-6).Astage more formalin structure than the dialogue, this form
of academic treatise, sometimes designated as erOtapokriseis, was adopted also by Pamphilus, in
his Quaestiones et Responsiones, perhaps a generation later (ed J. Declerck, CCG 19, 597-662), and
used later by other Greek theologians. Its origin may well be in the formal dialectical exercises of
the sixth-century philosophical schools, about which we know relatively little.
!SB p, 130,ll.10-11.
159 Leontius allows his interlocutors to propose this as a generally accepted principle. I can find

no direct parallel to it in the Neoplatonic conunentaries on Aristotle contemporary with Leontius,

although it corresponds, in a general way, to Aristotle's insistence on the metaphysical primacy of
the concrete individual-e.g. in his distinction between "primary" and "secondary" substance (Cat.
5, 2all-19; 3bl0). Already in the language of the Cappadocian Fathers, however-from whom
Leontius claims to derive his identification of rpVais- with at.la {a, and his distinction of both from
{;176aTaais- or 17p6aw1Tov, as general from particular-only that which does not itself exist (TOµ~
6v) is said to possess a non-hypostatic nature (Gregory of Nyssa, Vita Moysis II: ed. H. Musurillo
(Leiden, 1964),40, II. 11-12; PG 44, 333 Bl-3; cp. Ps.-Basil [Didymus the Blind],Adv. Eunomium V;
PG 29, 749 B4-7 [correcting dvv1T6aTaToV, l 6, to €vv1T6aTaTov1]). Accidents were agreed to be
dvv1T6aTaTa, because they have no concrete existence in themselves (cf. De Sectis 7: PG 86, 1240
DS-1241 Al). Even in the fifth century there had been a controversy between Apo1linarians,
who held that the humanity of Christ was anhypostatic (and so a kind of accident in the Logos),
and those who held it was enhypostatic, or concretely individualized; cf. the pseudepigraphic
correspondence between Paul of Samosata and Dionysius of Alexandria (ed. E. Schwartz, "Eine
fingierte Korrespondenz mit Paulus dem Samosatener;' Sitzb. der hayer. Akad. der Wiss.1927, 3, 5,
 II. The Works 29
natures or essences only exist as instanced in the concrete individuals which
represent them-then to speak of two natures in Christ must entail speaking of
two hypostases as well: something the "Nestorians" presumably would affirm,
and the "Eutychians" strenuously deny. Leontius replies first with an ad
hominem thrust at the "monophysites" who use this argument, and asks about
the metaphysical status of Christ's "flesh" in the Cyrillian formula µ,{a rpvais
ToV BEov A6yov aEaapKwµ,EvYJ: is his flesh only part of his one nature, or
must it be separate from nature altogether? 160 To the degree that it participates
in nature or essence at all, the "flesh" they speak of raises the same question
against themselves that they have raised against Leontius. Secondly, he turns to
the "Nestorians;' and in what is perhaps the most celebrated passage of all his
writings he distinguishes between the hypostasis, or individual thing, and "the
hypostatic (ro Evvrr6ararov);' or that which is individualized: namely, the
nature or essence. 161 The fact that non-hypostatic natures do not properly exist
by themselves does not mean that natnres are hypostases. 162 Leontius carefully
defines both nature and hypostasis here, 163 and the definition of hypo stasis,
especially, is to be of central importance for the rest of his argument: "either
things which are the same in nature but different numerically, or things put
together from different natures but sharing reciprocally in a common being:' 164
The example he gives of such a "composed'' hypostasis is man himself, in whose
case each single individual shares, by definition, in the separate natnres of soul
and body. 165
Question 2, 166 posed by the "advocates of division" (the "Nestorians"), 167
raises doubts about the appropriateness of the analogy of the human composite
to explain the Incarnation.After admitting that every analogy limps, 168 Leontius
defends the body-soul parallel to the whole person of Christ, in that both in the
Incarnate Logos and in every man something invisible and immortal is united
to something visible and mortal to form a single individual, while the elements
remain unchanged and unconfused. 169 He also discusses the relative "com-
pleteness" and "incompleteness" of soul and body in man, and of Logos and
man in Christ. Even though both elements in each are complete, as far as their
philosophical definitions go, 170 still "the Logos is not the complete Christ, even
though he is completely God, if humanity is not joined to him, nor is the soul a
complete man, even though it has a complete essence, unless the body is also

ll. 6-9; 11, II. 13-15; etc.). Both groups of Leontius's opponents here seem to realize that if one speaks
of Christ's humanity as a distinct nature, one is speaking in some sense of a"hypostatic" reality:
160 161 162
p.130,ll.18-26. p.132,11.19-23. p.132,1.26-p.134,l.3.
163 164 165
p.134, 11. 6-20. p.134,11.11-13. ibid.ll.18-20.
167 168
166
p.134,1.21-p.136,l.2. p.136,l.3. p.136,11.9-11.
169 170
p.136,11.11-24. p.138,ll.12-13.
30 Introduction
understood to be in conjunction with if' 171 This is a point of capital importance
in Leontius's defence of Chalcedon: the Logos is indeed God, but Christ can
only be understood correctly as God and man in a single individual.
Question 3, also put by the "Nestorian'' side, argues that if the Logos is joined
to a human nature as intimately as a soul is joined to its body, he will himself
become-as the soul does-passible and circumscribed, which is unthinlcable. 172
Leontius replies that the soul suffers and becomes. spatially circumscribed in
conjunction with the body only because it has in itself the capacity for such
limitation, but the Logos experiences none of these things in union with its
humanity, "being impassible by nature and unchangeable:' 173 Question 4, the
third posed by the "Nestorians;' asks simply why it is unacceptable to speak of
two hypostases being united without confusion in Christ, just as one speaks of
two united natures in him. 174 Leontius answers by returning to his definitions
of hypostasis and nature, and gives a schematic and rather complicated
explanation-similar to the schematic explanations dear to the Neoplatonic
commentators on Aristotle 175 -of the "relationships ( axfoEL<; )" of concrete
individual and common substance within the one Incarnate Word.
The next two questions are put into the mouth of Leontius's "monophysite"
or Severan opponents. In question 5, they return to the analogy of the human
composite: if one may correctly speak of man as having one human nature,
even though one recognizes the abiding distinction of his "parts;' what harm
can there be in referring to Christ as having one nature, too? 176 After a few
preliminary distinctions, Leontius replies that a human is only said to have one
nature because there is a class of human composites to which each composite
individual belongs; but there is no class of "Christs;' since he is unique in
history. 177 Leontius then puts forward the counter-argument that ifthe Logos
and the Father are one in nature (as Nicaea proclaimed), then to speak of
humanity and divinity in Christ as being also one nature implies logically that
Christ's humanity is of one nature with the Father. 178 Question 6 represents the
"monophysite" opponents' attempt to turn the tables on Leontius: if there are
two natures in man, as well as one composite human nature, then we must
also speak of three natures in Christ, as well as two! 179 Leontius replies
rather contemptuously that one could subdivide the "parts" of human nature

171 172
p.138,ll.14-16. p.140,11.6-9. 173
p.142,l.7-p.144,l.2.
174
p. 144, 11. 9-12.
175
Cf. the avSvy{at or "pairs of relationships" elaborated by the fifth-century commentator
Ammonius Hermeiou, In Cat. (ed. A. Busse (Berlin, 1895)), 25, 11. 9-12; or by John Philoponus, In
Cat. (ed. A. Busse (Berlin, 1898)), 28, IL 21-3. A similar diagram of these "pairs" appears in two
manuscripts of those commentators and in the Oxford manuscript of Leontius, which may well
go back to the authors themselves; seen. 519.
176 177 178
p.150,ll.9-14. p.152,1.20-p.154,l.4. p.154,11.21-4.
179 p.156, 11. 16-20.
 II. The Works 31

almost indefinitely; to speak of the two natures in Christ, however, is not simply
to make technical distinctions, but to represent in shorthand the two main
and irreducible aspects of his person. "For the parts of Christ are unmingled
godhead and manhood. Soul and body are not parts of Christ, but parts
of a part:'1so
Question 7 seems, like question 1, to be put jointly by both "Nestorians" and
"Eutychians": it is the simple request for Leontius to discuss the "manner of
union (Tpbtros T~S EvWaEws)" between God and man in Christ: 181 how can
one conceive of a real, ontologically significant union between two such
disparate elements? After criticizing the "exaggerated reverence (<vli6.f3«av
1TEpt-rrljv)" of those who refuse to speculate on such things, 182 Leontius agrees
that the union in Christ-which must be a "substantial, concrete union of
essences (h KaT' oValav TE Kal oVatWOYJs Kal eVv7T6aTaTDS E-VwaLs)" 183 -is a
Mystery, open only to faith guided by divine light. 184 He then rejects the
two explanations of the union traditionally associated with his two sets of
opponents. The "Nestorian" conception of "union in dignity (kvwatS'
Ka-r' atiav)'; he argues, would apply equally well to the saints, who share in the
status and dignity of the Son, and does not do justice to Christ's unique
relationship to God. 185 But the "monophysite" explanation-that the two
natures, the divine and human, which existed "before the union" became in
Christ permanently one-leads simply to a confusion (avyxvatS') of the
elements of the Incarnate Word. Leontius then distinguishes, at some length,
the various kinds of union and division that can exist between individuals, 186
and insists that the union of natures in Christ must not be one that produces a
hybrid of God and man, but rather one that "preserves the individual character
of (their) existence, even in unity:' 187
After concluding his argnment, Leontius offers his readers a florilegium or
anthology of eighty-eight brief patristic testimonia, introduced and occasion-
ally interlarded with his own comments, to support both his use of terms and
his nnderstanding of what union and distinction really mean in Christ. I shall
have more to say about this and his other florilegia later.
Taken all together, the CNE is really nothing more than a defence of the
Chalcedonian definition of Christ's person, as one hypostasis in two natures,
against challenges from both sides of the traditional fifth-century Christological
dispnte. One cannot help feeling that the balance Leontius tries to maintain
here between two sets of opponents is a little artificial; both the florilegium, and
the further development of his position in the two works that follow, suggest
that the real opponents he has in mind are the Severan "monophysites:' In any

ISO p.162,11.14-16. lSl ibid.,ll.22-30. !Bl p.164,11.1-15. 183 ibid.,ll.16-17.

184 185 186
p.164,11.21-4. p.166,l.1-p.168,1.21. p.168,l.26-p.174,1.10.
"' p.174, ll. 4-8; cf. also p.170, 11.16-18.
32 Introduction
case, we have little evidence today to suggest that a "Nestorian'' rejection of the
Chalcedonian formula was a widely held position in the Greek-speaking
Church of the sixth century. Leontius's method of attack, however, is to present
his own form of strictly Chalcedonian diphysism as a middle position between
two extremes that rest ultimately on the same error: a somewhat contrived line
of argument, perhaps, but dialectically an effective one. There are few clues in
the text to the date of this work; the reference, near the beginning, to the "top
philosophers" 188 who hope to "make themselves wise men by decree'' 189 could
be a bitter reference to those who engineered the condemnation of Origen in
543, but it could refer to earlier influential opposition at court, as well. Whatever
the date of composition of the CNE in its present form, however, its content
seems to belong best in the heated theological atmosphere of the 530s, when
the accusation of "Nestorianism" was not unknown 190 and when the "mono-
physite'' party led by Severus of Antioch was still active in Justinian's capital.

2. Epilyseis
The CNE is followed, as I have said, in manuscripts V and 0, not by the work
announced in the Foreword as ,\6yos- f3' (the CA), but by a long dialogue
entitled "Solutions of the Arguments advanced by Severus (E1TLAva<is- TWV V1To
:Ern~pov 1Tpo(:JEf:l,\"7fLEVWV av,\,\oywµ.wv):' 191 The opening lines tell us
explicitly that the work is intended as a supplement to the CNE, written-again
at the behest of friends-in answer to new arguments raised by his opponents,
which did not seem adequately forestalled by the first treatise. 192 Although

188
p.126, 1. 17. For the textual implications of this epithet, cf. p. 86, n. 482.
189p.126,ll. 15-16.
190
The clearest example is that of the monastic community of the ''Akoimetoi" or "Sleepless Ones:'
a community of pro-Chalcedonian monks in Constantinople, who were accused by Justinian of
Nestorianism in a letter to Pope John II of June, 533, on the grounds that they refused to acknowledge
that the man Jesus is "one of the holy and consubstantial Trinity'' (Mansi VIII, 795 C-797 B). John
replied on 25 March 534, confirming Justinian's profession of faith and excommunicating the
Akoimetoi until they should sign a similar profession themselves (ibid. 797 C - 799 D4, esp. 799Al1-
15). The Akoimetoi had a long diphysite tradition, and were undoubtedly still remembered for their
dispute with the "Scythian monks" over the theopaschite formula ("One of the holy Trinity suffered in
the flesh'') some fifteen years earlier. It seems unlikely, however, that the members of this community
were genuinely Nestorian in their sympathies, since both their hegumen John and their archimandrite
Euethius were present in the monastic delegation at the Synod of 536 (ACO III, 47, ll. 39-41; 68, 11.
15-16). As we have seen in the case of Basil the Cilician, "Nestorian'' was a label all too readily pinned
on anyone who sympathized with the basic concerns represented by Antiochene Christology.
191 The title is given in tl1e singular, as 'E17{Avais ... , in 0 and in Mai's edition, but the plural

form, which appears in V, seems to correspond better with the announced intention of the work
as a discussion of several newly raised difficulties; see also the plural form in p. 278, l.12.
192
p. 270, ll. 4-14. See also the reference to "the first section of our earlier work '.Against the
Opposed Docetists"': p. 296, ll. 13-15.
 II. The Works 33

there is no mention of Severus in the body of the text, the title identifies him,
the most articulate spokesman for those who rejected the Chalcedonian
formula, as the source of the objections dealt with here. If this is true, the most
likely date for the work's composition would be the time when both Severus
and Leontius were in Constantinople, engaged in theological discussion,
between. the winter of 535 and March, 536. In any case, the Epilyseis is an
unarnbiguouslypro-Chalcedonian work, and attacks "monophysite" arguments
in even greater technical detail-and with greater theological profundity-
than did the anti- monophysite sections of the CNE.
The work is written in dialogue form, though its conversational character
becomes less and less marked as it progresses, and finally disappears altogether.
The argument seems to fall into eight sections, which I have marked in the text;
they are not numbered in the manuscripts, but Leontius's reference, near the
end of the work, to "the first chapter of our discussion above" 193 suggests he was
writing with some subdivisions in mind.
The first section194 raises the question whether the Logos assumed a
"particular nature (T~V Tlva cpVatv)1 when becoming man, or human
1

nature in general. 195 Leontius denies the validity of the distinction, repeating
the burden of his earlier discussion of hypostasis and nature in the CNE: an
individual, he insists, is always an individual hypostasis, participating in a
nature as a particular member of a universal reality, but marked off as a
hypostasis of that nature by its distinguishing characteristics. 196 In section 2 of
the work, 197 his interlocutor turns to the subject of number: does not the
predication of number, as in the phrase "two natures;' always imply "quantity
and division (TD 7Toa0v Kal Oinpr;p.Evov)?" 198 Leontius replies that number of
itself implies neither division nor unity, but merely expresses the relationships
perceived within and among objects. 199 When applied to natures, number"does
not properly signify their quantity (Tb 1Toabv avTwv) but their diversity (Tb
ETEpoyEvEs );" 00 even if, when applied to hypostases, it signifies a quantity of
distinct individuals. In section 3, 201 the opponent challenges Leontius's dogged
insistence on the classical Cappadocian definitions of hypostasis and nature:

193
Ev T<jJ 1TpdJTqJ KE<:pa'Aa{q; rWv dpr{ws 01TopYJµ..€vwv: ibid., 11. 13-14.
194
p.270,L 15-p.272,1.26.
195
The question is not so jejune as it might sound. One of the principal defenses of the µ.{a
cpVcris-formula, advanced even by"neo-Chalcedonians:' was that cpDais can be used in two senses:
to denote a nature or essence as a universal to which many individuals belong, and to denote
an individual instance of that nature, a rpValr; l8iK~, which is not the same as the hypostasis.
Cf. Leontius of Jerusalem, Contra Nestorianos I, 20 (PG 86, 1485 Dl); II, 1 (ibid. 1529 C13); II, 7
(ibid. 1552 D2-4); cf. also M. Richard, "Leonce de Jerusalem'; 60-2.
''" So esp. p. 272, ll.15-26; cp. CNE 4; p. 144, I. 25-p. 146,l. 4; and 7; p. 168, I. 26-p.170.L 8.
197 198 199
p.272,1.27-p.276,l.21. p.272,ll.30-1. p.274,11.4-12.
200 201
p.274,ll.28-30. p.276,l.22-p.282,1.15.
34 Introduction
even if these are adequate to express the relationships within the Trinity, in
the Incarnation the very "newness of the Mystery (TO Ka<vorrperr~;; ToiJ
µvan1 p{ov) "-to echo Gregory ofNyssa's word-demands a new understanding
of the terms. 202 Leontius forcefully replies that words must retain the same
definitions for every reference, if language is to remain within the rules of
predication.'03 Of course no human speech is adequate to express the Mystery of
God-even less adequate in the case of the Trinity than in that of the Incarnation,
since it is the latter that reveals the Mystery to us. 204 But this inadequacy does not
mean that one may consider one's use of"hypostasis" and "physis;' when one is
talking about either God or God made man, to be exempt from the requirements
of logic or linguistic consistency. Leontius's opponent then observes that while
the Fathers are consistent in their use of these terms for the Trinity, they are less
so when speaking of the Incaruation; 205 Cyril of Alexandria, for instance,
occasionally uses "hypostasis'' and "physis" as synonyms. Leontius, however,
denies that such variations are any more than examples of metaphor, or of a
permissible inexactness of speech.206
In section 4,207 the opponent brings forward one of the key phrases in the
Christological formulary of the sixth-century opponents of the Chalcedonian
definition:" one composite nature of Christ (µ{a cpvat;; XptaTOV avv8ETO;; ). "208
Since they confess his one nature as "composite:' they argue, it is an
"impertinence" to accuse them of simply combining his humanity and divinity
into a new hybrid. In answer,Leontius distinguishes between the act of avv8wt;;
or i!vwat;; and the things which are so united; what is one in Christ, after the
union, is his hypostasis, but his human and divine natures-in which he is
consubstantial with his mother and his Father, respectively-remain, "since
neither of them changes ... but each preserves, even in union, the difference
between them:' 209 In section 5,210 the interlocutor returns to the supposition of
section 1: individual objects belonging to one identifiable generic reality are
each conventionally said to be themselves that "one nature''. 211 Leontius again
rejects the notion of"singular natures" as being a misuse of terms; each object,
he insists, "has a common nature, according to its common species, and a
proper hypostasis, which distinguishes what is proper in it from what is

202
p. 276, 11. 22-7, referring to Gregory of Nyssa, Ref Conj Eunomii 3 (ed. W. Jaeger II, 313,
ll.13-17; PG 45,468 B13-C3); Ctr. Eun. III, 3 (ed. Jaeger II, 131,ll.19-22; PG 45, 705 Dll-708 A2).
204 205
203
p.276,1.28-p.278,Lls. p.278,l.23-p.2so,l.2. p.2so,ll.6-l6.
206
p.280,l.17-p.282,1.15. 207 p.282,l.16-p.284,1.15.
208
See, for instance, the letter of the monophysite bishops to Justinian-probably dating from
early in 532-given in the Syriac continuation of Zacharias Rhetor, Hist. Eccl. IX, 15 (CSCO III, 6:
119,l.13-121,l. 8; tr. 82,L 13-83,1.22). For the adoption of the terms aVv8r:ais and aDv8eros, with
qualifications, by the "neo-Chalcedonians:' see my article "Origenism", 361-2, n. 2.
ilo p. 284, l.16-p. 286, l. 7.
209 211
p. 284, 11. 5-7. p. 284, 11.18-20.
 II. The Works 35
common, by defining marks and characteristics:" 12 Section 6213 discusses
patristic tradition as a norm for theological language. The "monophysite"
interlocutor points out that some formulations with respectable pedigrees-for
example, "that of the two natures" in Christ214 -have been rejected by later
Fathers because they have been misused by heretics, and so have acquired
dangerous associations. Leontius observes that heretics have misused holy
Scripture as well, but this does not justify our imitating Marci on and expunging
passages wholesale. 215 Since heresy always goes on, he argues, no Fathers can
provide, by themselves, a final norm for the correct use of theological language.
Each generation must have the right to decide the issues for itself, and does so
principally through the judgments of the holy Synods. 216
In the important seventh section, 217 Leontius's "monophysite'' opponent
concedes that his party, too, recognizes two natures in Christ "on the purely
conceptual level (µ.ov71 Tfj Emvo{q.);'218 though they believe his nature is a
single, composite one in its concrete reality. The Chalcedonians themselves, he
continues, speak occasionally of two hypostases, conceptually distinct but
united in actuality; their criticism of the "monophysites"therefore holds equally
against themselves. 219 In his reply, Leontius first discusses E7T{vota-which we
might translate as "conceit" or "creative thinking''. 220 There are two kinds, he
says: the sort of thinking which teases out the possibilities of an idea and reveals
new implications in it; and the sort which actually fabricates from experience
notions of beings which do not exist at all. In either sense, to recognize two
natures in Christ €1nvo{q. µ.6vn is to deny to those natures any' reality of their
own; the Fathers have, it is true, spoken of division between the two natures in
Christ as existing €mvo{q. µ.6vn, but have always held the natures themselves to
exist both actually and in inseparable unity. 221 Secondly, though Leontius seems
to admit tacitly that his side has at times distinguished two hypostases in Christ
in such a "purely conceptual" way, he denies strongly that they have ever held
their actual existence as separate things, either ''before" or "after the union''. 222
The eighth section223 is the longest and undoubtedly the most complicated
chapter of the work. Leontius's interlocutor again returns, in effect, to the first
question raised in the CNE: if every existent being consists of common and
individual elements, and if nothing is lacking from either of the two realities
united in Christ, then both his divinity and his humanity must have elements
they share with other individuals, as well as elements peculiar to themselves. If

lU p. 286,11. 2-4. 2
l:l p. 286,l. 8-p. 288,1.14. 214 p. 286 ll.10-ll.
1
215 216 217
p. 286,11.20-3. p.288,ll. 4-11. p.288,L 15-p.296,1.16.
219
llS p.288,1.15. ibid.,ll.17-26.
22
° For the history of the patristic use of this term up to and including Leontius, see Antonio
Orbe, La Epinoia. Algi.tnos preliminares hist6ricos de la distinci6n 1<.a'T' ETTlvolav (en torno a la
filosofia deLeoncio Bizantino) (Rome, 1955).
221 222 223
p.288,1.27-p.290,l.25. p.292,1.10-p.294,l.3. p.296,1.17-p.310,l.12.
36 Introduction

that is so, one must logically either speak of two natures and two hypostases in
Christ, or else one must accept "one nature;' alongside "one hypostasis;' as
equally correct. 224 In his reply, Leontius first emphasizes again that it is never_
correct to speak of an actual division (ow{prni<;) in the historical person of
Christ, the Incarnate Word, either "before" or "after" the uniou of his natures;
since neither nature is "the whole Christ" by itself (see CNE 2), then as far as
Christ is concerned "there was no time when thes~ were not united;' 225 so that
division in Christ is always a purely conceptual matter. 226 Still, "there is
something incommunicable in the union, which is explained by the very
greatness of the divine nature:'227 Therefore the union in Christ cannot be a
"naturaf' thing; indeed, Leontius is unwilling to look on even the union of soul
and body in man, or of the elements in the universe, as brought about simply by
the operation of natural laws-they are all the creative work of the divine
Logos. 228 So, he says, the real concern of Christological investigation should not
be the natures that are united in Christ, but the mode of union (Tp67To<; T~S
€v<iH1<ws) between them, and the final product (d7roTEArnµa) ofit. On the first
of these subjects, Leontius rejects both the "way of division'' -the explanation
of the unity of Christ in purely moral or linguistic terms-and the "way of
confusion'', which hybridizes deity and humanity into a new, third thing; the
only acceptable model is the "middle way" of "unconfused and inseparable
union;' in which two undiminished natures fully belong to one subject, and so
bring about in that subject an "exchange of characteristics:'229 A union of this
kind is "more unitive that the kind that completely divides, but richer than the
kind that completely confuses:' 230 As for the "product" of this kind of union, it
must be neither wholly the same as either part taken by itself, nor wholly
different; the sameness will reside in the single hypostasis participating in both
a human and a divine nature, the difference in the natures themselves. 231 To
speak only of one nature in Christ is to suggest that divinity and humanity have
become, in him, the same as each other; 232 but if we can discern in Christ ways
of acting that are opposed, even contradictory to each other-being visible and
being invisible, for instance, or being mortal and being immortal-there must
be two distinct natures in him.233 A hypostasis, in Leontius's anthropology, is by
definition capable of "receiving opposite and contradictory predicates;' but a
nature, as a recognizable principle and pattern of behavior, must remain
consistent with itsel£ 234 After a brief excursus denying the relevance of the
question of the pre-existence of Christ's manhood to that of the unity of his
person235 and rejecting Cyril's formula asserting that Christ is one ''from two

224 225
p. 296, ll.17-28. p. 296,11. 33-4. "" p. 296, l.30-p. 298, 1.25.
227
p. 300, ll. 8-9. 228
p. 300, 11. 13-20. 229p. 302, 1.1-p. 304, 1. 3.
230 231 232
p. 304, ll. 4-5. p. 304, 11. 5-9. p. 304, IL 12-16.
233 234 235
p. 306, ll. 3-14. p.306,11.14-18. p.306,ll.19-31.
 II. The Works 37

hypostases;'236 Leontius ends the Epilyseis by returning to his first principles:

the difference between hypostasis and nature, the role of characteristics
(loiwµara) in marking out both natures and individuals, and the possibility of
two sets of natural characteristics being predicable of a single person.' 37

3. Epapori!mata
The next work in manuscripts V and 0 is also not one of those announced in
the Foreword; it is a series of thirty terse theses-the first fourteen little
more than syllogisms, the last sixteen generally more discursive-entitled
"Proposals and Definitions Offered as Objections against those who Deny the
Double Reality of the Divine and Human Nature in the One Christ, after the
' (' ' ' e
Union E7Ta7TOp'rjµ.,ara V1TO ETtKa TE Kat op1,ariKa 77pos apvovµ.,e:vovs e:v T({)
I \' I \) / '

' ' X ptaTq.>, µ.e:raI TYJV

EVl I'' 1
e:vwaiv, TYJV ~ 1
OlTT'rJV ,..
TY)S l}I
ve:Las TE Kat''8 '
av pw7TlVTJS
cpvaEw<; d>.~8«av):' This is the same set of theses that is later quoted-wholly
in the Doctrina Patrum 238 and partly by Euthymius Zigabenus239 -under the
name "Thirty Chapters against Severus (rd rpi6.Kov1a Ke:cpdi\aia Ka rd
:Ern~pov)"; it seems to have been Leontius's best-known work in medieval
Byzantium. 240 Written in a form that appealed to an age fond of such theses, 241
it gives no internal clue to its date or its relationship to Leontius's other writings.
Clearly, however, it is directed, like the Epilyseis, against the Christology of
Severus and his school, and so would also fit best into the controversies of the
mid-530s.
Theologically, the thirty Epaporemata add little that is new to the two works
I have already discussed. Most of them summarize arguments conducted at
greater length in the CNE or the Epilyseis. In theses 1 and 2242 Leontius argues
from the acknowledged difference between godhead and manhood in Christ
( 1) to the simultaneous presence in him of two identifiable substances (2) and
so of two natures. Theses 3 to 6243 then turn to one of the compromise-formulae

"" p. 306,1.31-p. 308,1.12. "' p. 308, L 15-p. 310, 1.12.

''" 24,II (155,L 11-164,1.3).
239 PanopliaDogmatica XVI (PG 130, 1068 B7-1073 B12).

240
When speaking of orthodox attempts to refute "monophysism'' in the sixth century, for
instance, Nicephorus Kallistos Xanthopoulos (Hist. Eccl. XVIII, 48: PG 147, 428 BIO-Cl) remarks:
'\'' ,, , , , ,,,, , , , ,, ~, , , , A,
at\/\a 7011~0l t1-EV Kal c;l\l\Ol, TOVT~lS avTE,0EVTO: 11-,al\lOTa u,,E 1TUV7t;'V o, µovax?s E~VTlOS
YEVVUlWS EV,\ KE<:paAatOlS {3t{JAov okqv TOVTOlS aVE077JGEV, apOr;v µEv 77JV TOlaVTYJV atpEUlV
dvaTpE1ToVaav, a<:pOOpa 0€ Kai 7Q Ka8' ~µCis eUaef3€s OOyµa KpaTVvouaav. Cf. n. 20.
241
Cf. John of Caesaraea's "Seventeen Chapters against the Akephaloi" (ed. M. Richard, CCG 1
(Louvain/Turnhout, 1977), 61-6) and the "Syllogisms of the Holy Fathers against the Manicheans"
(ibid. 131-3), which may also be by John of Caesaraea. Eulogius, the Chalcedonian Patriarch of
Alexandria between 580 and 607, also seems to have composed twelve E7Ta7Top~aEtS against the
monophysites of his time: cf. Dodr. Patr. 24, I (152, 1. 15-155, 1. 10) and the ascription of such a
work to him by Maximus Confessor (PG 91, 264 Dl-4).
242 243
p.314,11.1-10. p.314,1.11-p.316,l.14.
38 Introduction
of Cyril and later of the "monophysite" party: that Christ exists "from'' but not
"in'' two natures. If they are willing to recognize divinity and humanity not only
as the sources from which the concrete Christ has come to be, but as coexisting
in him without confusion "after the union;' argues Leontius, it is illogical for
them to adhere to their own formula and reject Chalcedon's phrase "in two
natures". In theses 7 and 8244 Leontius observes that numbers greater than one
are not the cause of division in the objects enumerated (8), any more than the
number one is necessarily a sign of identity of subject. Thesis 9245 makes use of
the Aristotelian principle that the category of relation can only be applied to
objects that exist simultaneously (aµa Ta1Tpo<; n Kai &ei). 24' If union (lvwai<;)
and the things which are united (Ta €vw8€vrn) belong together in this category,
the union itself must disappear if the things united cease to exist as, in some
sense, distinguishable realities. Thesis 10247 returns to the question of number,
arguing that if the number divides, then even to count the characteristics
(18iwµaTa) of the one nature in Christ is to introduce division.
Theses 11to13248 take up the famous passage in GregoryNazianzen's second
letter to Cledonius, in which the Theologian argues that the relation of
hypostasis and nature in the Incarnation is the "opposite of what it is in the
Trinity": the distinction in Christ is not one of a,\,\o<; Kai a,\,\o<; (one subject
and another) but of aAAo Kai a,\,\o (one thing and another). 249 If we accept
Gregory's teaching, Leontius insists, we must accept one hypostasis and two
natures in Christ. In theses 14 and 15, 250 Leontius raises a series of questions
about the possible meaning of the "monophysite" phrase, µia <pVai<; a6v8<To<;.
It is either another way of saying "two natures;' he concludes, or else it refers to
a mythical hybrid which is neither God nor man. Theses 16 to 18 251 construct a
similar series of dilemmas in connection with the Cyrillian formula µia <pDai<;
Tov Brnv Aoyov awapKwp,€vY/: if the "flesh" which the Word has become is
true and natural flesh, then to add arnapKwµivY/ to the words µia <pVai<; is to
confess a second nature. Theses 19 to 21 252 turn to the doctrine of Christ's
double consubstantiality. Leontius argues: (a) it is impossible for Christ to be
consubstantial (oµoo6aio<;) with the Father, whose nature is simple, if Christ's
nature is composite (a6v8ETo<;) (19); (b) it is impossible for Christ to be
consubstantial both with the Father and with us, as orthodox belief confesses,

244 245
p.316,11.16-24. p.316,1.24-p.318,l.1.
'" p. 3!6,ll.24-5.Aristotle, Cat7bl5;Phys.V, I (225b!0-1 l);Met. N, 1 (1088a29-31); Porphyry,
In Cat. (ed. A. Busse (Berlin, 1887)), 117, 1. 35-118, 1. 16; Ammonius Hermeiou, In Isag. (ed. A.
Busse (Berlin, 1891)), 76, 11. 5-6; In Cat. (ed. A. Busse (Berlin, 1895)), 73, 1. 23-74, 1. 3; John
Philoponus, In Cat. (ed. A. Busse (Berlin, 1898)), 117, IL 4-9.
w p.318,11.2-5. '" p.3!8,ll.6-18.
'® Ep. IOI, 20-1. (ed. P. Gallay (SC 208), 44,l. 10-45, 1. 2; PG 37, 180 AIO-B3).
250 251 252
p.318,l.19-p.320,1.14. p.320,l.15-p.322,1.18. p.322,1.19-p.324,l.17.
 II. The Works 39
ifhe has only one nature, unless one also wishes to make us consubstantial with
the Father.
In thesis 22,2 53 Leontius observes that if there are, as his opponents agree, two
sets of natural properties (cpvaiKai l8i6n7TEs) in Christ, then there must be
two natures in him, to which these properties belong. Thesis 23 254 deals with the
acknowledged difference (8wcpopa) between godhead and manhood in Christ:
if it is a "natural difference'; then this implies there are two natures between
which it is observed. In theses 24 and 25, 255 Leontius attempts to draw
conclusions from the traditional (Cappadocian) equation of essence (ovala)
and hypostasis with the common and the particular, respectively. If the Logos
shares one essence with the Father, he must be, as Logos, of a different nature
from his own flesh (25). Thesis 26256 repeats the axiom of Epil. 8257 that "union
and nature are not the same''; Leontius deduces from this that if two beings are
joined in the category of union, as we confess to be true of God and man in
Christ, they must be one in hypostasis rather than in nature. Thesis 27258 turns
to the subject of names: "Christ;' as a proper name, does not signify a nature
common to many individuals, but a single hypo stasis. It is therefore illegitimate
to use the traditional body-soul analogy as an argument for confessing only
one nature in Christ. Thesis 28259 again rejects the formula "from two natures
60
(EK 8vo cpva<wv )"as insufficient by itself. Theses 29 and 30,2 finally, return to
the problem of number. Leontius observes that if we refuse to number divinity
and humanity separately in Christ, we must avoid all references to them as
distinct entities (29); to be consistent, we shouldevenrefrain from distinguishing,
as Scripture so often does, among the various elements of our own composite
human nature (30). Leontius ends the work with a prayer of thanks, and with
the assurance that these brief arguments are only meant as "starting points and
seeds of discussion (dcpopµai Kai a7r€pµarn);' to be further elaborated by
those with a taste for hard work (cpiAo7rovwTEpoi).' 61

4. Contra Apthartodocetas
The next work in the collection is entitled "A Dialogue against those of our
Party who Adhere to the Corrupt Doctrine of the Aphthartodocetists (7rpos
ToVs EK TWv ~f-LErEpwv npoafJEµEvovs T'{J KaTE<pfJapµ,EvTl yvWµ.v rWv
iJ.cp8apT080K17Twv 8ia/..oyos):' This is the treatise designated in the Foreword
as /..6yos fJ' of the collected edition. It is professedly directed not against
"Julianists" in the original sense-those anti-Chalcedonians who accepted

253 254 255

p.324,11.18-24. p.324,l.25-p.326,1.5. p.326,l.6-p.328,1.9.
256 257 258 259 p. 330, 11.1-13.
p. 328, II. 4-9. p. 300, ll. 1-6. p. 328, 11.10-28.
260 261
p. 330,l.14-p. 334,l. 20. p.334,11.21-6.
40 Introduction

Julian of Halicarnassus's theory that the body of Christ was "incorruptible"

from the beginning of its existence-but against Chalcedonians who had made
Julian's theory their own. Rene Draguet has argued, convincingly and at length,
from the extant fragments of Julian's writings, that this doctrine was originally
concerned with theological anthropology rather than with Christo logy. Human
"corruptibility;' in Julian's terms, seems to be the state of subjection to weakness,
suffering, and death that each of us inherits, al.ong with Adam's sin, as the
present state of our human nature. In saying that Christ was incorruptible,
Julian apparently did not wish to deny the reality of his sufferings or his death,
but only to insistthat he accepted these things voluntarily; they were not forced
upon Jesus by the necessity of a fallen nature, because he-alone since Adam-
was born free of sin. 262 So while Julian himself began with a "monophysite"
Christology similar to that of Severus, and while he may indeed have moved
farther than Severus was willing to go in the direction of classical fifth-century
Eutychianism, his doctrine of incorruptibility was not of itself, according to
Draguet, necessarily linked to his understanding of the unity of Christ.
Chalcedonians could, and apparently did, find his theory attractive and
compatible with their own Christ-especially "neo-Chalcedonians;' whose
sympathies lay with the unitive, Logos-centered Christology of Cyril, even
though their formulation of the Mystery remained within the diphysite
language of Chalcedon. Ephrem of Amida wrote in defense of the idea,
according to Photius, 263 and towards the end of his life Justinian himself
officially promulgated it as imperial doctrine. 264
Leontius's CA, then, is aimed against supporters of the theory within the
broad confines of the Chalcedonian camp. Draguet insists that the theory, as
presented by Leontius's "Aphthartodocetist" 265 interlocutor, differs in some
subtle but essential respects from the original position of Julian. Leontius's
opponent uses O.cpBapros to mean "naturally incapable of corruption and

262
R. Draguet,Julien d' Halicarnasse et sa controverse avec Severe d'Antioche sur l'incorruptibilite
du corps du Christ (Louvain, 1924); for Draguet's summary of Julian's position, cf. esp. pp. 94-6.
263
See Photius's condensation of Ephrem's letter to the monk Eunoius, in Bi bl., Cod. 228 (ed. R.
Henry IV, 125, ll.10-19; PG 103, 969 B6-Cl).
264
This was Justinian's so-called "Edict for the Romans," no longer extant but probably issued
in the autumn of 564, a year or less before his death; cf. Evagrius, Hist. Eccl. IV, 39 (ed. Bidez-
Parmentier, 190, esp. 1116-24); Theophanes, Chron. I (ed. de Boor), 240,l. 31-241,1.2); Eustratius,
Vita Eutychii 33-6 (PG 86, 2314-16). Cf. F. Loofs, "Die 'Ketzerei' Justinians': in Harnack-Ehrung:
Beitriige zur Kirchengeschichte (Leipzig, 1921), 232-48.
265
John of Caesaraea is the first writer we know of to have used this belittling title for the
proponents of Christ's incorruptibility: see his short treatise and double florilegium, KaTd
.lkp0apTo0oKrJTWv (ed.M. Richard, CCG l, 69-78). Though the date of John's work is uncertain,
it is usually assumed to have antedated that of Leontius, since John seems to be active as a
t11eologian from about 515.
 II. The Works 41

suffering;' and apparently sees Christ's incorruptibility as resulting from a

transformation, at the time of the Word's Incarnation, of what might have
been a normal human nature into something superhuman, by the presence
of the Word. Julian, on the other hand, had apparently held that Christ's indi-
vidual nature was from the beginning fully normal in its human qualities,
but simply exempt from the consequences of original sin; his free acceptance
of suffering and death did no violence, in Julian's view, to the pristine
humanity that was distinctively his. 266 It is not clear how much Leontius is mis-
representing his opponents, who were in any case not understood to be part
ofJulian's circle; but the picture he paints of them is of a group coming danger-
ously close to denying the reality of Christ's manhood altogether. His own
reply is a warm, sometimes impassioned defense of the full normality of
Christ's human nature: surely Leontius's most accessible, and perhaps his most
suggestive work.
In its present form, the CA implies the prior existence of the CNEby referring
to it as Td Eµ,TTpoafJEv Elp~µ,Eva. 267 There is little in the treatise itself, however,
that allows us to date it more precisely. Leontius refers to the quarrel between
Severus and Julian, which seems to have taken place in the early and middle
520s, as something far enough in the past to have already had a beneficial effect
on Severan theology. 268 This would suggest a date at least as late as the 530s,
while the calm, irenic tone of the argument seems to fit less well with the end of
Leontius's life, after the anti-Origenist decree of 543.
Though the treatise is written in dialogue form, Leontius begins with a
reasonably full introduction.269 The theory of Christ's human incorruptibility
started, he observes, as an internal dispute among the "monophysites;' but it has
now ensnared some adherents of Chalcedon as well, simply by the attractiveness
of a single word: "incorruptibility (d<p8apa{a)''. 270 Like Severus in his criticism
of Julian, Leontius sees the notion that Christ's body was incorruptible not
simply as an anthropological theory, but as the covert ascription of a divine
attribute to his human nature, which inevitably robs it of its full and authentic
humanity. If his body was incorruptible, it might just as easily also have been
invisible, impalpable, even incorporeal. 271 But the scandal at the root of Christian
faith, Leontius reminds his readers, is that the Lord's human weakness and

266 267
Draguet, 177. p.338,11.1-5.
268
Cf. p. 340, ll. 4-25, where Leontius asserts it was the controversy with Julian which brought
Severus to acknowledge "a difference and properties (Oiacpopriv T€ Kai. l0i6TT)Tas)" in Christ: to
take, in other words, a more nuanced position with regard to the lasting difference between
Christ's divinity and humanity.
269
p. 338, 1. 1-p. 346, 1. 5.
270
p. 340, ll. 12-14; p. 342, 1. 7. This same idea, that it was simply the word "incorruptible" that
lured orthodox believers into heresy, is echoed by Eustratius, Vita Eutychii, PG 86, 2316 Cl -2.
271
p. 344, ll. 5-8.
42 Introduction

suffering were real, caused not by miracles but by the regular functioning of his
human nature. 272 lf Christ's humanity did not remain exactly like our own until
his death, then his Passion cannot have been a sharing in our suffering, and so it
cannot be the means for us to share in the divine likenesss of his resurrectionm
This is Leontius's argument against the "Apthartodocetists" in a nutshell; he
unfolds it at length in the form of a dialogue. He begins by convincing his
interlocutor that, since God chose to save man not simply by an act of his will,
but by sending his Son to share in human nature, it was necessary for our
salvation that his humanity be completely like ours, in soul and in flesh. 274 His
opponent objects that his party does not hold Christ's humanity to have been
naturally (Ka Ta <pvaiv) impassible or incorruptible of itself, but they believe
that it became so when it was joined to the Logos; Leontius points out that the
question is not how Christ's body became different from ours, but whether
it did. 275 If Mary, from whom the Logos took his human nature, remained
naturally untransformed by the Incarnation, as Christians assume, why should
the child who grew in her womb not have remained exactly as she was? 276
The "Apthartodocetist" then asks Leontius how the impassibility of Christ's
body, even if it began at the moment of the Incarnation, prevented him from
sharing fully in our human life. The only difference between Christ and us, as
he sees it, is that Christ suffered and died by his own divine will rather than
from natural necessity."' Leontius replies that this is to speak in riddles; surely
if union with the Word made his flesh impassible, the Word would not have
taken such a gift away again by an act of his will, and indeed could not do this
without weakening the very union which had conferred it. 278 The truth, rather,
is just the reverse: that the Word normally "permitted a nature which was
naturally equipped to suffer to undergo, without sin, what was natural to it";279
his divine will only intervened to exempt it from its lot at exceptional
moments. 280 The saving value of Christ's death, Leontius continues, is due to his
having suffered all the weaknesses of our fallen nature without having shared in
our sin. 281 If these weaknesses were contrary to his nature, they would, as
unnatural passions, themselves have been sinful. 282 Like art, the supernatural

212
p. 344, ll. 12-29. 273
p. 344, 1. 30-p. 346,L s. 274 p. 346, I. 8-p. 348, 1. 29.
275
p. 348, I. 30-p. 350, 1. 6.
276
p. 350, 1. 7-p. 354, 19. Both Leontius and his opponent agree that if the "overshadowing'' of
Mary by the Holy Spirit had made her nature incorruptible, she would have been incapable
of bringing Jesus into the world by a normal childbirth (p. 350, 11. 22-6)! Julian of Halicarnassus,
too, saw a connection between corruptibility and sexuality, and explained man's inheritance of
Adam's sin by the fact that he is conceived under the rule of passion. Christ is &rp8apTos, in Julian's
view, because he was born of a virgin, drp8cipT4J rpo1Tt:p. See Draguet, 102-3.
27
277
p.354,11.19-25. 278
p.354,l.26-p.356,l.5. ~ p.356,11.10-11.
280
p. 356,ll. 12-18. 281
p. 356, 1. 26-p. 358, 1.14. 282
p. 358, 11. 18-20.
 II. The Works 43

(7 d vrr~p cpvaiv) "does not abrogate natural faculties (Tct cpvaiKa) but develops
them and enables them both to do their own work and to receive the power to
do what is beyond them:'"' When his opponent then suggests that Christ's
human weakness was a kind of constant miracle,284 Leontius points out that
miracles are always exceptions to a rule, but human needs and even human
suffering were clearly part of the daily pattern of )esus's life.285 The glory of
Christ, in fact, is that in him a human nature exactly like ours shared, by personal
union, in the riches of the Word of God. 286 When the ''.Apthartodocetist" tries to
distinguish between the "corruptible" and the "passible;' adducing the example
of the bodies of the damned, which will suffer in Hell without being wasted by
it,287 Leontius insists that the kind of natural sufferings Christ underwent were
indeed of the kind that waste and corrupt the flesh as well. 288
The discussion then turns to Scripture. The ''.Apthartodocetist" says that
whatever arguments Leontius advances, he himself will not budge from what he
sees to be the clear assertion of Psalm 15.10, that the flesh of Christ "did not see
corruption:'289 Leontius offers Lamentations 4.20 and Psalm 29.10 as proofs, on
the contrary, that the Lord "was included in our corruption'' by assuming our
nature; he interprets Psalm 15.10 as meaning that the flesh of Christ was in fact
preserved from being corrupted in the tomb, not by an alteration of its nature but
by the power of the indwelling Word.290 His opponent insists that no passage of
Scripture actually says that Christ was corruptible;291 but Leontius lists all the
other human weaknesses which the Scripture says the Word did accept as part of
the Incarnation-pain, hunger, thirst, and every aspect of the process of physical
change (d,\,\o{wai<;) that includes birth, growth, and death292 -and he suggests
that if one accepts all of this, one ought also to acknowledge )esus's natnral
corruptibility as well, even if, as Scripture says, he never "saw corruption:'"'

283 p. 358, I. 31-p. 360, 1. 1; cf. also p. 360, 11. 4-24. Leontius's position here seems to anticipate
the later Thomist axiom that "grace does not destroy nature, but perfects it" (e.g. ST 1/1, q. l, a.8,
resp. ad 2).
285 286
lM p.360,11,25-7, p.360,l.28-p.362,1.32. p.364,ll.1-21.
287
p. 364, 11. 22-6. From the fragments Draguet has assembled, it is hard to imagine Julian
holding this position, since he seems to have seen both passibility and physical corruptibility as
the fruits of a deeper 1noral corruption (cf. Draguet, esp. 100-8). Leontius's opponent himself has
argued up to now that the flesh of the Lord is naturally incapable of suffering, as well as of being
physically corrupted.
288 p. 364, 1. 27-p. 366, I. 11. Leontius here clearly takes "corruption" (rpfJap7jval) in a purely

material sense. He is careful, however, to say only that "as far as nature is concerned, corruption
follows upon dissolution'' such as the Lord experienced on the cross (p. 366, 11. 6-7); like all his
contemporaries, he readily agreed that in fact the Lord's body was not corrupted during its three
days in the tomb, but he insisted that this was a miraculous suspension of the workings of his
nature, and was not due to its constitution. Cf. esp. p. 370, 11.10-17; p. 376,ll. 24-8.
269 290
p.366,Jl.12-18. p.366,1.24-p.370,l.30. Wl p.370,1.31-p.372,l,3.
292 293
p.372,1.4-p.376,l.9. p.376,ll.12-28.
44 Introduction
The ''Apthartodocetist" then glides from Scripture back to anthropology: if
Christ is called "the new Adam'', must his human nature not be as Adam's was
before the fall-incorruptible, because free from sin? 294 Leontius avoids taking
a position on the original incorruptibility of Adam (although he implies he
finds the doctrine unconvincing),295 but he insists that the form of human
nature which the Word assumed is that of the fallen Adam, since he became
flesh to save both him and us, who share the consequences of the fall. 296 The
likeness of the Lord's flesh to ours is the presupposition for our imitating him,
and for his deaths loosing us from the hold of death. 297
The final argument of the ''Apthartodocetist" is really an argument from
appropriateness: if the Word did not bestow incorruptibility on his own body
from the beginning of its existence, but only allowed it to attain incorruptibility
after death, as we hope to do, this would "disturb (EK'TapdTTEi) the great
mystery of the union"; 298 further, if the effects of the union on Christ's human
nature were not full and instantaneous, then it would seem, by analogy, that we
too do not receive the fullness of grace immediately at baptism. 299 Leontius
replies that it really seems more appropriate for Christ's flesh to begin like ours
and to become incorruptible only later, since otherwise every bit of effort in his
life, from the first moment of the Incarnation, would have been both superfluous
for him and meaningless for us. 300
He concludes by reminding his opponent that one must always distinguish
the principle by which Christ's human nature was formed (o ,\6yoS' T0S'
ovaiwaEWS' 'TOV awµa'TOS')-that is, the overshadowing of Mary by the Holy
o
Spirit-from the "manner of union ( "Tp67ToS' 'T0S' Jvwa<WS' );'the juxtaposition
of God and man which provides the metaphysical structure of his person. The
characteristic features of his humanity developed by the normal laws of growth,
even though the Word was fully united to that humanity from the first moment
of the Spirit's descent on Mary's womb. To see physical incorruptibility as a
result of the union of flesh with the Word is to confuse personal union with
causality. 301 Leontius appends to his treatise a florilegium of twenty-seven
patristic quotations, to which he has added a short introduction and conclusion.

5. Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos

The next work in the Leontiancorpus is entitled''An Unmasking and Triumphant
Defeat of the Unspeakable and Fundamental Impiety of the Nestorians, and
of the Fathers of this Heresy (T0S' d7Topp~Tov Kai dpxo<iOW'TEpac; 'TWV

294 295 296

p.376,ll.29-32. p.378,11.9-15. p.378,11.3-22.
297
p. 378, L 24-p. 380, 1. 26. 29
s p. 380, 11. 27-30. 299
p. 382, ll 6-8.
300 301
p.382,11.9-30. p.382,1.31-p.384,l.22.
 II. The Works 45

''/3'
NEaTopiavwv aae etas, Kat\TWV
" 'TaVTY)S
I 1TaTepwv,
I rpwpa
I Kat'8'/3)"
ptaµ, os .
Although this is the third and final book of the collected edition of Leontius's
works, as announced in his own Foreword, its character differs sharply from
all four of the tracts I have discussed up to now. Most of it is not so much a
theological argument as an angry diatribe against Theodore of Mopsuestia
and his teacher Diodore of Tarsus, and against those of Leontius's own day
who accepted their teachings. The work was written, as Leontius admits, to
settle an old personal score. 302 As a young man he had himself been a follower
of Theodore, he confesses, dazzled by his theological "precision (dKp{j3<ia)"
and misled by Theodore's contemporary disciples. 303 But the grace of God
and the intervention of "godly men'' saved him from continuing in error, and
now-after a long and tactful silence-a "just cause" impels him to speak out
and expose Theodore and his school for what they really are. 304
The work that follows is a brisk volley of forty-four numbered chapters, some
of them only a few lines long, attacking Theodore, Diodore, and their followers-
all labeled "Nestorians" -on a variety of personal and doctrinal grounds, mainly
with the implication that they are secular-minded rationalists. Chapters I to 6305
describe the tactics of the "Nestorian'' party in Leontius's day, reflecting, perhaps,
Leontius's own experience. The only "Fathers" they accept, he says, are Diodore
and Theodore. They even pretend not to honour "the original sources of their
impiety"-presumably Paul of Samosata (!), among others-and profess
allegiance to Chalcedon, all the while trying to foist their own interpretation of
that tradition on the innocent (2). Promising to use influence at court for the
advancement of their victims (3), they lure monks into a secular way oflife and
suborn laymen with hints of future worldly success (4). They are themselves
divided into two factions: one openly admits its admiration for Nestorius, but the
other is willing even to anathematize him, and adheres simply to his intellectual
"father;' Theodore. Their low regard for the Eucharist makes it easy for them to
remain in communion with the orthodox under false pretences (5-6).
With chapter 7, Leontius begins his direct attack on Theodore himself.
Chapters 7-12 306 are a quick, vituperative summary of the negative highlights
of his career, including his early"lapse" from the monastic life, from which john
Chrysostom "rescued" him (7), and his attack on Mary's title Theotokos (IO). In
chapters 13-17,307 Leontius turns to Theodore's critical exegesis of Scripture. He
has tried to reduce the inspired content of the Bible, Leontius says ( 12), deleting
as inauthentic a large part of the book of)ob (13) and rejecting altogether the
Catholic Epistles ( 14), the titles and traditional dates of the Psalms, Hymns, and

302 303 304

p.412,ll.9-ll. p.412,11.16-22. p.412,1.22-p.414,l.17.
305 306 307
p.416,l.1-p.420,15. p.420,l.6-p.422,1.13, p.422,l.14-p.424,l.8.
46 Introduction

Odes of the Old Testament (15), the Song of Songs (16), hath books of
Chronicles (17), and the book of Ezra (17). Chapters 18-38308 then launch a
broad, personalized attack on Theodore's doctrine. He has rewritten the Nicene
Creed, says Leontius, in such a way as to import into it his own divisive
Christology (18), and has composed his own liturgical anaphora as well (19).
His followers, especially Barsaumas, have spread these heresies eastwards into
Persia, making many converts there to the "Nestorian" brotherhood (21-3).
Theodore is skeptical, too, about original sin (24) and the existence of angels
(25), and he deviates from the Christian understanding of creation by accept-
ing the Manichean doctrine of an "essential darkness (ovaiwOES aK6Tos-)"
which existed before the world (26). He believes the Antichrist will not be
punished, in the end, but will simply dissolve into nothingness (27), and
he considers some kinds of being not to be directly created by God, but
simply to be "by-products (rrapaKoAov801wTa) and secondary accidents
(rrapaavµf301wTa)" 309 of other creatures (28). Theodore even denies that God
is "essential good (ovaiwOEI' dya86v);' or that he is the source of being for all
that is good and beautiful (29).
With chapter 30, Leontius takes up Theodore's Christology. He conceives of
Christ as simply a man, writes Leontius, and then blasphemously urges humans
to worship him alongside the Holy Trinity (30-1 ). The divine Logos, farseeing
jesus's "resolution towards the good (rr<pi Td KaAd rrp68wiv);' 310 united him
to himself from the womb (32); but Jesus the man remained untransformed,
according to Theodore, sharing our normal human ignorance except when the
Logos afforded him special knowledge (33), undergoing psychological as well
as physical suffering (34), and growing in moral virtue like other holy men (35).
Only at his baptism did he become "perfect;' and enter fully into an evangelical
pattern oflife (36); even so, he accepted the prospect of the cross with reluctance,
as an unavoidable stage on his path to glory (37), and only overcame his fear of
death in Gethsemane through the persuasion of the angel who appeared to
comfort him (38). Leontius characterizes this picture of Christ as part of a "war
on the truth;' 311 begun by Paul ofSamosata and carried on by Theodore's teacher
Diodore, but brought to a peak by Theodore himself (38). Even Nestorius,
Leontius observes in chapter 39, 312 only repeated Theodore's heresies on a
limited scale; but because he proclaimed them publicly he was excommunicated,
while the more cautious Theodore remained undetected.
In chapters 40 and41, 313 Leontius deals briefly with Diodore: the "Nestorians"
try to justify him, he says, on the grounds that he corresponded with Basil of
Caesaraea and other Fathers of unimpeachable reputation (40), but association

308
p. 424, L 9-p. 436, 1.14. 309
p. 430, 11. 2-3. JlO p.432,1.14.
313
31
i p. 436, II. 5-6. 312
p. 436,l. 15-p. 438, I. 4. p.438,11.5-27.
 II. The Works 47

with the orthodox does not make a man orthodox himself, as the cases of
Origen andApollinarius show (41).
Jn chapter 42, Leontius approaches his opponents' positions in a genuinely
theological way, for the first time in the DTN. The "Nestorians" he writes,
produce Christological formulae and expressions from orthodox Fathers
which resemble their own; but they omit mentioning the other, more unitive
formulae which have an equally important place in the patristic tradition. 314
Moreover, he insists, "our controversy is not about expressions (oV 7TEpi
MgEwv ), but about the manner in which the whole Mystery of Christ exists
I x ' ' )" ;315 t here1ore
I "' I '"" " \
( TrEpi Tov TP07TOV TOV O/\OV KaTa ptarov µ,vaTYJptov C
one
must look beyond traditional formulae to the basic principles of patristic faith.
According to Leontius, this faith confesses "the manner of union (Tp67roc; Tryc;
€vwaEwc;), which has come to exist essentially, not in mere relationship
(ova,w8wc; d,.\,.\' av OXETLKWS), so that the Word has its being in a complete
humanity, as the 'inner man' co-subsists in us, in the Apostle's words, and
contributes to a definition of the whole (Christ) after the union:' 316 Rejecting
formulations of the Mystery of Christ which fall on either side of his own, as
either overly unitive or overly divisive, Leontius reaffirms his commitment to
the faith of Chalcedon and of Leo. 317
The final two chapters of the DTN (43-4) 318 deal with the "Nestorian'' conten-
tion that Diodore and Theodore must be accepted as orthodox because they
have never been officially condemned (43). This is due to circumstances and to
their own craftiness, says Leontius (43); but they were implicitly included in the
condemnation of Nestorius at Ephesus, he asserts, and have certainly been con-
demned by such orthodox Fathers as Cyril, Produs, and Rabbula ofEdessa (44).
This polemic against the "Nestorians" is also followed by a florilegium, as
announced in the Foreword to the collected edition: here a collection of sixty-
two texts, including thirty-six substantial excerpts from Theodore's dogmatic
works, five from Diodore, and a number of smaller fragments attributed to Paul

314 315
159,Ll0-160,l.6. 160,11.6-8.
316
160, I. 13-161, 1. 3. In this careful formulation of orthodox Christological belief, Leontius's
comparison of the Logos in Christ with the "inner man" in each of us strikes a new note; except for
Epil. 8 (95, 1. 21), where he speaks of the humanity of Christ existing "in the Logos;' he generally
avoids giving the impression that one aspect of Christ is in any way contained "within'' the other.
Perhaps this phrase, which adds a slightly more unitive coloring to Leontius's formulation than
one normally finds in his anti-monophysite works, reflects a wish, in the DTN, to ingratiate
himself and his party with Justinian. See pp. 56-7. On the theme of the "manner" or "mode of
union" in Christ, in Leontius and in other Greek Fathers, see my article, "Nature and the 'Mode of
Union': Late Patristic Models for the Personal Unity of Christ;' in Gerald O'Collins, SJ, Stephen
Davis, and Daniel Kendall, SJ (eds.), The Incarnation: An Interdisciplinary Symposium (Oxford,
2002), 164-96.
317
161, 11. 18-26. 318
161, I. 27-163, 1.1.
48 Introduction

of Samosata and Nestorius, as well as a handful of orthodox testimonia at the

end. In the Oxford manuscript (0), however, this florilegiurn is separated
from the DTNby another short work, incorrectly attributed to Leontius,3 19 and
the body of the DTN ends with a paragraph, absent from V and P, in which
Leontius gives his reasons for not including a florilegium of excerpts from the
"Nestorians:" 20 The most likely explanation for the presence of this paragraph
in 0 is that Leontius first circulated his broadsi.de without a florilegium, and
thathe later added one, either of his own manufacture or ready- made-perhaps
at the time when he put together the collected edition of his works. The
paragraph which appears at the end of the DTN in 0 would presumably have
been deleted from this "second edition;' but must have found its way back into
0 or its ancestor from an earlier copy. 321
This raises the question of the date and circumstances of the composition of
the DTN, and indeed of the whole "collected edition'' of Leontius's works. As I
have already mentioned,322 the DTN must have been written before Justinian
issued his edict against the "Three Chapters" in late 543 or 544, for Leontius
acknowledges in it that "no one has condemned" Diodore or Theodore. 323 Since
the treatise makes no mention of Theodore! of Cyrus or !bas of Edessa, it was
presumably not itself part of any propaganda campaign leading up to the edict,
since their anti-Cyrillian writings, as well as all the works of Theodore, were
included in that condemnation. Even so, if we are to believe that the testimony
of Liberatus, Facundus, and Evagrius that Justinian's edict against the Three
Chapters was brought about by the political maneuvers of Theodore Askidas
and the other Origenists-devised by them as a strategic counter-blow in the
wake of Justinian's edict against Origen of 543 324 -then Leontius's tract fits well
into the general context of that Origenist reaction. By discrediting the founders
of the Antiochene school, it may also have been conceived as a way of indirectly
discrediting the Roman deacon Pelagius, who had apparently supported the

319
This is the tract of Maximus Confessor, 1u:pl TWv 8Vo -roD Xpla-roV rpVaewv (PG 91, 145
AS-149 A19), It also appears in an eleventh-century manuscript now in the Escorial (Esc. Gr. 452
[ lJl.III.7], ff. 200-2), as a work of Leontius. Nevertheless, Maximus's authorship seems certain,
both from the content and style of the tract and from its widespread inclusion in the manuscript
tradition of his writings.
320
p. 448, apparatus.
321
That the florilegium of the DTN was an afterthought is also suggested by the fact that it is
numbered as a new work in manuscript P, and listed separately in the table of contents at the
beginning ofV (which does not mention the Epilyseis, the Epaparemata, or the other hvo florilegia
at all). This table of contents is in the hand of George Balsamon, the scribe of Cardinal Giovani
Salviati, who owned Vin the mid-sixteenth century; whatever his reasons were, Balsamon, like the
scribe of P, must have judged that the florilegium is sufficiently detached from the body of the
DTN to be considered a separate work.
322
See pp. 5-6 above; pp. 49~50 below. 323
p. 444, I. 27. 324
See p.12 above and n. 65.
 II. The Works 49

anti-Origenist decree but who seems to have been, like most of his Western
confreres, favorably disposed toward Antiochene Christology in general, with
the exception ofNestorius. 325 Secondly, an attack on Theodore and his followers
would have been a simple stratagem for drawing the emperor's fire away from
themselves-"' More important, the DTNs strongly worded protests against
the dangerous doctrines of other theological "revolutionaries;' as well as its
passing inclusion of Origen in the company of heretics, sound suspiciously
like the desperate attempt of an Origenist under a cloud to assert, for readers at
Justinian's court, the orthodoxy of his own opinions.
Leontius, after all, was clearly no "neo-Chalcedonian:' His writings make it
clear he was not part of the growing movement to interpret the Chalcedonian
formulation of the Mystery of Christ in Cyrillian terms, a position that would
dominate the canons of the Second Council of Constantinople in 553. The main
theme of his Christological writings is their insistence that the one hypostasis of
Christ exists in two complete natures, neither of which functionally eliminates
the other; it is a Christology inspired more by theTrinitarian language of the
Cappadocians than by the language of Cyril of Alexandria-one which refuses
to yield anything of the metaphysical symmetry of the Chalcedonian formula to
the growing demand for a Christology centered on the Logos. 327 It would have
been all too easy for the "neo-Chalcedonians" of Palestine and Syria, who seem
to have campaigned for the anti-Origenist edict of 543, to accuse Leontius and
his friends of sympathy with Nestorianism,328 especially if he had been on close
personal terms with Basil the Cilician or other admirers of Theodore in the late
530s. Here was "just cause" enough for Leontius to proclaim his innocence, to
distance himself from his past, and to express, as strongly as he could, all his

325
See above n. 58. The Latins seem to have regarded opposition to Theodore of Mopsuestia as
a covert opposition to Chalcedon and Leo. The years of the Acacian Schism undoubtedly had
made them sensitive to any attempt to upset the Chalcedonian terminological balance in favor of
a more explicitly Cyrillian Christology. Origen, on the other hand, was doubtless still regarded
with suspicion in the Roman Church, as he had been since the end of the fourth century.
326
This is the thesis of Marcel Richard, who sees a number of points of correspondence-many
of them perhaps rather far-fetched-between the DTN and Justinian's decree against Origen; cf.
"Origeniste?:' 48-9. Richard assumes in this article that all ofLeontius's works were written after
February 543, as a counter-offensive to the condemnation of Origen, and that therefore all three
"books" of the collected edition are really political pamphlets, rather than honest essays in
theology (ibid. 40-1, on the CA; 55, on the CNE). Richard's conception of the chronology of
Leontius's works is less than clear, however. He emphasizes the apparently hasty character of the
DTN (ibid. 43), yet he suggests that Leontius wrote the CNE first, to prepare himself a benevolent
audience by a rather conventional refutation of Christological extremes, and supposes that he
even had time to respond to ultra-Cyrillian attacks on it in the Epil. and the Epap., before writing
the CA and DTN (ibid. 57).
327 On this point, cf. Richard, "Origeniste?:' 46-7, and my own "Origenism:' 361-2.
328
See pp.12-14.
so Introduction
present m1sgivmgs about the orthodoxy of a pre-Chalcedonian form of
diphysism, which seemed more radical than his own.
The most likely date, then, for a first version of the DTN would seem to be
soon after the publication of Justinian's decree against Origen, perhaps in the
spring of 543. This suggests, in turn, that the "collected edition'' of Leontius's
works, containing its programmatic Foreword and the three main controversial
works on the person of Christ-the CNE, the CA,.and the second version of the
DTN, each now equipped with its own florilegium-will have been published
shortly afterwards: between mid-543, perhaps, and Leontius's death some time
in 544. Incorporating three tracts written against three different groups of
opponents over perhaps a decade, and including slight editorial changes to
give them the appearance of a single avVTayµa, 329 the collected edition was
probably published to give yet more detailed proof of Leontius's Chalcedonian
orthodoxy: a Christological tour de force, by a strict supporter of Chalcedon's
original portrait of Christ. The criticism of the Cyrillian formula, µ{a <pvais
Tov ®rnv !16yov awapKwµevrJ, favoured by "neo-Chalcedonians" as well as
by Severans, in CNE 1, 330 and the attack on the doctrine of Christ's human
incorruptibility in the CA, might also have had an added value now, as an
indirect riposte against Ephrem of Amida, a "neo-Chalcedonian'' leader who
had had a hand in the condemnation of Origen. As for the Epilyseis and the
Epapori!mata, the "collected edition" may have included them from the start as
appendices to the CNE, but the fact that the Foreward does not mention them
makes it seem more likely that they were occasional works, written in the 530s
and inserted into their present place by an editor at a later date.

6. Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum

The sixth and last work in the corpus of Leontius's writings bears the title,
''.Against those who Present us with Certain Works of Apollinarius, Falsely
Ascribed to the Name of the Holy Fathers (trpos Taus trpo<pepovrns ~µZv
" ):I \ I ,{, I~ ' I ' >I ,.., f I
'TtVa 'TWV fl7TOl\lVaptov, ipEVOWS E7TtyEypaµ,µ,Eva EtS ovoµ,a 'TWV aytwv
llaTepwv):' It appears only in manuscript V, after the florilegium of the DTN,
and is therefore even less likely than theEpil. and the Epap. to have been includ-
ed by Leontius in his 'collected edition:' The APA is not really a theological
treatise, but a florilegium of excerpts from Apollinarius of Laodicaea and two
of his disciples. Leontius's own contribution is no more than a paragraph of
introduction, 331 a brief comment in the middle of the collection, 332 and a few
more comments at the end. 333 The purpose of the collection, as he makes clear, 334

329
Seep.122,1.1. 330
p.130,l.18-p.132,1.17. 331
p. 526, ll. 1-14.
332 333
p. 558, 11.12-27. p. 568, I. 6-p. 570, 1.4.
334
p. 526, ll. 1-17; p. 558, Scholion Leontii l-9.
 II. The Works 51

is to provide documentary proof that many of the quotations from Gregory

Thaumaturgus, Athanasius, or Julius of Rome which the "monophysites" pro-
duce to support their arguments for a highly unified view of Christ are in fact
the work of Apollinarius. The whole book has a much more informal character
than any of the other works of Leontius: the fact that it is addressed to a single,
unnamed person, 335 and the absence of the kind of rhetorical beginning and
end that we find in his other works, suggests that it may be a private dossier,
compiled for the use of a friend, rather than a work intended for publication.
Doubts have been raised in the past about whether the APA is actually
Leontius's work at all. Friedrich Loofs, who thought that the author's identity
must remain an open question, advanced three main arguments against
Leontius's authorship: 336 (a) Leontius includes a quotation from Ps.-Julius, De
Unione, as Test. 32 in the florilegium of the CNE, while the APA sets out to show,
among other things, that many of the works circulating under Julius's name are
Apollinarian forgeries; (b) there is no suggestion in any other works of Leontius
that he was aware of these forgeries; (c) the compiler of the APA refers to
monophysites as drroax{arai, 337 an epithet not used by Leontius in the other
treatises. Assertion (c), however, is surely inconclusive; d:rroax{uTIJS was
probably just as common an epithet for monophysites as aK~<pa.Aos, yet he also
uses that title in only one context. 338 Assertion (b) is not quite true. In DTN 41,
Leontius says that Apollinarius had boasted of letters written to him by
Serapion, Athanasius, and other illustrious persons; 339 while he could have
known of this second-hand, it seems more probable that he is relying here on
his own knowledge of the forgeries-more precisely, on the two testimonia
in the APA where Apollinarius makes just this claim. 340 The lack of references
to the forgeries in the rest of Leontius's work is probably due to nothing more
than the fact that he normally concerns himself with the arguments of his
opponents rather than with their documentation. Loofs's assertion (a) is perhaps
a more serious argument against Leontius's authorship, but is also hardly
conclusive. The two extracts from the De Unione contained in the APA, 341 as well
as the passage cited in the CNE, are all given without exact titles, so there is no way
of knowing whether Leontius realized they came from the same pseudonymous
work. Further, he cites the extract in the CNE as one used by Cyril of Alexandria

335
aoi: p. 526, L 12. 336
Leonti us van Byzanz, 90-2.
337
p. 558, Scholion Leontii, 1.16.
338
As the title of his Severan interlocutor in the Epilyseis. For examples of the popular use of
chroax{a7ai and d.Ki<pa.\oi for the monophysites in the mid-sixth century, see the acclamations
of the crowd at the Synod of Tyre (518), inACO III, 86-90; Theodore Lector, Hist.Eccl. 2, 26 (PG
86, 197 A6); Cyril of Skythopolis, VS 55; 147,ll.14-15; VE 30; 47,l. 7.
339
p.438,11.13-17.
''°
341
APA l, 3 (p. 528,ll. 4-5); 3 (p. 560, ll. 6-8).
2, 2 and 3, from Timothy of Berytus's npOs '0µ6viov (p. 544, L 28-p. 546, 1. 9).
52 Introduction
"in the synod held under his leadership (Jv Tfj KaT' a{JTdv avvoO<p }:' 342 Even if
Leontius may have had his own doubts about the authenticity of works
appearing under Julius's name, he was understandably happy to use against the
Severans a text which he believed to have Cyril's authority behind it, especially
since-in the form in which he gives it-it favors his own diphysite cause. 343
There seems to be no good reason, then, not to accept the APA as a work of
Leontius, even if it is a less finished work than the .other five. The text offers no
hint of the date of its composition. 344 It is tempting, however, to see it as a dossier
Leontius may have produced for the use of Hypatius of Ephesus and the
Chalcedonian side in the conversations of 532. It had been known for some
time that many of the patristic proof-texts used by the Severans in their
criticisms of Chalcedon were pseudepigrapha; 345 Innocent of Maroneia tells us

342
p. 210, Test. 32, II. 6-7. It is not clear where Leontius has acquired this information; there is
no evidence, however, that Cyril made use of this text at Ephesus, as the rubric might suggest
(cp. the title of Test. 37, p. 214, ll. 6-7).
343 Leontius's version is, in fact, a slightly doctored one; see the apparatus ad lac.
344 Loafs (Leontius van Byzanz, 91) argued for a date between 511 and 520, mainly because of a
reference in the work to bishop Andrew of Sidon as 8Eot:pi>..Eararos (p. 560, I. 3). Andrew, otherwise
unknown, is listed as a participant in the anti-Severan Synod of Tyre, held in 518; he can hardly have
been bishop when Severus himself held a Synod at Sidon in 511, so that he must have been appointed
some time behveen 511 and 518. Now the epithet 8EorpiAEaTa7os, according to Loofs, suggests that
Andrew was still alive at the time the AFA was compiled, since one would expect a dead bishop, he
says, to be called µaK6.pios instead. And Loafs wants to exclude a date much later than 520 for the
APA, on the ground that the work makes no explicit reference to Severus and his party, who became
''controversial" only after the accession of the Emperor Justin in 518. These arguments are less than
convincing, however. Nothing is known of the date of Andrew of Sidon's death, and the epithet
8EorpiAEaTa7os is, in fact, frequently used for the deceased by patristic -writers (c£ G. W. H. Lampe,
A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford, 1961), 642). The AFA scarcely has room for references to Severus,
since it is simply anApollinarian florilegium; in any case, as I have already said, it seems to have been
written more as a private dossier than as a work of public controversy.
J
45 The first sign of an awareness of the forgeries is the charge in the letter of some Chalcedonian

monks in Palestine to Bishop Akison of Nicopolis (d, 516), that the Severan party A6yovs
lla7€pwv 770/iAoVs vEvo8E6Kaai, 1ToAAoVs 8J }:1_170/iivap{ov A6yovs jj_()avaa{41 Kai I'p7jyop{41
Tip @avp..a7ovpyip Kai 'IovAl41 8id 7Wv J77iyparpWv dva7E8E£Kaaiv (quoted by Evagrius, Hist.
Bee. III, 31: ed. Bidez-Parmentier, 129, 11. 11-14). According to Leontius of Jerusalem, John
of Skythopolis (the first commentator on the Dionysian corpus; active, as we have seen, in the
520s and 530s: cf. pp. 22-3), was rpiAo1Tov~aas Ev -rols 1TaAaio-r6.-rois jj_170Aivap{ov
avyyp6.µµ,aaiv, and both he and "the Romans" authoritatively denied the authenticity of a certain
work ascribed to Pope Julius (Ctr. Mon., 1865 Bl3-C3); cf, also the excerpt from John's work
against Severus quoted by the Sixth Council (Mansi XI, 440 A7-10; ACO ser. 11; 2/1, 366.19-
368.2).Justinian, too, advanced arguments against the authenticity of the letters ascribed to Julius
and Athanasius (Ctr. Mon. 86: ed. E. Schwartz, Drei dogmatische Schriften Justinians [=Abh. der
bayer.Akad. der Wiss., NF 18: Munich, 1939], 21, ll. 6-22; PG 86, 1128 B3-C16), and says it is "not
unknown to any right-thinking person'' that these are forgeries (ibid. 77: ed. Schwartz, 19, 11. 9-10;
PG 86, 1125 D-D4; c( 70-6: ed. Schwartz, 18, I. 16-19, I. 7; PG 86, 1124 DS-1125 C15). On the
monophysite side, Severus himself was sharply on the watch for textual errors and wrong
attributions; cf,, for example, Contra Impium Grammaticum III: 37: CSCO IV, 6 (Paris, 1933) 233,
1. 19-234, I. l; tr.171,1.26-172, l. l; ibid. 39: 243,1.14--253, l.28; tr. 179, l.11-186, I. 31.
 II. The Works 53

that Hypatius reminded his opponents of this during the collatio, and that he
therefore questioned the authenticity of a number of the authorities they put
forwardforthe µJa cpvai<; formula, including texts ascribed to Cyril, Athanasius,
Popes Felix and Julius, and Gregory Thaumaturgus, as well as the new-found
works of Dionysius the Areopagite. 346 Since Leontius seems to have been
present at those conversations as part of the pro-Chalcedonian delegation, he
may well have been commissioned to provide Hypatius with documentary
proof for these allegations, and may have compiled the APA as a result.

7. The Fragments
There is no strong evidence that Leontius of Byzantium wrote anything besides
the six works I have discussed. Loofs's elaborately defended hypothesis that rel
AE6vna originally also included a vast, systematic treatise known as the
Scholia, of which only a heavily reworked section-now the De Sectis-and a
few other isolated fragments, including two of those edited here, remain, was
decisively refuted by ). P. junglas early in this century-"' junglas and more
recently Richard348 have shown that the De Sectis is a somewhat later work,
dependent on the writings of Leontius for some aspects of its Christo logy but
significantly different in others. As for the fragments in question, Loafs was
relying mainly on two short texts which appear at the end of a Byzantine
collection of extracts from Leontius, which I have called the "Excerpta
Leontina''. 349 Unlike the rest of the texts in that collection, the last two do not
correspond to any passages in Leontius's six extant works, and Loafs saw in
them proof that Leontius had written more. junglas discovered, however, that
both of them are paraphrases-the second close, the first more distant-of
passages in the commentary on Porphyry's Isagoge by Leontius's contemporary,
Ammonius Hermeiou. 350 Since all the extracts in the Excerpta Leontina are of a
technical or dialectical character, and since the Excerpta themselves usually
appear in manuscripts containing logical and scientific works, one can easily
suppose that these two short paraphrases of Ammonius may have found their
way, by a scribe's confusion, into a collection of excerpts from Leontius's rather

346
Epistula ad Ihomam Presbyterum, ACO rv, 172, I. 7-173, 1. 16.
347
Leontius van Byzanz. Studien zu seinen Schriften, Quellen und Anschauungen (Diss. Breslau,
1907; = Forschungen zur christlichenLiteratur und Dogmengeschichte VII,3 (Paderborn, 1908)),
5-15.
wi "Le Traite 'De Sectis'": cf. n. 93.
349
Cf. pp. 84-91; for the text, c£ pp. 578-84, esp. p. 538, 1. 15-p. 584, I. 3.
350
Junglas 14. Fragment 18 of the Excerpta loosely corresponds to several scattered sentences
in Ammonius Hermias, In Porph. Isagogen 1, 3 (ed. A. Busse, 32,l. 2-33, I. 16); Fragment 19 is part
of a single sentence from Ammonius's Prooemium: ibid. 21, ll. 8-9.
54 Introduction
technical discussion of the structure of the person of Christ. There seems little
reason for seeing these two short paraphrases as the work of Leontius himself;
I have, however, included them below as Fragmenta Incerta 1 and 2.
Three other short passages, 351 without strict parallel in the known works of
Leontius, are ascribed to him by the twelfth-century historian Nicetas Choniates
in book 10 of his Thesaurus Orthodoxiae.1his large Byzantine compendium-
not yet completely published, let alone critically edited-is usually regarded as
simply an expanded edition of Euthymius Zigabenus's Panoplia Dogmatica,
which had been written a century earlier. 352 Both of these works are essentially
florilegia of patristic and Byzantine texts, arranged in handbook form to be
used against various heresies. In the section dealing with "monophysitism'
(book 10), Nicetas reproduces Euthymius's selection from the Epaporemata of
Leontius (adding chapter 13, which Euthymius-in the Migne text, at least-
omits ). Immediately afterwards, Nicetas adds, under the heading TOV aihoii,
the three short texts I have included below as Fragmenta Incerta 3-5. Tue first
two have some verbal similarities with two of the Epaporemata Nicetas has
quoted before, but I have not been able to identify the third. Tue ascription of
these texts to Leontius is anything but certain, especially since both Euthymius
and Nicetas regard Leontius also as the author of the fragments of the De Sectis
included in their handbooks. I have thought it best simply to give the text of
these three passages as they appear in the thirteenth-century Oxford manuscript
of the Thesaurus, Thomas Roe 22.

B. The Florilegia

Florilegia, or anthologies of brief, relevant passages from earlier, classic Christian

writers, came into common use as a support for controversial writings and con-
ciliar statements in the fifth century. Marcel Richard observed that the "second
generation'' of patristic Christological florilegia-those of the first half of the
sixth century-seem not to be drawn from original texts, as their fifth-century
predecessors probably were, but rather seem to depend on earlier florilegia, most
now lost, but at that time apparently in common use. 353 For diphysite writers,
Richard suggested, the main source may have been one or several "underground"
collections of proof-texts, drawn up in defense of the doctrine of Chalcedon

351
p.574,l.12-p.576,l.6.
352
Cf. H. G. Beck, Ki re he und theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich (Munich, 1959), 663-4.
353 "Notes sur les florileges dogmatiques du v· et du VI• siecle;' in Actes du VI' Congres
international d'Etudes byzantines (Paris, 1950), 312-13 (= Opera Minora I, no. 2); "Les Florileges
diphysites du V et du VI° siecle;' in A. Grillmeier and H. Baeht, Das Konzil van Chalkedon, 729-33
0

(=Opera Minora I, no. 3).

 II. The Works 55

during the period when the emperors were trying to impose acceptance of Zeno's
Henotikon (482-518), a time when it might have been dangerous to possess a
copy of Theodoret's Eranistes or Leo's two Tomes.
My own study of the relationships between Leontius's four florilegia and
similar collections, both earlier and later, has, in general, shown Richard's thesis
to be well founded. I have tried to collate each of Leontius's extracts both against
the original text of the author, where available, and against all other available
instances of the same text, complete or partial, in patristic and Byzantine flori-
legia up to the end of the twelfth century. Though such a comparative study
must obviously remain very imperfect because so many of these florilegia are
as yet incompletely published or imperfectly edited, still it does present striking
evidence that Leontius, his contemporaries, and a number of later authors re-
lied heavily on a few constantly evolving collections of testimonia to substanti-
ate their theological positions. Despite his owu claims to have selected these
texts personally from the works of earlier authors, it seems clear that Leontius's
florilegia-at least those for the CNE and the DTN-are largely second-hand.

1. TheCNE
The florilegium of the CNE falls into three sections, each of which is briefly
introduced by Leontius. Testmonia 1-7, taken from Basil of Caesaraea and
Gregory Nazianzen, are simply meant to provide authorities for Leontius's
definitions of rpVats and oVa{a, V1T6aTaats and7rp6aw7TDV. 354 Test. 8 and 9 seem
to be out of place, and would fit most appropriately between Test. 60 and 61. 355
In Test. 10-63, Leontius then presents a selection of texts meant to show more
broadly the "mind of the divinely wise" 356 on the subject of the two natures and
one hypostasis in Christ. This series runs in chronological order from (Ps.-)
Justin Martyr to Isidore of Pelusium, and includes translations from Hilary, 357
Ambrose,358 andAugustine,359 as well as passages from many Greek Fathers. Test.
64-88, finally, are all texts from Cyril ofAlexandria360 which support the diphysite
position.
A glance at the parallel uses of these texts by other authors, which I have cited
in the apparatus (or at Appendix IV, Chart No. 1), shows a number of striking

354
p.178, ll. 19-26; p. 186, Scholion Leontii, 11. 8-20.
355
This is suggested, too, by the sentence of Leontius which follows Test. 9 (p. 188, 11. 11-12),
and which would come more appropriately at the end of his scholion after Test.1-7 (p. 186).
356 357 358 359
p.178,1.28 Test. 33-6. Test. 37-42. Test. 49-50.
360
The only exceptions are Test. 72-3, two excerpts from homihes preached in Alexandria in
433 by the Antiochene emissary, Paul of Emesa, in Cyril's presence. Both of these, however, along
with Cyril's approving response (cf. Test. 74), come from the collection of the Cyrilliana included
in the Acta of Ephesus.
56 Introduction
coincidences, both in the extent and even in the verbal form of the testimonia
which are used. In the first section of this florilegium (Test. 1-6) Leontius seems
to be using a source also used by Maximus Confessor in his Epistle 15, by the
seventh-century collection known as the Doctrina Patrum (section 6), and by
the twelfth-century controversialist Theorian. Test.1-3 seem also to have been
accessible, in the same or slightly longer form, to Severus, when writing the
Contra Impium Grammaticum, and to the late-sixth-century writer Pamphilus.
Test. 7, on the other hand, from Gregory Nazianzen's first Epistle to Cledonius,
is part of a very famous passage, which appears again, cited at greater length, as
Test. 56 of the DTN; the lack of close parallels in textual extent to Test. 7 suggests
that Leontius added the passage himself, from a work he probably knew well,3 61
to cap the ready-made series of testimonia he had used as Test. 1-6.
The picture is a good deal more complicated for the remaining sections
of the florilegium, which Leontius probably derived from a single diphysite
collection. Although there are similarities between these two sections and the
main diphysite florilegia in use at the time of Chalcedon (those in Theodoret's
Eranistes and Leo's two Tomes, as well as the florilegium of the Council'sAllocutio
ad Marcianum ), these echoes are, as Richard observed, 362 mainly confined to the
texts translated from the Latin (Test. 33-7, 41-2, and 49-50). Leontius's Test. 24,
43, and 53, which also have parallels in two or more of these florilegia, all differ
textually to such a significant degree from their earlier Chalcedonian counter-
parts that they cannot be derived from them. If Leontius does depend on mid-
fifth-century florilegia for his texts from the Western Fathers, it is undoubtedly
through some intermediate Greek source. 363 The same thing seems to be true of
his relationship to later fifth-century collections, assembled both to support and
to oppose the Chalcedonian definition. Of the four exact textual coincidences
between the CNE's dossier and the two "monophysite" florilegia in cod. Vat.
Gr. 1431,364 three also coincide with parallels in Theodore! or the Council of
Chalcedon; and three of the five Cyrillian texts which Leontius could be
dependent on for these two florilegia appear also in the diphysite collection
of excerpts from Cyril which Severus criticized in his Philalethes. 365 The same

'"' Cf. Epap.11-H p. 318, ll. 6-18.

362 "Les Florileges diphysites;' 730.
363
It is interesting to note that when Leontius's testimonia do correspond to texts in the
Eranistes, the relationship is closest textually to manuscript J ofTheodoret (cf. Test. 34,11. 3-4, 8, 9:
Test. 49, L 13 and Title; Test. 71, p. 248, I. 1). Perhaps this indicates contamination with later
florilegia, such as Leontius's or his direct sources, in the tradition of that mansucript.
364
Nos. 65 and 66 in the collection edited by E. Schwartz, Codex Vaticanus gr.1431: eine anti~
chalkedonische Sammlung aus der Zeit Kaiser Zenos (= Abh. der bayer. Akad. der Wiss. XXXII, 6
(Munich, 1927)), 28-49.
365
R. Hespel, Le Florilege de Cyrille refute par severe d'Antioche (Bibl. du Muse on, 37: Louvain,
1955).
 II. The Works 57

passages from classical authors could be used, it seems, iu support of coutrasting

positions.
When we turn to florilegia more or less contemporary with Leontius, how-
ever, the number of parallels rises significantly. Among the texts of John of
Caesareas pro-Chalcedonian florilegium, cited by Severus in his treatise Contra
Impium Grammaticum, six, perhaps seven, 366 correspond exactly with texts
used by Leontius; three further texts of John's collection, only mentioned by
Severus, may also be exact counterparts of texts in the CNE, and three others
present slightly longer excerpts from which Leontius's may be derived. In flori-
legia of three of the works of Ephrem of Amida summarized by Photius,' 67
there are eight exact and two possible correspondences to texts in the CNE.
In Justinian's treatise Contra Monophysitas and his Confessio Rectae Fidae, we
find five exact correspondences and thirteen longer versions of texts used
by Leontius. Leontius of Jerusalem's Contra Monophysitas, which shows, in its
long florilegium, only four exact correspondences to that of the CNE, contains
three longer and thirty-six shorter extracts from passages used by Leontius.
In the case of John of Caesaraea, Justinian, and Leontius of Jerusalem, at
least, the presence of both longer and shorter versions of texts used by Leontius
of Byzantium-as well as occasional textual variation-rules out a direct
dependence of these authors on each other; but it seems clear that all these
contemporaries must have been using the same source-book.
Of later florilegia, only those contained in Actio 9 of the De Sectis, in
Antirrhetica II and IV of the ninth-century Patriarch Nicephorus, and in two
anonymous collections now in Venice368 and in Moscow,369 show signs of direct
dependence on Leontius.Anastasius of Sinai's florilegium at the end of book 10
of his Hodegos, which seems clearly to be related to Leontius's source, presents
many of the same texts in an altered and much abbreviated form; there is
little evidence, however, that he derives them directly from the CNE. The great
collection known as the Doctrina Patrum-on which John of Damascus's

366
Cf. John of Caesaraea, Apol. Cone. Chalc. (ed. M. Richard, CCG 1), Frag. 59, p. 25, and the
note of Richard ad loc.
367 These works are Ephrem's defense of Cyril's second letter to Succensus, his defense of
Chalcedon addressed to the monks Domnus and John, and his treatise Ad Orientis Monachos: all
summarized byPhotius,Bibl., Cod. 229 (ed. R. Henry IV, 126-74; PG 103, 969-1024).
368
Cod. Marc. Gr. Z 573, ff. 30'-47v, with nine exact correspondences to the florilegium of the
CNE and five shorter versions of the same texts.
J 69 Cod. Lenin Gr. 131 (Fund. 339), ff. 15v-23v, with thirty-four exact correspondences and ten

shorter versions of the same texts. Of the two testimonia in this manuscript which show longer
versions of passages quoted by Leontius, one at least (the parallel to CNE, Test. 55) may be derived
from John of Caesaraea. Fully half of the 106 texts in this florilegium are apparently derived from
Leontius's CNE and CA.
58 Introduction
florilegium in the Contra Jacobitas apparently depends370-seems, again, to be
drawing on Leontius's source rather than on Leontius himself. 371 The same can
be said of the so-called Libellus Fidei attributed to john Maron, which seems to
date from the mid-seventh century. 372 The correspondences between testimonia
cited by Euthymius Zigabenus and those of the CNE are probably explained by
Euthymius's apparent dependence on the Doctrina Patrum; 373 the florilegium
used by Theorian in composing his Orthodoxi Disputatio I cum Armeniorum
Catholico 374 seems also to be most closely related to the Doctrina and to De Sectis
9, although Diekamp has ruled out a direct dependence of this work on the
Doctrina in its present form. 375
Besides its importance as a witness to the list of authorities Chalcedonian
writers relied on during the first half of the sixth century, the florilegium of the
CNE is itself immensely precious as a source. Nineteen of its eighty-eight
testimonia are not found in their full extent in any earlier Greek source koown
to us, 376 and one fragment of Cyril of Alexandria's Commentary on Hebrews-
Leontius's Test. 78-has until now only been found here.
The full contents of the florilegium of the CNE are as follows:
1. Basil of Caesarea, Ep. 214, ad Terentium Comitem (ed. Y. Courtonne, II,
2os-6, 11. 6-22; PG 32, 789 A12-B14J: El oJ o<< ... KYfpVTT'}Tai.
2. id., Ep. 236, ad Amphilochium Episcopum (ed. Y. Courtonne, Ill, 53,
11. 1-3; PG 32, 884,A8-10): oila{a oJ Kai ... if.v8pW7TOV.
3. ibid. (ed. Y. Courtonne, III, 53, 11. 22-3; PG 32, 884, C2-4): o1 oJ ...
8i6.<popa.
4. id., Ep. 125, Professio Fidei Eustathii (ed. Y. Courtonne, II, 31, ll. 16-25;
PG 32, 545 CS-DI): 7rpoa~K« ... Ei>.Yf<pEvai.
5. Gregory ofNazianzen, Orat. 42 (ed.). Bernardi, SC 384, 84, 11. 10-11; PG
36,476 Cll-13): manvoµEv ... oµ68ota..
6. ibid. (ed. ). Bernard~ 84, 11. 14-17; PG 36, 477 A3-6): Tb µJv ...
dax17µ.ovE{Twaav.

370
So Diekamp, lxix. Damascene is also dependent on the Doctrina for the extract from
Leontius's Epilyseis which he cites in the ll71y~ I'vd.JaEws I, 65 (PG 94, 660 B4-C6; = Doctr. Patr.
28, I [198, 1. 24-199, 1.12]: Epil. 7 [288,l. 27-290, 1. 10]). Cf. Diekarnp's remarks, lxvi-lxviii
371
Fourteen testimonia in the CNE correspond exactly with texts in the Doctrina; another
fourteen texts in the Doctrina are longer extracts from the same passages, and a further thirteen
are shorter.
372
Ed. M. Breydy, CSCO 497-8; tr. F. Nau,ROC 4 (1899), 188-219. On the date and the origin
of this pseudepigraphic work, see Nau's comments, ibid. 180-5. Six texts here correspond exactly
in extent with texts in the CNE; four are shorter and two are longer. This work exists today only in
Syriac, the complete text of which has not yet been published.
373 Diekamp,lxxv-lxvi.
374 375
PG 133, 120-212. Diekamp,lxxvi-lxxviii.
376 These are Test. 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 45, 47, 48, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 70, and 78.
 II. The Works 59

7. id., Ep. IOI, Ad Cledonium I (ed. P. Gallay, 44, I. 6-46, 1. 2; PG 37, 180
A6-B3): 'f'V<JELS "' 8E6T''JTi.
8. Produs of Constantinople, Sermon on the Nativity (cf. C. Martin, Le
Museon 54 (1941),46,11. 7-13): 6 avTos ... €vwu6.uYJs.
9. Isidore of Pelusium, Ep. I, 360 (PG 78, 388 A7-14): apTos ...
' ,
V1TOGTaatv.
10. Ps.-justin (Theodore!), Expositio Rectae Confessionis 10 (ed.). C. T.
Otto, Corp. Apo!. IV, 34, 381 B5-C7; PG 6, 1223 C4-15): T6TE ...
€1TA~pwaEV.
II. ibid. (ed.). C. T. Otto, Corp.Apol.IV, 36, 382 Al-8; PG 6, 1225 A6-I4):
0Tav ... OµoAoy~aEtS'.
12. ibid.11 (ed.). C. T. Otto, Corp.Apo!. IV, 38-40, 382 C6-D3; PG 6, 1225
Bl4-C6): wurr<p ... rrap<DEXETO.
13. ibid. 12 (ed.). C. T. Otto, Corp. Apo!. IV, 46-50, 385 A5-C6; PG 6 1229
C8-1232 A13): wurr<p ... yvwp{u<t<v.
14. Ps.-lrenaeus, Frag. 8 (Hippolytus, De Libra Primo Regum, Quae de
Helcana et Samuele) (ed. W Harvey, Adv. Haer. II, 479; PG 7, 1233
Al3-18): wurr•p ... Jrriil«x8fi.
15. Hippolytus, De Benedictione Balaam, Frag. (GCS I, 2, 82): "Iva il«x8ii
,
. , . f.LEUlUT7JS'·
16. Peter of Alexandria, De Adventu Salvatoris Nastri, Frag. (PG 18, 521
C2-6): Kal Tlf? 'IoVOq, ... rpVaEt.
17. Cyriacus (Cyril?) of Paphos, Frag.: as Jv µ,opcpfi ... fLY)Tp6s.
18. Athanasius, Contra Arianos III, 29 (PG 26, 385 A8-14): <JKorros ...
yEyovEv.
19. id.(?), Contra Apollinarem I, 7 (PG 26, 1105 A14-B5): mhos ll€ ...
€7rt0Et~dµEvos.
20. ibid. I, 16 (PG 26, 1121 Cl5-1124A7): Kai OVTWS ". 6 avT6s.
21. Basil, Adv. Eunomium I, 18 (ed. B. Sesboiie and G. M. de Durand, SC
299, 236.9-16; PG 29, 552 C7-553 A2): Jyw yap". 11li6T'Y)Ta.
22. Ps.-Basil, Adv. Eunomium IV (? Didymus, De Dogmatibus et Contra
Arianos I) (PG 29, 704 C5-9): A~1TTEOV ... Aoyi~6µ,<8a.
23. GregoryNazianzen,Orat.2,23 (ed.j.Bernardi,SC 247, 120.1-5; PG 35,
432 Bl5-C2): TOVTO ... dµ,cp6TEpa.
24. id., Oral. 38, 15 (ed.). Bernardi, SC 358, 138. 1-3; PG 36, 328 Cll-14):
ci?TEUTd;\17 ... q;VaEWS'.
25. id., Oral. 30, 7-8 (ed.). Bernardi, SC 250, 240.16-242.13; PG 36, 113
A6-B10): rnvrn ... uvv6ilcp.
26. id., Ep. IOI, ad Cledonium I (ed. P. Gallay, 48, 11. 15-20; PG 37, 181
C2-7): Ws Kal TO ... avµ,cpvlas.
27. Gregory of Nyssa, Adv. Apollinarem 40 (ed. F. Moeller, GNO III/I, 195.
27-196. 5; PG 45, 1213 05-1216 A9): El ovv cpvuiKov ... Elu{v.
60 Introduction
28. id., Contra Eunomium Ill, 1, 92 (ed. W. Jaeger II, 35,11.12-19; PG 45, 597
Bl l-C5): Tov yap µrnin1v ... r:pDaEL.
29. ibid. III, 3, 66 (ed. W. Jaeger II, 131, 11. 6-13; PG 45, 705 Cl0-D3): rro{a
". Tlf'TJ·
30. ibid.IIl,4, 13 (ed. W.Jaeger II, 138,ll.3-6;PG45, 716AI0-12):rravrnxou
... Ka8opij,.
31. ibid. IIl,4, 14 (ed. W. Jaeger II, 139,11. 3-6; PG 45, 716 B9-13): tva EK Tau
... olKovoµ,{a.
32. Ps.-Julius of Rome (Apollinarius), De Unione 17 (ed. H. Lietzmann 192,
l. !4-193,l. 2): o8Ev Eg dvayK7JS ... dyvo~aEL.
33. Hilary of Poitiers, De Trinitate IX, 3 (ed. P. Smulders, CCL 62A, 3 73. 6-7;
PL 10, 282 Bl0-12): ovK ol8Ev ... €rr{arnrn<.
34. ibid. (ed. P. Smulders, CCL 62A, 374.12-19; PL 10, 283 A2-14): rn!ha
' ,
... EGTLV.
35. ibid. 11 (ed. P. Smulders, CCL 62A, 382.20; PL 10, 290 Bll): Jpij,s ...
Oµ,oAoyelaBai.
36. ibid. 11 and 14 (ed. P. Smulders, CCL 62A, 383.26-8; 385.1-4; PL 10, 290
C2-291 A2; 292 B5-9): Kai ErrELO~-rr<p ... µopr:p~v.
37. Ambrose, De Fide ad Gratianum II, 9, 77 (CSEL 78, 84-5,11. 32-8; PL 16,
576 Bl3-C5): r:pv>.arwµ<v ... €r:p8r!.yy<To.
38. ibid. III, 4, 28 (CSEL 78, 118, 11. 16-20; PL 16, 595 B14-C3): d>.>.d rrws
... 8e6T1JS.
39. id., De Incarnationis Dominicae Sacramento 5, 35 (CSEL 79, 240,
11. 8-12; PL 16, 827 C3-7): rrA~v ... adJµaTos.
40. ibid. 5, 35-6 (CSEL 79, 241, 11. 17-20; PL 16, 827 Cl4-D3): EGTlV ...
8e6T1]Tl.
41. id., Ep. 39(46), ad Sabinum, 6 (ed. M. Zelzer, CSEL 82/10/2, 31.79-83;
PL 16, 1147 BI5-C4): ovKovv ... Tvyxavn.
42. id. (?),Expositio Fidei,Frag.: Toils 0€ Ar!.yovrns ... EKKA71afo.
43. Amphilochius of Iconium, Frag. 12 (PG 39, 109 A3-6): O<aKp<vov ...
BeqJ.
44. id.,Ep.Ad Seleucum, Frag. II Bl-5 (ed. F. Cavallera,RHE 8 (1907),489:
'I I I
ws TE T7]V ... 1TEp<ypar:poµ<v71s.
45. ibid., Frag. II D-E2 (ed. Cavallera, 489-90): J XpwTos ... 8<{av.
46. ibid., Frag. II E7-8 (ed. Cavallera, 490): otK<wvrn< ... r:pDaELs.
47. Gelasius of Caesarea, Frag. 4 (ed. F. Diekamp,Anal. Pair. 45, 11. 9-23):
d,.\A' oVK laxvaev ... ~t-tUs.
48. id., Frag. 6 (ed. Diekamp 46, 11. 8-12): ryµEZs ... 8EOv.
49. Augustine, Ep. 137, ad Volusianum, 9 (CSEL 44, 108, 11. 13-15; PL 33,
519): vDv SE oVTw ... cpVaLv.
50. id., Tractatus in Joannem 78, 3 (CCL 36, 524, 11. 4-8; PL 35, 1836):
€7T£yvw8i ... ee6s.
 II. The Works 61

51. John Chrysostom, In Phil. Hom. VI,2 (PG 62, 219,1.60-220, I. 5): ErrEL8~
... @eoiJ.
52. id.,In I Tim. Hom VII (PG 62, 537, 11. 2-7): E7TEL8~ ... Ei<os- i)v.
53. id.,InAscensionemD.N.J. C. 2 (PG 50,445,11.21-8): rroi<i: ... Kar~>.>.a~<v.
54. Ephrem Graecus, Sermo adv. Haereticos seu de Margarita (ed. J.
Assemani II, 263 E6-F7): rwv 8vo cpva<wv ... Xpwr6s-.
55. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis IV, 9 (ed. W:K. Reischl and J. Rupp I, 100,
ll. 5-6; PG 33, 468 A5-7): 8irr>.ovs- ... cpawoµ<vov.
56. Flavian of Antioch, Frag. 6 (ed. F. Cavallera, 107): rfr Ji, aA1)Bws- ...
'
rpvaews.
57. id., Frag. 5 (ed. F. Cavallera, 107): if8ELt< ... B.Or7Jrn.
58. Antiochus of Ptolemals, Frag. (C. Martin, Le Museon 54 (1941), 56,
1. 27-57, 1. 2): µ~ avyxlns- ... avBpw7ToT1)Tt.
59. Proclus of Constantinople, Frag.: Kat Tds rpVaEis ... 8EoA.6y17aov.
60. id., Sermo in Ecclesia Magna Constantinopli 3 (PG 65, 664A 1-8): Elµ~
rrap8€vos ... ee6s µ,ov.
61. Isidore of Pelusium, Ep. I, 405, Theodosia Diacono (PG 78, 409 A3-7):
oVK laTi rpvaiKds ... Yi6s.
62. id., Ep. I, 102, Timothea Lectori (PG 78, 252 C12-D4): rraa17 cpvAaKfj ...
EarroVOaaev.
63. id., Ep. I, 323, Cyrillo Archiepiscopo (PG 78, 369 B5-12): OT< 8€ ...
, f3 aTEVaaVTOS.
eµ, '
63a (only in V). id., Ep. I, 303, ad Leandrum (PG 78, 357 C6-360 A2): ~
rpVais ... Eaµ,Ev.
o
64. Cyril of Alexandria, De Trinitate I (PG 75, 680 B5-ll): µf:v yap 1Ep6s-
... dµ,apTlas.
65. ibid.(PG75,681Cl3-Dl):8trTDS' ... avBpwmva.
66. id.,Ep.40,adAcacium, 15 (ACO I, l,4,27,ll.12-15; PG 77, 193 D6-196
A3): ol 8€ KaTd ... cpaa{v.
67. id., Contra Nestorium II, 14,2 (ACO I, 1, 6, 52,ll. 30-4; PG 76, 109 ClO-
Dl): el µEv oVv O.v8pwrrov ... rp6.yeaai.
68. id., Ep.45, ad SuccensumI, 7 (ACO I, 1,6, 153,l. 23-154,1.11; PG 77, 232
Dl0-233 Bl): oilKovv ... aapKa.
69. id., Quad Unus Sit Christus (ed. G. M. de Durand, 372,11. 36-42; PG 75,
1289 Cl4-D5): ap' oilv ... aµ~xavov yap.
70. id., In Hebr. II: Frag.: Kai oil 8~ ... llapBC.vov va<f.
71. id., Scholia 13 (ACO I, 5, 22, ll. 31-3; PG 75, 1385 Cl-5): oil 8wpiaTEov
, '
... avTas.
72. Paul ofEmesa, Sermo in Ecclesia MagnaAlexandriae I (ACO I, 1, 4, 11,
11. 7-10; PG 77, 1437 A9-14): <ilBC.ws- ... rrpoGW7TOV.
73. id., Sermo in Ecclesia Magna Alexandriae II (ACO I, I, 4, 13, 11. 17-21;
PG77, 1441 B3-13): 'Haatas- ... arraB~s-.
62 Introduction
74. Cyril of Alexandria, Responsio ad Sermonem II Pauli Emeseni (ACO I,
1, 4, 15, 11. 1-3; PG 77, 989 C2-6): l3ov ... µ,vaT~pwv.
75. id., Contra Nestorium III, 2 (ACO I, 1, 6, 60, 1. 39-61, I. 2; PG 76, 129 _
D7-132 A2): oil yap on
y€yov< ... 'Eµ,µ,avov~,\.
76. id., Glaphyra in Leviticum 4 (PG 69, 576 Bl-12): o,\ov 3< 1Ta,\iv ...
Ka8apd.
77. id.,DeAdoratione in Spiritu et Veritate II (PG.68,213 B14-C2): XpwTd<;
t
\;>I
ws-
OE
I x >
voµ,ov . . . ptGTO':;.
78. id., In Epistulam ad Hebraeos, Frag.: opa rnivvv ... 8EiKw<;.
79. id., Thesaurus 24 (PG 75, 393 Cl-3): 7TOTE µ,<v yap ... avvaµ,cpbT<pov.
80. id.,DeAdoratione in Spiritu et Veritate IX (PG 68, 637 A7-B2): xpva7}
... f3d.atv.
81. id., Sermo de Fide, Frag.: el ydp KEKpavTat ... ~c:pavla8Yjaav.
82. ibid., Frag.: Kai AEAvTat ... l8t6Tl]Ta.
83. id., In Epistulam ad Hebraeos, Frag.: a1To3iiaTaVTE<; ... ~ ifivx~ µ,{a.
84. id., In foannem I, 9 (ed. P. Pusey 3, 140.19-141. 4; PG 73, 161 A15-Cl):
ETTetepy&l;,eTat ... <p'r}a{v.
85. id., Scholia 33, Frag.: ®•d> yap wv ... A6yo<;.
86. id., Ep. 50, ad Valerianum, 2 (ACO I, I, 3, 91, I. 31-92, I. l; PG 77, 257
Bll-15): oVKoVv Oµ,oAoyovµ,Evw:; ... aapK6:;.
87. id., Ep. 39, ad foannem Antiochenum, 5 (ACO I, I, 4, 17, ll. 17-20; PG 77,
177 Al3-B3): Ta> 3< <vayy<,\iKa<; ... 3i36vTa<;.
88. id., Scholia 11 (ACO I, 5, 227, II. 11-14; PG 75, 1381 Al5-B4): oTi 3<
''
aavyxvTot ... s'',\
v av.

2. TheCA
The florilegium attached to the CA presents a somewhat simpler picture. Five of
its twenty-seven extracts do not appear in other florilegia, 377 and one of these
-Test. 26-is again a fragment of Cyril's Commentary on Hebrews, which is
found only here. Test. 2,21, and 24 also make their earliest appearances in Greek
in the CA. The collection of texts which offers the most parallels to Leontius's
anthology is that assembled by Severus in his various writings against Julian of
Halicarnassus, the first known "aphthartist" -a dossier prepared, one imagines,
by the learned ex-Patriarch himsel£ All but two of the parallel texts in Severus's
anti- julianist corpus 378 are either of the same extent as their counterparts in
Leontius or longer; this suggests, prima facie, that Leontius did depend in some
way on Severus's works for much of his documentation. john of Caesaraea's
treatise against ''.Aphthartodocetists" 379 also contains in its florilegium nine

377 Test. 1, 8, 12, 22, and 26.

378 379
The parallels to CA, Test. 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, and 23. Cf. n. 265.
 II. The Works 63

parallels to testimonia in the CA, several of them in the same sequence as those
in Leontius; only one of these380 is longer than the corresponding text in Leoutius,
and it appears in its longer form in Severus also. Since the date of john's work is
uncertain, we cannot rule out the possibility that his dossier is partly derived
from that of the CA; but textual variation and the longer form ofTest.17 suggest
rather that both he and Leontius used an anti-)ulianist anthology partly prepared
from Severus's works and partly incorporating new material: perhaps an
anthology specially made for the Chalcedonians opposed to the doctrine of
Christ's human incorruptibility. The hypothesis of such an intermediate
collection-which seems all the more likely, in that Leontius does not noticeably
depend on Severus for his arguments-provides the simplest explanation for
the presence of several texts in Leontius's florilegium which are not in Severus's
works: Test. 15 and 16, both translations from Ambrose (the latter of which also
appears in john of Caesaraea's work); Test. 21, from a treatise on charity ascribed
to St Ephrem (also in john's florilegium); and Test. 24, from Cyril's lost
commentary on Matthew (in john's collection in a slightly shorter form). Of the
five testimonia in the CA without parallel, Test. 2 and 12 (from Ps.-Dionysius
and Gregory Nazianzen) could well have been added by Leontius from his own
reading. The same is true of Test. 14, from Gregory of Nyssa's Catechetical
Oration-a passage only quoted, at much greater length, by Euthymius and
Theorian-and of Test. 27, again from Gregory Nazianzen, which is out of
chronological sequence here, and which appears only in a shorter form in other
patristic florilegia. Test. I I is a popular passage, which Leontius could have taken
from many sources. Test. 25 is found in the fifth-century diphysite Florilegium
Cyrillianum; and Test. 22 and 26, Cyrillian fragments not used elsewhere, may
come (like Test. 78 of the CNE) from some less widely known selection of
passages from the Patriarch of Alexandria's works.
Of the other extant florilegia which show significant parallels to that of the
CA, the anti-)ulianist collection falsely ascribed to Leontius himself in the
twelfth-century cod. Vatopedi 236381 seems to depend directly on Severus,
rather than on Leontius or his intermediate source. The florilegium in cod.
Moscow Lenin 131, again shows signs of direct dependence on Leontius.
Otherwise, correspondence between the florilegium of the CA and the other
ancient florilegia is probably coincidental.
The contents of the florilegium of the CA are as follows:
1. Ps.-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Divinis Nominibus IV, 25 (ed. B.R.
Suchla PTS 33, 173. 6-7; PG 3, 728 BS-10): rpBopd ... ovwfci<wv.
2. Justin (?),Frag. 5 (ed.). C. T. Otto, Corp. Apo!. Ill, 256; PG 6, 1596
Cl-1597 A9: 7TAaaa<; ... 7T<pirp€povT<s.

380 The parallel to Leontius, Test. 17. 381

See p.16 and n. 94.
64 Introduction
3. Athanasius (?), ContraApollinarem II, 17 (PG 26, 1161 BS-Cl): .iv OE Tjj
... 006v.
4. Athanasius, De Incarnatione 24, short recension (ed. C. Kannengiesser,.
353, apparatus): mfaxov ... oiacpOopav.
5. ibid. 26 (ed. C. Kannengiesser, 360, II. 19-27; PG 25, 141 A13-B8): iiOEv
... ~vEaxETO.
6. id.,Ep. ad Epictetum 10 (PG 26, 1068 A5-9): aura ... acpOapTov.
7. id., De Incarnatione 4 (ed. C. Kannengiesser, 278, II. 30-4; PG 25, 104
C3-8): f!an µh yap ... ii.cpOapToc;.
8. ibid. 3 (ed. C. Kannengiesser, 274, 11. 35-8; PG 25, 103 C7-IO): Et OE
rrapaf3ai1)aav ... 'wi)<;.
9. Basil, Homilia de Gratiarum Actione 5 (PG 31, 228 Cl4-229 Al): w,;
oVv KarEOEgaro ... avyxwpWv.
10. id., Ep. 261, ad Sozpolitanos, 3 (ed. Y. Courtonne III, 117-18; PG 32, 972
A8-Bll): aapKOr; ... ETTo{YJaEv.
11. Gregory Nazianzen, Oral. 38.15 (ed. C. Moreschini, SC 358, 138.1-3;
PG 36, 328 Cll-14): arrwTaA1) ... voµ<p.
12. id., Oral. 44.4 (PG 36, 612 Al4-B3): Et µEv oi'iv ... TTA1)aiaaavTE"
13. Gregory of Nyssa, Contra Eunomium III, 3, 67 (ed. W. Jaeger, II, 132,
ll. 3-7; PG 45, 708 A7-ll): ovTw ... ii.cpOapTov.
14. id., Oralia Catechetica 37, 9 (ed. E. Muhlenberg, GNO III/4, 96.18-22;
PG 45, 96 o4-8J: TO yap rravTwv ... f.'ET<rroi~e'l·
15. Ambrose, De Incarnationis Dominicae Sacramento 5, 44 ( CSEL 79, 246,
ll. 104-6; PL 16, 864 09-865 Al): Et µ1)0aµw,; ... Yjy.ZaOai.
16. id., De Fide ad Gratianum III, 3, 21 (CSEL 78, 116, II. 53-7; PL 16, 594
Al0-15): ii.l\l\'7 ... ~ovvarn.
17. John Chrysostom, In Joannem Hom. 80 (PG 59, 435, II. 52-5): Ti oi'iv
Evra-V&a ... {3aatAtKoV.
18. ibid., Hom. 87 (PG 59, 474, ll. 27-32): warr<p ... ETTEOE{KVVTO.
19. ibid., Hom. 67 (PG 59, 371, II. 56-60): warr<p ... awµa iiv.
20. ibid., Hom. 87 (PG 59, 475, II. 5-10): f.cpaV1) ". aK~parnv.
21. Ephrem Graecus, Frag.: acpOapaict ... .icpvyaornarn
22. Cyril of Alexandria, In Isaiam V, I (PG 70, 1188 B5-12): f.rr<i/J0 ... rr6vov.
23. id., Thesaurus 24 (PG 75, 396 Cll-15): Err«o0 ... AEyEmi.
24. id., In Matthaeum I, Frag.: rrw,; oi'iv ... 'w~v.
25. id., Ep. I ad Succensum, 10 (ACO I, 1, 6, 155, I. 27-156, 1. 4; PG 77, 236
B7-13): f.'ETa OE T0v ... µovoy<vov"
26. id., In Epistulam ad Hebraeos, Frag.: Jcpi)K< ... <VaE/3~awµ<v.
27. Gregory Nazianzen, Oral. 39.13 (ed. C. Moreschini, SC 358, 176.17-
178.27; PG 36, 349 A7-B5): Err<io0 ... OavaTw0€VTo"
 II. The Works 65

3. TheDTN
The florilegium of sixty-two texts appended to the DTN falls into four clearly
discernible sections, the first three of which are briefly introduced by Leontius.
Testimonia 1-36 are all extracts from the dogmatic works of Theodore of
Mopsuestia-our earliest, and in most cases our only, source for the Greek text
of these passages. This is followed by five short extracts from works of Diodore
of Tarsus (Test. 37-41 ), none of which is preserved in Greek elsewhere. The third
section (Test. 42-55) begins with the Contestatio, or public complaint, against
Nestorius issued by the lawyer Eusebius in 429; this document, familiar from the
Acta of the Council Ephesus held under Cyril's chairmanship, arranges phrases
taken from Nestorius's sermons alongside similar phrases attributed to the
third-century Christological heretic Paul of Sarnosata, designed to show that
Nestorius was preaching the very doctrines for which Paul had been condemned.
After a further comment by Leontius, the rest of this section (Test. 43-55)
consists of short extracts from Paul and Nestorius (some of them corresponding
to phrases already quoted in the Contestatio ),and from the acts and proclamations
of the Synod held at Antioch which condemned Paul in 268. The florilegium of
the DTN closes with seven excerpts from other major Fathers, presented without
introduction, which emphasize the unity of hypostasis in Christ (Test. 56-62).
The first three of these sections are clearly conceived as a continuous exposition
of the prehistory of"Nestorian'' doctrines, corresponding roughly to the order of
Leontius's accusations in the body of the DTN: first, generous excerpts from
Theodore, against whom Leontius has unleashed most of his fury; then a few
passages from Diodore, Nestorius, and Paul ofSarnosata in the hope of proving a
direct continuity in teaching through all four. Leontius's introduction to the first
section gives the impression that he has made the extracts himself, from a
complete text of Theodore's De Incarnatione; so he apologizes for presenting
passages from this work alone, 382 but says that the "Nestorians" are careful not to
show their documents to outsiders, 383 so that it was only "with difficulty and after
much work and countless stratagems" that he was able to get his hands on even
this treatise. 384 Whether one interprets this passage, with Richard, as an instance
of deliberate "mauvaise foi" 385 or simply as excusable editorial window-dressing,
Leontius's words here are surely misleading. The first section contains, in fact, six
extracts from Theodore's Conh·a Apollinarem (Test. 30-5) and one from his

082
p. 448, II. 24-5.
384
383
ibid.,ll.23-4. ibid.,ll.21-2.
385
"La Tradition des fragments du traite 1TEpi T~<; bavOpo.nr~aEw<; de Theodore de Mopsueste;'
Le Musion 56 (1943), 57 (=Opera Minora II,no. 41). For a modern collection of the extant fragments
of Diodore and Theodore, along with an English translation and substantial commentary, see John
Behr, The Case against Diodore and Theodore: Texts and their Contexts (Oxford,2011).
66 Introduction
commentary on the eighth Psalm (Test. 36), as well as the twenty-nine from De
Incarnatione; more important, a comparison of the florilegium of the DTN with
others containing the same texts shows that the first two and probably the first
three sections of it are not excerpted directly from the original works at all, but are
taken, like Leontius's other florilegia, from an earlier collection.
Eight of Leontius's extracts from Theodore and Diodore386 correspond
exactly with testimonia found in the Latin Acta of the fourth and sixth sessions
of the Council of 553, and in the Constitutum which Pope Vigilius published
the day after the Council's fifth session (14 May, 553). Five more of Leontius's
extracts 387 appear in a longer form in these documents, and two further texts
(three in the acts of the Council) 388 in shorter form. Eight of Leontius's extracts
from Theodore389 are to be found, in Greek, in Justinian's partially lost Letter
against the Three Chapters, published in 549 or early in 550;390 all but two of
these also appear in the two Latin collections just mentioned. Two other of
Leontius's extracts-one from Diodore, 391 one from Paul of Samosata392-
appear in the same form in the Latin anthology known as the Collectio Palatina,
which seems to have been assembled by a "neo-Chalcedonian;' some time
during the 530s or 540s. 393 Nine texts from the first three sections of Leontius's
florilegium 394 also appear, in the same or shorter form, in Severus's Philalethi!s
or his Contra Impium Grammaticum. Three extracts, in the same or longer
form, from Leontius's sections two and three, 395 are used by Timothy Aelurus in
the florilegium of his Refutation of the Council of Chalcedon; 396 and eight397 -
some in longer form, some shorter-from sections one and two appear in a
Syriac anti-Chalcedonian collection, which may also be by Timothy and
includes large extracts from his work. 398 Seven of Leontius's texts, finally, from

386
Test. 16, 18, 27, 28, 31, 36, 38, and 39. J. Straub (ACO IV, l.xxxiii-xxxiv), assumes-probably
rightly-that Justinian himself had these extracts translated into Latin for the benefit ofVigilius
and the other Westerners at the council.
387
Test. 21, 29, 32, 33, and 34.
388
Test. 6 and 14 appear both in the Acta and in the Constitutu1n, Test. 1 in the Acta alone.
389
Test. 6, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36.
390
Ed. E. Schwartz, Drei dogmatische Schriften Justinians, 47-69 (=PG 86, 1041 D7-1095 BS).
For the date, cf. Schwartz, ibid., 115-16.
391 392
Test.37. Test.43.
393
ACO I, 5, l; for the origin of this collection, cf. Schwartz's remarks, ibid. vii-viii.
394
Test. 2, 4, 28, 38 and 40 in the Philalethes; Test. 4, 28, 41, 51, 52, and 53 in the Contra Impium
Grammaticum.
395
Test. 38, 44, and 45.
396
Extant only in an Armenian translation, ed. K. Ter-Mekerttschian and E. Ter-Minassiantz,
Timotheus Ailurus, Widerlegung der auf der Syn ode zu Chalkedon festgesetzten Leh re (Leipzig, 1908).
397
Test.2,3,4,6,7,38,39,and40.
398
This is the florilegium of cod. B. M. Syr. Add. 12156, ff.1-63', partially published by P. de
Lagarde,Analecta Syria ca (Leipzig, 1858). On the possibility of its attribution to Timothy; cf. J. Lebon,
"La Christologie de Timothe EJure:' RHB 9 (1908), 680-4; "Version armt':nienne et version syriaque
 II. The Works 67

parts one and two399 -five longer in extent, one the same, one shorter-appear
in the fragments of Cyril of Alexandrias lost work, Contra Diodorum et
Theodorum, as cited at the Fifth Council. From these parallels, and from a
comparison of the texts, Richard has argued convincingly that the florilegium of
Theodore and Diodore used by Leoutius and his contemporaries is essentially
the same. as that used by Cyril in the late 430s, when composing his treatise
against those writers.400 Less certain, but also probable, is Richard's suggestion
that it contained, at least by the time of Timothy Aelurus (i.e. the 460s), a
selection of parallel texts from Paul of Samosata and Nestorius, upon which
Leontius based the third section of his florilegium. Richard also attempted to
prove that this collection was, from the beginning, an unfair presentation of
Antiochene doctrine, containing passages deliberately altered by hostile-
perhaps Apollinarian-circles, with whom Cyril was in contact.401 His arguments
here, however, are less convincing; in a painstaking textual analysis of all the
fragments in question, Francis A. Sullivan402 has shown that the more "friendly"
Syriac translation of Theodore contained in cod. B.M. Syr. Add. 14669, on which
Richard rested his case, seems likelier to have been tendentiously altered.
The short fourth section (Test. 56-62) of the florilegium of the DTN is
unusual, in that it is neither introducted with a "bridge" passage by Leontius nor
referred to in his introduction to the earlier sections. Leontius's closing remarks,
after Test. 62, suggest, but do not necessarily prove, that passages from other
Fathers were also included in his florilegium: "! believe that the similarity of
thought between Theodore and his party and the Sarnosatene, and the
opposition and difference of their opinions from those of the holy Fathers, has
been proven by all these texts:'403 Striking, too, is the fact that five of the seven
extracts in section four are exact parallels, in extent, text, and sequence, of

de Timotht':eAelure;' HandesAmsorya 41(1927),713-22; E. Schwartz, Vaticanus gr.1431, 126-7 and

130-1. For an exact description of the contents of this florilegium, see R. Y. Ebied and L. R. Wickham,
''A Collection of Unpublished Syriac Letters of Timothy Aelurus;' JTSNS 21 (1970), 322-3.
399
Test.12, 14, 17, 28, 38,39, and 40.
4\lo M. Richard, "La Tradition des fragments:' esp. 58-62; see also Richard's article, "Les Traites de
Cyrille d'Alexandrie contre Diodore et Theodore et les fragments dogmatiques de Diodore de Tarse;'
Milanges F. Grat I (Paris, 1946), 99-116 (=Opera Minora II, no. 51). The fact that Leontius's Test. 28
and 39 correspond exactly with extracts used by the Council of 553, Vigilius and-in the case of Test.
28-Severus, but are both shorter than the versions of the same extracts given by Cyril, suggests that
the sixth-century authors may all have been using a somewhat abbreviated version of Cyril's dossier.
401
Cf. "La Tradition des fragments;' 63-75; "Les Traites:' 113; "Origeniste?;' 43.
402
The Christology of Theodore ofMopsuestia (=Analecta Gregoriana 82: Rome, 1956). Sullivan
summarizes his findings thus: "In not a single case where the text of an extract (as it appears in
Leontius) differs from the correct parallel in a friendly Syriac or Latin version, have we found the
hypothesis of deliberate and malicious alteration on the part of the compiler to the be the more
probable explanation of the discrepancy" (p. v).
403
p. 522, Scholion Leontii 1110-12.
68 Introduction
testimonia in chapter 7 of the Doctrina Patrum, 404 even though there are
practically no close parallels for these testimonia elsewhere. We must either
conclude that Leontius here is only using a small part of still another source-
one later employed by the Doctrina but untapped by other patristic compilers-
or else, as seems more likely, we must see the fourth section of the DTNs
florilegium as an addition of the eighth or ninth century,405 based directly on
the Doctrina and intended perhaps as an antidote to the "Nestorian'' texts of
sections one to three. 406
The full list of the contents of this florilegium is as follows:
I. Theodore of Mopuestia, De Incarnatione 7: El yap ... voovµiv11';.
2. ibid.: WaTrEP ... dvepW7Tovs-.
3. ibid.: 'I11aovs ... iK7TA~pwaiv.
4. ibid.: ~vwrn ... 8iacpopos.
5. ibid.: 8: KUyW ... Yi6s-.
6. ibid.: 7Tavrnxo0<v ... cpaµdv.
7. ibid.: TDv aVTOv ... 8EovTa.
8. ibid. 9: EvTaVBa ... 8Uvaf_llV.
9. ibid.: 07TEp ydp ... TvyxcfvoVTOS'.
10. ibid. 10: wcp81) ... µav8aVOfLEV.
11. ibid.: 7To{av ... 1TapWv.
12. ibid.: OK07TWfLEV ... iKD<tdJµ.ea.
13. ibid. 12: 8id ToVTo ... EvWaEi.
14. ibid.: &pa 1TaUaovTai ... KaTaaT6.vTa.
15. ibid.: O.rraai ... Mapias.
16. ibid.: dAAd 77p0s- TOVTo ... ar;µ,avTtK6v.
17. ibid.: rro>.vµ•pws ... D<iKvvTai.
18. ibid.: WaTE oV µ,6vov ... f-tETova{av.
19. ibid.: Kal KaAEaEiS' ... p.ETova{a.
20. ibid.: D~AOV ... OVVU'f'ElUV.

404
Test. 56, 58, 59, 61, and cp.Doctr.Patr. 7,IX, XI,XII, XIII, and XIV. Leontius's Test 57-which
only appears in manuscript P-is incorrectly attributed to the same author (ToiJ aVToV) as Test.
56, Gregory of Nazianzus, even though it is actually by Gregory of Nyssa. As Diekamp observes in
his introduction Ovti), this may be a sign that the extract from Gregory Nazianzen contained in
the Doctrina as 7, X was originally in Leontius's florilegium, too; perhaps the discrepancy between
title and text is the reason why this text disappeared from the text ofV and 0.
405
i.e. after the composition of the Doctrina (around 700: cf. Diekamp, lxxix-lxxx), but early
enough to be in a common ancestor of all our extant manuscripts of Leontius. V and 0, as we shall
see, were copied in the second quarter of the tenth century.
5
4ll A third possibility, suggested by Diekamp (lvii), is that the Doctrina here is drawing directly

from Leontius; Diekamp himself, however, has shown that the Doctrina cannot have depended on
Leontius for any of the other parallels between them, so it is unlikely that this is the correct
explanation here.
 II. The Works 69

21. ibid.13: Os EcpavEpWOTJ ... dKpt{3Elas.

22. ibid.: oil8€ yap ... €yvwp{sETo.
23. ibid.: 8i6rrep ... 8rnv.
24. ibid.: TOVTO ... V,8eiv.
25. ibid.: Ot01TEp .... ~TTWµevov.
26. ibid.14: EvTEVBev ... KTlaEwr:;.
27. ibid.: TaVTO o~ TOiJTO ... dv8pW7Tlp.
28. ibid.15: DTav To{vvv ... yvWµ,77s.
29. ibid.: 1TA.€ov ... KaT0p8watv.
30. id., Contra Apollinarem 4: 8e8wK.!vai ... &vaaxo{µ.e8a.
31. ibid. 3: eyW µ,Ev ... Kotvwv{av.
32. •b•d
1 1 . 4 : ot TT po\ aiwvwv
' I e
... yeyEVYJG
,.,,
at.
33. ibid.: oVKoVv rols Vµ,ETEpoir; ... V1Toray~v.
34. o
ibid. 3: &,\,\' y< Beoc; ... llap8.!vov.
35. ibid. 4: TOV 8€ av8pwrrov ... avvacpda>.
36. id., In Psalmum 8 (cf. Latin version: ed. R. Devreesse, Studi e Testi 93
(1939), 46, 1. 1-47,I.24): Sid TOVTo ... Jf;ova{av.
37. Diodore of Tarsus, Conta Synousiastas 1: &acpaMsw8ai ... Lla(:l{8.
38. ibid.: xaptTl ... rrapayEyOVEV.
39. ibid: Kal 7TEpl TWv ... VaTrfpois.
40. ibid.: Ei' TlS' (3oLJAotTD ... d7Ta8ij.
41. ibid.: 0 YlOs ToV BEoV ... adpKa.
42. Eusebius of Dorylaeurn, Contestatio (ACO J, 1, 101, I. 5-102, l. 3):
' 'Y "
opKt~w ... oiaµapTvpta.
,

43. Paul of Sarnosata, Frag.: av8pwTTo<; ... d.y{ov.

44. id., Dialogue with Malchion, Frag.: <va µ.~TE ... olKfj.
45. id., Frag.: 0 cpaiv6p.Eos ... EaTlv.
46. Nestorius, Sermon 8 (ed. F. Loafs, 247, II. 5-8): µ..!ya ... &g[<;<.
47. Synod of Antioch (268), Encyclical Letter against Paul of Samosata,
Frag.: cp'l)at ... ao<p{as.
48. ibid.: El SE ... avµf3alvEiv.
49. ibid.: oV ydp ... 1TOt6T77Ta.
50. ibid.: Tl OE f3oVAETat ... av&pw7TDS.
51. ibid.: 1] TO EvotK~aai ... aWµaTt.
52. ibid.: KalTot ... vlo{.
53. ibid.: T~V OE avvdcpEiav ... aWµaTt.
54. ibid.: oVTE OE ... dv8pw1T{vq>.
55. Acta of the Synod against Paul of Samosata (268), Frag.: ov rraAai ...
, ,
vTTapxovTa.
56. Gregory Nazianzen, Ep. 101, ad. Cledonium I (ed. P. Gallay, 42, I. 10-46,
l. 12; PG 37, 177 C6-181 A3): .<Ti<; oil 8rnT6Kov ... ovTw Myrirni.
70 Introduction
57. Gregory of Nyssa (listed as Gregory Nazianzen), In Canticum
Canticorum 13 (ed. H. Langerbeck, 390, I. 22-391, I. 11; PG 44, 1056
Al3-Bl0): XpwTov ... dµ,apTias.
58. Athansius (?), ContraApollinarem I, 7 (PG 26, 1105 B2-5): d,\,\' 6 wv ...
€1Tt0Et~6.µ,Evos.
59. Gregory of Nyssa, Oratio Catechetica 10 (ed. E. Muhlenberg, GNO III/4,
38.5-23; PG 45, 41 BlO-Dl): d,\/\d µ,iKpov ... /\af3i<v.
60. Ephrem Graecus, Sermo adversus Haereses seu de Margarita (ed. ). S.
a
Assemani II, 268 B8-C4): f3/\£rr"s ... cpva<w;.
61. Cyril of Alexandria,Ep.2 ad Nestorium, 6 (ACO I, l, l, 28, ll. 7-8; PG 77,
48 B12-14): Edv.0€ ... vlo-Vs.
62. Isidore of Pelusium, Ep. 4.166, Archibio Presbytero (PG 78, 1256 Al4-
B8): TD Ev aVTip ... EvYJv8pW7r1JGEv.

4. TheAFA
The only other florilegium found among the works of Leontius stands by itself,
unattached to any polemical treatises: the Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum.
The purpose of this collection, as I mentioned above, 407 is to offer a selection of
well-attested extracts from the writings of Apollinarius as evidence that similar
texts, circulating under the names of Athanasius, Gregory Thaumaturgus, and
Pope Julius, are actually themselves Apollinarian forgeries. As in the three
florilegia I have discussed, Leontius himself simply contributes a few opening
and closing observations, as well as a connecting passage between items 2 and
3. The work is made somewhat more complicated, however, by the fact that
its first two numbers are not single testimonia, but are themselves smaller
Apollinarian florilegia: (a) Valentinus's Capita Apologiae, consisting of twelve
testimonia (including two passages from Athanasius's Letter to Epictetus (Test.
1 and 2) and a passage by Valentinus himself (Test. 12) as well as nine extracts
from Apollinarius); and (b) Timothy of Berytus's Ad Homonium, containing
twenty-four extracts from Apollinarius. Timothy, who seems to have taught
that the human flesh of Christ, when assumed by the Word, actually became
consubstantial with the Father, and Valentinus, who strongly opposed this
view,408 apparently each put together a florilegium to prove the "orthodoxy"
of his own position by showing that it was also the position of Apollinarius.
After presenting these two small Apollinarian florilegia-presumably in their
entirety-Leontius says that he is going to produce "complete and entire

407pp. 50-3.
4
Cf. Valentinus's protests (p. 534, 1. 26-p. 536, 1. 14; p. 540, 11. 14-19) and the remarks of
us
Leontius (p. 568, ll.10-13, ll. 29-31).
 II. The Works 71

works" 409 of Apollinarius, to make his case all the stronger. Of the four texts that
follow (Test. 3-6), however, only one-Apollinarius's briefletter to the bishops
of Diocaesaraea (Test. 3)-seems to be a complete work; the other three are
again extracts, two (Test. 4-5) from the KaTd. µ€po<; rriaTi<; and one (Test. 6)
from a work which Leontius entitles "On the Handing-on of the Renunciation
and the Faith"-presumably some kind of baptismal instruction. At least the
first of these four texts is taken, according to its title in the APA, "from an ancient
copy found in the library of the most holy bishop Sidon, Andrew": 410 apparently
an older Apollinarian florilegium which Leontius used as his source. Although
there are parallels to eight of the forty testimonia of the APA in other ancient
collections, there is no evidence that any patristic writer made direct use of the
same sources from which Leontius produced his dossier; the correspondences,
in fact, only indicate that Valentinus (in the case of Test. 1, nos. 6 and 7) and
Timothy (in the case of Test. 2,nos. 3,21, and22) included a few rather popular
passages of their master in their own collections.
A full list of the contents of the APA is as follows:
1. Valentinus Apollinaristes, CapitaApologiae. This includes the following
texts:
1. Athanasius, Ep. ad Epictetum 2 (PG 26, 1052 C9-ll): TaVTa o~
7768Ev ... 8E6TYJTL
2. ibid. 4 (PG 26, 1056 CS-14): El dµouaw<; ... KTiaµaaiv.
3. Apollinarius of Laodicea, Ep. ad Sarapionem, Frag.: Jo<~aµ71v ...
KaTEyvwµEv.
4. ibid., Prag: Tfj ydp lvWaEt ... Ae'yovat.v.
5. id. (Ps.-)ulius), Ep. II ad Dionysium, Frag.: Jµo1 Kai <piAia<; ...
BE6TYjTl.
6. id. (Ps.-)ulius), Ep. I ad Dionysium, 1 (ed. H. Lietzmann, 256,
ll.19-21): Oavµa~w ... <iaaxO<ian.
7. ibid.10 (ed.H.Lietzmann,260,11.14-21): wµoA6y71Tai ... aµEpwrn.
8. id., Epist. ad Terentium, Frag.: Kai, alTt<iTat ... Erp17AdcpYJaav.
9. ibid., Frag.: El Oe' Tt5 ... dvaBEµaT{~EaBw.
10. id., Syllogisms, Frag.: El OµoVaios ... aVTiµ.
11. id., Professio Pidei cum Jovio Episcopo: }foo>.ivapw<; ... Elp~vn.
12. Valentinus, Conclusion: €77Etd0 Ttµ68Eos ... 1TE1Tot86TES.
2. Timothy of Berytus, Ad Homonium. This includes the following texts:
1. Apollinarius of Laodicaea, Epist ad Sarapionem, Frag.: KaAw<; ...
oia<popov.

409
OAoTEAels i<al OAoKA~povs AOyous: p. 558,1. 25.
410
p. 560, ll. 2-3; see above, p. 52, n. 344.
72 Introduction

2. id. (Ps.· Julius), De Unione 1-2 (ed. H. Lietzmann, 185, 11. 9-10; 186,
11. 2-6): aywv Jg apxi/> ... avvijrrrni.
3. ibid., 8 (ed. H. Lietzmann, 188,11. 9-18): ovTw ... aapKo<;.
4. id., Sermon(?) Frag.: avaµ.apT7)TO<; ... aO.pg.
5. id., Laudatio Mariae et de Incarnatione, Frag.: µ.<Z,ov ... €avT0.
6. ibid., Frag.: Kai Ev EavT0 ... V7re{A.77rpas.
7. id., Sermon(?): oV f.L~V 0Tt ... Svv6.µ,e~.
8. id.,Ep. ad Dionysium, Frag.: on OE ~µ.Zv ... 8EoT7)T'-
9. id.,Sermon (?),Frag.: 'wv OE XpwTo<; ... rraT~P·
10. id., Opus Syllogisticum in Joannem, Frag.: rrw<; 01l 0<o<; ... aJJµ.an.
11. ibid., Frag.: oVTE oDv ... @eoD.
12. id., Opus Syllogisticum (?),Frag.: 'worro<EZ ... 8<fov.
13. id., Ad Flavianum, Frag.: rro,\,\0 ... avvaµ.cpoT<pov.
14. ibid., Frag.: <oVK> 'lj077 dcplaTaTai ... &px?Js-.
15. id., Contra Diodorum I, 14, Frag.: TO EtalpeTov ... .daf1£0.
16. ibid. 27, Frag.: dyavaKTEi's . .. Evwatv.
17. 1"b"d
I . 6 , Frag: Kat ovK ataxvveTat ... avaTperrovaai.
I ' ' I ' I

18. ibid. II, 22, Frag.: Kai Jrrno~ ... 'Af3paaµ..

19. ibid. 36, Frag.: d,\,\d TavTa ... {jvwrni.
20. ibid., Summary, Frag.: el 0 A6yos ... d7rErpciv8YJ.
21. 1"b"d
1 ., Frag.: ws " 8pw11ot ... "'
' av '
oeos.
22. id., Opus Syllogisticum contra Diodorum ad Heracleum, Frag.:
Opyavov ... Opydvov.
23. id., Dialogue(?), Frag.: fiiJEOiJ awµ.a ... fiil<ov.
24. id., Sermon(?), Frag.: a8Awl ... ~yovµ.EVOl.
3. Apollinarius of Laodicea, Ep. ad Episcopos Diocaesarienses: Kvpio«;
Tlf.LWTdTOlS' ... KOlVWvoVµ,ev.
4. id. (Ps.-Gregory Thaumatnrgns), Fides Secundum Partem 30-1 (ed. H.
Lietzmann, 178, 1.8-179, I. 10): E7TE<O~ TLV<S- ... XpwTov.
5. ibid. 27-9: oµ.oAoyoiJµ.EV ... ayia,oµ.~VWV.
6. id., De Incarnatione, seu in Traditionem Renuntiationis et Fidei, Frag.: El
, e
av pw1Tos ... as'I:'las.
For charts comparing the testimonia of Leontins's florilegia with their
parallels in other florilegia, cf. Appendix IV, p. 585.

III. LEONTIUS THE THEOLOGIAN

Since I have already described in detail the contents of Leontins's treatises, as

well as the collections of earlier authorities he appends to three of them in
 III. Leontius the Theologian 73

confirmation of his arguments, there is little reason to summarize his positions

further here at any length. It may be helpful, however, to offer a few general
remarks about his achievement as a late patristic theologian. 411
1. Since the monograph on Leontius published by Friedrich Loofs in 1887, 412
shortly after the first modern appearance of the Greek text of these works,
historians of early Christian theology have recognized in Leontius a thinker of
great depth, whose work marks a significant development in early Christian
reflection on the person of Christ. Some of this appreciation, however, seems to
rest on misconceptions of what Leontius was actually doing. Loofs's pioneering
analysis was marred by a readiness to conjecture the existence of a whole range
of now-lost writings authored by Leontius, which would incorporate a number
of fragments attributed to him in later Byzantine collections and manuscripts,
and also to identify him with the author of the work De Sectis, now generally
agreed to be a composition from later in the sixth century, and with the mid-
sixth-century polemical writer known as "Leonti us of)erusalem:' All of this only
blurred the edges of an eventual portrait. More important,Loofs saw in Leontius's
work essentially an attempt to interpret the Christ of Chalcedon in terms of Cyril
ofAlexandria's understanding of his person, "eine miiglichst zur alexandrinischen
Theologie zuriickkehrende Orthodoxie:' 413 From this starting-point, he argued
that Leontius's celebrated distinction, in CNE 1, between a hypostasis and a nature
that is "enhypostatic" (Evv1T6aTaToS'), was actually a new attempt to express, in
terminology borrowed from the Aristotelian tradition, how the human nature
of Christ could "exist within (EV)" the divine Person of the eternal Son, and so be
real without having a human personal center to individuate it. I have argued
elsewhere, as. has Grillmeier,414 that Loofs's interpretation rests on a misunder-
standing of the meaning of EV- in "enhypostatic;' which seems not to mean
"bypostatized in" (as Loofs and others have thought) but simply "hypostatic;'
or "concretely instanced;' "individually realized" -as analogies from other
Greek adjectives show; EV- here, as in several other adjectives formed from
nouns, is simply the opposite of the Greek "alpha privative:'
Yet Loofs's interpretation paved the way for a whole trajectory of later
interpreters of Leontius. Adolf von Harnack, drawing on Loofs's reading,

411 For a fuller treatment of Leontius's theological achievement, see esp. my articles, "The
Origenism of Leontius of Byzantium:' !TS 27 (1976), 333-69, and" 'A Richer Union': Leontius of
Byzantium and the Relationship of Hwnan and Divine in Christ;' Studia Patristica 24 (1993),
239-65. See also Aloys Grillmeier (with Theresia Hainthaler), Christ in Christian Tradition II/2
(London and Louisville: Mowbray/Westminster John Knox, 1995), 181-229.
412
Leontius van Byzanz und die gleichnamigen Schriftsteller der griechischen Kirche (TU 111/1-2;
Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1887).
413
Leontius 71; see 65.
414
I argued this at length in a still-unpublished paper at the Eighth International Conference
on Patristic Studies; see Grillmeier, Christ 11/2, 204-8.
74 Introduction
categorized Leontius as a classic sixth-century "monophysite;' in the school of
Severus of Antioch, and even as a distant disciple of Apollinarius.415 The Anglican
theologian H. M. Reitan published a book on Christo logy, in 1917, which based
its approach to the personal unity of Christ on Loofs's interpretation of
enhypostatos in Leontius, seen now as an anticipation of modern psychology's
insight that it is the person, understood as consciousness and the sense of self,
that gives substantial, concrete existence to any intellectual nature.416 In Christ's
case, according to Reitan, that individualizing, conscious center would be the
second Person of the Trinity. Inspired, doubtless, also by Loafs, Karl Barth saw in
the enhypostasia of a human individual nature-a nature that has no hypostatic
existence in and for itself, but exists "within" the divine Person of the Son of
God-the very root of the asymmetrical relationship of humanity to the Word
that is the heart of our salvation. 417 Stefan Otto, in 1968, wanted to recognize in
the Christology of Leontius, and in that of some of his contemporaries,
forerunners of a modern, existentialist metaphysic of the person as absolutes
Fiirsichsein-the person not simply as a single member of a larger universal
class, but as a unique subject, ontologically in possession of the capabilities and
characteristics of its nature. 418 Even Abbot Daniel Hombergen, in his more
recent discussion of the role of the Origenist monks of Palestine in the sixth
century, is attracted to Loofs's hypothesis that the Leontius of the six treatises
edited here is the same author as Leontius of Jerusalem, and that, as an
"Origenist" of the time, he offers a strongly unitive, Logos-centered interpreta-
tion of the Chalcedonian formula; Hombergen wants to see the main focus
of Leontius's Origenism-which he presumably received through Evagrius's
spiritual writings-as ascetical and psychological rather than Christological. 419
All of these interpretations, I believe, share in different ways in Loofs's mistake
of conflating several sixth-century authors of the same name, and in misreading
the force of the Greek word Jvvrr6aTaTos to suggest, in a way anticipating
modern personalism, that jesus's humanity exists "in" the second person of the
Trinity and thus is itself, as humanity, anhypostatos: not realized in an
independently existing human individual. Whatever one may think of such a

415
So History of Dogma (trans. E. B. Speirs and J. Millar; London, Edinburgh, and Oxford,
1898), 4. 236: "There is not even any trace of a theological difference between Severus and
Leontius;" cf. Outlines of the History of Dogma (trans.E. K. Mitchell; London, 1893), 298:"Through
his doctrine of the enhypostasia of the human nature, he paid, in the form of a fine Apollinarianism,
full regard to the idea of redemption." It is hard to imagine how Harnack could explain, from this
starting-point, Leontius's extensive, powerful critiques both of Severus's Christology and of the
work of Apollinarius.
416
Herbert Maurice Relton,A Study in Christology (London, 1917).
417
See Church Dogmatics IV /2, trans. G. W. Bromiley (Edinburgh, 1958), 49-50.
418 Stefan Otto, Person und Subsistenz (Munich, 1968).
419
Daniel Hombergen, The Second Origenist Controversy (see above, p. 13 and n. 70), 139-40,
152, 176.
 III. Leontius the Theologian 75

Christological model, it seems to go well beyond the intentions and concerns of

Leontius of Byzantium.
2. My own understanding of Leontius's thought is that he is, in all his extant
writings, above all a consistent defender and interpreter of the concepts and
terminology of Chalcedon-a "strict Chalcedonian;' in the phrase of Marcel
Richard and Aloys Grillmeier.420 Much of his effort in the CNE, extended and
developed in the Epilyseis and crystallized in a more lapidary form in the Thirty
Chapters, is aimed at clarifying the meaning of the main terminology used to
speak of Christ in the Chalcedonian definition-substance (oiJa{a), nature
( <pvais ), individual (vTroaTaais ), "person" (7rpoawTrov ), in the sense ofpersona
or role-as well as the phrases used there to relate these terms to one another:
that Christ "subsists in two natures without confusion, without change, with-
out division, without separation''; that he is "complete in divinity, complete in
humanity"; that he is "consubstantial with the Father in his divinity, con-
substantial with us in his humanity:' These classical, familiar phrases all had
a history by the time of Chalcedon, all had intellectual and emotional impli-
cations for the parties to the Christological debate. Leontius's working assump-
tion seems to be that if their meaning is properly clarified, with the help of the
Trinitarian model developed by the Cappadocian Fathers and some defini-
tions borrowed from contemporary Greek philosophy, all people of good judg-
ment should be able to accept the Chalcedonian formula as the only right way
to speak about the complex, saving reality of Jesus.
The analysis of Chalcedon's language that Leontius offers, especially in these
first three works, can seem overly technical to a modern reader, but it is
important to see that his efforts are more than just academic hair-splitting. At
the end of his treatise against Theodore of Mopsuestia and the Antiochene
tradition, Leontius insists that "our battle is not about phrases, but about the
realities themselves, and about their union and organic identity with each other,
which the Fathers thought had come to be in a substantial way ...".421 For
Leontius, this is only intellectually conceivable in terms of a real and subsistent
universal being and an equally real and subsistent individual, both expressed
in terms of essence or nature and hypostasis-the same paradoxical interplay
of terms in which the Cappadocian Fathers had categorized the supreme
"theological" Mystery of God as both one and three. "Nature'' or "substance"
refers to reality as definable, able to be characterized by generic features-being

120
See esp. Marcel Richard, "Leonce de Jerusalem et Leonce de Byzance;' MSR 1 (1944), 35-88
[=Opera Minora Ill, no. 59]; Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition 11/2, 181-270.
421
DTN 42 (PG 86.1380 D). This sentence may be an intentional echo of Plato, Republic I (352
dS-6): "Our discussion is not about just anything at all, but about the question of the way one must
live!"
76 Introduction

as categorized by the mind, graspable by the insight of reason (,\6yos);

"hypostasis" refers to an individually existing thing, which possesses "being by
ro
itself ( KaB' ailrov Elvai)" -the particular being, marked off by accidental
features and denotable by a proper name, yet conceivable only becanse it also
participates in a universal class, becanse it has an intelligible universal substance
or nature. Human hypostases are called "persons (rrp6awrra);' because of the
particular role they play-the "mask'' they wear-in human history, analogous
to the characters ( rrp6awrra), recognizable by their masks, that were acted out
in an ancient drama. Natures, to remain what they are, must remain limited to
the same, consistent definitions. Hypostases, by contrast-being unique his-
torical instances of timeless universals-can also bring together in their
historical existence two or more defined natures; so a human person participates
at once in the radically different natures or substances, the universal realities, of
the spiritual soul and the material body. The Mystery of Christ-unique within
history, and saving in its very uniqueness-is the union within a single concrete
individual, a single hypostasis with a proper name, of the eternal God and a
historically limited, fully normal human being. The historical being-the
hypostasis-of Christ the Lord is the realization of both the eternal Word, the
Son of God, and the man Jesus, the son of Mary, as two complete and different
substances in one historical individual. And it is the "mode of union'' of these
two substances-God and man-as)esus the Son, Leontius ultimately confesses,
which constitutes the message of the Gospel. 422
3. Leontius's detailed, careful arguments to support the Chalcedonian for-
mula as the only fully adequate articulation of the Mystery revealed in Christ-
along with his affirmation of the full, pristine humanity of Christ, and his
rejection of formulations of the Mystery that truncate or distort it in an overly
unitive or overly divisive direction-form together a synthesis that, although
modest and limited in scope, still seems persuasive. Not all the questions raised
by the Chalcedonian formula are answered in his treatises. There is danger, for
instance, that the sheer balance and formality of the Chalcedonian formula, as
Leontins presents it eighty years later, may still leave nnanswered the question
of who the "one hypostasis;' constituted by the Incarnation, really is. So one of
the main tasks of the Second Council of Constantinople, in 553, was to clarify
that it is indeed God the Word who is born fully hnman, as the child of Mary,
and who dies on the cross in his own vulnerable humanity. 423 Leontins is hesi-
tant, it seems, to speak of the synthesis of realities that constitutes Jesus as a

m Epil. 8 (PG 1937D-1940B).

423
See Anathemas 2, 3, 6, 10 (Alberigo-Tanner, Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, II.
114-18).
 III. Leontius the Theologian 77
"hypo static union;' and only uses that phrase twice, seemingly in passing;424 his
reason may be that it could be taken to suggest, in his context, a union formed
out of two already-existing hypostases or persons, or simply that, as a phrase
favored by Cyril of Alexandria in his later letters, it was also dear to critics of
Chalcedon like Severus of Antioch. But Leontius makes it clear, through his
analysis of Chalcedonian terms, that the union achieved in the concrete histor-
ical "person" or hypostasis, Christ, is not simply a harmonious conjunction of
two wholly separate, active beings. It is a "union that involves substance ( f.vw-
ais KaT' oVa{av);'425 a union "which has come to exist substantially, not just
relatively, so that the Logos is, in a complete humanity, what the 'inner man' is
in us (oVatwOWs, d,\,\' oV axE'TtKWs yEyovWs-, Ws Elvat Ev Tft TEAE{q, dv8pw-
1T6T'"f/Tl 011Ep Ev ~µlv 'O Eaw Uv8pw11os')." 426 It is a union that is not just rela-
tional-as the accidental orientations of one earthly reality to another are
understood by the philosophers to be-but a union "in actual substance;' a
union that really brings two wholly different substances together, yet neverthe-
less leaves them unchanged in their very union. 427
Leontius struggles here to capture, in philosophically precise terms, what he
sees to be the Mystery of Christ, relying for help not only on the earlier Greek
theological tradition, but on Aristotle's Organon, Porphyry's Eisagogi!, and the
explanations of the fifth- and sixth-century commentators on Aristotle. But
the implications of the Mystery of Christ are nothing less than cosmic. In the
"unconfused union'' of God and a human individual, God the Son has himself
become involved in the complex web of ontological relationships that define
the created order. The union of God and humanity in Christ is not that of a new,
mixed nature, which combines both and is therefore neither of them; the union
is rather one that is realized in a concrete, existing, historical individual, who is
fully God and fully human-who is himself defined, in nature and hypostasis,
by his relations to other classes of substance and to other humans, respectively,
and who exists as both Son of God and son of Mary. So, in the man Jesus,
humanity, "while reaching in its very being the definition of human perfection,
shared in all the good things which come from the Word; or rather, possessing
the very fonnt of good things in the Word, it poured forth from itself all that the
Word has, by means of the Word:'"" It is the very integrity of both human
nature and divine nature, existing in unity as one concrete, historical individual,
that makes salvation for the whole fallen race of historical human individuals
possible. The balance and metaphysical symmetry of the Chalcedonian portrait

m Preface to CNE's florilegium (p.176, 1. 25); CA (p. 378, 1.16).

m CNE7(p.166,Ll;p.168,l.26).
'" DTN 42 (p. 442, 1.13; p. 444, 1. 2).
m See CNE 2 (p. 136,1.15); CNE 3 (p.144, ll. 2-3); Epil. 4 (p. 282,ll. 26-9).
'" CA(p.364,ll.7-8).
 •
78 Introduction
of Christ captures for Leontius, it seems, the substantially relational heart of the
Mystery of salvation: "God with us:'

IV. THE MANUSCRIPTS

1. The Principal Manuscripts

Only one manuscript contains all the works of Leontius edited here. This is
codex Vaticanus Graecus 2195 (V), a beautiful and well-preserved manuscript
produced in Constantinople in the second quarter of the tenth century, in which
Leontius's writings occupy ff. 1-184. Once the property of Cardinal Giovanni
Salviati (1490- 1553), an influential papal legate during the pontificate of
Clement VII (1523-34), V found its way, along with forty of Salviati's other
Greek manuscripts, into the possession of the Colonna family at some unknown
date after the Cardinal's death; as Columnensis 34, it was one of the ninety-three
Colonna manuscripts acquired for the Vatican Library by its new prefect,
Cardinal Angelo Mai, in July 1821.429 Besides the writings of Leontius, V contains
several other important works oflater patristic theology: the Epistula de Duabus
Naturis by the sixth-century monk Eustathius430 (ff. 185- 208); Justinian's Contra
Monophysitas431 (ff. 208-63); Maximus Confessor's comments on the Pseudo-
Dionysius's Epistle to Gaius, the last of his Ambigua ad 1homam432 (ff. 263-70);
Photius's work De Sancti Spiritus Mystagogia433 (ff. 271 - 317); and finally-in a
later hand-several of Photius's letters (ff. 317-27). This list of contents suggests

42 ' See Salvatore Lilla; Codices Vaticani Graeci [VIII] (Codd. 2162-2254: Codices Columnenses)

(Vatican City, 1986), 124-8; for the history of the collection before being acquired by the Vatican
Library, see ibid. xi-xxili. I am grateful to Dr Lilla for showing me a typescript of his description of
Vat. Gr. 2195 while the catalogue was still in progress, during my own visit to the Library in 197 4.
Little else is known about the origin of the Colum nenses Graeci, now Vat. Gr. 2162-254. They
ought not, at any rate, to be confused with the rich collection of C ardinal Ascanio Colonna (1569-
1608), partly derived from the library of Cardinal Guglielmo Sirleto (1514-85) and acquired, after
Cardinal Colonna's death, by Giovan Angelo Altemps (1611 ), then by Pope Alexander VIII (1689)
for his private collection, and eventually by Pope Benedict XIV (1675-1758) for the Vatican,
where they now form part of the Ottoboniani. Not all of Salviati's manuscripts became part of
the Columnenses; others b earing his mark IO CAR de SALVIATIS can be found today in Florence,
in London, and in the Biblioteca Casanatense in Rome. See W Weinberger, "Beitriige zur
Handschriftenkunde" II, Sitzb. der phil. -hist. Klasse der kaiser[. Akad. der Wiss. (Wien) 161, 4
(1909), 49, n . 3; G. Mercati, "II Plutarco di Bartolommeo da Montepulciano", Opere Minore IV(=
ST 79: Rome, 1937), 201 and n.l.
4
'° PG 86, 901- 41.
431
Ed. E. Schwartz, Drei dogmatische Schriften Justinians, 5-43; PG 86, 1104-45. Vat. Gr. 2 195 is
the only extant m anuscript of this work.
432
PG 91, 1045- 60. "' PG 102, 280-392.
•
IV The Manuscripts 79

that V was copied some fifty years after the death of Patriarch Photios in 886,
for a person or group in the imperial capital interested in the mainstream
tradition of Byzantine orthodoxy.
An Oxford manuscript, codex Laudianus Graecus 928 (O), contains all of
Leontius's works except the AFA.434 Produced, like V, in Constantinople in the
second quarter of the tenth century, this octavo-size codex bears Archbishop
Laud's name, and the acquisition-date 1640; it was one of eleven Greek
manuscripts sent by the archbishop to the Bodleian Library on 6 November of
that year, as part of his fourth donation to the library.435 There is no record of
where and how Laud had acquired this particular manuscript. Its singed edges,
however, and slightly charred first page, as well as its new Laudian binding in
brown calf, suggest that it had had a violent history before it reached the
archbishop, and that it may be one of the many manuscripts he acquired from
the collections of German monasteries and Jesuit colleges ravaged by Swedish
troops during the Thirty Years War. 436
Five leaves are now missing from 0: two folios after f. 96 and two more after
£ 100-which form together the two outside sheets of a single quire- and one
further folio after f. 156. As a result, the text is defective from the last sentence
of the Epilyseis to the end of Epap. 8,437 from Epap. 20 to the middle of Epap.
25,438 and for most of chapters 6 to 8 of the DTN.439 Folios 182r-v and 185r-v are
written in a different hand from the rest of the text, although a contemporary
one: presumably they are replacements for a sheet lost from the quire shortly
after the book was copied. In addition, two lacunae have been absorbed into O's
text of the CA, each of some 18-20 lines of writing on O's scale; 440 presumably
two leaves were missing from an ancestor here, but the scribe of 0 was either
unaware of the omission or hoped to conceal it.
Besides its five genuine works of Leontius, 0 also contains, as I have
mentioned before,441 a small treatise entitled Ke<p6.).aia KaTa o ia<p6pwv
a.[penKwv, inserted between the main text of the DTN and its florilegium
(ff. l 75r-177v). This work is, in fact, Maximus Confessor's Opusculum 13, 7Tepi
TWV ouo TOV Xp tGTOV <pvaewv. 442 In addition, 0 includes (ff. 210v- 227v) three

04 For a description of the manuscript, see H . 0 . Coxe, Bodleian Library, Quarto Catalogues I

(Oxford, repr.1969), 580- 2.

m See R. W. Hunt's introduction to vol. II of Coxe's catalogue (Oxford, repr.1973), xxili- xxiv.
4' 6 Dr Hunt suggests that the reason so many of the Laudian manuscripts were given to the

Bodleian in new, uniform bindings may be that their covers had been damaged or torn off in the
course of acquisition; new bindings would especially be a mark, then, of manuscripts acquired in
Germany: ibid. ix,xx:iii- xxiv.
437
p. 310, l.l 0- p. 316, l. 22. 438
p. 324, l. 7-p. 326, l. 26.
439 p.418,1.22- p.420,l.12. 440 441
p.344,ll.7- 21andp.350,ll.15- 28. p.48andn.319.
442 PG 91, 145- 9. TI1is apparently early work of Maximus is a set of ten theses directed against

"monophysite" Christology. Little else is known about its occasion or place of composition.
80 Introduction
complete patristic letters after the end of the florilegium of the DTN: Cyril of
Alexandria's two letters to Succensus443 and Timothy of Berytus's Epistle to
Prosdocium, attributed here to Julius of Rome. 444 Although these three works-
classic documents of a strongly unitive Christology, presented here in toto-
can scarcely have formed part of Leontius's own dossier, the fact that 0 includes
them without comment before the final colophon445 suggests that they had
been added to O's version of Ta AE6VTw, and perhaps even substituted for the
critical APA, before the collection reached O's scribe. The tendency of this
version of the Leontian collection thus seems somewhat less sympathetic to
Leontius's two-nature emphasis than is that ofV
There is also a copy of 0, from the early eighteenth century, in the Bibliotheque
Nationale in Paris: cod. Parisinus Suppl. Gree. 163. A note in the margin off. l
explains its origin: "Ex cod. Bodleiano. Misit doc!. D. Ernest Grabe:' According
to H. Omont, 446 this manuscript-which also contains a copy of the Excerpta
Leontina in a different hand (ff. 306-11)-once belonged to the Paris
Dominicans,447 but it is not known for whom the scholar Johann Ernst Grabe,
who lived in Oxford from about 1698 until his death in 1711, originally made
it. Since this manuscript is not an independent witness to the text, I have not
used it in preparing this edition.
One other manuscript, now in Genoa, contains the Foreword to the collected
edition, the CNE, and its florilegium: codex 27 (G) of the Biblioteca della Missione
Urbana di San Carlo, now part of the collection of the Biblioteca Franzoniana.448
This beautiful eleventh-century codex, written in double columns in the
so-called "Perlenschrift;' contains an important collection of patristic contro-
versial works, some of them otherwise unknown. These include Serapion
of Thmuis's Contra Manichaeos (ff. 1-8);449 Titus of Bostra's Contra Manichaeos

443
Letters 45 and 46: ed. E. Schwartz, A CO I, l, 6, 151-62; PG 77, 228 CS-245 D4.
444 Ed. H. Lietzmann, Apollinarius van Laodicea und seine Schule (Tilbingen, 1904),283-6. 0 is
the only source for the full Greek text of this letter; for its attribution to Timothy of Berytus, cf.
Lietzmann, ibid. 156-7.
445 The colophon shows that Td AE6vTia were considered to be a comprehensive refutation of

heresy by the time 0 was copied: TETE'AEaTat aiiv fEJE(j; ~ KaTd 11aaWv aipE'aEwv dvaTpon~ Ka~
Op{aµ(3os 'T"Oii µaKap{ov AEoV'T{ov µovaxoV Kai µEydAov claK'f}'TOii (f 227v).
'146 Inventaire sommaire des manuscrits grecs de la Bibliotheque Nationale, III (Paris, 1898), 226.
447
The convent of the "Jacobins" in the Rue Saine~Honore, source of nineteen Greek
manuscripts now in the Bibliotheque Nationale: cf. Omont, I, xix.
448
The contents of Genoa 27 were reported, rather inexactly, by Cardinal J.B. Pitra in his Analecta
Sacra V (1888), 44-6; the manuscript itself, but (alas) not the contents, is more accurately described
by A. Ehrhard, "Zur Catalogisierung der kleineren Bestande der griechischen Handschriften in
Italien': Centralblatt far Bibliothekswesen 10 (1893), 204-5 (repr. in C. Samberger, Catalogi codicum
Graecorum qui in minoribus Bibliothecis Italicis asservantur I (Leipzig, 1965), 278-9).
449
Ed. R.P. Casey ( = Harvard Theological Studies XV: Cambridge, Mass., 1931 ); a less adequate
text appears in PG 40, 900-24.
 IV The Manuscripts 81

(ff. 8-79);45° Cyril of Alexandrias Thesaurus (ff. 79-291);451 an extract from

Athanasius's Contra Gentes (ff. 291-3); 452 five Greek opuscula of Theodore Abu
Qurra (ff. 293-7); 453 four anonymous controversial fragments (ff. 297-301);454
Zachary of Mytilene's brief response to a Manichean pamphlet (ff. 301-3);455 a
selection of polemical extracts from the Patriarch Nicephorus, Photius, Theodore
Abu Qurra, and Maximus Confessor (ff. 303-28);456 and finally Leontius's
Foreword and CNE (ff. 328-53). G's origin, like that ofV and 0, is unknown; the
fact that its quires are marked with Armenian numerals suggests that it may at
least have been rebound457 in an Armenian monastery, either in Constantinople
or further east. It belonged to a collection of some 300 Greek manuscripts which
Filippo Saoli-a Genoese scholar, a diplomat, and later bishop of Brugnato-
bequeathed to the Hospizio dei Incurabili in Genoa at his death in 1526. 458
During the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, Saoli's collection seems to
have been well known in Rome; Sirleto apparently borrowed a manuscript of
Athanasius from it,459 and Francisco Torres, the first translator of Leontius,
certainly used Genoa 27 for a number of his translations of patristic controversial
works.''° A few years later Giovanni Santa Maura (d.1613), a Cypriot copyist at
the Vatican, also studied Genoa 27 and made a list of its contents. 461 By 1746,
however, only thirty-nine manuscripts were left in Saoli's collection at the
Hospizio dei Incurabili; they were bought-to save them from destruction-for
the library of the Congregation of the Missione Urbana di San Carlo. When the
building which housed that library was destroyed in World War I, the collection
was incorporated into the Biblioteca Franzoniana.

450
PG 18, 1069-1256. 451
PG 75, 9-656. 452
cc. 32-4: PG 25, 64-9.
453 454
Opuscula 26-30: PG 97, 1561-79. These are listed in Pitra,Anal. Sacra V, 67.
455
This is published in Pitra,Anal. Sacra V, 67-70; the Latin translation of Torres appears in PG
85, 1143-4. It may originally have been part of a larger anti-Manichean work of Zachary's, which
included the anathemas published by Marcel Richard from cod. Vatopedi 236, in the introduction
to his edition of the works of John of Caesaraea (CCG 1, xxxiii-xxxix).
456
·Tue information given by Pitra and Ehrhard is too vague here to allow an exact account of
G's contents.
457
A. Brinkmann, "Die Streitschrift des Serapion von Thmuis gegen die Manichlier;' Sitzb. der
kOnigl. preussischen Akad. der Wiss. (Berlin, 1894), 486-7, established that t\.vo of the four double
leaves in the third quire of G are in the wrong sequence; this is presumably a sign that the
manuscript had, at some stage, become loose and required rebinding.
458
Cf. Ehrhard, 192-3 (repr. Samberger, 266-7).
159
' Cf. G. Mercati,Per la storia dei Manoscritti Greci di Genova, di varie Badie Basiliane d'Italia,
e di Patmo (=ST 68: Rome, 1935), 12-13.
460
These include the works of Serapion of Thmuis and Titus of Bostra mentioned above, the
little tract of Zachary of Mytilene against the Manicheans, and probably a number of shorter
extracts contained in G: see H. Canisius,Antiquae Lectionis, Tomus V (Ingolstadt, 1604). Torres
also used Genoa 27 for his translation of the CNE, even though V was his main source: cf. p. 99
below.
461
His list is now Vat. Lat.10957, ff.14-16; cf. Mercati,Per la storia 18, n. l.
82 Introduction
G adds four extracts from Cyril of Alexandria to the florilegium of the CNE
as it appears in V and 0, before the closing phrase, xp~aELs rov 7rpwrov ,\6yov
(£ 352"). Two of these texts are from the second letter to Succensus, 462 two from
the Dialogus de Incarnatione Unigeniti. 463 While it is not impossible that these
four texts belong to Leontius's original collection, the wordy and circumstantial
titles given them in G-very different from Leontius's other titles-and the
absence of parallels in the related florilegia464 make that most unlikely. I have
omitted them from this edition. G also adds, immediately after the closing
phrase mentioned above, a fragment of what purports to be the dialogue
between Paul of Sarnosata and the Presbyter Malchion, his official examiner, at
the Antiochene Synod which condemned Paul in 268.465 This text and the four
extracts from Cyril may have well been added to Leontius's florilegium from
some later, independent collection of Christological texts.
The Jesuit savant Jacques Sirmond (1559-1651) made a copy of the latter
part of G-including the text ofLeontius-which became part of the library of
the College de Clermont. 466 This copy is now in the Deutsche Staatsbibliothek
in East Berlin, numbered Berolinensis Phillippicus Graecus 80. Since it is not an
independent witness, however, I have not referred to it in preparing this edition.
One Paris manuscript contains the part ofLeontius's Foreword related to the
DTN, followed by the DTN itself and its florilegium: cod. Parisinus Graecus
1335 (P), ff. 186'-202". This fourteenth-century manuscript contains a large
collection of theological, historical, and canonical texts, most of them connected

'"' Ep. 2 ad Succensum, 3 (ACO I, I, 6, 160, 11. 14-24; PG 77, 241 D4-244 AlO); ibid. (ACO I,
1, 6, 160, 1. 25-161, 1. 3; PG 77, 244 Al3-B3).
463
Dialogus de Incarnatione Unigeniti: ed. G. M. de Durand, SC 97, 280, 1. 21-282,l. 3; Pusey 127,
1. 18-128, 1. 3; PG 75, 1244 A14-B4; and ibid., de Durand 294, ll. 5-8; Pusey 143, 1. 20-145, 1. 3;
PG 75, 1249 Dl-4.
464
Although the Second Letter to Succensus was very popular with the compilers of ancient
florilegia, the only exact parallel which I have been able to find for the first of these extracts from it is
in the florilegiurn of Timothy Aelurus's Letter on Isaiah of Hermoupolis, included by Zacharias
Rhetorin his Ecclesiastical History IV, 12; this collection, however, seems to have no direct connection
with that of the CNE. The second passage has a parallel only in Ephrem of Amida's tract Ad Domnum
et Joannem; the third and fourth have no parallels in florilegia at all, as far as I know.
465
This was published by J.B. Pitta, Anal. Sacra III (Paris, 1883), 600-1, and more recently by
H. de Riedmatten,Les Actes du proces de Paul de Samosate (Fribourg, 1952), 156-7.
466
Sirmond's codex-orginially Claromontanus 175; acquired in the eighteenth century by the
Dutch bibliophile Johan Meerman (1753-1815), to become Meermannius 153; then bought in
1824 by Sir Thomas Phillipps (1792-1872), to become Phillippicus 1484; and finally acquired by
the Prussian government after Phillipps's death-begins with some patristic Old Testament
commentaries; f£ 11or-19ov contain the collection of Genoa 27, from f. 293 (the opuscula of
Theodore Abu Qurra) onwards. Cf. W Studemund and L. Cohn Verzeichniss der greichischen
Handschriften der kOniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, I (Berlin, 1890), 32-3.
 IV. The Manuscripts 83

with medieval Byzantine controversies. 467 Its patristic section largely concerns
Christology, and inclndes Gregory of Nyssa's Epistle 2, "On Those Going Up to
Jernsalem'' (ff. 92-3);468 thirty-eight letters of Basil and Gregory of Nazianzen
(ff. 93-133); Catecheses 12 to 15 of Cyril ofjernsalem-on the person and work
of Christ (ff. 133-66); 469 several small tracts ofJohn Chrysostom (ff. 166-81);
Proclns of Constantinople's Tomus ad Armenios (ff. 181-6); 470 and Cyril of
Alexandria's celebrated Twelve Anathemas (ff. 202-3), 471 as well as the DTN. A
preface (ff. 2'-4v) identifies the collector as a certain Joachim, "least of monks;'
who dedicates the work to his "brother" (in religion?) George Cainas. There are
no clues, however, to the identity of either of these men, or to the precise reason
for which the collection was put together.
One other codex contains the same collection as P: a paper mannscript now
in Venice, cod. Marcianus Graecus Z 575, signed by the otherwise unknown
scribe Nikolaos Phagianes and dated 9 August 1426. This manuscript apparently
belonged to the Patriarchal library in Constantinople until the early seventeenth
centnry, when it was bought by the Venetian Giacomo Gallicio, bronght back to
Venice, and given by him-with twenty other Greek manuscripts-to the
Venetian republic in the antnmn of 1624, in return for the release of a prisoner
named Bernardino Vespa. 472 My own study of the text of the DTNin Marc. Gr.
575 has shown that it is a direct copy of P, 473 and I have therefore omitted its
readings, too, from the apparatus of the present edition.

467
Cf. Omont, lnventaire sommaire des manuscrits grec de la Bibliotheque Nationale, II, 14-16.
Among many other documents, the collection included, according to its table of contents (ff.
iv-zr), three texts which apparently formed part of the propaganda of the anti-Palaeologan
Arsenite party during the Byzantine schism of 1265-1310. Two of these texts have been lost from
P, but the Testament of the Patriarch Arsenius still appears on ff. 333v_34ov. (Cf. J. Darrouzes,
Documents inedits d'eccliisiologie byzantine [::::Archives de l'orient chretien 10: Paris, 1966], 99, n. l;
Darrouzes is therefore mistaken when he says that all the Arsenite material has disappeared from
the collection.) This suggests that the collection was formed, at the latest, in the early years of the
fourteenth century.
"" Ed. G. Pasquali (Berlin, 1928), 11-17 (= GNO Vlll/2, 13-19); PG 46, 1009 Bl-1016 A3.
469 Ed. W.K. Reischl and J. Rupp (Munich, 1848-60), II, 2-202.

470 PG 65,856-73.

"' ACO l, !,l,40,1.22-42,1. 5; PG 77, 120 Bl4-121 DB.

472 Cf K. N. Sathas, M£aalwviK0 Bij3Alo8~K1] II (Venice, 1873), pKE, n. 3; M. Finazzi, "La

donazione della raccolta di codici greci di Giacomo Gallicio all Repubblica di Venezia," in
Miscellanea Marciana di Studi Bessarionei (Medioevo e Umanesimo, 24: Padua, 1976), 103-18.
473
Marc. Gr. 575 preserves all the distinctive readings of P, right and wrong, and the twenty-nine
readings peculiar to itself are all further errors, with two exceptions: p. 430, L 7 E1nppwyoAoyoV1-1£-
vos for P, E7rtppwAoyoVµ,£vos, where Marc. Gr. 575's additional -yo- is written above the word, prob-
ably, in the same hand, as a correction; and p. 432, 1. 6, where Marc. Gr. 575 does not repeat ij
µ6vos, as P does. Both of these variations can be seen as straightforward corrections by the scribe
Phagianes. In addition, at p. 466, 11. 13-14, Marc. Gr. 575 omits the words EaTiv inr6aTaaiv ... Kai TO
Trp6aw7rov, a gap of exactly one line in P; this omission can easily be explained by the repetition
of 7rp6awTrov in the text.
84 Introduction
If my observations above474 about Leontius's florilegia are correct, all four
manuscripts would seem to be descended from a version of his works edited
some time after the beginning of the eighth century. Only this would explain
the agreement ofV, 0, and Pin including Test. 56-62 of the florilegium of the
DTN, which seem to depend on the Doctrina Patrum; and the existence of such
a hyparchetype would also best explain the apparent displacement of Test. 8
and 9 of the CNE in V, 0, and G.Anyother differen.ce between the original text
ofLeontius's works and this eighth-century version (which I have labeled (a) in
the stemma below, p. 88) is a matter of pure conjecture.
A comparison of the readings ofV, 0, and P, however, in the DTN shows quite
clearly that V and 0 are descended from a more immediate common ancestor,
which I have called ({3) in the stemma. V and 0 contain a good number of
readings which a comparison with P shows to be simply mistakes: a series of
accusatives in place of datives at p.412,1. 21; av for div at p. 420, 1. 3; the repetition
of Kai OVTW<; at p. 426, I. 17; Jcpapf.'6,ovrn<; for Jcpapf.'6,ovT«; at p. 442, I. 12;
dµE7TTOV for dµ,€µ7TTOVS E'lvat at p. 444, 1. 28; 7rpo17(vovTas (0: 7rpo7r£vovTES)
for rrponivovTa<; at p. 446, I. 15; yvwpi,«v for yvwp{'" at p. 456,
I. 21; 6cp<iAOVTO<; for 6cp<iAovTL at p. 458, I. 29; TE for 8€ at p. 460, I. 8; the
omission of Ti) at p. 462, I. 20; oaov for oawv at p. 464, Test. 4, I. 4; TO for n{i
at p. 468, Test 8, I. 11; UYJf.'aivwv for UYJf.'aiv«v at p. 472, Test 13, I. 7; the
repetition of Aoirrov at p. 472, Test 14, I. 13 and the repetition of UVf.' before
rrapa>..a,.,,{3av<rni, ibid.,!. 22; the omission of Tov at p. 476, Test 19,1.18; aot for
aov at p. 480, Test 24, I. 10; dgiwaiv for &giwaai at p. 490, Test. 35, I. 16; and
possibly rrpoK<xwp~KEl at p. 498, Test. 41,1. 9.Against the background of these
common errors, a number of other readings in which VO disagree with P,
though just possible in themselves, can be rejected as mistaken; these include
the abbreviation of a phrase in Pat p. 426, I. 6; the omission of part of a scriptural
quotation at p. 428, I. 21, and of aov in a scriptural text at p. 430, I. 20; the
addition of Kai @w8chpov-inappropriate in the context-at p. 444, I. 16; the
expansion of a scriptural reference at p. 448, I. 11; an awkward change of word-
order at p. 448, I. 19; rrpoa~K<V for rrpoa~Kov at p. 454, I. 21; the omission of>)
at p. 456, I. 21; TUVT'!) for aDTfi at p. 460, I. 17; the addition of <lvat at p. 464,
Test. 4, I. 6; JaxaTwv for the biblical JaxaTov at p. 476, Test 17, I. 5; the change
of word-order from that in the parallel sources at p. 502, I. 14; oilxi E'va for oDK
ifaTLv at p. 504, I. 9; the position of ydp at p. 512, Test. 56, I. 15, and the omission
of Kai, ibid. I. 16; the addition of f.'EV at p. 514, I. 9; and KUTOtK<LV for KUTOtKEl
at p. 522, Test 62, I. 3. The presence of Test. 57 in P alone, with its mistaken
attribution to Gregory Nazianzen, could also be a sign of confusion in
(a) between this text of Gregory of Nyssa and another, by the other Gregory,

474
pp. 54-5 and 65~8.
 IV. The Manuscripts 85

which occupied its place in the Doctrina Patrum; 475 realizing that its attribution
was incorrect, the copyist of (fl) may have chosen to omit it altogether rather
than to attempt a correction.
P, then, seems clearly to represent a different branch of the manuscript
tradition from V and O; the small number of errors shared by V and P against
0, 476 or by 0 and P against V, 477 are all explainable either as coincidences or as
signs of independent correction by the scribes of 0 or V. In a number of
instances, however, P's variance from VO is better explained as an attempt of
the scribe to improve on the original text than as a preservation of the correct
reading; in a few places,478 for example, P seems to be atticizing, in others,479
trying to improve or expand a text that is already perfectly adequate. The effect
of such changes is generally a rather flattening one. 480
Of the three other principal manuscripts, V seems to offer the most
"primitive;' unembellished version of what Leontius wrote. On the other hand,
a number of features of the three florilegia in V can only be explained by the
assumption that V's florilegia have been corrected, either against the original
texts or against other collections. This certainly seems to be the case at 42, Test.
21,1. 4 (y<y<vija8ai for YEVE08at); at 57, Test. 54,1. 6 (El, TOVS" ovpavOVS" for EV
Tot> ovpavoZS"); at 184, Test. 34, II. 1 and 2 (two omissions in OP); and at 200,
Test. 62,1. 5 (r)v for r)), where V seems to preserve correct readings even though,
in some cases, the poorer alternative is supported by other florilegia. This
hypothesis, too, seems to be the best explanation for V's reading, cpaiopvv6p.Evov,
at 39, Test. 14, I. 4: this unusual word makes better sense than OG's alternative,
cppovpovp.Evov, in the context, but the alternative is supported by all the other
florilegia and was, presumably, in the Leontian hyparchetype (fl) as well.
Unfortunately, the original text of this fragment of Hippolytus is lost. The
influence of external sources explains, too, the presence of Test. 63A in V's
version of the CNE. This little letter of Isidore of Pelusium does not appear in
the florilegium of OG or in any other ancient florilegium; Severns, however,
when disputing the accuracy of the two texts in the florilegium of John of

475
Se_e n, 404.
476
E'TTayyEA{av for ci.trayyE,\{av at p. 416, 1. 15; XPYJf.LUT{aEi for xpr;µ,aTlan at p. 432, I. 31;
aVTWv for aVTOv at p. 452, L 22; aVT0 for EavT0 at p. 458, l.14.
477 The omission of µEat p.412, 1. 16; oVK for oVOE at p. 428,L 30; atavTOv for O'E airrO at p. 430,

1. 12; aVv for aV at p. 432, L8. There are a large number of instances in the florilegium of the DTN
in which V seems to offer a correct reading against a mistaken one in 0 and P, but, as we shall see
below, V's florilegia show strong signs of having been corrected independently, either against the
originial texts or against other florilegia.
478 1TwAovµ€:vov for 1Tt1TpaaKoµEvov at p. 420,l. 2; 1Tp6.'TTElV for OpdaEtV at p. 424, 1. 5.

"° e.g. p. 416, 1. 30; p. 420, 1. 23; p. 452, 1. 11.

480 e.g. the change in word-order in p. 450, 1. 23; yEv€:a8at for yEyEvi}a&ai at p. 452, 1. 5; aV'ToV

for aV'T<iJ, ibid., I. 25.

86 Introduction
CaesaraeasApologia481 -the parallels to Test. 61 and 63 of the CNE!-cites this
letter to strengthen his own argument, and the compiler of V may well have
added it here (in suitably diphysite form: cf. I. 7) for that reason. Finally, the
hypothesis of a correction ofV's florilegia provides the readiest explanation for
the confusion surrounding Test. 27 of the CNE. This extract from Gregory of
Nyssa appears here, minus its first three lines, in G; in V, it appears in a longer
form (parallel, even down to its title, to an extract_ from the same passage in
De Sectis 9) after Test. 31, and in 0 it is omitted completely. Presumably, G offers
us both the position and the mutilated form in which it appeared in the
hyparchetype ({3). Because the beginning of the extract was obviously missing,
O's scribe probably thought it best to leave the passage out, and to begin the
selections from Gregory of Nyssa with Test. 28; V, on the other hand, apparently
supplemented the defective text in (/3) by drawing on De Sectis's version, which
he added at the end of the extracts from Gregory of Nyssa (Test. 28-31 ), without
bothering to shorten it or to alter the ascription in the title to Leontius's usual
TOY :4 YTO Y. That the extract originally began with the incipit of the version
in V and ended with the explicit of that in G is confirmed by the parallels in the
Doctrina Patrum and Nicephorus.
There is strong, if not absolutely conclusive evidence that the two remaining
principal manuscripts, 0 and G, share, in addition, a common ancestor not
shared by V, which we shall call (y). This evidence consists, first of all, in some
apparent common errors of the text of the CNE: dvd T0v aVrOv A6yov for Ka rd
TOV aVTOV A6yov at p.146,1. 5; KaAoilaw for ovoµa,ovat at p.160,1. 20 (where
V is supported by the apparently independent witness S); the omission of oiJ at
p. 164, I. 5; the omission of·~ at p. 168, 1. 10; xwpov for x6pov, ibid. I. 18; /i,\,\o
for /i,\,\o, at p. 186, 1. 13. Although V's text of the florilegia seems to have been
corrected against outside sources, as we have just seen, there are a number of
cases where OG give an inferior reading which is not supported by parallel
florilegia, and which may therefore also be common derivations from the
Leontian tradition: the mistaken title of Test. 24 (p. 202); the truncated end of
Test. 43 (p. 222); the incorrect reversal of word-order in the title of Test. 76
(p. 252); the omission of TE and O.µa at p. 254, Test. 77, ll. 4-5; avvEaEt for
avvatvEaEt at p. 258, Test. 83, 1. 7; the omission of 7rEpi at p. 262, Test. 87,1. 5. The
crux of p. 126, I. 17, where V allows Leontius to call his unidentified enemies
dKpoqnAoa6cpovs, while 0 gives aapKocpiAoa6cpovs and G aa7rporpiAoa6f{JoVs,
seems also most easily explained if we take V's reading as correct,482 O's as a

481
Contra Impium Grammaticum III, 39 (251, 11. 4-7; tr.184, 11. 33-4).
482
It may well be a reference to a phrase in Plato, Rep. VI (499 C): Toi:s 0.KpOlS Els r:ptli.oaorp{av;
cp. Lucian, Hermotimus 79: ToVs 0.Kpovs -rWv <plAoaotpoVvrwv.
 IV The Manuscripts 87

mistaken development from this in ( y ), and G's as an attempt to make sense of

(y )'s reading. And there are other common deviations in OG which seem more
likely to represent attempted improvements than the original text: the omission
of a<pEatV (which has been added to the scriptural quotation) at p.142, I. 9; the
substitution of present for perfect tense at p. 148, I. 2; the omission of Kai at
p. 152, 1. 2.5; the omission of a grammatically odd EL') at p. 154, I. 14; >.oy{~ovrni
for the more colourful av>.>.oy{~oVTai at p. 158, I. 4; JaVTov for aihou at p. 224,
Test. 47,1. 12. While it is true that not all of these variants of OG need be regarded
as errors derived from a common source, they suggest, when taken together, at
least the strong possibility that such a source did exist.
In addition, both 0 and G show signs of independent attempts to improve on
Leontius's text. 0, especially, tends to present a streamlined version, simplifying
some of Leontius's contorted phrases, 483 changing unusual forms and
constructions to more normal ones, 484 introducing elisions, 485 and generally
producing a smoother but less distinctive kind of prose than that found in the
other manuscripts. 486 0 shows numerous variations from the other witnesses in
word-order, many of them without any obvious explanation,487 and its text of
the florilegia also shows some signs of correction against external sources488
and of attempts to harmonize Leontius's testimonia with each other. 489 G, too,
seems at times to be simplifying or clarifying the text of Leontius, 490 at times to
be expanding it,491 making it more emphatic,492 more elegant,493 or more like

'" e.g. p.116,1.13; p.118,l. 23; p. 134,l. 4 and I. 8; p.142,1.17; p. 148,1. 5; p.164,1. 4; p.174,l. 26
(where the redundant TE"AEvTa{av is omitted); p. 178, 1. 2.
484
e.g. p.164, l. 15 (1<.aprEp6v for KpaTEp6v); p. 174, 1.13 (napaOE{yµaTa for iJ7ro8E{yµaTa);
p. 414, I. 3 (Kdµol for Kdµ,oV). 0 tends to change perfects into presents or aorists: e.g., p. 126,l. 17;
p. 128, 1.23; p. 148, I. 2; p. 260, Test. 84, I. 7; p. 282, I. 21, I. 26, I. 30; p. 430, I. 11.
~' e.g. p. 174, I. 15; p. 202, Test. 25, I. 10; p. 204, Test. 25, I. 6; p. 210, Test. 31, I. 2; p. 270, I. 26.
486 See the variants at p. 122, 1. 8; p.154, 1.19; p. 164, 1.14 (KiXP"f/VTat); p. 174, 1. 8; p. 270,L 17;

p. 418, 1.1; p. 422,1. 7.

487
e.g. p. 128,l. 7; p. 136,l.10; p.142,l.17 (perhaps altered to produce a better clausula);p.144,
L 2; p. 164, l. 26; p, 168, I. 13 (perhaps an attempt to clarify the meaning); p. 196, Test.16, I. 6.
488
At p. 204, Test 26, Title, where 0 alone numbers the Epistle correctly; at p. 228, Test. 53, I. 17
(AVei); at p. 242, Test. 68,ll. 6-7 (7rp0s 1Tapd8eiy1-ia) and I. 8 (avvre0e{µ,e0a); at p. 250, Test. 73,
L 6 (XpiaroV for YloV). O's incorrect reading of 34ABIANON for J:ABINQJl.T in the title of Test.
41 (p. 218) may be due to the influence of some other florilegium; cp. Eulogius, Or. 3, who has
!'!ABINONhere.
489
Cf, the ending in 0 of CNE, Test. 24 (p. 202) and CA, Test. 11 (p. 398); in the florilegium of
the CA, 0 tends to standardize the titles of the excerpts, too, along the pattern set in the florilegium
of the CNE: cf. Test.11(p.396), 13 (p. 398), 15(p.400),17 (ibid.), 22 (p. 404).
490 e.g. p.128,L 11; p.162, I. 5 (Kai. Ev ofs); p.168, I. 6 (repetition of els).

m e.g. p. 156, 11. 6-7, I. 10; p.164,l. 12 (adding a biblical phrase); p.174, I. 25; p. 252, Test. 75, I. 3.
492
e.g.p.146,l.3.
493
e.g. p. 152, l, 3. C£ also the parallel created in G at p. 158, I. 15, by changing WvOµaaEv to
WvOµ,aKEV, and that at p. 186, Scholion Leontii, 1. 13, by changing TDv aVTDv to TaVTDv. daTEpwv
for UaTpwv at p. 172,1.13 may be a deliberate attempt to use the more poetic word.
88 Introduction
Attic Greek. 494 And there is evidence that G, like its fellows, has corrected the
florilegium of the CNE by means of other sources. 495
We can, therefore, witb some confidence express the relationships between _
the main manuscripts by the accompanying stemrna.

manuscripts century
L
vi

vii
(a)
viii

ix

xi

xii

xiii

p xiv

I
Marc. Gr. 575
xv

xvi
BeroI.
Phil. 80
xvii

Par. Suppl. Gr. 163 xviii

494
e.g. p.130,l. 24 (EOEAeTE); p.168,l. l (inrO for 1Taprl to express agency); p.178, 1. 29 (7TE{aEiE
for 11Efaat); p. 238, Test. 64, l. 23 (E7Tl 7oV YioV for E7Tl YlqJ).
495
At p. 182, Test 4, 1.13, where G alone supplies dpv~aaa8ai; at p.190, Test.11, 1.12, where GS
addition, cpVaE i,is supported by some manuscripts of the original; atp.192, Test.12,L 3 (E lpycf~i:-70);
atp. 204, Test 26,l 12, where G omits a TO with the original; at p.236, Test. 63,1.11 (aVTOsfor aVT6);
at p. 240, Test. 67,l.12 (T0 for TO); at p.244, Test. 69,ll. 9-10, where G tvvice agrees with the original
against VO; and at p. 260, Test. 84,l. 5 (1TapaTE-rparp8at).
 IV The Manuscripts 89
2. Fragmentary Witnesses

(a) The Excerpta Leontina: A group of seven manuscripts (here collectively

labeled A) contains, under the title dml Twv AEOVTiwv, the collection of nine-
teen short fragments~seventeen of them identifiable in our text of Leontius's
works-which I have called the "Excerpta Leontina''. The oldest of these is cod.
Palatinus Graecus 281 (h), formerly in the Vatican and now in Heidelberg; this
is signed by a scribe called Nikolaos and dated 14 January 1040. 496 According to
the same colophon, the book "was collected from many works (rrovYJµ,dTwv)
by Romanos of Seleucia, a secretis [an imperial bureaucrat] and judge"; it con-
tains five short works attributed (wrongly) to Psellos,excerpts from Phil op onus's
commentary on the De Anima of Aristotle, the Excerpta Leontina, the begin-
ning of Question 38 of Photius's Quaestiones ad Amphilochium,497 ten Greek
theological opuscula of Theodore Abu Qurra, and a summary of some technical
works on music-all texts likely to have interested a Byzantine intellectual in
the early Middle Ages. On the face of it, the colophon seems to say that the sec-
retary Romanos was responsible for assembling the entire collection, though of
course it is possible that he, too, was drawing on earlier florilegia. Whatever the
origin of his collection, it is taken over wholly or in part by the other manu-
scripts of family A, all which depend on (h) either directly or through lost inter-
mediate copies. These manuscripts are as follows:
1. Escorial 15 (R. I. 15), ff. 164'-165' (e). Written in a different hand from the
rest of this eleventh-century manuscript, but in one which also dates from
shortly after 1050,498 these two tightly packed leaves contain the Excerpta
Leontina, the extract from Photius, and five of the opuscula of Theodore
Abu Qurra, all from the collection of Romanos ofSeleucia.
2. Vienna, cod. Philosophicus Graecus 174, ff. 121'-124' (w). Copied in a
scholarly hand of the second half of the thirteenth century, this manuscript
apparently contains all of Romanos's collection except the section on
music, as well as a number oflogical and mathematical works. 499
3. Vatican, cod. Palatinus Graecus 262, ff. 194'-202' (p ). This manuscript
dates from the second half of the fifteenth century and includes, from

496
For a description of this manuscript, cf. H. Stevenson, Codices Manuscripti Palatini Graeci
(Rome, 1885), 157-8.
497
PG101,264D4-269C9.
498
P.A. Revilla, Cattilogo de las c6dices griegos de la biblioteca de el Escoridl, I (Madrid, 1936),49,
agrees that the main body of Escorial 15 is in an eleventh-century hand, but sees ff. 164v, I. 27-165v
as "de una mano posterior:' For the contents of ff. 164v-165v, cf. Revilla, 63-4.
499
Cf. H. Hunger, Kata log der griechischen Handschriften der Osterrei chischen Nationalbi bliothek,
I (Vienna, 1961), 280-1. Prof. Hunger dates this manuscript to the first half of the fourteenth
century.
90 Introduction
Romanus's collection, the works of Ps.-Psellos, the excerpts from
Philoponus, the Excerpta Leontina, and the beginning of the excerpt
from Photius. 500 It appears to be descended from w.
4. Escorial 252 (Y. I. 13), ff. 159-62 (m),5° 1 and
5. Vatican, cod. Reginensis Graecus 108, ff. 21'-24' (r), 502 are both copied in
the same sixteenth-century hand. They contain all of Romanos's
collection except the works of Ps.-Psellos, and are probably removed
from (h) by at least one intermediate ancestor (rp), now lost.
6. Paris, cod. Supplement Gree 163, ff. 306-11 (d). At the end of Grabe's
copy of 0, another eighteenth-century hand has added one of the little
treatises of Theodore Abu Qurra and the Excerpta Leontina from
Romanos's collection, with the mysterious marginal note that they are
derived from "Til. cod. d. 591''. 503 I have called this ancestor of the text in
Suppl. Gr. 163 (t).
We can, then, make the accompanying stemma for the manuscripts of
group A.

manuscripts century

e --h xi
xii

xiii
w
xiv

xv
p (t)
xvi

xvii

d xviii

50 ° Cf. Stevenson, Codices Manuscripti Palatini Graeci, 144.

Cf. G. de Andres, Catcilogo de los c6dices griegos de la real biblioteca de el Escoricil, II (Madrid,
501

1965), 96-7.
502
Cf. H. Stevenson, Codices Manuscripti Graeci Reginae Suecorum et Pii P.P. II (Rome, 1888),
77-8; Stevenson erroneously dates this manuscript to the fifteenth century.
503
ff. 305 and 306, margin.
 IV The Manuscripts 91

Of the nineteen fragments included in the Excerpta Leontina-some of

them only a few lines long-the last two, as I have mentioned above, 504 are
paraphrases of passages in Ammonius Hermeiou's commentary on Porphyry's
Isagoge. The other seventeen are all taken from Leontius's works: thirteen
from the CNE, four from the DTN. Although they include some celebrated
passages, which would probably appear in any anthology of Leontius, they
tend to be mainly of an anti-Nestorian color; in some places 505 a vaguer pro-
noun has been changed to NrnTopws or NwTopiavoi to make the polemical
reference unmistakeable. Each excerpt is usually introduced with OT<, and
the text of Leontius is often treated with a good deal of freedom-so much so
that it is impossible to discern any clear relationship between group A and
any one of the main Leontius manuscripts. Except for no. 15, their sequence
corresponds to that of Leontius's text.
The contents of the Excerpta Leontina are as follows:
1. p. 132, I. 19-p. 134, I. 20 (ov rn1hov ... oiacpopos).
2. p.138,ll.10-11 (OtTTDV ... 8<wp<ia8ai).
3. p. 140,J.12-p. 142, J. 3 (El P,EV ODV ... awp,aTOS).
4. p.164,Jl.16-19 (app')TOS ... Ovo).
5. p.166,ll.1-23 (oi T~V lvwaiv ... €an').
6. p.168,11.1-9 (EOEt ... Yiov).
7. p.168,11.10-12 (µtiis ... yivop,EV')S).
8. p. 168, 11. 20-1 ( T1)s OE ... d..\~B«a).
9. p. 170, 11.3-25 (T<VV OE ... ovaia).
10. p.172,11.19-22 (Kai Ka86.\ov ... opaaEt<v).
11. p.176,11.11-13 (To KaTa ... v€cpos).
12. p.178,11.2-5 (d.a<fl~s ... o<taiµ<Ba).
13. p.178,11.16-18 (oVKOVV ... d.v8EaT')KEV).
14. p. 442,ll. 3-4 (Kai T{ OEL ... 'fVOEWV).
15. p. 440, 11. 9-10 (Toiavrn ... XpiaTov).
16. p. 442, I. 13-p.444, I. 3 (6 TPOTTOS ... lvwaiv).
17. p. 444, 11. 10-14 (€7rEt0~7r<p ... Elaay<TE).
18. Ammonius Hermeiou, In Porphyrii Isagogen (ed. A. Busse, Commentaria
inAristotelem Graeca IV,3(Berlin,1891) ),32,1.2-33,1.16; cf.Fragmentum
Incertum 1, p. 224.
19. ibid. 21, II. 8-9; cf. Fragmentum Incertum 2, p. 224.
(b) Another witness to two short passages of Leontius is cod. Parisinus
Supplement Gree 8, f. 312v (S). This twelfth-century manuscript chiefly contains

sw above, pp. 53-4. '°' p.581,l.!,LlO;p.583,1.13.

92 Introduction
works of the Ps-Dionysius and john Damascene. After Damascene's De Duabus
in Christo Voluntatibus, 506 however, it includes a brief text entitled ''.An Answer
(.!rri>,vais) against Those Who Say, 'If <Man> is Two Natures, One Must Say
That <Christ> Will be Three Natures and as Many Energies; as Severus Said:'
The passage begins with a short historical note on Severus and Julian of
Halicarnassus, then quotes-without identification-two neighboring passages
in question 6 of the CNE: p.158,ll.11-13 (8vo ... rpvaic;) and p.160,1. 7-p.162,
I. 9 (µ€pYJ ... lax<v). A colophon at the end of the second excerpt (f. 312')
identifies the whole passage as the end of Damascene's B[(3)ws ll6.v8EKTos;
Lequien 507 and Loofs508 have accepted this and assign the passage, including its
unacknowledged quotations from Leontius, to Damascene's lost work.
(c) One other manuscript, cod. Atheniensis 1431, ff. 34'-35' (T), 509 in the
National Library of Greece, offers a heavily interpolated version of a passage in
section 8 of the Epilyseis: p. 302, 1. 1-p. 304, I. 3. This twelfth-century manuscript
contains the text of the De Sectis and includes the passage from Leontius,
without identification, at the end of Actio 9 of that work. This is followed by
further reflections and syllogisms on the union of natures in Christ, before De
Sectis, Actio 10 begins. I have included the readings of T in the appropriate
place in the apparatus for the sake of completeness, even though they are often
distant from Leontius's text.

3. Secondary Witnesses

Passages from Leontius's works are quoted by a handful of later writers, and
their witness, too, offers some limited help towards establishing the text. These
secondary sources are as follows:
(a) The Doctrina Patrum. In addition to five extracts from the De Sectis said
to be EK TWV axoA{wv .11EOVT{ov, the Doctrina presents a short passage from
the section on f.rr[voia in Epil 7 (p. 288, 1. 26-p. 290, 1. 10; = Doctr. Patr. 28,
I: 198, I. 24-199, 1. 12), and the whole text-in rather altered form 510 -of the
Epapori!mata (= Doctr. Patr. 24, II: 155, I. 11-164, I. 3). Since the latter work

506 507 508 Leontius van Byzanz, 123.

PG 95, 128-85. PG 95, 225 Al-228 C3.
509
This manuscript is listed as a Nomocanon by J. and A. I. Sakelliou, KaTdAoyos TWv
XEtpoyparpWv rijs EBviKijs f3if3>.io8~K1)S rijs 'EAAriSos (Athens, 1892), 256-7. I am very grateful
to Miss Maryse Waegeman, of the University of Ghent, for calling my attention to this excerpt and
sending me a transcription of it.
510
Mai's edition of the Epaporemata, reproduced in Migne, is based on the Vatican manuscript
(A) of the Doctrina, the celebrated Vat. Gr. 2200; since chap. 9 is missing from the manuscript, Mai
supplied it from John Damascene, Ctr. Jae. 63 (PG 94, 1468 C12-D2). The other two Doctrina
manuscripts which contain the Epaporemata-Bodl. :Misc. Gr. 184 (C) and Par. gr. 1144 (D)-
include chap. 9, but give it and chap. 10 in reverse order. These two manuscripts, which appear to
 IV The Manuscripts 93

appears complete in the Doctrina, I have simply cited the three relevant
manuscripts of the collection along with those of Leontius in the apparatus of
the Epapori!mata.
(b) John of Damascus.Aside from the one reference to AEoVTLO\' o Bv~avno\'
we have mentioned before, 511 john Damascene never alludes to Leontius by
name. The Damascene's Christology, however, shows a considerable similarity
to that of Leontius, and Loofs argued at some length that john drew ideas and
even expressions directly from Leontius's works. 512 Most of the "besonders
auffallige Parallele" Loofs cites 513 are, as hidden quotations, somewhat debatable.
The only direct quotation of Leontius by john Damascene seems to be his
citation, at Il')y~ I'vci.iaEW\' I, 65 (ed. B. Kotter, PTS 7, 135.84-97; PG 94, 660
B4-C6), of the same passage from the Epilyseis (p. 288, 1. 26-p. 290,1. 10) which
appears in the Doctrina. Here again, the Damascene gives no hint of his source.
In addition, a number of passages in john Damascene's anti-monophysite
work, the Contra Jacobitas, seem to be paraphrasing passages in Leontius. These
include a loose parallel to the text from the Epilyseis I have just mentioned, at
Ctr.Jae. 29 (ed. B. Kotter,PTS 22, 120.2-9; PG 94, 1452Al-l l); a parallel to Epil.
7 (p. 294, 11. 16-18) at Ctr.Jae. 47 (ed. Kotter, 124; 1457 B2-5); a parallel to a
sentence from Epap. 6 at Ctr. Jae. 61 (ed. Kotter, 131; 1468 CS-6); a distant
parallel to Epap. 9 at Ctr. Jae. 63 (ed. Kotter, 131; 1468 C14-D2); a parallel to
Epap. 15 at Ctr.Jae. 67 (ed. Kotter, 132; 1469 A7-B4); a possible parallel to Epap.
18 at Ctr.Jae. 68 (ed. Kotter, 132; 1469 C9-11); a close parallel to part of Epap.
27 at Ctr. Jae. 58 (ed. Kotter, 130; 1468 A7-10); and another close parallel, to
Epap. 29, at Ctr. Jae. 77 (ed. Kotter, 134; 1473 Al-BS). Except for the second
parallel to Epil. 7 (p. 294, ll. 16-18), all of these similarities need prove no more
than that the Damascene was acquainted with the Doctrina Patrum. 514
(c) The Patriarch Nicephorus. As I have already pointed out, 515 Nicephorus
seems to be one of the few patristic compilers whose florilegia depend directly
on those of Leontius. In addition, the Patriarch quotes Leontius himself
(CNE 3; p.142, 12, 11. 7-19) once in the florilegium to hisAntirrhetica II (ed. J.B.
Pitra, Spic. Sol. I, 348, 11. 12-17).
(d) Euthymius Zigabenus. The twelfth-century theological compiler,
Euthymius Zigabenus, includes Epap. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 11, 12, 14, 18, 19, 20, 24, 26,
and 27 in the florilegium attached to Titulus 16 of his Panoplia Dogmatica (PG
130, 1068 B7-1073 Bl2). The text Euthymius gives for these passages is closest

be closely related (cf.Diekamp,xxxvi-xxxviii), also place theEpap. in section 30 of the florilegium

rather than section 24. Manuscript B (Vatopedi 507), which tends to abbreviate, omits the work
altogether.
5 512
H p.16 and n. 90. Leontius van Byzanz, 122-5. 513
Leontius van Byzanz, 122.
514
On Damascene's use of the Doctrina, cf. esp. Diekamp, lxvii-lxix.
515 C£p.57.
94 Introduction
to that of manuscript C of the Doctrina Patrum; 516 as Loofs pointed out, 517 there
is no reason to think that Euthymius had first-hand knowledge of the ,frovua.
(e) Nicetas Choniates.As I have mentioned above, 518 Nicetas Choniates also
includes these chapters of the Epapori!mata in his revised edition ofEuthymius's
handbook, and adds chapter 13. The text he gives of that short chapter-as
represented by one good thirteenth-century manuscript of his work, Thomas
Roe 22-seems not to depend on the Doctrina, as Eu.thymius apparently does,
but it is obviously too brief to allow any conclusions to be drawn.

V. THE SCHOLIA

Manuscripts V, 0, and Gall contain marginal scholia, some of them of consider-

able importance and interest. Except for comments of a purely exclamatory kind,
or indications of divisions in the text, I have included all of them in a separate
section of the apparatus, and have added some simple marginal diagrams found
in these manuscripts as Appendices I and 11. 519 The following is a list of these
scholia, according to different hands which seem to have written them.

(a) In manuscript V:
I: 1: These are marginal comments added by a scribe contemporary with the
scribe of the text, probably the same one who copied the works of Eustathius
and Justinian that immediately follow (ff. 185-263). Written in brown ink,
usually in small uncial letters, they are by far the largest group of scholia in V,
and generally explain difficult passages or obscure references in the text. The
kind of information they occasionally offer (e.g. identifying the Abba Nonnus520
or a text from Evagrius521 ) and the terminology they use (e.g. referring to the
"monophysites" as JJ.K.!cpa.\01) 522 suggest that some of them, at least, are from
the sixth century, perhaps even contemporary with Leontius himself. They
appear at the following places: p. 128, I. 5; p. 134, ll. 3-5 and ll. 11-13; p. 136,
ll. 3-4,1. 4 andl.25; p.138,l. l andll.10-12; p.138,1. 17 andll. 22-3; p.144,l. 23,

516
Cf, the variants at p. 322, l. 9; p. 326, 1. 11; p. 328, ll. 24-5; and especially two places where
Euthymius observes deletions marked in C: 98, 1. 13 and 104, ll.14-15. Cf. Diekamp,lxxv-lxxvi.
517 518
Leontius van Byzanz, 125. p. 54.
519
pp. 75-6. The diagram given as Appendix II (from O, f. 4gv) resembles a diagram contained
in two thirteenth~century manuscripts of the commentaries of Ammonius Hermeiou and John
Philoponus on Aristotle's Categories, in each case illustrative of Cat. la20. (Cf. A. Busse,
Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca IV, 4 (Berlin, 1895), 25, for the diagram in Ammonius; ibid.
XIII, 1 (Berlin, 1898), 28, for the same diagram in Philoponus.) Considering the similarity of
Leontius to these two Alexandrian contemporaries in other respects, it is possible that these
diagrams may go back to the authors themselves.
520
p. 128, ad l. 5. 521
p. 142, ad II. 22-3. 522
p. 562, ad 11. 12-14.
 V The Scholia 95

l. 24, I. 25, and I. 26; p. 146, I. l; p. 148, I. 1 and II. 1-2; p. 154, ll. 5-9, ll. 16-17, and
II. 17-20 (App. I); p. 154, 11.10-11; p. 258, Test. 84,1. 4; p. 300,ll. 1-2 andll.13-20;
p. 302, IL 1-3; p. 306, II. 3-6.
£ 2: Another small hand, also contemporary with the scribe of the text, has
added a few comments explaining difficult words in the opening pages of the
CNE. These appear at: p. 116, I. 1 and I. 5; p. 118, I. 7, I. 9, I. 25 and I. 27; p. 138,
11.17-19.
£ 3: A later hand has made a few marginal corrections of the text, in a rough,
black scrawl. These include a proposed change of the word-order at p. 136,
II. 14-15,523 Oi'faiT' for Oi'foiT' at p. 138, I. 21, and the substitution of ETEpov ...
lnpov for lnpo<; ... ETEpo<; at p. 218, Test. 40, 11. 3-4.
£ 4 : A fourth hand, which I have identified as that of Francisco Torres,
Leontius's first translator, had made a number of textual corrections and
conjectures in the margin ofV These include the change of d,\,\' to (t,\,\ov at av
p. 274,1. 21, the suggestion of El for 1) at p. 292, 1.30, the suggestion of x•paiv for
x•poZv at p. 412, I. 5, the proposal of xiAiaai for f.'Vpiaai at p. 422, I. 15, the
correction of J,\EVB•povvrn<; to J,\EV8Epovvn at p. 434, I. 19, the suggestion of
a1TEV0ovros for G1TEV0ovrL at p. 434, 1. 28, the substitution of Ti;J for TO at
p. 436, I. 18, and probably the suggestion of KpfoEi<; for <pVaEi<; at p. 468,
Test. 7, I. 2.
£ 5: Finally, a third tenth-century hand has added the explanation of the
unusual word df.'apEVf.'aTwv at p. 436, I. 21.

(b) In manuscript 0:
J; 1: A tenth-century hand, probably that of the main scribe of the manuscript,
has added most of the marginalia in O; most of them are either indications of
subject or exclamations of approval, and I have not included them in the
apparatus. I have included, however, the diagrams on p. 266 (App. I) and p. 267
(App. II), and the explanation of Tif.'•OaTTwv at p.416, I. 18.
£ 2: A twelfth-century scholarly hand has added a comment-now partially
obliterated by the singeing of the margins-at p. 300, II. 15-16.
£ 3: At the end of Maximus Confessor's tract 7TEpl rWv OVo roV XpiaToii
<pvaEwv, which 0 includes, as a work of Leontius, between the DTN and its
florilegium (ff. l 75'-177'), a third hand, possibly of the thirteenth century, has
added part of 2 Mace. 6.13-14 in the bottom margin. This has no apparent
connection with the text on the page.
£ 4: Twice a later hand has written a phrase in a bottom margin which appears
to be: T<)! EVTlf.'OTUT'f' EVYEVEGTaT'f' (p. 356; p. 408). These may both be the

523
1) 3 proposes to read: ElA~cpaµEv -rO 7Tap<i0Elyp,a, cL\,.\d npOs O~Awaiv Toil airrfi -rfi
oVa{(!. ....
96 Introduction

work of the same writer, or the second may be an attempted imitation of the
first. Tuey appear to be pen-trials.

(c) In manuscript G: Apart from one marginal note, which may be copied from
V, in Torres's hand (p. 142, II. 22-3 ), all the scholia in Gare in the same difficult
scholarly hand of the eleventh or twelfth century. Most of them are explanatory
comments on Leontins's argument, rather than si.mply verbal elucidations.
Tuey appear at p. 144, ll. 23-6; p. 146, II. 1-2, ll. 14-16; p. 148,11. 7-8,1. 17; p. 148,
1. 20-p. 150, I. 2; p. 150, 11. 5-7, I. 9; p. 154, 11. 15-17 (App. I); p. 158, 1. 13; p. 160,
11.12-14; and p. 258, Test. 84, 1. 14.

VI. EARLIER EDITIONS

There is no complete modern edition of the Greek text of Leontius. Tue only
edition which does exist, presently accessible in the collection ofMigne (PG 86,
1268-1396, 1901-76, and 2004-9), was made by Cardinal Angelo Mai. Prefect
of the Vatican Library from 1819 until 1833, Mai had rediscovered the Greek
text of Leontius-until then only known to the scholarly world through the
published sixteenth-century Latin translationofFrancisco Torres (Turrianus)-
in two of the Colonna manuscripts, newly acquired by the Vatican: Vat. Gr.
2195-our codex V-and Vat. Gr. 2200,codexA of the Doctrina Patrum, which
contains Leontius's Epaporemata. Apparently much excited by his discovery, 524
Mai began publishing the A<6vna: first, in 1832, the thirty-six extracts from
Theodore of Mopsuestia in V's text of the DTN, along with Leontius's
introductory and concluding comments; 525 then, in 1833, the Epaporemata (in
the Doctrina-version), along with other excerpts from Vat. Gr. 2200; 526 and
finally the rest ofLeontius's works, from V, eleven years later. 527 But Mai omitted
all of Leontius's florilegia from his editions, except for those texts which had
never been published before; he confused both the order and the titles of the

524
Mai's estimate of Leontius as "in theologica scientia aevo suo facile princeps" (Spicilegium
Romanum X1 (Rome,1844), v),has often been used as a lemma for beginning a critical discussion of
Leontius's works. Mai considered the Greek text of Leontius to be "elegans oppido et purus" (ibid.
vi)-an opinion that might not be shared by all of Leontius's struggling readers-and observed,
perhaps more justifiably, that the pubhcation of the works in their original language would increase
the accessible resources of theological Greek "non mediocri locutionum atque idiotismorum
numero" (ibid., Pt. 2, 151,n.).AB a result, Mai confessed, he gave himself to editing the bulk of the text
of Leontius for the 1844 edition, "non sine meo labore nisuque per aestivos Romani caeli calores"
(ibid.). Perhaps we may attribute the deficiencies of his text to the heat of that Roman summer.
525
Scriptorum Veterum Nova Collectio, VI (Rome, 1832),299-312 (= p. 448, 1. 13-p. 494, I. 2).
526
Scriptorum Veterum Nova Collectio, VII (Rome, 1833), 40b-45b.
527 Spic.Rom.X2 , 1-151.
 VI. Earlier Editions 97

works, 528 and his text is marred by errors and by omissions of sometimes a line
or more of the manuscript's text-defects which were only amplified when his
edition was later reprinted in the Patrologia Graeca. I have not included the
variants of Mai's edition in the present apparatus unless it is clear that he was
offering them intentionally as emendations.
The only other published text of Leontius until now, aside from occasional
extracts from the florilegia, 529 has been Torress Latin translation. This was first
published in Heinrich Canisius's Antiquae Lectiones, Tomus IV, 1 (Ingolstadt,
1603). 530 Born in Spain about 1509, Francisco Torres came to Rome in 1540-
after finishing his studies at the University of Alcala-and became a member of
the household of Cardinal Giovanni Salviati, where he stayed until Salviati's
death in 1553. At some time during those years Torres was ordained a priest,
but he seems to have devoted himself primarily to scholarship, and published
his first theological work in 1549. Torres soon became part of the learned
Roman world at the center of the Counter Reformation, and won the friendship
of two distinguished humanists and future cardinals: Girolamo Seripando, the
general of the Augustinians, and Guglielmo Sirleto, later librarian of the Vatican
(1572-85). After Salviati's death in 1553, Torres lectured on the Scriptures at
the Sapienza for a year (1555), was appointed by Pope Paul IV to his reform
commission, along with Sirleto, in 1556, and joined the household of Seripando
(now cardinal archbishop of Salerno) in 1561. He was present at the Council of
Trent as papal theologian from 1561 to 1563. A first-rate Hellenist himself,

sis Cf. above,p.28,n.155.

529
The Greek text of the three fragments of Paul of Samosata in the florilegium of the DTN
(Test. 43-5: pp. 504-6), for instance, were first published by J. W. Feuerlein in his Dissertatio de
haeresi Pauli Samosateni (G6ttingen, 1741), 10-11, from a copy of the passages in P (ibid. 8). J. G.
Ehrlich, in another Dissertatio de erroribus Pauli Samosateni (Leipzig, 1745), 22-4, first published
Leontius's excerpts from the synodal letter condeming Paul (DTN, Test. 47-54: pp. 508-12),
apparently basing his text on his copy of 0. And the Oxford scholar M. J. Routh, who seems not to
have known of Ehrlich's work, republished all the fragments concerning Paul from O some
seventy years later, and added Test. 55 (p. 512) as well (ReliquiaeSacrae II, 1 (Oxford, 1814),475-6,
484-6, 496-7, 510-15). H.B. Swete apparently used (and freely emended) Mai's edition of the
fragments of Theodore in the DTN, when he published the fragments of Theodore's dogmatic
works as an appendix to his edition of Theodore's Pauline commentaries (Theodori Episcopi
Mopsuesteni in Epistolas B. Pauli Commentarii, II (Cambridge, 1888), Appendix A, pp. 289-322).
And Hans Lietzmann made full use of the APA-as well as of the epistle of Ps.-Julius contained in
0-in publishing the fragments of Apollinarius (Apollinarius van Laodicea, esp.103-8). For other
published versions of individual extracts in Leontius's florilegia, see the apparatus.
530
This translation was reprinted by Margarin de la Bigne in the Bibliothecae veterum Patrum
et auctorum ecclesiasticorum, Tomus II (Paris, 1610; Cologne, 1618), and again by Andreas
Gallandius in the Bibliotheca veterum Patrum antiquiorumque scriptorum ecclesiasticorum
(Venice, 1788). An enlarged edition of Canisius's whole collection, including Torres's Leontius,
was published at Antwerp, beginning in 1725, by Jacques Basnage, with the title Thesaurus
Monumentorum Ecclesiasticorum et Historicorum. This seems to have been the most accessible
edition of Torres's translation until Migne republished it, along with Mai's edition of tl1e Greek
text. For page references, cf.'pp. 98-9, nn. 535-7.
98 Introduction
Torres was always keenly interested in Greek patristic literature, and devoted a
great deal of his considerable energy to finding and studying original patristic
texts. 531 His letters, for instance, show him in southern Italy in 1559 and 1561,
hunting for manuscripts in Greek monasteries there, and his edition-the first
complete one-of the Apostolic Constitutions was published in Vienna in 1563.
In 1567, at the age of almost 60, Torres entered the Society of Jesus, bringing
with him a redoubtable library of books and manuscripts, which now became
the property of the Roman College. 532 He continued his research and publishing,
as a Jesuit, until his death in 1584. 533
One of Torress main patristic interests seems to have been the careful
translation into Latin of Greek polemical works of every kind-first of all,
presumably, as models for himself and his associates in composing their own
tracts against contemporary heresy and schism. The whole corpus of these
translations was referred to by later writers-and perhaps by Torres himself-
as his Hoplotheca or "armory;"34 and may have been conceived originally as a
single, wide-ranging project to recover early controversial theology. Although
the works of some twenty-five authors were eventually published in Torres's
translation, none of them appeared in print until well after his death. Most of
them, including his translation of Leontius, were first printed in the last three
volumes of Heinrich Canisius's Antiquae Lectiones, in 1603-4. In the dedicatory
epistle to volume IV of his collection, Canisius thanks the Jesuit librarian
Possevino for giving him, in Venice, Torres's translation of Leontius's works,

531 H. H6pfl writes, "Das Aufsuchen griechischer Vaterhandschriften hatte Franc. Torres

(Turrianus) zu seiner Lebensaufgabe gemacht .. ," (Beitri:ige zur Geschichte der Sixto-
Klementinischen Vulgata [= Biblische Studien, 18, 1-3: Freiburg, 1913]. 52, n. 2).
532
This is first attested by Antonio Possevino, librarian of the Society of Jesus and secretary to
Fr General Everard Mercurian, at the end of his Apparatus Sacer III (Venice, 1606): Appendix,
p. 29. For a study of some of these manuscripts formerly belonging to Torres, c£ 0. Kresten,
"Zu griechischen Handschriften des Francisco Torres, S.J.;' ROmische historische Mitteilungen
12(1970),179-96.
533
For the data of Torres's life, cf. esp. C. Gutierrez, Espafwles en Trento (Valladolid, 1951),
446-73; for his publications, cf. C. Sommervogel, Bibliotheque de la Compagnie de Jesus VIII
(Brussels and Paris, 1898), 113-26.
534 Gabriel Vazquez, SJ (1549-1604), for instance, refers to two passages in the Contra Acephalos

of John Maxentius, "quern noster Franciscus Turrianus latinwn fecit in sua Hoplotheca, nondum
edita" (Comm. In Tertiam Partem S. Thomae I, 16, 4, no. 24 (Alcala, 1609), 211). Giovanni Battista
Bandini di Castello (1551-1628), scholar and correttore at the Vatican, prepared a full list of the
works translated by Torres, under the title ''Auctores et opera quae continentur in Oplotheca P.
Francisd Turriani"; this list now is in the Vatican Library, cod. Reg. Lat. 1598, ff. 65r-72". Cf. G.
MercatiNote per la storia di alcune biblioteche Romane nei secoli XVI-XIX(= ST 164: Rome, 1952),
18-19. A reference to "la stampa della Panoplia di padres (sic) Torres" in the diary of Cardinal
Giulio Antonio Santorio (1532-1602) suggests-if it is, as Mercati thinks, a reference to the
Hoplotheca-that Pope Gregory XIII, Torres's friend and patron, was discussing the publication of
the leaned Spaniard's translations as early as 1584, the year ofTorres's death: cf. G. Mercati, "Del
diario del cardinale di Santa Severina;' in Opere Minore II(= ST 77: Rome, 1937), 499 and n. 3.
 VI. Earlier Editions 99
"nee Graece nee Latine umquam visa:' 535 Later, in a note added at the end of the
text, Canisius reveals that the manuscript Possevino gave him was "badly
damaged, I know not where, by water, bookworms, and grubs"; 536 presumably it
had lain uncared-for in some Roman storeroom until Possevino took the
initiative to have it published, and gave it to Canisius. Canisius published the
translation, followed by Torres's own marginal notes,537 in 1603, probably after
asking Jakob Greiser, another Jesuit humanist and a professor at Ingolstadt, to
read the manuscript through and make the necessary corrections. 538
For centuries after Torres's translation appeared, it was generally assumed that
he had based it on a lost Greek manuscript which he himself had owned, and
which he had given to the Roman College when he became a Jesuit. 539 This
confusion undoubtedly stems from Possevino, who published a list of the works
in Torres's Hoplotheca-including the translation of Leontius-under the
heading, "Libri Graecae (sic) manuscripti quos Franciscus Turrianus theologus
Societatis Jesu antequam Societati nomen dedisset hinc inde, praesertim e
magna Graecia conquisiverat, et in eandem Societatem Romae illatos, plures
Latinitati donavit, qui extant in tribus postremis tomis Antiq. lect. Henrici
Canisif' 54° Certainly Torres had owned Greek manuscripts, but there is no
evidence-beyond Possevino's list of the contents of the Hoplotheca-that a
copy of Leontius was among them. If he did possess one, it was probably a copy
of V or G, since a comparison of his translation with the Greek of these
manuscripts, as well as the marginalia in his hand in both of them, shows beyond
question that he used them in making his translation. Presumably he had come
to know V, which was part of Salviati's library, while he was a member of the
cardinal's household; he may even have made the draft of his translation at that
time. G, from which he translated Titus of Bostra, Serapion of Thmuis, and
Zachary of Mytilene,541 may have been drawn to his attention by his friend
Sirleto, who knew the Genoa library; or Torres may have visited Genoa himself

535
Antiquae Lectiones, Tomus rv, 2-3.
536 Antiquae Lectiones, Tomus IV, 163.
537
Antiquae Lectiones, 1bmus IV, 165-71.
538
Hugo Roth, another Ingolstadt Jesuit, who compiled a list of Gretser's writings, includes a
translation of Leontius of Byzantium under the year 1603, which, Roth says, is not listed elsewhere
among his works. Presumably Roth is mistaken; what Gretser apparently did in 1603 was simply
prepare Torres's damaged manuscript for publication. C£ Sommervogel, III, 1770.
s.i 9 So, for example, Basnage, at the end of his introduction to the translation of Leontius
(Canisius-Basnage I, 534); Loofs, Leontius van Byzanz, 11-12; V. Grumel, "Leonce de Byzance,"
401. Loofs was convinced that variations in text and sequence of works in the printed editions
proved "zweifellos die Verschiedenheit der Handschriften des Turrianus und des Cardinals Mai"
(p. 12).
540
Apparatus Sacer III: Appendix, 29; his list of the Hoplotheca is on pp. 29-33.
541
See above, p. 81 and n. 4.61. On Torres's dependence on G for the translations of Titus and
Serapion, see also R. P. Casey, "The Text of Titus and Serapion," HTR 21 (1928), 98-100.
100 Introduction
during his northern travels. In any case, the existence of a separate "Codex
Turrianus;' textually distinct from V or G, seems to be a myth and nothing more.
The version of Torres, then, cannot be regarded as an independent witness to _
the text ofLeontius. Nevertheless, it is often a more reliable witness than Mai's
edition and its reproductioninMigne, and has great value as a careful translation
by a scholar who knew both his theology and his Greek very well. I have referred
to it constantly in forming my own text of Leontius, and have noted in the
apparatus its variations from the manuscripts, whenever these seem to be
attempts at improving on their readings.

VII. THIS EDITION

It remains only to say a few words about this edition.Although I have punctuated
the text generously, and in an unashamedly Western way, I have tried to preserve
the wording of the manuscripts whenever it is intelligible, even if it could be
emended easily to give grammatically or stylistically better Greek. Although in
a number of places I have found it necessary to add (in angled brackets) or to
delete (in squared brackets) a word or a phrase in order to make sense of a
passage, I have only rarely had to correct the Greek of manuscripts to a form
not offered by at least one of them. Leontius is a subtle and highly intelligent
writer; even if his language is not always as "utterly elegant and pure" as Mai
deemed it to be, it is usually correct according to the standards of sixth-century
academic Greek. Most of the anomalies and peculiarities his writings contain542

542
These include, perhaps most strikingly, a certain looseness in the use and sequence of moods,
and a tendency to use the particle O.v to suggest potentiality, without regard for the mood of the
accompanying verb. So we find Leontius using the optative (with <Iv) in the protasis, the future or
present indicative in the apodosis of a general condition (p. 166,l 17; p. 278,l. 30-p. 280,l. 2); using
the subjunctive third plural, in parallel with a third plural imperative, to express an affirmative
command (p. 158, 11. 27-8); using an optative (without /lv) in parallel with an indicative, to express
a general tendency (p. 386, l. 7); or using the indicative after rva (p. 432, 1130-1 [VP]). As for Cl,v,
Leontius uses it with the perfect indicative (p. 308, 1. 32-p. 310, l. 1) or, more frequently, with the
future indicative (p. 166, ll. 14-15; p. 278, 1. 28; cf. p. 142, 1. 17 [VO])-especially in dubitative
questions (p. 130, 1. 25; p. 378, 1. 23; p. 380, 11. 4-5). At least once he omits 5-v in the apodosis of a
present contrary-to-fact condition (p. 338, I. 18). A number of these peculiarities can be found in
the writings of contemporaries such as Zachary of Mytilene (Ammonius (ed. M. Minnitti Colonna:
Naples, 1975)), ll. 1024-5 and note, p. 217 [indic. after Zva]; ll. 375-6, 1021-2, and 1081-2, with
notes, pp. 205-8 [use of Uv]; Aeneas of Gaza (Theophrastes (ed. M. E. Colonna: Naples, 1958), 33, 11.
5-6; 44, 11. 11-12; Ep. 16 (ed. L. Massa Positano: Naples, 1961), 47, ll.15-16); and John Philoponus
(De aeter. mundi 18.2 (ed. H. Rabe: Leipzig, 1899), 615,ll. 11-12). W. Schmid considers them to be
"Vulgarismen"typical of late, atticizing Greek (Der Atticismus, IV (Stuttgart, 1887), 619-21).
Other linguistic oddities in Leontius include his use of µ,0).ia-ra where one would expect
µ,fi)J. ov (p. 340, I. 32; but cf. Euripides lph.Aul.1594; Apoll. Rhod.,Arg. III, 91); his use of a dative
of source with Oilw, need (p. 434, 1. 27); his use of a dative of agent with participles (p. 448, l. 25;
 VII. This Edition 101

seem to be fairly normal for the period, and to remove them by emendation
would be to destroy precious evidence for this stage of the Greek language's
development.
The principal manuscripts, too, have proved surprisingly reliable mirrors of a
language which is both complicated in itself and which comes from an earlier age
than their own. For reasons which I have explained above, I consider P to
represent an earlier stage in the tradition of the text of the DTN than V or 0, and
V to preserve the most "primitive'' version, linguistically speaking, of the other
works. While I have tried to judge each variant on its own merits, I have also let
myself be guided by these two general observations, especially in the Epil., Epap.,
and CA, where our only Leontian manuscript witnesses are V and 0.
The only surprising element in the format of this edition may be the symbols I
have used to distinguish the speakers in the dialogue of the CA. These are
Leontius's own symbols-the cross for the orthodox speaker, the asterisk or star
for the ''Apthartodocetist" -as he explains in the Foreword to the collected
edition (2,1. 25-3,l. 2); they appear in both manuscripts which contain this work.
Where sections of the text are numbered in the manuscripts (i.e. in the CNE,
the Epap., and the DTN), I have marked the same divisions with Greek numerals.
In the florilegia, however (where the manuscripts disagree in their numbering),
and in theEpilyseis (where numbering of sections seems appropriate but is not
given in the manuscripts) I have added Arabic numbers.
In the arrangement of the works I have followed the order of the mannscripts,
even though this means allowing the Epilyseis and the Epaporemata to remain
between books I and II of the "collected edition:' Presumably this arrangement-
in which these two anti-monophysite works are appended to the CNE, without
being counted separate parts of the collected edition-was part either of the
conscious design of Leontius, or that of his earliest editors.
As for the apparatus, I have divided it into four sections (although there only
a few pages on which all four actually appear together). When the manuscripts
contain scholia, I have put them uppermost; below them I have identified direct
biblical, classical, and patristic references in the text, wherever possible; next,
I have listed witnesses to the text other than Leontian manuscripts, including,
for the florilegia, both the original texts of the passages and places where the
same extracts appear in other florilegia; the bottom section contains the textual
variants from all sources.

p. 4501. 5and1.17); and his use of an apparent double accusative after dp7Td~w (p. 412, ll. 16-17).
The last two of these peculiarities occur in the DTN, where we also find an unusual number of epic
or poetic forms (eg., -r~AE: p. 422, 1. 7; d€8/i.o<;: p. 424, I. 13 [VJ; KaKolo: p. 428, 1. 28 [perhaps in a
proverb or quotation]; El7Tav: p. 434, I. 22 [VO]; &:rdp 8~: p. 446, I. 4). Perhaps the rhetorical
excitement of this work, in the context of its time, is the reason for these apparent attempts at
literary sophistication.
102 Introduction
In the section of the apparatus which lists other textual witnesses, if there are
a number of parallels to one of Leontius's extracts in other florilegia, I have
arranged them in the following order: first, extracts with exactly the same
incipit and explicit as those of Leontius; then extracts beginning before
Leontius's incipit, but with the same explicit (to which I have also given the
symbol t ); then extracts with the same incipit as the text in Leontius, but ending
later (with the symbol t ); then extracts begining before Leontius's incipit and
ending after his explicit (with the symbol!); then extracts beginning before
Leontius's incipit and ending before his explicit ( with the symbol +); then
extracts beginning after his incipit and ending after his explicit (with the symbol
+); and finally, extracts beginning after Leontius's incipit and ending before
his explicit, arranged according to the point at which they begin and then
according to their relative length. Within these classes, I have arranged the
references in chronological order.A key to the abbreviations used in this part of
the apparatus is given below. In the lowermost, textual section of the apparatus
I have given the variants in the four major manuscripts of Leontius very fully,
omitting only etacisms, variations between oVTws and oV-rw, and the use or
omission of the movable -v. I have selected only important variants in the other
textual witnesses. When citing variants in works which now exist only in an
ancient translation, I have given the relevant Greek word, without further
explanation, whenever it is clear what that was; otherwise I have given the
variant in Latin or Syriac.

VIII. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Editions of Leontius
(a) Greek text: ed. A. Mai, Scriptorum Veterum Nova Collectio VI (Rome, 1832), 299-
312 (fragments of Theodore of Mopsuestia from DTN);
ibid. VII (Rome, 1833), 40b-45b (Epaporemata, from Vat. Gr. 2200);
A. Mai, Spicilegium Romanum X2 (Rome, 1844), 1-151 (the remaining works of
Leontius).
(b) Latin translation of Francisco Torres (Turrianus): in H. Canisius (ed.), Antiquae
Lectiones, Tomus IV, 1(Ingolstadt,1603), 1-171;
H. Canisius and J. Basnage, Thesaurus Monumentorum Ecclesiasticorum Historiw
corum I (Antwerp, 1725),527-60.
Also published in:
M. de la Bigne (ed.), Bibliotheca Patrum et Auctorum Bcclesiasticorum II (Paris,
1610), 572-681;
A. Gallandius (ed.), Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum Antiquorumque Scriptorum
Ecclesiasticorum XII (Venice, 1778), 658-718.
 VIII. Select Bibliography 103

2. Works about Leontius

Altaner, B., "Der griechische Theologe Leontius und Leontius der skythische MOnch:'
THQ 127(1947),147-65.
Casamassa,A., "I tre libri di Leonzio Bizantino contra i nestoriani e i monofisiti;' Bess 25
(1921), 33-46 (= Scritti Patristici I (Rome, 1956), 88-103).
Cross, Rich.ard, "Individual Natures in the Christology of Leontius of Byzantium;'
JEChS 10 (2002),245-68.
Daley, Brian, "The Origenism of Leontius ofByzantium:' JTS NS 27 (1976), 333-69.
Daley, Brian," 'A Richer Union': Leontius of Byzantium and the Relationship of Human
and Divine in Christ;' StPatr 24 (1993), 239-65.
Daley, Brian, "Maximus Confessor, Leontius of Byzantium, and the Late Aristotelian
Metaphysics of the Person;' in Bishop Maxim (Vasiljevic') (ed.), Knowing the Purpose
of Creation through Resurrection (Alhambra, Calif.: Sebastian Press, 2013), 55-70.
Declerck, Jose, "Encore une fois Leonce et Pamphile;' in A. Schoors and P. Van Deun
(eds.), Philohistor: Miscellanea in honorem Caroli Laga septuagenarii (OLA 60;
Leuven 1994),210-16.
Dell'Osso, Carlo, fl Calcedonismo. Leonzio di Bisanzio (Rome: Monopoli, 2003).
Dell' Osso, Carlo, "Still on the Concept ofEnhypostaton;' Aug 43 (2003), 63-80.
Dell'Osso, Carlo, "Leonzio di Bisanzio e Leonzio di Gerusalemme: una chiara
distinzione;' Aug 46 (2006), 231-59.
Dell'Osso, Carlo, Cristo e Logos. fl Calcedonismo del VI Secolo in Oriente (Rome:
Institutum Patristicmn Augustinianum, 2010), 111-55.
Ermoni, V., De Leontio Byzantino et de eius doctrina Christologica (Paris, 1895).
Evans, David B., Leontius of Byzantium: An Origenist Christology (= DOS 13)
(Cambridge, Mass., 1970).
Fracea, Ilia, 'O AE6vTlOS' Bv,dvTtoS'. B{oS' Kai avyypdµµara (KptTiK~ ()Ewp~aYJ)
(Athens, 1984).
Gray, Patrick T. R., The Defense ofChalcedon in the East (451-553) (Leiden, 1979).
Gray, Patrick T. R., ''.An Anonymous Severian Monophysite of the Mid-Sixth Century;'
PBR I (1982), 117-26,
Gray, Patrick T. R., "Neo-Chalcedonianism and the Tradition: From Patristic to
Byzantine Theology;' ByF 8 (1982), 61-70.
Grillmeier, Aloys, Christ in Christian Tradition II/2 (London and Louisville, 1995),
181-229.
Grumel, V., "Leonce de Byzance:' DThC IX (Paris, 1926), 400-26.
Grumel, V., "L'Union hypostatique et la comparaison de l'filne et du corps chez Leonce
de Byzance et saint Maxime le Confesseur;' EOr 25 (1926), 393-406.
Grumel, V., "Le Surnaturel dans l'hwnanite du Christ viateur d' apres Leonce de Byzance;'
in Melanges P. Mandonnet 2 (= Bibliotheque Thomiste 14: Paris, 1930), 15-22.
Grumel, V., "La Soteriologie de Leonce de Byzance;' EOr 36 (1937), 385-97.
Hamerschmidt, E., "Einige philosophische und theologische Grundbegriffe bei Leontius
von Byzanz, Johannes Damascenus und Theodor Abu Qurra:' OS 3 (1955), 147-54.
Jugie, M., "La Beatitude et la science parfaite de 1'3.me de Jesus viateur d'apres Leonce de
Byzance et quelques autres theologiens byzantines;' RSThPh (1921), 548-59.
104 Introduction

Junglas,J. P.,Leontius von Byzanz.Studien zu seinen Schriften, Quellen undAnschauungen

(Diss. Breslau, 1907; =Forschungen zur christlichen LiteraturundDogmengeschichte
VII, 3(Paderborn,1908).
Loofs, F., Leontius von Byzanz und die gleichnamigen Schriftsteller der griechischen
Kirche (= TUIII, 1-2) (Leipzig, 1887).
Loofs, F., "Leontius von Byzanz:' RE3, XI (Leipzig, 1902), 394-8.
Lynch,).)., "Leontius of Byzantium: A Cyrillian Christology;' TS 36 (1975), 455-71.
Orbe, A., La Epinoia. Algunos preliminares hist6ricos de la distinci6n Ka-r' £7r{voLav (en
torno a lafilosofia di Leoncio Bizantino) (Rome, 1955).
Otto, S., Person und Subsistenz. Die philosophische Anthropologie des Leontius van
Byzans (Munich, 1968).
Perrone, Lorenzo, "Il 'Dialogo contro gli aftartodoceti' di Leonzio di Bisanzio e Severo di
Antiochia:' CrSt 1 (1980), 411-43.
Rees, S., "Leontius ofByzantium and his Defense of the Council of Chalcedon:' HTR 24
(1931), 111-19.
Rees, S., "The Life and Personality ofLeontius of Byzantium;' JTS 41(1940),263-80.
Rees, S., "The Literary Activity of Leontius ofByzantium:' JTS NS 19 (1968), 229-42.
Reindl, H.,Der Aristotelismus bei Leontius von Byzanz. Diss. Munich (1953).
Relton, H.,A Study in Christology (London: SPCK, 1917).
Richard, M., "Leonce et Pamphile;' RSPhTh 27 (1938), 27-52 (= Opera Minora III
(Turnhout and Louvain, 1977), no. 58).
Richard, M., "Le Traite 'De Sectis' et Leonce de Byzance;' RHB 35 (1939), 695-723 (=
Opera Minora II, no. 55).
Richard, M., "Leonce de Jerusalem et Leonce de Byzance;' MSR 1 (1944), 35-88 (=
Opera Minora II, no. 59).
Richard, M., "Leonce de Byzance etait-il origeniste?" REB 5 (1947), 31-66 (=Opera
Minora II, no. 59).
Rilgamer, W.,Leontius von Byzanz.Ein Polemiker aus dem Zeitalter fustinians (Wilrzburg,
1894).
Shults, F. LeRon, ''A Dubious Christological Formula: From Leontius of Byzantium to
Karl Barth;' TS 57 (1996),431-46.
Stiernon,D., "Lfonce de Byzance;' Gath VII (Paris, 1975), 383-7.
Stiernon,D., "Lfonce de Byzance:' DSp IX (Paris, 1976), 651-66.
Theodorou,A., "XptaToAoytK~ bpoAoy{a Kai DtSaaKaAla AEovTlov ToV Bv,avT{ov;'
Theol (A) 26 (1955), 212-22; 421-35; 584-92; 27 (1956), 32-44.
Watt, ). H. !., "The Authenticity of the Writings Ascribed to Leontius of Byzantium;'
StPatr 7 (= TUXCI!: Berlin, 1966), 320-36.

3. Historical, Philosophical, and Theological Background

Abramowski, Luise, "avvdrpEia und daVyxvTOS Evwais als Bezeichnung fUr

trinitarische und christologische Einheit," Drei christologische Untersuchungen
(Berlin, 1981),63-109.
 VIII. Select Bibliography 105

Abramowski, Luise, "Ein nestorianischer Traktat bei Leontius von Jerusalem;' in

Symposium Syriacum III: OCA 221 (1983),43-53.
Alivisatos, H. S., Die kirchliche Gesetzgeberg Kaiser fustinians I. (Berlin, 1913).
Amann, E., "Trois-Chapitres;' DThCXV (Paris, 1947), 1868-1924.
Anastos, M.V., "The Immutability of Christ and Justinian's Condemnation of Theodore
of Mopsuestia;' DOP 6(1951),125-60.
Armstrong, A. H. (ed.), The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval
Philosophy (Cambridge, 1967).
Bacht, H., "Die Rolle des orientalischen MOnchtums in den kirchenpolitischen
Auseinandersetzungen um Chalkedon (431-519);' Chalkedon II (1953), 193-314.
Binns, john, Ascetics and Ambassadors for Christ (Oxford, 1994).
Blaudeau, Philippe,Alexandrie et Constantinople (451-491) (Rome, 2006).
Brock, Sebastian, "The Conversation with the Syrian Orthodox under Justinian (532);'
OCP 47 (1981) 87-121.
Bruckmann, F., "Evwats Kaff Vn6aTaatv. Die ersten zehn Anathematismen des fiinften
Okumenischen Konzils (Konstantinopel 553) als Dokument neuchalkedonischer
Theologie;' AHC 36 (2004), 1-166; 263-388.
Cameron,A.,Agathias (Oxford, 1970).
Carcione, Filippo, ":C 'aftartodocetismo' di Giustiniano: una mistificazione strumentale
de! dissenso politico-religioso;' SROC 7 (1984), 71-8.
Carcione, Filippo, "La politica religiosa di Giustiniano nella fase iniziale della 'Seconda
Controversia Origenista' (536-543);' SROC 8 (1985), 3-18.
Carcione, Filippo, "La politica religiosa di Giustiniano nella fase conclusiva della
'Seconda Controversia Origenista' (543-553);' SROC 9 (1986), 131-47.
Chitty, D. )., The Desert a City: An Introduction to the Study of Egyptian and Palestinian
Monasticism under the Christian Empire (Oxford, 1966).
Chrysos, E., "Al µap-rvplal -roV Kvp(AA.ov 1.:Kv(:Jo110A{Tov 11Epi -rijs E' oiKovµEvtKijs
avv68ov Kai Tijs Ka-ra0{KYJS -roV 'llptyivovs," in 61EoAoyiK0v 1.:vµn6atov
(Festschrift P. K. Christou: Thessalonica, 1967), 259-73.
Chrysos, E., 'H EKKA.Yjataa-rtK~ noAt-rlK~ -roV 'Iova-rtvtavoV Ka-rd -r~v Eptv 11Epl
-rd -rp{a KEcp6.A.aia Kal T~v E' olKovµEvtK~v a6vo0ov (ABla 3) (Thessalonica,
1969).
Colonna, M. E., "Zacaria Scolastico: il suo Ammonia e il Teofrasto di Enea di Gaza;'
AFLF(N) 6(1956),107-18.
Daley, Brian, "Boethius' Theological Tracts and Early Byzantine Scholasticism;' MS 46
(1984), 158-91.
Daley, Brian, "What Did 'Origenism' Mean in the Sixth Century?" in Gilles Dorival and
Alain Le Boulluec (eds.), Origeniana Sexta (Leuven: Peeters, 1995),627-38.
Daley, Brian, "Nature and the 'Mode of Union': Late Patristic Models for the Personal
Unity of Christ;' in Stephen Davis, Daniel Kendall, and Gerald O'Collins (eds.), The
Incarnation (Oxford, 2002), 164-96.
DeHalleux, Andre," 'Hypostase' et 'personne' dans la formation du dogme trinitaire (ca.
375-381);' RHB 79 (1984), 313-69; 625-70.
Dell'Osso, Carlo, Cristo e Logos. Il Calcedonismo del VI Secolo in Oriente (Rome:
Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, 2010).
106 Introduction

Dempf, A., "Philosophiegeschichtliche Bemerkungen zu den Religionsedikten

)ustinians;' SBAW (1969), 1, 3-15.
Devreesse, R, "Le V" concile et l'orthodoxie byzantine;' in Miscellanea G. Mercati III
(=ST 123: Rome, 1946), 1-15.
Diekamp, F., Die Origenistischen Streitigkeiten im sechsten fahrhundert und das funfte
allgemeine Concil (Munster, 1899).
Diekamp, F., Analecta Patristica. Texte und Abhandlungen zur griechischen Patristik
(= OCA 117) (Rome, 1938).
D6rrie,H.,'"Y7TOarnais: Wort- und Bedeutungsgeschichte;' NAWG (1955), 35-92.
Downey, G., "Ephraemius, Patriarch of Antioch;' ChH 7 (1938), 364-70.
Draguet, R, Julien d'Halicarnasse et sa controverse avec severe d'Antioche sur
l'incorruptibilite du corps du Christ (Louvain, 1924).
Duchesne, L., L'Eglise au sixieme siecle (Paris, 1925).
Elert, W, Der Ausgang der altkirchlichen Christologie (Berlin, 1957).
Festugiere, A. )., Les Moines d'Orient (Paris, 1961-4).
Flusin, Bernard, Miracle et histoire dans !'oeuvre de Cyrille de Skythopolis, Etudes
augustiniennes (Paris, 1983).
Frend, W H. C., The Rise of the Monophysite Movement (Cambridge, 1972).
Gallier, P., 'TOccident et le neo-chalcedonisme," Gr40 (1959), 54-74.
Geffcken, F., Zwei griechischeApologeten (Leipzig and Berlin, 1907). (On Aeneas of Gaza
and Zachary of Mytilene.)
Grillmeier, A., "Vorbereitung des Mittelalters. Eine Studie Uber das Verhiiltnis von
Chalkedonismus und Neuchalkedonismus in der lateinischen Theologie vom
Boethius bis zum Gregor dem Grossen;' Chalkedon II (1953), 791-831.
Grillmeier, A., "Der Neu-Chalkedonismus: um die Berechtigung eines neuen Kapitels
in der Dogmengeschichte;' in Festschrift B. Altaner: HJ 77 ( 1957), 151-66 (= Mit Ihm
und in Ihm (Freiburg, 1975), 371-85).
Grillmeier, A., Christ in Christian Tradition, I (London, 1975); Il/2 (London and
Louisville, 1995).
Grillmeier,A., "Die Rezeption des Konzils von Chalkedon in der rOmisch-katholischen
Kirche;' in Mit Ihm und in Ihm (Freiburg, 1975), 335-70.
Gray, Patrick T. R., The Defense of Chalcedon in the East (451-553) (Leiden, 1979).
Gray, Patrick T. R., ''An Anonymous Severian Monophysite of the Mid-Sixth Century;'
PBR 1(1982),117-26.
Gray, Patrick T. R., "Neo-Chalcedonism and the Tradition: From Patristic to Byzantine
Theology;' ByF 16 (1982), 61-70.
Gray, Patrick T. R., "Leontius of Jerusalem's Case of a 'Synthetic' Union in Christ;' StPatr
18(1985),151-4.
Gray, Patrick T. R., "Through the Tunnel with Leontius ofjerusalem: The Sixth-century
Transformation of Theology;' in P.Allen and E. Jeffreys (eds.), The Sixth Century: End
or Beginning? (Brisbane, 1996), 187-96.
Gray, Patrick T. R., "The Sabaite Monasteries and the Christological Controversies
(478-533);' in). Patrich (ed.), The Sabaite Heritage in the Orthodox Church from the
Fifth Century to the Present (OLA 98; Leuven, 2001), 237-43.
 VIII. Select Bibliography 107

Guillaumont,A., Les "Kephalaia Gnostica" d'Evagre le Pontique et l'histoire de l'originisme

chez les Grecs et chez les Syriens (= Patristica Sorbonensia 5) (Paris, 1962).
Haacke, R., "Die kaiserliche Politik in den Auseinandersetzungen um Chalkedon (451-
553 );' Chalkedon II (1953), 95-117.
Harnack, A. von, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte (Tilblngen, 19094 ) (On Leontius: II,
406-8). English translation (based on 3rd edn.): History of Dogma (London,
Edinburgh, and Oxford, 1894-9). (On Leontius: IV, 232-7).
Helmer, S., Der Neuchalkedonismus: Geschichte, Berechtigung und Bedeutung eines
dogmengeschichtlichen Begriffes. Diss. Bonn (1962).
Hermann, T., "Johannes Philoponos als Monophysit;' ZNW29 (1930), 209-64.
Hombergen, Daniel, The Second Origenist Controversy: A New Perspective on Cyril of
Skythopolis5 Monastic Biographies as Historical Sources for Sixth-Century Origenism
(Rome: StAns 132, 2001).
Jugie, M., "Julien d'Halicarnasse et Severe d'Antioche;' EOr 24 (1925), 129-62;
257-85.
Jugie,M.,'TEmpereur Justinien a+il ete aphthartodocete?" EOr 31(1932),399-402.
Knecht, A., Die Religionspolitik Kaiser Justinians I. (Wilrzburg, 1896).
Krausmilller, D., "Leontius of Jerusalem, a Theologian of the Seventh Century;' JTS 52
(2001), 637-57.
Lang, Uwe M., "The Date of the Treatise 'De Sectis;' OLoP 29 (1998), 89-98.
Lang, Uwe M., John Philoponus and the Controversies over Chalcedon in the Sixth
Century (Leuven, 2001).
Lebon, J., Le Monophysisme sivirien. £,tude historique, littiraire et thiologique sur la
resistance monophysite au concile de Chalcidoine jusqu'd la constitution de l'Eglise
Jacobite (Louvaln, 1909).
Lebon, J., "Ephrem d'Amid, patriarche d'Antioche (526-544):' in Melanges d'histoire
offerts aCharles Moeller I (Louvain and Paris, 1914), 205 ff.
Lebon, J., "La Christologie du monophysisme severien;' Chalkedon I (1951),425-580.
Loofs, F., "Die 'Ketzerei' Justinians;' in Harnack-Ehrung: Beitriige zur Kirchengeschichte
(Leipzig, 1921), 232-48.
McLeod, F. G., The Image of God in the Antiochene Tradition (Washington, 1999).
Meyendorff, J., Christ in Eastern Christian Thought (Washington, DC, 1969). French
edition: Le Christ dans la theologie Byzantine (Paris, 1969).
Meyendorff,)., Byzantine Theology: Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes (New York,
1974).
Moeller, C., "Le Chalcedonisme et le neo-chalcedonisme en Orient de 451 ala fin du VP
siecle;' Chalkedon I (1951), 637-720.
Moeller, C., "Le Cinquieme concile oecumenique et la magistfre ordinaire au Vie sif:cle;'
RSPhTh 35 (1951), 413-23.
Moeller, C., "Textes'monophysites' de Leonce de Jerusalem;' EThL 27 (1951), 467-82.
Murphy, F.X., "Constantinople Il",ln EX.Murphy and P. Sherwood, Constantinople II et
Constantinople III (= Histoire des Conciles Oecurneniques 3: Paris, 1974), 9-130.
Oehler, K., ''.Aristoteles und Byzanz;' in Antike Philosophie und byzantinisches Mittelalter:
Aufsiitze zur Geschichte des griechischen Denkens (Munich, 1969), 272-86.
108 Introduction

Oehler, K., "Die Kontinuitat in der Philosophie der Griechen bis zurn Untergang des
byzantinischen Reiches;' in Antike Philosophie und byzantinisches Mittelalter:
Aufsiitze zur Geschichte des griechischen Denkens (Munich, 1969), 15-37.
Perrone, Lorenzo, La Chiesa di Palestina e le controversie cristologiche (Brescia, 1980).
Richard, M., "L'Introduction du mot'hypostase' dans la thfologie de l'incarnation;' MSR
2 (1945), 5-32; 243-70 (=Opera Minora II, no. 42).
Richard, M., "Le Neo-chalcedonisme;' MSR 3 (1946), 147-56 (=Opera Minora II, no.
56).
Rubin, B.,Das Zeitalter Justinians (Berlin, 1960).
Saffrey, H. D., "Le Chrftien Jean Philopon et la survivance de l'Ec6le d'Alexandrie au VIe
siecle;' REG 67 (1954), 396-410.
Schemmel, F., Die Hochschule van Konstantinopel vom V-IX. Jahrhundert. Wissenschaft-
liche Beilage zu dem Jahresbericht des koniglichen Wilhelms-Gymnasiums in Berlin
(Berlin, 1912).
Schwartz,E., "Johannes Rufus, ein monophysitischer Schriftsteller;' SHAW (1912), 16.
Schwartz, E., Ober die Reichskonzilien van Theodosius bis Justinian;' ZSRG 42 (1921),
208-53 (= Gesammelte Schriften IV (Berlin, 1960), 111-58).
Schwartz, E., Kyrillos von Skythopolis (= TUXLIX, 2) (Leipzig, 1939).
Schwartz, E., "Zur Kirchenpolitik Justinians;' SBAW (1940), 2, II, 32-72 (= Ges. Sehr. IV,
276-328).
Seitz, K.,Die Schule van Gaza (Heidelberg, 1892).
Sellers, R. V., The Council of Chalcedon: A Historical and Doctrinal Survey (London,
1953).
Simonetti, Manlio, "La letteratura antimonofisita di occidente;' Studi di cristologia
postnicaena (Rome, 2006), 371-414.
Simonetti, Manlio, "La politica religiosa di Giustiniano;' Studi di cristologia postnicaena
(Rome, 2006), 459-78.
Speigl, J., "Der Autor der Schrift De sectis iiber die Konzilien und die Religionspolitik
)ustinians;' AHC 2 (1970),207-30.
Speigl, T., "Die Religionsgesprach mit den severianischen BischOfen in Konstantinopel
im Jahre 532;' AHC 16 (1984), 264-85.
Stein, E., Histoire du Bas-Empire (Paris, Brussels, and Amsterdam, 1949-59).
Straub, J., "Die Verurteilung der Drei Kapitel <lurch Vigilius;' Kleronomia 2 (1970),
347-75.
Tixeront, J., "Des concepts de 'nature' et de 'personne' dans les Peres et les ecrivains
ecclesiastiques des V' et VI" siecles;' RHLR 8 (1903), 582-92.
Uthemann, Karl-Heinz, "Das anthropologische Model! der hypostatischen Union. Ein
Beitrag zu den philosophischen Voraussetzungen und zur innerchalkedonischen
Transformation eines Paradigmas;' Kl 14 (1982) 215-312.
Uthemann, Karl-Heinz, "Christ's Image versus Christology: Thoughts on the Justinianic
Era as Threshold of an Epoch;' in P. Allen and E. M. Jeffreys, The Sixth Century: End
or Beginning? (Brisbane, 1996), 197-223.
Uthemann, Karl-Heinz, "Definitionen und Paradigmen in der Rezeption des Dogmas
von Chalk:edon bis in die Zeit Kaiser Justinians:' in J. J. van Oort and J. Roldanus,
 VIII. Select Bibliography 109

Chalkedon: Geschichte und Aktualitiit. Studien zur Rezeption der Christologischen

Formel van Chalkedon (Leuven, 1997), 60-95.
Uthemann, Karl-Heinz, "Der Neuchalkedonismus als Vorbereitung des Monothelitismus.
Ein Beitrag zum eigentlichen Anliegen des Neuchalkedonismus;' in J. J. van Oort and
J. Roldanus, Chalkedon: Geschichte und Aktualitiit. Studien zur Rezeption der
Christologischen Formel von Chalkedon (Leuven, 1997), 373-413.
Van Esbroeck, Michel, 'THomelie de Pierre de Jerusalem et la fin de l'origenisme
palestinien a551;• OCP 51 (1985), 33-59.
Voste, J. M., 'TOeuvre exegetique de Theodore de Mopsueste au Ile Condie de
Constantinople;' RB 38 (1929), 382-95; 542-54.

4. The Florilegia
(a) Works about Florilegia

Devreesse, R., "Le Florilege de Leonce de Byzance;' RevSR JO (1930), 545-76.

Richard, M., "Notes sur Jes florileges dogmatiques du V'et du VI' siede," Actes du VI' Congres
international d'Etudes byzantines I (Paris, 1950), 307-18 (=Opera Minora I, no. 2).
Richard, M., "Les Florileges diphysites du V' et du VI' siede;' Chalkedon I, 721-48
(=Opera Minora I (1951), no. 3).
Richard, M., "Le Florilege du cod. Vatopedi 236 sur le corruptible et !'incorruptible;' Le
Museon 86 (1973), 249-73 (=Opera Minora I, no. 4).
Schermann, T. Die Geschichte der dogmatischen Florilegien von V-VIII. Jahrhundert
(= TU28(Leipzig,1904), 1-104).

(b) Works Related to Individual Texts in Leontius's Florilegia

Amann, E., "Chronique d'ancienne litterature chretienne. Un nouvel ouvrage de
Theodore de Mopsueste;' RevSR 20 (1940),491-528.
Behr, John, The Case against Diodore and Theodore: Texts and their Contexts (Oxford,
2011).
Conybeare, F. C., The Armenian Version of Revelation and Cyril of Alexandrias Scholia
on the Incarnation and Epistle on Easter (London, 1907).
de Riedmatten, H., Les Actes du proces de Paul de Samosate (= Paradosis 6) (Fribourg,
1952).
Devreesse, R., "Par quelles voies nous sont parvenus les commentaires de Theodore de
Mopsueste?" RB 39 (1930), 362-77.
Devreesse, R.,Essai sur Theodore de Mopsueste (=ST 141) (Rome, 1948).
Greer, Rowan, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Exegete and Theologian (London, 1961).
Lietzmann, Hans,Apollinarius von Laodicea und seine Schule (Ti.ibingen, 1904).
Loofs, Friedrich, Paulus von Samosata. Eine Untersuchung zur altkirchlichen Literatur-
und Dagmengeschichte ( = TUXLIV) (Leipzig, 1924).
110 Introduction

McLeod, F. G., The Roles of Christ~ Humanity in Salvation: Insights from Theodore of
Mopsuestia (Washington, 2005).
McLeod, F. G., Theodore of Mopsuestia (London, 2009).
McNamara, K., "Theodore of Mopsuestia and the Nestorian Heresy;' IThQ 19 (1952),
254-74; 20(1953),172-91.
Muhlenberg, E.,Apollinaris von Laodicea (G6ttingen, 1969).
Norris, R. A., Manhood and Christ: A Study in the Christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia
(Oxford, 1963).
Richard, M., "La Tradition des fragments du traite 7TEpt TTjs €vav8pw11~atws de
Theodore de Mopsueste;' Le Museon 56 (1943), 55-75 (= Opera Minora II,
no. 41).
Richard, M., "Les Traites de Cyrille d' Alexandrie contre Diodore et Theodore et les
fragments dogmatiques de Diodore de Tarse;' in Melanges F. Grat I (Paris, 1946),
99-116 (= OperaMinora II, no. 51).
Romanides, ). S., "Highlights in the Debate over Theodore of Mopsuestia's Christology
and Some Suggestions for a Fresh Approach;' GOTR 5 (1959-60), 140-85.
Sullivan, F. A., The Christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia (= AnGr 82) (Rome, 1956).

5. Language
Blass, F., Debrunner, A., and Rehkopf, F., Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechisch
(G6ttingen, 1975).
Bohlig, G., Untersuchungen zum rhetorischen Sprachgebrauch der Byzantiner, mit
besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Schriften des Michael Psellos (= Berliner
Byzantinische Arbeiten 2) (Berlin, 19 56).
Dieterich, K., Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der griechischen Sprache van der
hellenistischen Zeit bis zum 10. Jahrhundert nach Christus (== Byzantinisches Archiv
1) (Leipzig, 1898).
Kuhner, R., Blass, F., and Gerth, B., Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache
(Hanover and Leipzig, 1890-1904).
Ljungvik, H., Beitritge zurSyntax der spatgriechischen Volkssprache (Uppsala, 1932).
Maas, P., "Rhythmisches zu der Kunstprosa des Konstantinos Manasses;' BZ II (1902),
505-12 (=Kleine Schriften (Munich, 1973), no.115: 426-34).
Maas, P., "Die Rhythmik der Satzschliisse bei dem Historiker Prokopios;' BZ 21 (1912),
52-4 (=Kl. Schr.,no.116: 434-6).
Meyer, W.,Der accentuierte Satzschluss (Gottingen, 1891).
Schmid, W.,Der Atticismus (Stuttgart, 1887-93).
Wolf, K., Studien sur Sprache des Malalas (Munich, 1912).
Leontii Monachi Byzantini Opera
SIGLA

Codices Manuscripti
(a) Codices Leontii principales
V: Vaticanus Graecus 2195 (saec. x)
0: Oxoniensis Laudianus Graecus 92B (saec.x)
G: Januensis 27 (olim in Bibliotheca Missionis Urbanae S. Caroli; nunc in
Bibliotheca Franzoniana) (saec. xi)

P: Parisinus Graecus 1335 (saec. xiv)

(b) Codices fragmenta Leontii continentes

S: Parisinus Supplementi Graeci 8 (saec.xii)

T: Atheniensis 1431 (saec.xii)

(c) Codices "Excerpta Leontina" (A) continentes
h: Heidelbergensis Palatinus Graecus 281 (saec. xi)
e: Escorialensis Graecus 15 (R.1.15) (saec.xi)
w: Vindobonensis Philosophicus Graecus 174 (saec. xiii)

p: Vaticanus Palatinus Graecus 262 (saec.xv)

m: Escorialensis Graecus 252 (Y. l.13) (saec.xvi)

r: Vaticanus Reginensis Graecus 108 (saec.xvi)

t: Parisinus Supplementi Graeci 163 (saec.xviii)

(d) Codices Florilegii quod Doctrina Patrum nuncupatur (Epaporemata Leontii

continentes)

A: Vaticanus Graecus 2200 (saec.ix)

C: Oxoniensis Miscellaneus Graecus 184 (saec.xii)

D: Parisinus Graecus 1144 (saec.xv)

[ l: verba inclusa omittenda sunt

< >: verba indusa ab editore addita sunt

verba omissa in relatione comprehenduntur

verba omissa in relatione non comprehenduntur

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 Foreword or Introduction 117

Devout men, eagerly longing for divine teaching, and approving of the public
disputations which we have frequently held, have urged us to give them some
sort of written copies of the questions and solutions we have often proposed
orally: because they can provide them with what someone once called "a remedy
against forgetfulness:' "a hidden spark for the memorY:' an exercise against
time, by w4ich all things are hidden. But we have often put it off, because we
were burdened with work and for many other reasons, but especially for two:
first, because we do not have sufficient practise in writing, since we never had
any worldly education; and also because we have not yet received the spiritual
instruction which God's grace supplies to the pure of heart-for I am not
ashamed to have some little knowledge of myself, when those who are now
considered wise are completely ignorant of themselves-and secondly, their
foolish arrogance towards the ancient labors of the holy Fathers makes my
mind very hesitant to obey this command of love. For if writings set forth with
so much of God's grace and wisdom, and with so much excellence in worldly
philosophy and other kinds of learning, have failed to persuade them, how may
this brief work do so, produced by little intelligence or eloquence?
Nevertheless, we have decided to obey this friendly command now, even if
we did not do so before (for they did not tell us to lay hands on the strong or to
have a care for the safety of the healthy). We have composed three books in all.
The first of them contains, in summary form, replies to and refutations of the
contradictory pseudo-insights of Nestorius and Eutyches, in one essay;
 118 TOY MAKAPIOY AEON TIOY
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 Foreword or Introduction 119

it includes, under a few headings, practically all their objections. We have

arranged this book in chapters, with each chapter including whatever can be
referred to it. The title is adapted to the aim of what follows: An Examination
and Refutation of the Opposed Fantasies of Nestorius and Eutyches on the
Divinity of Christ- since the one puts forth fanciful theories in fine-sounding
words, according to his good pleasure, on the divinity [of Christ], the other on
his humanity.
The second book is directed against those of our own party who adhere to
the corrupt opinions of the Aphthartodocetists [="Incorruptibilists"]. For one
can reproach them with special justice, since they recognize the distinction and
the properties and energies of the one, single Lord and God, our Savior Jesus
Christ. For as far as those who resist the distinction of natures are concerned,
who deny any difference between them after the union and confuse the
properties and energies in them in an improper way, we laugh at their ignorance,
just as much as we pity their irreverence in worrying about the manner [of
being] in natures which they do not admit to, or believe exist. They ought first
to concede that the nature of Christ's divinity and the nature of his humanity
exist and are preserved after the union, and then busy themselves with their
relationship to one another and with the manner of their existence. This book
is arranged in dialogue form, and omits, I think, nothing which would be a
profitable contribution to the investigation of the subject. And so that the
characters might not be confused, we have marked the character of the
questioner with a star, and that of the one who provides the answers with a
cross. We have not done this arbitrarily, but with the star we are hinting at the
faint, unclarified knowledge of the one, and we have armed the other, the
warrior of truth, with the trophy of the cross.
 120 TOY MAKAPIOY AEONTIOY

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 Foreword or Introduction 121

This book, then, is entitled: A Dialogue against Those of our own Party who
Adhere to the Corrupt Doctrine of the Aphthartodocetists.
The third and last book contains the refutation of those who pretend
allegiance to the great ecumenical Council of Chalcedon, even though they
stand for the doctrines of Nestorius. For they, like doubtless the rest of the
devotees of heresy, seem to accept the holy Scriptures and the previous holy
Synods, but they do not follow them in their hearts, and make them a veil for
their own impiety, to deceive the simple-as Apollinarius and Macedonius
professed to follow Nicaea, Nestorius both it and that of Constantinople,
Eutyches both of them as well as that of Ephesus. So these [heretics], too, profess
allegiance to the holy Synod of Chalcedon, at the same time concealing their
impiety with a trustworthy appearance, and preparing their own attack on the
truth. Wishing to reveal their villainy, and the impiety interwoven with it, we
have turned our accusations against the original ancestors of their impiety, to
bring into the open the sources and springs of their godlessness, hoping by one
simple argument of truth to cut them off and to push them back from their
lifeline. For in this way the remaining stream of impiety will disappear, since
when the sources of evil are destroyed, what is produced from them is usually
destroyed, as well. We have divided this book of refutations into chapters,
putting a number at the start of each to make them easier to remember. This
book is entitled: An Unmasking and a Triumph over the Secret and More
Fundamental Impiety of the Nestorians, and of that Heresy's Fathers.
 122 TOY MAKAPIOY AEONTIOY

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 Foreword or Introduction 123

We ask those who read this humble treatise to pardon us if we have not
wounded our enemies mortally, or if we seem to have fought for the truth more
weakly than was fitting.
Compared with the dignity of the subject, all of us alike are deficient; we
differ from one another only in the zeal of our piety. Everyone, too, of course,
receives a measure of grace proportionate to his own preparedness for it. And
this I urge lovingly on the reader: that if anything should seem to him to have
been said by us unclearly, either because of the depth of the issue or because of
the ambiguous meaning and character of certain expressions, he should not
criticize it at first sight. For if he applies his mind twice or more to what we have
said, he will find that the meaning of our expressions becomes clearer. The
discovery of the truth is a sufficient reward for the labor of seeking it. We have
added to each of our essays passages which support what we ourselves have
written, for we hope to confirm the truth of what we have said also by the
testimony of the past.
 AOI'Ol: A'
THL:KATA THNBEOTHTA TOY
XPIL:TOY KAI :ANBPQIIOTHTA
'ENANTIAL: iJOKHJ:EQL:
NEL:TOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYL:
'EAEI'XOL:KAI:ANATPOIIH
 Leontius of Byzantium:
An Examination and Refutation
of the Opposed Fantasies
of Nestorius and Eutyches on the Divinity
and Humanity of Christ
Book I
(Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos)
 126 'ENANTIAI: LJOKHI:EQI: NEI:TOPJOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:

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i/JvxpfiJ 7rpoaoµ,iA~aas VOarl· Ka/, [C)~µEls rols ToVrwv dyWat 7Tpbs roVs'
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'i.' I ,, I ' >
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t I ) " I ,., •\ e I >I I I

, , ' < ,
25 UVTt1TapaTas lV OtUTEJ.LVOVTES,

23 Hebr. 4.12

VOG Titulus TOY AYTOY AEONTIOY Al:KHTOY EAEI'XOl: KAI ANATPOIIH

THI: KATA TOY XPil:TOY ENANTIAl: iJOKHl:EQl: NEl:TOPIOY KAI EYTYXOYl:G
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aa1TpocpiAoa6cpovs G xapiEvTWS om. 0 Wv6µaaEv 0 20 Td. om. G
22 dyWaL: dywv{aµaaiv G 23 8~: OE V 25 8iaTEµ6vTES V
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 127

I have proposed to clarify and explain the concepts of hypostasis and essence,
or of person and nature (for both [pairs] are the same, and each refers to the
same thing), since they are confused and unclear in the minds of those who are
now considered wise; and I shall explain some other matters connected with
this first investigation, if God joins in our enterprise and overlooks, through
your prayers, the weakness of our arguments. It is those prayers which gave me
the courage to set down and investigate this subject. We are not unaware that
those who now oppose us, making one single resistance both to holiness and to
those who speak holy things, show the same contempt both for them and for us
who are zealous for their teaching and propound it; unknowingly, they honor
us by letting us share this dishonor. These same people make fun of sacred
things and commit outrage against the theologians; is it a great thing, then, if
they have no regard for us, who are worth nothing? This is the only remarkable
thing, in fact: that they carefully neglect all practical virtue, but officially
proclaim themselves to be wise. They are, one might say, intelligent by decree;
their will alone proves their education so that one wit has playfully named
them, "Philosophers at the Top:' But we need not yield anything of our freedom
to fight, simply because of their wicked politics; on the contrary, we must be
very greatly stimulated to courage by the struggles of the saints, and be affected
like hot iron. For iron is hardened by its contact with cold water, and we are
strengthened for the fight by their battles. Well, then, let us cut through the
resistance and opposition of both sides to the truth with the sharpest argument,
like a two-edged sword, and let us refute them, beginning with the following
consideration.
 128 'ENANTI AI: LJOKHI:EQI: NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:

' '·'· "' ( e'

avaTpE'f"WfJ-EV, TYJS V1TO EGEW5 EVTEV'8 EV apxoµ,EVOl.
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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 129

The disciples of Nestorius' man-worship and of Eutyches' reduction to

fantasy-or better, the disciples of both kinds of fantasy: well has a certain
pious and godly man [~ Nonnns] labeled them, in calling each of them "opposite
kinds of docetist:' For the one group says there only seems to be divinity in the
Savior, the other [there only seems to be] humanity; except insofar as each
group tries to give a respectable appearance to its opposing, but equally ugly
impiety by smearing it with the colors of fine-sounding names and pious
phrases-one group proposes "good pleasure" and "dignity;' instead of saying
the divinity is an illusion; the other speaks of"ineffable flesh;' instead of saying
"naturally not [like] ours." As if we were interested in fitting ourselves out with
verbal beauty rather than gazing on the truly golden face of truth, than which
nothing is lovelier-even if there is no elegance or brilliance of style involved.
For truth needs no further ornament for its decoration, but is splendid with
natural beauty and has no need of deceptive transformation of language, like
cosmetic powders. So these heretics, fighting with both each other and the
truth, have divided up the war on her in opposite camps, each of them using the
same propositions for their own ends. As a result, their concord in opposition
can be defeated by a single assault of truth at the hands of her pupils, and
agreement in wickedness will pave the way for overwhelming victory. For by
the same arguments we shall use to defeat one of the confederates in impiety,
we shall find that the other side, too, has been defeated along with them.
For one should realize that Eutyches stands in the same relationship to
Nestorius on the subject of the Incarnation [oikonomia], that Sabellius does
to Arius on that of the Trinity [theologia]. For they have also fallen in opposite
ways into the same evil: the one confuses the hypostases into one because of
the essence; the other, because of the hypostases, divides the essence along
with them.
 130 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE
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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 131

And these, too, taken in the opposite order, do the same: the one cuts up the
natures into hypostases, the other mingles the natures into one; and the one
makes the hypostasis hypostases, the other mixes up the natures into one
nature. The same argnments that one finds used by earlier writers to divide the
Trinity are nsedlater, we discover, to confuse the Incarnation; and the arguments
by which. onr contemporaries divide the Incarnation they nsed to confuse the
Trinity. Come, then: let us bring their sophistic propositions before us in
argument, and after giving them the chance to present their accusations against
us, we shall try-as in a courtroom-to put an end to their silly theories against
the truth.

1. For they say: "If you say there are two natures in the one Christ, and if
there is no such thing as an anhypostatic nature, then there would be two
hypostases also:'
As I said, there is one issue at stake with both, even though the focus is
different; for they use the same argument to justify themselves, the one group
in order to include hypostases with the [separate] natures, the other to abolish
also [separate] natures through [identification with] hypostases. But let those
who belong to the Eutychian party listen to what we say: for there is one
common struggle between us and both parties, but another particular one
against them. What then do you say? Do you hold there is simply one nature?
"No;' they reply: "One nature made flesh:' Nothing prevents us, then, from
agreeing with you happily: we accept from you the one nature of the Logos you
speak of; but our struggle is over the other, which we say is a second nature
alongside that of the Logos, but which tends to be called "flesh'' by you. What do
you say about this flesh? Does it have a nature or essence, or part of a nature?
(You will have to judge how much, whether half or a third or whatever other
fraction you want to call it.) Or to use the same form of argument as you do: is
there such a thing as flesh without essence, or without a share in nature? How
can you escape your difficulty? For if flesh exists without essence or apart from
nature, show what it is and what its state is, and we shall be satisfied. But if it is
the ultimate folly to suppose flesh that is not what it is said to be,
 132 'ENANTIAE JOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

17 oVAeyoµ,EvYJV 31TEp EaTlv, 7TWS d7rocpEV~Ea8E ~v ~µ,lv aVToi 7rpoEj36.AEa8e

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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 133

or not said to be what it is, how will you escape the line of argument you
proposed against us yourselves? For if there is no flesh without essence-that is,
not having a nature-and there is no nature without hypostasis, then there will
be no flesh without hypostasis. It is time, then, for you either to remove nature
from flesh altogether, or to give two hypostases to the Lord, according to your
rule which says: there is no nature without hypostasis. For if there is no nature
without hypostasis, and you speak of the "nature of the Logos;' then you will
attribute to the Logos also a hypostasis. But the question about the flesh remains:
if it, too, granted it has a nature of its own, should not also be worth calling a
nature, and having the name of nature, should not also have its own hypostasis;
or if, not having an hypostasis, it will not lose nature as well. So you are stuck
fast in your own difficulties, and no further sleight-of-hand has been able to
exempt you from the indictment you have instigated against us. And when you
have solved one further problem, you will seem very deserving indeed: if there
is no nature without hypostasis, but you confess the Lord to be "from two
natures;' then will he be from two hypostases? And who then is responsible for
Nestorian division, we leave it up to you to investigate!
So we have dismissed you, with the same arguments [you yourselves use];
but against those who have departed from the truth in the opposite way from
you, we shall argue as follows:
Hypostasis, gentlemen, and the hypostatic are not the same thing, just as
essence and the essential are different. For the hypo stasis signifies the individual,
but the hypostatic the essence; and the hypostasis defines the person by means
of peculiar characteristics, while the hypostatic signifies that something is not
an accident, which has its being in another and is not perceived by itself. Such
are all qualities, those called essential and those called non-essential; neither of
them is the essence, which is a subsistent thing-but is perceived always in
association with an essence, as with color in a body or knowledge in a soul. He
then who says, "There is no such thing as an anhypostatic nature;' speaks truly;
but he does not draw a correct conclusion when he argues from its being
not-anhypostatic
 134 'ENANTIAJ: LJOKHJ:EQJ: NEJ:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYJ:
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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 135

to its being an hypostasis-just as if one should say, correctly, that there is no

such thing as a body without form, but then conclude incorrectly that form is
body, not that it is seen in the body. There could never, then, be an anhypostatic
nature-that is, essence. But the nature is not a hypostasis, because it is not a
reversible attribution; for a hypostasis is also a nature, but a nature is not also a
hypostasis: for nature admits of the predication of being, but hypostasis also of
being-by-oneself, and the former presents the character of genus, the latter
expresses individual identity. And the one brings out what is peculiar to
something universal, the other distinguishes the particular from the general. To
put it concisely, things sharing the same essence are properly said to be of one
nature, and things whose structure of being is common; but we can define as
"hypostasis" either things which share a nature but differ in number, or things
which are put together from different natures, but which share reciprocally in a
common being. I say that they share being, not as if they completed one
another's essence, as happens with essences and with things that are essentially
predicated of them-which are called qualities-but insofar as the nature and
essence of each is not considered by itself but with the other, to which it is
joined and assimilated. One finds this in various things, not least in the case of
soul and body, whose hypostasis is common but each of whose natures is
individual, with a different way of being.

2. "But even if the human person;' they say, "is composed of elements which
differ in species, still neither one of them has its being apart from the other. But
the Logos also exists before his humanity; and the human being is composed of
imperfect parts, but Christ has perfect parts-which therefore shouldn't
properly be called 'parts' at all.
 136 'ENANTIAJ: dOKHJ:EQJ: NEJ:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYJ:
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om. 0 ante Opov add. T0v G
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 137

How, then, can you apply the human fusion to the Logos and the Incarnation,
when it does not resemble them?"
So say those opposed to our opinion, the advocates of division. For the other
side like the model, but they take it not in the proper way, but very foolishly-in
harmony with their original tendency to confuse-as an exact copy of that
confusion. That this is not our invention, however, but that we have received it
from our predecessors-son from father, as they say-is proved by the writings
of the theologians, in which they use the analogy of man for the Incarnation.
But they do not treat the analogy well, who force it to resemble the original. For
it would no longer be an analogy if it did not contain some dissimilarity. For we
have taken the human being as a parallel not because of pre-existence or
co-existence, nor because of the imperfection of his parts (conceding for the
moment to these dunces the right to call them "imperfect;' though they are not
so in terms of being, as we shall later show), but to explain how the Logos is
united to a body like ours in very essence, and is never found apart from it, even
if he preserves in that union the difference, as indeed anyone does. For in
neither of them do the characteristics appear confused. For our soul does not
change from being invisible and immortal to being visible and mortal, nor is
the Logos visible and mortal, even though both our soul and the Logos have
come to be in a visible and mortal body. For each of these things we mention
preserves unceasingly its peculiar qualities, according to which each one has
come to be what it is: the ordinary person who subsists from soul and body, and
the Savior who subsists from divinity and humanity. But they take the analogy
not according to its similarity but according to its dissimilarity, and they are
unfair in their questions; as if we were to use the example of the sun's ray for the
Logos and the Father, because of the connection and coeternity [of sun and
rays], and they were to disparage us for thereby representing the Logos as not a
hypostasis.
But that not even the human being is made of imperfect parts, according to
the structure of being which is proper to each part-even if in respect to the
definition of the human being as a whole the parts do not admit of the structure
of the whole as such-can be shown as follows. What
 138 'ENANTIA2: LJOKH2:EQ2: NE2:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOY2:
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4-5 aWµa . . . Exov: c£ Aristoteles, De Anima 2, l; 412a19-20 10-11 3{TTOV ...

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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 139

is lacking to the son!, which has its own separate life, from being a bodiless, self-
moving essence? This explains why it is immortal and indestructible. And what
is lacking to the body, from being a body? Those who define it say that a body is
what has three dimensions, or that a body is a physical, organic thing potentially
having life. Each of these definitions will apply accurately to our body. Now
these things are not imperfect, taken by themselves, even if they are called
imperfect in relation to the hypostasis of the whole in which parts exist. For
nsing this reasoning, one would not be wrong even in interpreting the mystery
of Christ this way. For it is imperfect, if it is understood as meaning he is simply
God or purely man. Therefore, as the great Gregory says, there are two definitions
of perfection: one if it is meant for objects by themselves, the other if understood
in a relationship. For the Logos is perfect, complete, and a source of perfection;
and the human soul is perfect, too, as far as concerns the definition of its
existence. But the Logos is not the complete Christ, even if he is complete God,
if humanity is not joined to it; nor is the soul a complete human being, even if
it has a complete essence, unless the body is also understood in conjunction
with it. And we must also note this in passing: that times, just as places, are not
understood along with the definitions of things. For they offer only an account
of the essential elements of things. Then, too, every definition is a definition of
a present thing, not of what will proceed from it later on. Otherwise nothing
which is in a process of growth would receive the definition of being what it is,
since
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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 141

everything in growth and decay never remains what it is, but changes into
everything else; and all rational essences, which admit of increase and decrease
in virtue, and are now in this state, now in that, are considered in motion. For it
is not part of created nature to remain where it is, even if it is properly said of
God-and him alone-."You are the same:'

3. "But;' say the proponents of division, "the soul is circumscribed in the body,
and experiences passions and undergoes pain; if the Logos is united in this way,
that means you will have to subject him to the same conditions, and make him
passible and circumscribed:'
What? (I reply). Aren't you, rather, doing the very things you accuse us of?
For you are afraid to unite him to flesh and to a complete man, lest he become
necessarily circumscribed and capable of suffering. But if the Logos is passible
by nature or admits of spatial location, these things will be so in him because of
what he is, not because of his union with a circumscribed, passible body, and he
will thus be passible and circumscribable, even if he never does suffer and never
is circumscribed; if, on the other hand, he is unchangeable and uncircumscribed
and impassible by nature, then even if he comes to exist in a body, he would
preserve the peculiar character of his impassibility and indeed of his
unchangeability. After all, when he was creating the world and bringing it to
this general form, though it had not existed before, he does not seem to have
fallen from the super-cosmic and supernatural realm into the reahn which
embraces or is included within this world, or to have gone from his own
freedom from circumscription into being circumscribed by the world-not,
indeed, in those earlier times when he created it and all within it, nor even later
when he formed around himself that little world within the great one, man,
 142 'ENANTIAJ: LJOKHJ:EQJ: NEJ:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYJ:

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17 1 Pet 3.19 8-9 cf. Ps.-Dionysius, De Div. Nam. 2.9; Ep. 8.6 23-4 Evagrius
Ponticus, Keph. Gn. 4.50

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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 143

was he circumscribed.Aud what is wonderful about that? Since even the human
soul does not suffer these things simply because it is in the body, but because it
is made to be able to suffer, even without a body; otherwise it would also become
visible and die and suffer all the other things that the body suffers. But it does
not suffer these things because it has received these possibilities for suffering in
its essence from God; but it suffers through having the potentiality to suffer,
which it continues to have even when it leaves the body. The souls in Hades
show this, as do their bonds, which explain Christ's presence there, "proclaiming;'
according to Peter, forgiveness "to the spirits in prison" (1 Pet. 3.19); and
furthermore, the unclean spirits [make this clear], who are and who will be
punished, even though they are free of human bodies.
But the soul suffers by itself, because it has received the capacity to suffer for
its own benefit; and it suffers bodily passions, strictly according to its union
with the body to which it is attached, and according to the peculiar character of
the places in which it is situated; for being suited by nature to suffer by itself, it
can also admit of this kind of suffering. And it is circumscribed by the very
structure of its existence, but it is also said to be additionally circumscribed
because it exists in a circumscribed body. And if it experiences passively also, in
God's own way, divine things, then this is not at all because of the body (for how
could that be? It often struggles against the soul, after all), but by itself, through
its own nature, with the desiderative part straining towards God in desire, and
the spirited part bracing up in a manly way and straining along with the
desiderative part unflinchingly, and with the reason receiving immaterial
impressions without shadow, illuminated by the form of simplicity. It was well
said by a divinely wise man [i.e. Evagrius] before our time: "There is a single
good and eternal longing, which stretches out after true knowledge:' For when
it defiles these powers, it ends in wickedness and ignorance, and does not derive
this wickedness from the body, even if some
 144 'ENANTIAI !JOKHIEQI; NEITOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI
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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 145

aspects of it are brought to completion through the body. But the Word of God
would never experience any of these, being unchangeable by nature and
unalterable. He does not, then, decline to be joined in essence to a human nature
because his nature is impassible; in that case, his refusal would be a true passion,
a fear to be in that situation in which the souls of the good, who have him as
their helper and advocate, suffer no harm from the body but rather are rich in
God and nse their body as an aid to virtue, not a hindrance.

4. "If the hypostasis of the Logos is perfect;' they say, "and that of the human
being whom he assumed perfect, and if the Logos remains unchangeable and
the flesh is preserved unalterable, why is it irreverent to speak of two hypostases,
neither of which is confused with the other?"
They seem to me to be proposing the question either most maliciously or
most stupidly. For just as if we had not already explained about perfection, how
it is understood and its double sense, and further about the proper meaning of
hypostasis, they pass from the nature of the Logos-a phrase which signifies
both the common property of a nature and the individual property of the
hypostasis; for we said, "the nature of the Logos;' not simply "the nature" -to
that which signifies its individuality, the hypostasis. And they say that the
hypostasis of the Logos is perfect, thus calling the nature of the Son "complete
in itself" -the nature which is not something else alongside that of the Father,
but which only differs in the characteristic of individuality through being
begotten-and they bring forward the individual characteristic instead of the
individual in which it is a characteristic, and the relationship to each other
instead of the individuals of whom the relationship is predicated. For some
names explain the nature of their subjects, others express the relationship of
things.And one can discover that things of different species join in relationships
with things of the same species in varying ways: for in the respects in which
things oflike species are joined with things of different species,
 146 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE
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15 IlaTpOs Kai ToV YioD Kai ToV .tiy{ov IlvEVµ,aTOS' cpVais, Ws oVv µBAAov Ev
-r0 €vi~ Ev ToZs Tptat- Kai ToDTo Tfj cpVaEl ~ Tptds, OrrEp av Ev TL TWv Ev
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, .. ,, . . . ,,, ... ,
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Scholion ad 1, Kal ofs 8iatpoVv-ral: -rai:s cpVacaiv V (£1); 8iatpoVvTaL ydp -rfj V7ioa-rcfaci
7ip0s -rOv IIa·nf pa, -rfj cpVaci 8€ avvij7iTat G; ad 2, avvd7iTOVTai: 8Vo ydp cpVaEis, µ{a V7i6a-raais
G; ad 14-16, oVydp avµ7rA71pw-riK~--ro'is -rpia{: dv-rl -roV"µf"i.>J..ov ydp avµ7iA71pw-riK~ Ea-riv
~ cpVais, 1<.al -rE'Actos Ev -rlfi Evl Ws Ev -roi:s -rp{aiv"· ai ydp OVo &7iocpcfaEis µ{av Ka-rcf8caiv
7iotoVv-Tai. cp11alv oVv 0-ri 0 YiOs cpVais avµ7iE7il\1)pwµEv11 Ea-rl, Ka8' Eav-rOv vooVµcvos, Kai~
Tpuls µ{a Kal aV-r~ cpVais Oµo{ws AEyc-raL· TEA.eta ydp Ev EKcfa-rq:i ~ o?Ja{a Kal Ev To Ls -rpiatv
~ aV-r~, -rai:s V7ioa-rcfacaL 0€ ~ 8Lalpcais µOvov. G

17-18 c£ Ps.-Dionysius,DeDiv. Nam. 7.2 (ed. B. R Suchla, PTS 33, 196.10-ll;PG 3, 869 A4f.);cp.
DeDiv. Nam. 2.lO(ed. Suchla, 134.ll;PG3, 648 C7). 19-148. 5 cf. Ammonius,InPotph. !sag.
5.7 (CAG IV/3, 79.21-80.7); David, In Porph. Isag. 4.32 (CAG XVIIl/2, 153.14-154.1)

VOG 1Oµoioei8fi0 2 avvci7iTETal V 7ip0s Eau-rd avvd7i-rov-rai G 3 ante

-ro'is E-rcpoElOEai add. -roVT<tJ G avvci7iTETai· avvci7iTOVTai G 4 ante -rWv €Tepott0Wv
add. -roVTw G 5 Ka-rd: dvd OG 1<.a8' ~v 0 6 YlOs: d YLOs om. V
10 dyvooV~-resT~vWsV7i6a-raatvV 12 €7ilToVIIa-rpOsom.G 14 .lty{ovom.G
15 Kai YloV 1<.al .lty{ov IlvcVµa-ros V ollv: oV G µCi.Al\ov: 0-r-rov prop. Torres Ev T
pia{v G Tfj Tplcilit G 17 -rvyxdvEl 0 18 Ws 7iOV 0 µ'yas €cp71 LliovVatos
om. 0 20 Ovoi:v G 22 ~µWv 7ipos aVTOv: 7ip0s -rOv Ila-r-Epa prop. Evans
(p. 73,n.14) ante 1<.a80AiKal add. KaiG
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 147

they differ towards each other; and in the respects in which they differ from
things of different species, they are joined to each other. For they are
distinguished from each other but joined to things of other species by number,
and they are joined to each other but distinguished from things of other species
by definition.
While, then, we can perceive two relationships in the one Logos, one by
which the Son is the same as the Father, the other by which the Son is
distinguished from him, the one being called by the title, "nature;' the second
known by the name "hypostasis;' they reverse the relationships and attribute
the one which separates him from the Father-that of "hypostasis" -to the
flesh, not realizing that the essence of the Logos is the whole nature of God,
completely possessed by a complete individual, but that it is the note of
generation which makes him be called "hypostasis" and Son, just as in the
Father's case the note of being unbegotten and cause reveals him as "hypo stasis"
and Father. And one must note the same concerning the Holy Spirit. For the
nature of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit is not mutnally completing, as if it were
more fully in the One than in the Three. And the Trinity is by nature whatever
any one member of the Trinity happens to be; because it is not one perfect
being made of three imperfect ones, but from three perfect beings there is one
super-perfect and ultra-perfect being, as the great Dionysius says somewhere.
If, then, we perceive six relationships, the two of the Father to the Logos and the
Logos to the Father, the two of the Logos to the flesh and the flesh to the Logos,
and the two of Christ to us and us to him, there are three universal pairs.
 148 'ENANTIAI: iJOKHI:EQI: NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:

Kal ~ f.LEv 7TpWT71 TWv av,vytWv axiais oVTws ExEi, WS" ~ Tp{T1} µEv d7T0
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17, npWTYJV axEaiv: «npWrqv axEaiv)) -r0v KaT' En{voiav cp'f/al, KaTd BE T0v KUT' Evapyfj
dA~8ELav. G; ad 20-p. 402, Vn6a-raals ... axEaEwv: DTl Vn6aTaaiv elnWv, Kal «t5n6aTaaiv Bid
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VnoaT6.aEinp0sT0v Tla TEpa Kal~µUs, JvoVTai OE-raiscpVaea1.v,~ OE olKovoµ,{a Tfj VnoardaEl
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OAos conj. Evans (p. 76, n. 22) 20 V7Toard.aEi 0
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 149

And the first relationship of pairs is the same as that which is third from the
first, next after the middle pair; for as the end pairs are linked within themselves,
so they are opposed to the middle pair. And the opposite is true of the middle
one: for as it differs within itself, so it is linked with the end pairs, and as it is
linked within itself, so it differs from the end pairs.
Having said this concisely, I shall try to clarify it by an example. Let us
suppose three things: the soul by itself, the body by itself, and a man consisting
of soul and body; and let us consider the relationships of these things to each
other-namely soul to soul, soul to its own body, and man to his body by itself
and to his soul by itself. Soul is united to soul by having the same essence, and
is distinguished by the difference in hypostasis. This is the first and the final
relationship of the pairs. Soul is distinguished from its body by the difference in
nature, and is united [to it] by the category of hypostasis, which their mutually
coherent life brings into full being. The second or middle relationship preserves
this. But man is completely distinguished from his body by itself and his soul by
itself as being their totality; because he has the first sort of relationship to his
parts, he brings about the second sort of sharing between them. So Christ, too,
acts as a connecting link between two extremes with regard to us and the Father,
by means of his parts-if we may consider him a whole made up of parts: he is
wholly a hypostasis over against the Father, because of his divinity and along
with his humanity,
 150 'ENANTIAJ.: LJOKHJ.:EQJ.: NEJ.:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYJ.:
I ' I "
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-r~v iKa-rEpov q:iVatv, -rEAEtOv Tt. G; ad 9, oV /\EyoµEv µ,{av giVaiv dvOpdnrov: -roV-ro dKol\oV&ws
€7T~yayEV, Ei1TWV avw· «Kal -rO OAov oV µ{a q:iVais». G

7-8 oV µ{a giVais: c£ Greg. Naz., Flor. Test. 25, 26; Cyrillus Alex., Flor. Test. 68, 71, 81, 82, 83, 88;
Ep. 2 ad Nest., 3 (ACO I, 1, 1, p. 27, 11. 1-5; PG 77, 45 C2-9); Ep. 2 ad Succensum, 2 (ACO I, 1, 6,
p.158, 11.18-21; PG 77,240B8-14);ibid. 3 (ACO, p.159, 1.18-p.160, 1.2; PG 241,B3-ll). 8 areA€s
Kai -rE/\Etov: c£ Athanasius (?),Flor. Test. 19, 20; Contra Arianos Gratia 2, 66 (PG 26, 288 Bl0-14);
Ep. ad Epictetum, 2 (ibid. 1053 A6}; Ps.-Athanasius, De Incamatione et Contra Arianos, 8 (ibid. 996
C6f.).

VOG 1 01\os O; Ws OAos conj. Evans (ibid.) µE-rd -r~s fJEDTTJ'TOS om. 0 3 post
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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 151

and he is wholly a hypostasis over against us, along with his divinity, because of
his humanity. The relationships with respect to distinction and unity-those
which we know him to have within himself, because of his parts, and those
which he has towards the Father and us, because of the connection of the parts
to the extremes-vary accordingly. One has to take this reference to "parts"
prudently; for I do not say they are parts because they are naturally incomplete,
but because they comprise together the persona of the hypostasis in Christ. So
Gregory and Cyril said, "the whole is not one nature;' simply and in relation,
and spoke of"imperfect" and "perfect" [in Christ].

5. "What?" they say. "Do we not say that man has one nature, even though we
know that the elements which are joined together are different? What harm
does it do, then, since in this case we call the nature one nature without
destroying the particularity of the parts, if we also seem to do the same thing in
Christ's case? But you reproach us and ridicule us for introducing confusion in
Christ, because we speak of the parts by referring to the whole:'
If you want to call the parts by the name of the whole, you ought surely to
signify the whole by the term for the parts, too, and then no one would have any
quarrel with you. If you called the Lord "flesh'' or even "man;' you would be
naming the whole by a part, but not calling the two one nature. (For often the
failure to speak precisely brings about a discrepancy in doctrine as well.)
Therefore we often call the whole by the name of a part and the part by that of
the whole, in accordance with the holy Scriptures and with the interpretations
handed down from the Fathers,
 152 'ENANTIAL: LJOKHL:EQL: NEL:TOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYL:

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rep 1Tapaoeiyµari KEXPYJfLEVDl rov av pwnov, Kat avrq; T'-f:> trpwroTV7T<p
I I

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" l I ,.,, ,/, ,..._ •I I ' I ,\ >I I 'C ' I '<::'> ' I
10 Tl} OVGl<;l TY)S -rVXYJS, YJ TO aVa1Ta lV· OVTE f-LY)V Es EKaTEpwv ova 07TOTEpav
>
a7T'OTETE
,\' e
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I I <::'\ I ,\ "
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'
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OVOElS yap ' ,\I
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' I ' " '

TY/" EVWGEt
' , ,\vµ.aivoµEvos
' )' a',\,\'a TYJV" TOV" Ka e',\ov Kat ElOOVS GY)µaatav 0 I ''\c I

KaTd ToLJ f1-EptKoLJ Ka( lQ{ov KUTY)yopoiJµEv.

15
''E7TEto77
~1 a r ',\ <::' R ,.,, 1 <::'~I
yap, Kauws oi Ta oyiKa aKEf-lf-laTa oiaKptf'JovVTES TTapaoiaoaai,
1 1 /

I I 'I ' ,... ,.,, D',\ ' , , B',\

Ta f-LEV E1Tl µ.Epovs KOlVWVEl TOLS Kauo ov, Ta OE Ka 0 ov KaT71yopElTUt "
Ka Ta TWV E1Tl f-LEpovs, Kal TWV f-LEV aTOf-lWV KOlVWVla EGTl 7rpos [1292 A] To'
I ,... ' I I I ,... I ' I I ' I I

1'~ I I f " <::' I lJ ',\ I I I I I I

EtOOS KaTa TY)V cpvaiv, TWV OE Kauo ov KOlVWVla 7rpos Ta f-LEPYJ KaTa TYJV
K/ri]aiv, Tfl ToV OA.ov TTpoar;yop{q. TO µ.€pos KaAElv, Ws E<:pTJV, oV
20 TTUPflTYJadµ.EBa· Tijs yd.p cpVaEws Tijs µ.ifis TD OAov ToiJ dvBpwTTE{ov ErSovs
I ' ~ \ ,.,, t I I ' I 1'~ ' £) I '~ I )
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' I ' I " ,... ,.,, I I I > I'/
ETEpoovaiov, ElKOTWS TY/ TOV KOl vov 7TpOGYJYDPlC[. TO µ.EplKOV E1Tovoµa1:,ETUl·
' I >I r ,.,, I " D ' ~,.,, >I I I
ov yap EGTlV EvpEtV TOV TtVa avupw1TOV ETEpOElOWS EXOVTa 7rpos TOV
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)
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iva Kat µ.iav aVTOV Kat ovo <pVGElS Ka WfLEV, TO [LEV EXOVTa ota
I I I I I J ,\ " I I >I "' I

1 1
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ll ""

) f I r I I > ) ' I ,... ) r ,...

30 atTtas µ77 EVptaKOf.,LEVYJS Kat E7T EKElVOV TYJS E<:p> 'fjfLWV,

1-2 1 Cor.2.8

VOG 1 Ovoµcf,ovres: 7TpoaayopeVovres 0 3 Ev raVr4J lOt6r11ros: l0i6r1]'TOS'

rfjs lv raVr4J G 9 raVrOv 0 12 ifarai 0 15 OiaKp{vovrES' V
16 KoivwvEirat G 20 dv8pW7Tov G eTOos G 23 EVpeiv post JrepoetOWs
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25-6 ante EK roVrwv add. rva v 26 Ws om. G lO{ws 7TWS' V; 7Tot0s lO{ws 0
27 aVrOO 28 aV-rWvO KalOVocpVaEtS'postKaAWµevtransp.G 29 7'02 :-rdO
30 €7T': d7T''V
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 153

calling the Logos "Son of Man'' and confessing that "the Lord of glory" has been
crucified. But we do not go on from there and do away with the peculiar aspect
of each quality in the same individual by the exchange of characteristics. And
further, we also know these things by their proper terms, since we perceive the
exchange of characteristics in one hypostasis, and recognize the shared peculiar
quality by making a distinction in natures. But when you use the analogy of
man, you destroy the image along with the original. For we speak of a single
nature of man not as you do, by reducing the nature of flesh to being one with
the essence of the soul, or vice versa, nor indeed do we say that something
which is neither results from the combination of both; but we call it a nature,
not in consideration of the relationship of its parts (for there is nothing to
damage the natural difference between them, even in unity), but we predicate
the general and specific term of the individual and particular.
For since, according to what those who have worked out the systems oflogic
have taught us, the partial share in the general and the general is predicated of
the partial, and the participation of individuals in the species is according to
nature, while that of the general in the parts is according to predication, we do
not, as I said, refuse to call the part by the name of the whole. For if the one
nature represents the whole species man, since there is nothing with another
essence included under the same species, then the partial is aptly named by the
title of its universal. For it is impossible to find an individual man who has a
different essence from man in general. But in the case of Christ, we cannot find
this same set of relationships; for there is no species of "Christs;' as there is of
man, so that one of these, himself called "Christ" because he is in some way
related as an individual to the general common "Christ;' is said to be one nature
in reference to the rest and among the rest, so that we can call him both one and
two natures, having the one appellation because of what is common and the
other because of his parts-as we have seen in the case of ourselves. For since
the reason which holds in our case is not found in his,
 154 'ENANTIAI: LlOKHI:EQI: NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:
I ' > ' " I ' I ,\ I > > > I > I > 'l'I
TO Erp YjfLWV µovov OlKElWS Eyoµ,evov E'TT' avrov ava<pEpElV ovx OlOV TE.
i.J7) ov yap EGTlV EVTaV"8 a Ka Ta\Tl
'",\I>> II
µ,ta Kal\"'I I
ovo rpvaeis 0'"8
av pW7rOS ,\' EYETUt·
\ \ "'>:-
I I I ,... I I "' I I \;' I I "
TO µev yap EXEL via TY)V TOV ElOOVS' KOlVWVtav, TO OE KEKTTJTUl ota TT)V TWv
JI "'

,/,I
µepwv aTpE<plUV.
'E KEl,. . OE
,... \;' OVK
l > I ' \;' I ,\ '
OVTOS ElOOVS, 7TWS av µ,ia at ova eyoivro;
I >! ""' ,.,, •I

s Tpels ydp eVplaKoµev Kal µOvovs rp67rovs, Ka8' oVS'" µ,{a rpVais AEyerai TO
Aey6µ,evov· r] ydp rO elOos elvai, r] rO roV aVroU Ei'Sovs µ,eTExeiv, r} rO KaTd
I
avyxvaiv Es>(: ' \;'" "'I > ,\' 8
ETEpOElUWV ETEPOEtOES U'TT'OTETE EU .at, 0 EKarepov f.lETEXOv,
t <I ! I I

ova > "'' t

07TOTEpov Ka 8apws
I "' EUTlV·
>
'l]V Kat VO'8 ov Ka ,\ ovaiv
,. , Ol 7TEpt TUVTa. <I I ! I "

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a WS' >>>I
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TotaVTaS' t
E7Ta1TOPYJGElS'
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µ{av µ6vYJv-EvTEVBEv ydp Kat µ~ {3ov.\oµEvotS' Vµlv TD r'ljS' avyxVaEwS'
>
€'1Tl1T ,\ ' '8 I " I " \;' I t " 0 !
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avayKY) \
TYJV
1' " ' 8 " 1 I I ',\ ,\,\ I I
µiav cpvaiv EV Et Vat Tl.p apt µcp, El µ77 Kal µa taTa 770 a Kal ToaavTa T<.p
I I <I " ,...

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~, , .. r, ,. , , ,. , ,,
K ,
15 OE Kat OVTWS'. a Tl.p avT<.p taa, Kat a YJ OLS', cpaatv, EGTlV iaa. Eta 8w OYJ
", , ',\,\ ',\ , ., ,,
! \;' I ' I ,\ 'C I I c I >t t t
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7T, \ Evpa
\ I
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I\;'
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Kal YJ TTPWTYJ 1Tp0S' TYJV TE EVTalaV. pa..,,ov ovv TaS' TpEtS' 7T EvpaS', Kat ODS'
I f <I ) ) t I ,\ " I t I rt t >t I ,..,
Tpta 7TpOGW7Ta, EV E<p EKaGT[I 7T Evpq., Kat EVpYJGElS' OTt WS' EXEL TO 7TPWTOV
I
20 1Tp0S' TOI f,LEGOV
I
KatI TOI f,LEGOV
I I
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" [1293 A] OVTWS'
" "C Et KalI TOI
Es
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Tl EL OWGEtS' µiav I

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Elvat ToD .!l6yov Kat TOD llaTp6S", OWaELS' Upa µ!av cpVaiv Elvai T'ljS' aapKDS'
Kat TOiJ llaTp6S'.

Scholion ad 4-8, Tpe'is ydp ... TaiJTa: 1ToaaxWs Adyerai TO V7ToKe{µEvov V (.E1); ad 15, Td T0
aVT<f) ... i'aa: itptaToTEAovs Wsd7TOEVK.\{8ov V (E1);ad 15-17,KE{a8w ... 7TAevpfj,,construuntur
triangula in cake VOG: cf. appendicem I huius libri

13-14 c£ Euclides, Elementa I, Communes animi conceptiones 1 (ed. I. L. Heiberg (Leipzig, 1883),
10, 1.2)

VOG 2 ydp: OE V ante KaTd 7{ add. Ws G ante µ{a add. Kal OG 4 iKe'i:
EKEl8Ev G; €7Ti XptaToiJ V 6 T0 2 ... T0 3 : Tt{; ... Tei) G -roiJ aVToil: aVTO 0
7 d7TOTEAe'iatlai G; d7To7E7€.\EaTai V 9 Toil: TWv 0 10 1Tpotaxea8at 0
1:_ 70v 'P,~atv T0v µ{av G , 13 E'v: Eva 0 14 Ei''I} om. OG Oaai codd. Kai
16 ogvyWviov: Op8oyWviov v· 0G
1
OVTW<;: OVTW G 15 8'1]: 8e G 7p{ywvov: 0

ogvyWviov G 19 ante Tp{a add. Td G Exei 0 21 80: 8E 0

8WaeTE legit Torres 22 Toil A6yov r:pVaiv Kai -rijs aapKos OG OµoAoye'ire V
23 µ{av elvai r:pVaiv G 8WaETE codd.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 155

it is impossible to transfer to him what is only a proper way of speaking for us.
It is clear here in what respect man is called one and two natures: he has the one
title because of his sharing in a species, and has the other because his parts
remain unchanged. But in Christ's case, because he does not belong to a species,
how can the two be called one? For we have found three ways, and only three,
in which a thing can be spoken of as one nature: either it is a species, or it
participates in the same species, or it is formed into a new species through the
mixture of different species, now sharing in both but not purely belonging to
either-which those who know about such things call a "bastard:'
Jn other ways, too, you propose difficulties like these, to persuade us against
saying"two [natures]": not that you say,"two and one;' as in the case of man, but
that you say "only one" -for that reason, even against your will, the passion for
confusing things brealcs over you, while that for dividing things does not
subside. For it is not necessary that a single nature should be numerically one-
unless, of course, it must be very many in number, as many as are the hypostases
which comprise it. Let us consider it this way: things which are equal to the
same thing, they say, are equal to each other. Let us suppose, then, a diagram of
an equilateral, acute-angled triangle. As the first side is related to the second,
and the second to the third, so the first is related to the third. Draw the three
sides, then, and put down three persons, one on each side, and you will find that
as the first is related to the second, and the second to the last, so the first will be
related to the last. Why do I say this? Because if you concede the right to speak
of one nature of the Logos and the flesh, and it is acknowledged that the nature
of the Logos and the Father is one, then you are granting that the nature of the
flesh and the Father is one.
 156 'ENANTIAJJ LJOKHL:EQL: NEJJTOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYL:
"'A,\,\'
n ov',\Ieyoµev,» cpaai,I « Tq.J'"' avTc_p
' " I
TPD1Tlf! I EKaTepwv
µiav ' I 1'
eivai I
cpvaiv,
a' , \ , \ ' E1Tl
' I \
fLEV II arpos
' Kat' Y'lOV,. , TqJ. . ' ,. , T'Y}S
TaVTCf:J " cpvaews,
I "8 a
EVTUV
' '' Tlf>',\,oyc:p
OE
Tij:; EvWaews."
OVKoVv oV rdvrOv rO rfj EvWaet Ev Aey6µ,evov, Kal TD rfj cpVaei Ev· el OE
s oV TdvTOv, KaT' &A..\o µEv EKelvo, Ka8' Erepov OE roVTo· Earat ro{vvv 7 0
airrO Kal Ev Kai OVo, Ev µEv rfj EvWaei, OVo 8€ rals cpVaeaiv. El 8€ µ.,~ roV10,
>! I ) \ I I ) I I ( I I ' I I I /
earat TO avro Kara ro avro Kat oµoovaiov Kat erepoovaiov, Kat µia cpvais
Kat ov µta cpvais· ov Tl av yevoiro [BJ,aTO'TTWTEpov;
I ' I , O''vrws- vµtv
' ' ,. , Yj' µta rpvats
,,. I" I I '

AeyoµEv'r/ Kai T~V 8ia{peaiv oVK EtEcpvyev, 7jv Exei ~ cpVais Ev Tip TTA~Oei
,., I ) "' I I I I I )
10 TWV KOlVWVOVVTWV UVT'[} rrpoUW1TWV, Kat T1}V avyxvaiv 7TapEta1}yayev EV
T<jJ TaVT<jJ TijS' avv8ETov rpVaEWS', TD oVS' 07T6TEpov TWv ~vwµEvwv fl-ETd
I <I I ' " ~\ ' I I Cl ,.. "' ,\'
TYJV EVWGtV 7TapaGTYJGaaa· 1}f.llV OE EKaTEpa, avv OEqJ <:pavat, Ka WS'
',\ I I ~ I "' ' I ) ,.. ' I "' ~ ,.. ,..
7TE<:pV UKTat, Kat TO ota<:popov TWV YJVWf-lEVWV, Kav TTJ EVWGEl,TCJ? UlTT<.p TYJS
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'I
15 YJVWfLEVWV I 'ElS'
<:pVGEWV 'V7T0GTUGlV
µ,iav ' ~"''
avvopOf.lYJS avaKE<:pa,atovµEvov.
\'
~' "Ka8Wr; aot ESo£e:, 7TpoSieaTeD\w €7Ti To-V Ka8' EKaUTOV dv8pW7Tov St.lo
,
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s OU " aKo
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\ 8Et;' T0 'E7Tt / l VO
'
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µ,ovov '
<:pVaEtS ' ,\ oyeiv,
oµ,o ' a',\,\ a' Kat' TpEtS.
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"
• ,\oyovvTES,
oµ,o , 8'aTepov ' , 8e; K'
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20 aE A.Eye iv, Kai µ,Tj {3ovA6µ,evov, €£ef3i6,aaTo:'
Tl l >;'
ovv 1}fLElS 7Tpos TaVTa;
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<f 'I '
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) "' ." )
EK KaKWV T1}S aµ,a ias UlTlWV epvyas TJf-llV Kat aTµovs-1TWS' av a V7TWS'
8 I I ) I t ,.. I ) \ ,.. >I ',\'

,, ''r
25 Et7TOtµt;-ovK EVWUElS' ava7TEf-l7TU1::,0VUlV. ' 'I~ ' II'aUYJS

Scholion ad 10, 7rpoaW7rwv: rovr€artv rWv OAwv dv8pW7rwv V (E1)

22 Ecclus. 21.18 (LlOC)

VOG 1 EKar€pwv Elvai <pVa£v: Elvai dµ<poTEpwv cpVaiv G 2 TaVTq): aVT0 0

4 Kal 1 om. V 6 ri} EvWaEc 8ul T~v Evwalv G Tals <pVaEaiv: Oid TO €rEpocpv€s TWV
Evw8ivTwv G 7 Kai OµooVaiov: Kal om. G 9 ante cpVais add. µ{a G
11 TaVTqJ: aVTqJ G 14 cpVaEws 0 15 dvaKEcpaAatoVµEva G 17 cpVats
v•c 21 YE ydp 0 ante aVTols add. Ev 0 22 ante ypacp~v add. 8E{av 0
23 8taµaa6µEvot V; 8taµaaaWµEvoi G 7r€TTOVTES OG 24 aiTE{wv V
25 ante oVK EVW8Eis add. KalV ante 7r6a71s add. <oV> Torres
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 157

"But;' they say, "we do not hold that the natures are one in the same way, but
in the case of Father and Son they are one in identity of nature, whereas here
they are one by reason of union:' Well, then, that which is called one by union is
not the same as that which is one by nature. If they are not the same, the one is
unified in one respect, the other in another. In that case, the same thing will be
one and two, one by union and two in its natures; or if not this, then the same
thing will be in the same respect of one substance and of more than one, one
nature and not one nature. What could be more absurd than this? So your "one
nature" does not escape the division which a nature has in the number of
persons who share in it, and it has introduced confusion by the identity of the
composite nature, which no longer presents either of the unified natures after
union. But we are well protected against both dangers, thank God: the difference
in what is united is proclaimed, even in their union, by the double predication
of nature; and the identity of person is summed up by the concurrence of the
united natures in one hypostasis.

6. "According to your views, you have explained how we can speak of two
natures and one on the analogy of the ordinary human being. What follows
from that? That we must not only confess two natures in Christ, but three! How
can you maintain the one and deny the other? For the necessity of logic forces
you, even against your will, to say this:'
What do we say to this? What else but that the verse of Scripture fits them:
"The wisdom of the fool is unconsidered speech" (Ecclus. 21.l 8 LXX). For since
they have not chewed on their own words, and therefore have not digested
them, they belch forth on us-how can I put it inoffensively?-the evil-smelling
breath of the bad food of ignorance. For although every
 158 'ENANTIAI: LJOKHI:EQI: NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:
I r I I ) I \;' I ' ,., r ,\ ,
yap s'Y}T7]GEW':) TO a1Topovµevov ulaGK01TOVUYf5 KaK TWV oµ,o oyovµevwv
' I I t\;'\( '~\ I ' I I ti I ) \;' I )
aVTO avµ.:rrepalVOVGYjS. Ol OE OUOE yap ElGl aocpot, f.LYJ OTl TYJV a7TalOEVatav
, , 'R ,\ , , .\. , , <::' , ·'·
ws aµrptf-10 ov TO oµ,o oyovµEVOV El5 oiaaKE'f'lV 7Tp0Tl Eaaiv, Kat TO
e, , ,
rpavepOv Ws- dcpavEs avAAoy{l;,ov-rai. Tfjs ydp dv8pW7Tov cpVaews, Ka-rd -rds-
<::' ,\ ' '
5 [Dl KOlVU':) 7TUVTWV EVVOtaS', TYJV ipVXTJV Kat TO awµa 077
I I
OVG7]5 Kat
' I I ,/, I I I "

' < ,\,\' " " ",\ I I "

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l
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' " '
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Td p.Ep'Y). LI Vo [1296 A]ydp cpVaEtS AEyoµEv oV BEoiJ Kai aapKDs, oVTE µ~v
£'l .... Kat'·'·
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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 159

discussion investigates one line of questions and draws conclusions on it from

agreed premises, they-who are not wise, except in the field of ignorance-are
proposing as a question for investigation what has been agreed on, and draw
conclusions about the obvious as if it were something obscure. For although
"human nature;' according to common understanding, refers to soul and body
and signifies, as I have often said, both parts and the whole, they take what
everyone mentally concedes as a problem. So that when one of us points out
that man is not a simple thing, either body alone or soul alone, therefore they
think that one must spealc of three natures in Christ, as if"human nature'' were
not enough to convey, by itself, its parts. We spealc of two natures, not of God
and flesh, nor indeed of God and soul, but of God and man. Nor is the nature of
a part human nature, properly speaking. So that if one says "man" or "human
nature" he has referred to these natures. But if one mentions the name of Christ,
one is not naming or referring to a thing which is agreed upon, or subject to our
understanding. The different opinions among Christians about him make this
clear: they are many and varied, and they conflict with each other, but they
would not exist, if the title "Christ" simply signified the true nature of its subject.
But the title "man'' is something common and evident to all-not least to
Christians. But the name "Christ" resembles a technical, scientific word; for just
as only they understand such words who have received the same training, so
the truth hidden in the name ["Christ"] is clear only to those learned in the
things of God.
They also witness to the truth of our argument, who keep urging that Christ
is "from two natures;' but never say he is "from three natures;' even though they
grant to the flesh of Christ a rational soul. Let them begin a new brand of
nonsense and confess him to be "from three natures": we will be content to
confess that the elements from which he comes are preserved in him, in whom
they are recognized, since they will be forced to say that he is not simply"from
three'' but from more, as we shall show in our turn.
 160 'ENANTIAJ:: !JOKHJ::EQJ:: NEJ::TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYJ::

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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 161

A yet simple and general perception of things creates in us general, unexplained

understanding; but the distinction of them by means of concepts brings us to
an accurate knowledge of the elements from which it is composed. For this
reason we undertake the distinction of a whole into its parts; but to try and
divide the parts into parts, after this first division, is ridiculous; for it does not
put a stop to the investigation there, but goes on to infinity
What I mean is something like this. The parts of man are soul and body. The
parts of his parts are, in the case of the soul, rational essence and incorporeal
quality, under which we subdivide the authoritative part, the spirited part, and
the desiring part, then the cognitive and the discursive faculties, memory and
will and opinion, the appetitive and the stimulative, the defensive and the active,
and many others besides these. (Let us lay aside for now the question of whether
these are in the soul as parts or as powers, and which are present one way, which
the other; for that is not part of our present investigation.) Then the division
of the body begins: into parts which are like others and parts which are not;
and these again into head, hands, and feet; and these into bones and flesh and
nerves; and these into the four elements; and these into form and matter.
And the medical writers theorize about many other things, too: about physical
powers of which they call one the attractive, one the retentive, another the
transformative, another the eliminative; and they say a great deal about
perception and imagination, and about the vital and organic spirit which holds
the living being together and which, they tell us, is a different thing from the
rational soul.
 162 'ENANTIAE LlOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE
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 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 163

As it is enough, then, if one wishes to call all these things to mind, to say
"human flesh" or "human body;' or again it is enough to say "rational soul" to
mean the parts into which it is divided (for no one likes technical language, nor
are the faithful accustomed to it), so it is enough for one to say"man'' or"nature;'
to represent and mean by them everything they consist of and are known by.
But these people make subtle distinctions about such things, not to show him
to be a perfect man, but to slander the Lord and to make him alien to our
nature, either because he did not assume what is ours at the start, or because he
did not preserve intact what he took from us, the infallible pledge of the
salvation ofall [human} nature.Butletthemlearn that while the acknowledgment
of the parts is, as I said, the sign of the intactness of the whole, the subdivision
of parts into other parts does not belong to dogmatic brevity or the concise
language of the gospel, but to skeptical speculation and to a kind of technical
language which to most people is excessive and hard to grasp. For the parts of
Christ are unmingled: godhead and manhood. Soul and body are not parts of
Christ but parts of a part; once we have signified them by the full meaning
implied in the nature of man, the subdivision of the parts into natures is
unnecessary, unless one intends to introduce the rest of the chain of distinctions
to these subdivisions, which we made earlier in the case of the ordinary man, so
that then one must proclaim not three natures in Christ-as they will have
it-but even more.And what could be more ridiculous than that?

7. "Since the whole quarrel was set in motion because the manner of union is
not understood by most people and therefore is disputed by everyone, you
ought to philosophize about that, so that we may be able to know whether we
disagree about that too, or whether, despite our agreeing about that, our dispute
is rather about the product of the union, and whether it is about things
themselves or simply about the words referring to them. In this way the question
will become clear, and the truth of the issues will be evident; then he who
disagrees out of ignorance or impiety will be exposed, whether for correction
or for judicial reprimand:'
 164 'ENANTIA:E LJOKH2EQ2 NE:ETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOY:E

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20 µova8iK<jJ ToV trpoaW1Tov avµ1TE<pvpTat oVTE Bid Tds [B] l8i6T'f/Tas TWv
I ' t I 'Y T ,. , I ,.., I \ \ I
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, 0' f-t'f/',EV 1Tporpopq._,,I:
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I I 'i' I ) \ '/3 ,., I 'f ) t I

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""'')\,'I\/ 'I:. I t \ I,,... Y' ,,
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I I >f
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I I \ I 8 ' ,. . I ,/, I

8vaxEpa{vovTES, Ws dvi6.Tws ExovTES Kal trpOs ~µ,Wv 8ia1TTvEa8waav.

flEpt Qf_

, VOG;, 11. 16-19 (lfppr;ros ... 8Vo), VOG.A 3 ~om. OG 1TtptTT~V post
V1TOKpLVOfJ-EVOl transp. G ante µr;8trEpq; add. G; fJ-Y/ BtTEpr.p 0 4 ytytvfja&al om. 0 or
5 oiJ om. OG 6 Kal vVv post TLvas transp. G KaTa1TE1TUTY)fJ-Evr;v G 9 />tJTOv:
li.ppY)TOV 0 11 <pt]alv G 12 post aVTOs add. Kai ofs Edv {3oVAr;Tat dJToKaAVi/iat
(Matt. 11.27) G Ovrws om. G tVAaf3fj G 13 TOVTovs: ToVro O; post dA~Btta.
transp. G 14 KExpr;vTai 0 15 KapTtp6v 0 16 ydp om. A JaTtV OvTWS' G
µ6vr;om.e 17 T~vom.A(txt.d) 18 p.aKpWs8iwpiaµivad 19 avyKExvvTal
A (txt. e) 22 BtZos A6yos G 24 1TtptTT~v: 1Ttpl T~v VG"' post f!ws add. DTE G
25 µ718€ G 1Tapp1'}Ula~6µtvov 0 2,6 ~oVTo G "avyKaAv~Bfjvat V aVTWv TdS'
ifivxds: TdS' EavTWv ifivxds 0 27 ante aviaTWS' add. av G Kat om. G
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 165

Some have argued that the union of godhead with manhood has taken place
in essence, others in operation, others in will. And there are some who had, or
pretended to have, an excessive reverence, and have not associated themselves
with any of these formulas, but have proclaimed that it is ineffable and
unnameable, sensing the danger of accusations of impiety, whether they really
felt this way or not. Even now we see some who have a perfectly expressible and
trite notion of the union, but call it ineffable, so as not only to use an opposite
to produce its opposite-namely, to explain something by saying it is
inexpressible-but also to avoid contradiction. So indeed others, eager to
establish for the flesh of the Lord an imaginary or a confused reality, say: "He
was made flesh as he willed to be, and as only he understands:' They do not
move to this position of reverence, which is in fact irreverence, in order to
prove this statement (or else the truth would have brought them to its own
light), but they talce refuge in pious-sounding phrases, as if in some strong,
impregnable fortress, in order to make the fullest possible use of impiety. For
only the substantial, concrete union of essences is truly ineffable and beyond
understanding. For how have things which differ so much from each other in
nature, and deviate so greatly, come to join one another, and have not become
confused in their mixture? How are they one, yet understood as two, and are
neither confounded by being one single person nor divided into hypostases by
the individual characteristics of the natures? Only faith can grasp this, and the
divine word, which makes this clear, not in the pronunciation of speech but in
the illumination of the understanding, and which leads along those who are
worthy by soundless teaching.
It is not, then, worth talking about those who suffer from exaggerated
reverence as long as the point remains unclear; for since they neither speak
freely about the light, if they should chance to lay hold on it, nor take it hard if
their souls are shrouded in darkness, we, too, regard them with contempt as
incurables. But as for
 166 'ENANTIAI: LJOKHI:EQI: NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:

TWV ' a",\,\WV, OVTW

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20 DcpE£Aovai Kai rijs ToV A6yov cpVaEws. El 0€ Ttvi irEp<-µ TWv Ev rf! TpidOi
avva..,.,at ',/, /3 OU',\OVTat TOVS' ' x ptaTOV
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avrwv EGTW Ei;ovaias.. KEXPYJfLUTlKaai yap
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" EV
25 OGYJ ' av
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YLO:;" Ev rqJ A6yq.; Kai Ka rd rOv A6yov,

22 (KEXpriµ,a-rlKaai ... BEoV) cf Ps. 81.6 (L:XX); Joan.10.34 23 lCor.6.17

VOG; 11. 1-23 (oi -r~v Evwaiv .. Ea-ri) VOGA Oia/..EgWµ,Eea V d/../..d Ka-r"
EvEfy;iavom.O ~ 2 -r~iaV-rri~o?1.A , / 4-5 6'./../..ois ... ~/..17e~{a~o~.A 5 aV-r71:
-rav-r11A 6 1Tws:rrovA ovoµa-rosagiaG postµE-raconJ.TYfVEvwaivEvans(p.25,
n. 7) 7 npW-r11v K;;l µ6vriv 0 ~: El 0 -raV-rOv: Ev 0 9 ;rpoap{;r-rETal VO
7rpoapl1TTTJTUl post a-rpE7r-rov transp. G 10 8~ om.V aV-roVs Tp67TTJV G
12 y€voi-ro 0 13 OE oValas: 8' Egovalas A (txt. d) oV: d wp ~ om. G
14 YE G AE/..oyx6-ras: /..E/..ox6-ras VG"'..1; /..EAaxbTas 0 15 agwµ,Ev v
16 Ooyµ,a-r{awp.Ev VOGhwp; Ooyµ,a-rlawµ,as rm post 7TdVT1J add. aVrfis G
17 Er1J: fort. legendum i] Kal om. wp 18-20 oV yelp ... cpVaEwS om. A 20 post
€TEp41add.-rpb7rlpd -rWvEvom.d 21 (3oV/..oivTod 7Tapd:1TEpihemrd 22 TE
om. 0 22-23 ante eEot et viol add. oi, .. oi wp 26-27 Yi0s fJEoVV
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 167

the rest, this is the way we shall argue. Those who allege that the union is not
one of essences, but of operation or good-will, or some other relationship of
that kind, come nowhere near the truth, but have divided up the manifold lie,
each wresting some part of it for himself and only agreeing with one another in
their failure to find the truth. After all, what kind of union would it be, and how
would it deserve the name of a union which is supernatural and unique, second
only to the first, unique union, if it did not bind real things together and make
them one and the same? So that it makes me wonder when they profess a union
of this sort, and then add the words "unconfused" and "unchanged"; for what
kind of change could they justly suspect in the division of things, when they
confuse dignities into one dignity (for dignities could never become one dignity
in an unconfused way, any more than natures could become one nature without
being changed!), but separate the essences? Union of dignity, after all, is not a
union of things. Otherwise we shall have to assimilate everyone who has
obtained the divine dignity to the divine essence, and suppose two natures in
every one of the saints. (For the amount of dignity would not entirely divide
things which differ in dignity, but as much of it as there is would also, by so
much, join the natures together; it would surely not separate them completely,
if the element which joins them is not entirely divided.) For insofar as they
share in his dignity, they ought then to share in the Logos's nature. Or if they
wish to join the other saints, besides Christ, to some other member of the
Trinity, let them take responsibility for that in their impiety; for they are called
gods and sons of God and holy spirits, according to the phrase, "He who adheres
to the Lord is one spirit [with him]" (1 Cor. 6.17).
How, then, if all of rational and blessed creation, both angelic and human, is
filled with the deifying and son-making grace of the Spirit, is only he who has
come forth from the Virgin called in and following Scripture God and Son of
God,
 168 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

7rpoaKvveZTa{ TE 11apd 7TdG"f/5 AoyiK?}s cpVaews; 'E8Ei ydp roVs dBdovs 1

'r::: I f! ' I I '(; I ,.,, I\ <;;:: " I ...,

EtOEVal OTl El KUl TO EsalpETOV TYJr; 7TOlKl/\Y]S utavoµ77s 1TpOGEGTl TOlS
~I \\~I'\\\ 11,><I " ' I
V1TEprepois 7Tapa TOVS VfPElfLEVOVS, U/l/\a KOlVOV TO Erp U7TUGt TYJS evepyeias
I I " >(:,I r;,:; I I 0\ > I I ,.,, f.:1 " A I
[Bl xaptaµ,a KUl T7JS astUS OWPYJfJ-U• KUl 7J KUKElVU5 f-lETU TOV !!:'IEOV LiOYOV
s ~ ol5 ye f3oVAovrai EvOs rWv Ev ri} dy{q, Tpi&Oi Bewpovµ,Evwv, ~ Kal OA.Y]s
TYJ5
A Q ,
ae,._,aaµ,iov
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r:::: I !<;;:: I ' I r:::: I "
avva1TTELV cpvaeis, Kat ovo YJ rpeis YJ
" "
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TEaaapar; V7TOGTUGEl5 utatpEtV, YJ p.:r1oe TOVTOV fLE'.a TYJS cpvaews TOV 0-EOU
A6yov avvd1TTElV Kal els Eva YlOv ~ avvriBEvat ~ Oµ,ovVµ,ws aVrOv 7TOtEZv
7rp0s rOv 77pwr6rv7TOV YlOv, Kal µ~ cppovEiv µEv (f;\;\a, cp8€yyEa8ai OE
10 ETEpa. Mifis ydp 0Va17s Tijs cpvaiKijs vf.6TYJTOS, E[ '9s KaTd fLETox~v 110.aa
vf.6TYJS, dvcfyKYJ T0v d7ToaxE8iaa8EvTa aVTois Cfv8pw7TOV 1j Tijs cpvaiKijs
fLET€XElV vf.6TYjTOS 17 Tijs EK xcfptTOS yivoµEvYjs, Kal 17 1Tp0s TDv MovoyEvij
I )\f,..,~/ "'''''~~/ 1,..,
avVa7TTElV aVTOV, ws TYJS EVWUEWS TYjS KaT ovaiav aVTlUlOOVUYJS Ta Tn
'
8aTEP<:f '
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\

' IQ ) I Y ( I I ) ) I I I )
aaEf-'Etav OV 1Tapp71ata1;;iOVTal cpvaEt yap EGTlV a1TappYJGlaGTOV TO KUKOV '
T~V 8€ d;\~BEiav oVK dya7TWaiv oV8€ Tijs 80;\io;\cf;\ov y;\WaaYjs Td E1T{XEtpa
8E0{aaiv. 'A;\,\' oVTot µEv Egw BE{ov xopoiJ d7TE;\1J,\cfa8waav fLETd TWv Tijs
' R I I N I I., I I I I
aaE,_,Eias 1TaTEpwv, EaTopiov TE Kat oaoi TOVTqJ µvaTaywyoi TE Kat µvaTat
20 yEy6vaaiv· Tijs 8E KaT' oVatav EvWaEws µEyaAocpWvws KYJPVTTEaBw ~
)\/l) \ I I \ I l)\ J "'~ "'
all.YjOEla, Kat 1TEpl TaVTYJS cptAOGOt:pYjTEOV Kauws aVTTJ OOKEl.
l ~ I > \ I ' "' > \ > I I >/
K lVOVVOS yap ov fLlKpos 1TapaTpa1TEVTaS aVTYJS ELS TO EVaVTlOV fLEV, iaov
8E KaKOv, T~V aVyxva{v cpaµEv, EµTTEaEiv. '1va 8E ~µiv yvWptµos [DJ~
8iacpopd y€v1JTai Tijs TWv
7rp0s KaT' oVa{av ~vwµ,€vwv Kal µ,~ TpE7ToµEvwv
25 Td EK Tijs EvWaEws Tp11TEa8ai 1TEt:pvK6Ta, Kal T{ µEv TD Tijs 7rpoTEpas El8os,
I~\ I ,., ~ .,~ 8 '' , III I "
Tl OE TO TY)S OEVTEpas a7TOTEll.Eaµa, YJOE yivEa w 1J otatpEais. avTa Ta OVTa
' I\ I I

" >\\!\ "'l)I\ I \I\ ~I >>

GVVYj7TTat all.J\Yjll.OlS Tats KaUOJ\OV KOlVOTYjGl Kat 7Tal\.LV OlTJPYJTUl U7T
d,\;\~,\wv Ta is El8o1Totois 8iacpopais, Kal oV8E Tais EvWaEat TD 8taKEKpiµ,€vov
avyxEovaiv,

17 rijs 8oAioAcL\ov yAWaa"T/S cf. Ps 119.2 (LXX) (d770 yAWaaYJs 80.\{as)

13-14 rijs EvWaEOJSTijs Ka-r' oVa{av dvrtOi80Va17s rd 'Tfj ea'TEpq, citat Pamph. IX (191, ll. 93-4)

VOG; 11 1-8 (€8Et .. Y[Ov), 10-12 (µdis .. yivoµi1rqs), 20-21 (rijs OE ... dA~8Eta)
VOGA 1 1Tapd {;17Q G post 7!'da17s add. TijS G ydp om. A post d8€ovs add.
NEaropiavoVs A 2 El0€vai ToVs &8€ovs G 3 1Tapd: 1Tp0s A 4 @EoV om. 0
5 oV: El A ciy{q, om. A 6 aE{3aaµ{as 11 ante OV0 2 add. Els G 7 7€auapEs 0
µ178E TOVTov: µY]OE roVTwv V; µY]OEµ{av ToVTwv CODJ Evans (p. 25, n. 7) ~ om. A
9 1Tp0s: Ws 11 10 µifis ... vl67YJTos: (Ori) µ{a Ea-rlv ~ cpvutK~ v16TYJS A Eg om. OG
11 ante dvciyKY] add. Kal Otd roV-ro A aVTois: -rois NEUToptavois A 12 EK om. 0
yEvoµEv1}sOG 13 rijs 2 om.G EvWaEwspostoVa{avtrans.Pamph. Tdante 1Tpoa6vTa
transp. 0 Tfj om. OG 15 ante o{ OE add 7j Gcorr µEv om 0 18 xWpov OG
d1TEA~Aaa8ov G 19 post 1Ta7€pwv add. aVrWv G ToVrwv 0 20 yEy6vaatv:
-rvyxdvovui G Tijs SE: Kai rijs OG; rijs A 23 yvWptµos post 8tacpopd transp. G
24 rijs om. Evans (p. 28, n. 20) 26 ~OE: ~01} V yEvEa8w 0 28 El0o1Totois:
l0t01TOtois Q
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 169

and is worshipped by every rational nature? For the atheists should have realized
that, even if the choicest of the varied gifts which have been given should reside
in higher rather than lower creatures, still the grace of vitality and the gift of
dignity is common to all. They must then either join them with God the Word,
or with whichever one of the members of the Holy Trinity they wish, or even
with the whole blessed Trinity, [join them] as two natures and distinguish
[among them] two of three or four hypostases, or else they must not even unite
him with the nature of God the Word or make him by composition into one
Son, nor let him share one name with the archetypal Son; but they must not
think one thing and say the other. For since there is one kind of natural sonship,
from which all sonship is derived, the man they have trumped up must
necessarily either share in natural sonship or else in that which comes by grace;
and they must either join him to the Only-begotten in such a way that a union
of essences makes available to one nature what belongs to the other, or else-no
longer able to stand being reverent-they must openly put him in the same
category as everyone else. But they do not speak their impiety openly (evil, after
all, is naturally lacking in frankness), and they neither love the truth, nor fear the
wages of the deceitful tongue. But let them be driven out of the divine assembly,
along with the fathers of their impiety, Nestorius and those who taught and were
taught by him; and let the truth of a union of essences be proclaimed loudly, and
let us reflect philosophically about this, as accords with truth.
For the danger is not small that those who have been turned away from this
error will fall into the opposite, and equally wrong, one of confusion. In order
that the difference may become clear to us between the union of things which
are united in essence but not changed and that of things whose nature it is to be
changed by union, and [that we may know] what the form of the first kind and
what the product of the second kind is, let us make the following division. All
beings are joined to each other by universal common predicates and then are
distinguished from each other by specific individuating differences, and [such
predications ]neither confuse what is distinct by these unions,
 170 'ENANTIAI: LlOKHI:EQI: NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:

oVOE TalS' OtaKp{aeat rO ~vwµEvov xwp{~ovatv, dAA' el XP~ 1Tapa86gws

' "
El1TElV Kat Kara TOV>;
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I <:' I I I ., "' I I I

' T "WV
avv17µµ.evws. "OE' 'EVWGEWV
'' \,..\;'I\::',.,, 11
Kat TWV OlaKptaewv UlTTOS 0 /\OYOS'· Ta µev
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\;' I " >!\;' <I <;::- I " < I I ,... < I
5 OlTJPYJTUl TOtS ElOEGlV, YJVWTUl OE TatS' V1TOUTaaeatv· Kat TWV 71vwµevwv
µEv roLs elOeai, OinpTJµEvwv SE rals LJ17oardaeai, <~yovv rWv 8i71p1)µEvwv
I ,... Of\;' < I " \ "' < I \ I < \ " >! \
µev TOlS' Etoecrt, YJVWµevwv OE Tats V7TOGTaaeat,>. Ta µev U1Tll7JV EXEL TYJV
,, , , , ", I '\:'I , II , , ';' ,., • , ..
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10 GKE'f'EWS YJ EKElVWV EtS Ta KaTa µEpos Esa7Tl\WGlS', Kat al\l\WS TYJV TWV
" " otacpEVYEl
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\ ,.., I r ' I 1y ' I >I I "'
KaTUl\t7TOVGl Tas, ws aVTOl voµir:,ovaiv, EµcpaVTlKWTEpas 1} KVptWTEpas 'TWV
15
" 0' I ' \ ,.., \ I C t ,.., \I ' I I " , /
GTJ(-laGlWV. V yap EKl\oy17s l\EsEWV 17(-llV axol\17, E7Tl TO VOElV E7TElYOf-LEVOLS.
[BJ TWv To{vvv oVaiwOWs V7Tapx6vTwv Kal KaT' oVa{av EvovµEvwv, Td µEv
' ,... ! I I y I >/'\:' ,.., ( I C \I I C:-1 ,,.. \
KaV TYJ EVWGEl awr:,El TOV lOlOV T17S V7TapsEWS l\Oyov, Ta OE avyxEl TE Kat
'C 'Y I ' I ,... • I \ I T"' ";' I '
Esacpavtr:,Et, T17V aKpOTYJTa TWV YJVWf-lEVWV l\Vf-lalVOµEva. WV ovv 7TpOTEpwv YJ
µET' dAA~Awv Kal Ev d.M~Aots 8EwpovµEv17 axEats E'v µEv Tl Eg dµr:poTEpwv
20 d7TOTEAEZ, Kai Ws Civ TlS EL7Tot, E'v Elvai T0 dpt8µ0 d7To8E{Kvvai, Td Oidcpopov
1y " r IC ' " ' " "' f I T? I I '"
awr:,OVTa T11S V1TapsEWS EV Tlf? TaVTlf? TYJS EVOT17Tos. I!..at TOVTOV 7rapaoEtyµa
EV f-LEV sqJOlS 0 Ka B'"""ll
'1y1. '"'
17µ,as avupW7TOS, EV '"'"'""
OE TOlS ,. , awµaatv 11
a7Tl\OtS YJ rpvatKOlS I (

TWV aV8v7TOaTdTWV Kal Ka8' iavTd ElVal OvvaµEvwv 7Tpds aAA17Aa 7TOtd axEais.
0 ...lOV ws
• E7Tll\aµ1Taoos
' I\ '" "
EGTl
eEWpr]GUl·
,. ,,, , Ul\l\O
I I
µEvyapTt EGTlV17 pval\l\lS,ETEpov
I' • e \\I "

"' ,,
25 OE 7TU/ltV YJ ffJl\OYWv11S TOV
( \ I~ ,... I
7TVpos ovata·
'I I,,,,, [CJ"'
avv Ul\l\171\0lS
' ' >\\!\
OE Kat EV al\/\171\0lS
>I I
OVTa, µiav 7TE7TOl17KEV aµcpoTEpa l\Uf-l7TUOa· Kat ws av TlS EK taaaµEvos Et7Tot,
I > I \ !<;;- \ ( >! ' /3 ' "
" > '(: \. _ I I CI\ > I I I I ,,.. '"' I
7TVP EGTlV Es Vl\Wf-lEVOV Kat s Vl\OV EK7TE7Tp17aµe:vov, Kat TO µEv T17S TOV 1TVpos
µe:TEaxe: Aaµ7Tp6T17Tos, Td 8€ T~S KaTd. T~V O?Oa KEKotvWv17Ke: yEW8ovs
7TaxVrr;Tos, Kal dvTE8wKe:v BdTEpov BaTEpcy TWv lOiwµdTwv,

2-3 ~vwvTai ... avv71µ,1Jivws: cf Greg. Naz., Orat. 39, 11 (ed C. Moreschini, SC 358, 172. 8-9;
PG36,345Dl-2)

VOG; 11. 3-25 (;Wv OE ... oVa{a), VOGA 1 ~vwµivov: 0i<pi~wµivwv G 3 8J

om. A 4 post ~vw;ai add. µ,Ev G post 8177 pTJTUl add. µ,Ev A 6 µ,Ev om. 0
6-7 ~yovv ... VTl'oaTcfaEai supplevi; cf. Loofs, p. 67 8 TI]V- om. 0 oVv om. wp
9 dcpE{a8w: dipop{a8w d 10 Eis om. d ;~v: rij-; G 10-11 i<ai Q'.,\,\w<; ... µ,cf.8riaiv
om. A 11 8iaipE.JyELv V 13 ;oV-; Ovoµ,a;oµ,cixovs 0 14 Eµ,ipa;ii<w;Epa<; G
15 ~µ,'i:v om. 0 16 post i<al add. ;0 G €vovµ,€vwv: ~vwµ,€vwv 0; voovµ,€vwv A
17 i<dv: i<al A crd.Jl;71 G•c .\6yov ante 7~s V7rdpgEw<; transp. OG ante avyxEl conj. Evans
aV'TOv (p. 42, n. 52) TE om. A 18 dipav{l;Ei G .\oiµ,alv6µ,Eva 0
19 7t:7'otp 20 d1'1'08€{1<vvai:8E{1<vvaiO 21 awl;oVcraconj.Evans(p.46,n.57) Ev
om. 0 ;aV1cji: avTcp wp 22 ~: i<al G 24 Ws om. J1 ;{om. A &pva.\~s V
25 OE om. G 27 £µ,7TETl'PYJO'f.l€vov V 29 ante 8aTEpcp add. 7cji G
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 171

nor separate what is united by the distinctions, but if one is to speak

paradoxically-and follow the Fathers-they are united in distinction and
distinguished in union. And there are two groups of unions and distinctions.
Some things are united in species and distinguished in hypostases, others are
distinguished in species but united in hypostases; and of these things which are
united in species but distinguished in hypostases <or distinguished in species
but united in hypostases>, the one group has a simple kind of union and
division, the other a compound kind. Now let us avoid discussing things which
have this double relationship of the simple kind; the explanation of them in
detail is not part of our present investigation, and it is beyond most people's
knowledge and understanding anyway. But we must speak of things which are
related by composition or combination or mixture or union or whatever one
wants to call the essential relationships of things which belong to different
species-leaving it to those who quibble about names to decide which of the
terms, in their opinion, is more expressive or more proper. We are eager to
know, and thus have little time for choosing words!
Of things that have substantial existence, then, and are united in essence,
some preserve the proper character of their existence, even in union, others
confuse and destroy [it], injuring what is most important in what is united. Of
this first group, the relation which is observed with and in each other produces
one thing from both, and, as one might say, shows it to be numerically one,
preserving the difference of existence in the sameness of unity. An example of
this among living things is a man like us; among simple or natural bodies, any
sort of relationship of objects which are independent substances, capable of
existing by themselves, towards one another. It is possible to observe this sort of
relationship in a lamp: the wick is one thing, the flaming substance of fire again
another; and existing with and in each other, both of them form one lamp. If
one wanted to put it in a forced way, one might say it is woody fire, or enkindled
wood; the one shares in the brilliance of the fire, the other partakes in the earthy
denseness of the torch, and each exchanges its characteristics with the other,
both remaining in their unique, unconfused individual existence.
 172 'ENANTIAI: iJOKHI:EQI: NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI: ·
'
EV ,..,
TTf I
Kat aavyxvT<.p lOlOTYJTl f.LElVUVTa. M 7JOElS
f.LOVlf-LqJ t "
EUVTWV ' ' oE• I ' ' '"' I I

I
KQKOGXOllOS 7T'QIUV /\aµ /3 avea
, w TOV 1TapaoeiyµaTOS, El Tl avoµoiov exoi, TO
\ I\ \ e ,., \: I >I ) I >! \

",\ I " " I I t / I f I '1

E aiov rrpoa<pepwv TO fJ-EUlTEVOV TTJ TOVTWV EVWGEl, 7J TYJV V7TOKElfLEV7JV
EAaufJ07J 1TOt6r17Ta, ~ rO µ~ OiapKelv €7Tl xpOvov dAAd TE<ppoDaBai,
5 µVYjf.LDVeVwv J>v €µ:rrpoa8ev elp~Kap.ev 7repl 1Tapa0e{yµaros Kal roV KaT'
aVrO Opov. 'H [D]O' aVr~ av EVpe8E{7] Kal TTvpOs 7Tp0s di.pa aVyKpaais, Kal
dEpos 7Tp0s VOwp· ~ ydp VOaros 7rp0s yijv µ{tis ~OYJ roD avyxvriKoD rijs
t I <I >I~ ! \:: "' " t " I \ I
EVWGEWS U7TTETUl ElOOVS, 0007TOlOVUa TOlS vypois TE Kat /\E7TTOf.LEpEcrt,
<;;- I "' I I I ,... I >(: \ \ \ I > ,...
utarpopois OE Kara T'l'}V TWV 7TOlOTYJTWV EsU/\/\ay17v, TYJV EK TYJS
10 ,
aVTl1TE1TOV B'YJGEWS' yivoµEVYJV I
TWV ,....
aKpwv "
f,1.,ETa /3 01\Y)V \I
Kal I '\\
al\l\OlWUlV. '

Ilapl77µ,i ydp Tdr; 1Tol0TY)Tar; AEyeiv, al' Kai TWV oVaiWv KEXWpiaµ,Evwv
1ToAAdKlS' Ev dAA~Aair; TE ylvovTai Kai dµ,LyW.s- avv6.1TTOVTal. Wa1TEp TWv
cpwacpOpwv 0.aTpwv al µ,apµ,apvyai, dAA~Aair; TE Kai dEpl Klpvdµ,evai,
a0,ovai T~v lOiOTY)Ta ToV Ev T0 1Tol0 rroaoV. IlaplaTY)Gl OE TOiJTo ~ T€xv77,
15 T1jS' cpVaewr; oi5aa µ,iµ:Y)TlK~· el y' oi5v TlS', KaTd TDv µ,Eyav [1305 A]L1LovVaiov,
\\I
1TOl\llaS' Esa'faS'
'/::.'./, "'"'"'
oq.oa.s- '
EV 'I
EVl >I
OlKlp \ I
avyKl\ElGElEV, 'i'
ELTa I
µ,iav ' ,..,
EK 1Taawv
' I '(; I " "" I C t I I I ,.. >I
a1TOG1Taaar; Esayayoi TOV owµaTlOV, GVVEsOlGEl TUVTYJ Kal TO cpw.s-, OVTE Tl
\ /3 I " '
1T poa l\Uf,1., avoµev77r; TWV ETE pwv OVTE Tl TOV lOLOV1Tal\l v avTalS' a 7TOl\l 1TOVGY)S'.
I >t "'~I I\ ) "' > \ I

K at' B'\
Ka 01\0V
I '~\
cpavat, OVOEV TWV EVovµevwv TPD1TY)V Y) avyxvaiv V<:pLGTaTat,
,.. ' I I )\ I ' I

20 µ,~ oVxi EKaTEpov TWv EvovµEvwv 1TaBY)TlKd.s- ExovTor; 1Toi0Tr;Tar;. TWv ydp
µ,~ TOtoVTwv, ~ OpaaT~pior; 1TOL~aat av Kal oV TrdBoi, ~ OE 1TaBr;TlK~
µEv
TrdBot av Kai oV OpdaElEV· cLv OE KOtvOr; 0 A.Dyar; T1jS' dvTl1TE1TOVB~aEWS',TUVTa
KaTd T~V E7TtKp6.TEtav 1j T~V laovoµ,lav TWv ?Ta8o?TolWv alTiWv T~V Ev
eaTEpcp 7Tdaxei TE Kal 1TOlEi, €7Tl 1TAeiov 1j EAaTTOV. "fJa1TEp Exei E1Tl 7TdVTWV
25 TWv TY)KTWv Kai TWv µ,eTaAAtKWv, Kai Oaa Tolr; laTpolr; 1j Toir; {3avaVaoi.s-
KtpvfiaBai 1j avvT~KEaBai KaTd T~V TExvr;v µ,eµ,YJxdvY)Tai.
I I ~ \ I ' " '~ I
[Bl T OVTWV Toivvv 1TpooieaTallµ,Evwv Y)P,LV, Etoevai XP1JI DTl
<! I I
Ta µ,ev
'\\ /3\ I'\\/\
Ul\l\OlWTLKa Ul\l\Y)l\WV Kat fJ-ETa llY)TLKa, EK 7TOl\VELOWV Kal ETEpoovaiwv
I I>\""'"''' t

"' e ) "'I
GVVEUTWTa, OVOEV TWV EV TTJ avv EUEl U7TOGqJsEl aKpaicpVES' fJ-ETa TY)V
,.... ' " I ' I 'f l I I I

30
' e ) \ \ I I
avv EGLV, al\l\U TUS' 7TUVTWV lOlOTY)TUS' µ,isaaa Kat avyxeovaa EK 1TUVTWV
I ) ~ I II::. I / ) I

?Tapd 7TdvTa, ETepolov elOor;

5 c£supra p.136,ll.10-11 13-16cf.Ps.-Dionysius,DeDiv.Nom.2.4 (ed. B. RSuchla (Berlin:

De Gruyter, 1990), 127.4-128.2; PG 3.641 A-C)

,V?G; ll. ~9-22 ,CKr;l i:_a86Aov ;·· 8~d~EiEv), V?G;1 4 EAai6811 0 5-6 Kar'
1
avro correXI; KaT avrov V; KaTa TavTo O; KaT avTov G 6 8': 8€ 0 7 ante
V8aTosadd.ToVG ~87]:~8~codd. 9 8€om.O 10 yEvoµEv11vO 11 post
ydp add. Kal G TWv om. G 13 &arEpwv G TE om. 0 17 Etaydyoi post
OwµaT{ov transp. G 18 Tt om. OG &7ToAi7ToVar,is: &7To,\Ei7ToVar,is G; Kara,\i7ToVar,is 0
19 Kal om. A TWv: ToVTwv d JvwµEvwv d 20 JKaTEpwv G ExOvrwv G
21 µ~om. A 22 Opdaoi 0 29 oV8€ G dKpatcpv€s µETd n}v: dKpairpvEaTO:rr,iv G
30 avyxEaaa G
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 173

But let no one, again, take the paradigm in a frivolous way, if it has some
dissimilarity in it, and point out the oil which is the medium of union for these
elements, either its underlying oily quality, or its not lasting permanently but
being consumed; let him remember what we said before about an example and
the limitation with respect to it. The same mixture can be found in the case of
fire and air, and air and water; the mixture of water and earth, after all,
approaches the form of union by confusion, since it makes it possible for wet,
light-particled substances, which differ by qualitative variation, to undergo the
transformation and change of elements that comes from interaction. I will omit
even mentioning qualities which often exist in each other even when their
substances are divided, and participate in each other unmixed, as when the rays
of the light-giving stars, when mixed with each other and with the air, preserve
their qualitative and quantitative individuality. Human ingenuity, which
imitates nature, proves this: if, according to the great Dionysius, one were to
light many torches and enclose them all in one room, and then detach one from
the rest and take it out of the room, he would remove its light along with it, but
it would not take, beyond that, anything from the others nor again lose anything
of its own to them. And to speak generally, none of the things united undergoes
change or confusion unless each of the united things possesses passible
qualities. Of things which are not so constructed, the active quality would affect
and not be itself affected, the passible would be affected and not act; but in
objects to which the principle of reciprocal influence is common, they are
affected and produce effects to a greater or lesser extent, according to the
predominance or equality of effect-producing causes in each. This is what
happens in all solubles and metals, and in things that are mixed or dissolved
together by the contrivance of doctors or craftsmen.
Since we have explained this in advance, one ought to realize that things
which have the power to change or alter each other, consisting of elements of
many different species and substances, preserve nothing of the compounded
elements inviolate after compounding has taken place, but by mixing all their
characteristics and confusing them from every source and beyond every
definition, [the compounding] produces another,
 174 'ENANTIAL: LJOKH2EQ2 NEL:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYL:
, , ',\
<YJ avv eats>, Kai yEyovE 7TO wv V7TOOTaaEwv Kal
7TUf-lf-llKTDV a1TETE EGE
. ,e , , ,\,\' . ,
rp-Vaewv KaTd T~V f.J-{~iv rpvp0Di; Kai aVyxvais, oVrE TO l8i6.,ov Tijs
~ I I \ " I , \ 'C >I
V7TOGTaGEWS' OVTE TO KOlVOV TYjS <pVOEWS <pV asaaa, a
',\,\'<I ' I
ETEpov, EK TOVTWV
µEv yEv6µ,Evov, oV8Evl SE raVTOv TWv dxp' div y€yovEv, d1ToTeAEaaaa. El
5 ro{vvv 0E6Tl)S Kal dv0pw776TYJ5. Kar' oValav EvwOELaai, f-L~ rpvAdTTOVat
l ,.., ' I I t ,.,, \ l <;:' I I I >I
Kav T"(J EVWGEl TYJV EUVTWV rpvaLKTJV lCJlOTYJTa, avyKEXVVTat,, Kat OVTE
8E6TYJS EµEtVEV oVTE dv8pw1T6r71s, d.\A' ETEpov a.Valas eiSos, EK roVrwv
,
JIEVOfJ-EVOV
[CJ Kat\ ovxi
' I TQVTa
,... (
V1Tapxov, U7TOTETE EKEV.
0 v1' Tl' I ' ',\ )\
av YEVOLTQ
I

l QI " Q'>: ,\ I 'I l ,... I ti "

aaefJEOTEpov YJ {JUE VKTOTEpov KaV EVV017aat, f-LYJ DTl rppovovvras
10 SoyµaTlaai;
A I I l ,.. '(;; I ",\' ,... > ' I ' I
I1El1TETat TOlVVV EK T17S EsETaGEWS TOV oyov T17S KaT ovaiav EVWGEWS
Trys TE 8E6T17TOS Kai Trys dv8pw1T6T17TOS T~V daVyxvrov lSi6r17Ta KaTd Td
',\r:J"'<;;'I ><;;'I I' I ,..
rrporEpa aJJElV V1TOVElYf-LaTa, ap..vopav TlVa rpavTaaiav EK 1TaVTWV T1]S
'
VTTEp 1TaVTa a
I I ',\ e ' ,\,\
17 Eias av EYOf-LEVOlS, 17TlS a1TOOElKVVGlV
I (I ' <;;' I ti
EV
I
fLEV Tl TOVTWV
I

')' I ' ',\ <I >I I >f ' I >I >I !/

15 ElVal TO U7T07E Eap..a, 0 Et TE rrpoawrrov ElTE V1TOGTUGlV EtTE aTOf-LOV El7E
t
V1TOKElf-LEVOV ElTE Tl aI " ",\,\ ',\
0 cpl ov Ka ElV avTo-ov otarpEpop..at.,\" ,, '\:'I T
ovs'yap
'
'(;' " '8 I
as iq. 17 av EVTtq. 17 TlVl TOtavTn GXEGEl OlatpETlKTJ Ota TOV avvaTTTElV
>! I I ~ ,... I::' I ,... I

1y I > I t ,\ I l \;' ~I ( I I
XWpt'""OVTaS 1Tpw17v a1Toppa1TLGUS O oyos a'lTOUEOlWXEV, V1TOGTUGEGl Tas
,
cpvaEtS [DJ'otaipouvras
, E',\ EYsas,
, t Kat' p..170Eµ,iav
' , ,
Koivwviav 17" avTiuoatv
, ,,
20 ExoVaas ~ dvTi8iSoVaas.
l l I \\\;'\;'/'"''Cl"" I
T OUTWV Etp17µ,Evwv, KaTa TO VEUOf-LEVOV 17µ,iv EK C'IEOV TTJS V01]GEWS
f-LLKpOv µ,€Tpov, 1Tapa1T€f-L1TOf-LEV T0v EvTvyx&vovTa Els rds TWv 8E17y6pwv
'
IIUTEpwv ' ' ,\' ) > 'f'
otoaaKa ias, acp WV
I t ,...
Kal TJf-LElS' TavTa TJVT 17KOTES, ws EV f-LlKpq_J
,... ' ,\ I t > ,...

Kpa7rypi, Tip T~S Ta1TEivrys ~µ,Wv Siavolas A6yq.i, 1TDTlaai Ea1Tov86.aap..Ev

' ' ',\ e
I
25 TOVS TTJS' a 17 Etas ' I
EpaaTas. 'YfLELS
,. . OE,
I::' I ' I
E1TOPEYOfLEVOl ,...
T1]S a' , \TJ Etas, TaVTa e, '
p..iv ExoiTE "A~817s cp6.pµaKov;' Kai f-LETd T~v TEAEvTalav EK87jµ,lav ~µWv
dy&1717s V1T6µ,v17µ,a, [1308 A]Ws av f-L~ Tip xp6vq.i TO ri]s &y6.1TTJS KaAOv
EKpviv olx~a17rai. 'E1TtGTOf-L{~otTE 8€ ToVs 8paavTEpous Kai XEtpaywyolTE
'',\I'\\<;;-\ I ' I> At/
TOUS a1T OVGTEpovs ETTL TYJV ota TOVTWV avacpatvoµEv17v EV TOLS ayiois
30 llarp&aiv ElAiKpivi] Kal Ka8apdv ri]s &A178Elas

26 A~ffqs cpd.pµa1<ov: cf Eur., Palamedes, Fr. 2 (cf supra,p. 116, 1. 5)

VOG 1 1TapdµtKTov 0 <~ aVv&eais> addidi (cf. Evans, p. 50, n. 75); <~ TEXVYJ> conj.
Torres 8 TaVTOv 0 d7ToTETEAeaTal conj. Torres 9 f3De.\AvKT0TEpov 0
13 1Tp0-repov 0 V1To0e{yµaTa: 1Tapa0E{yµa-ra 0 post dµvOpdv add. SE V ante
rpavTaa{av add. 1<ai G ante EK 7TdvTwv add. Tois G T~s: Tois G 15 elTe2:
El&' 0 18 xwp{aas 0 €1Ttppa1T{aas G 24 T0 om. 0 25 ante ToVs add.
7Tclv-ras G Vµels: ~µeis G post l1TopEy0µevoi add. v1To v 26 TEAEVTa{av om. 0
28 oix~aETal V BpaavvoµEvovs 0 30 ei.\17Kpiv~ V
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 175

completely mixed species, and there is a mess and confusion of many hypostases
and natures by the mixture, which preserves neither the individuating character
of the hypostasis nor the common element of the nature, but produces another
thing which grew out of them but in no respect is the same as the things from
which it grew. If, then, godhead and manhood, united in essence, do not
preserve their peculiar natural constitution even in the union, they are confused,
and neither godhead nor manhood remains, but another form of being which
has grown out of them but is not they, is produced. What could be more
irreverent or more disgusting than this-even to conceive of it, let alone to hold
and teach it?
It remains, then, from our investigation of the subject of union in essence
that we must accept the unmixed individuality of godhead and manhood
according to the models we have mentioned, gleaning from all of them some
faint impression of the truth that is above all examples, and which reveals that
there is one being prodnced from these things, which is either a person or a
hypostasis or an individual or a snbject or whatever else one wants to call it-I
have no preferences. But as for those who divide by joining them in dignity or
authority or some other divisive relationship of this sort, our argument above
has repulsed them and pnt them to flight, proving that they divide the natures
by means of hypostases, natures which share nothing in common and exhibit
no reciprocity.
After saying this, according to the humble measure of intelligence given us
by God, we refer the reader to the teachings of the inspired Fathers, from which
we too have drawn these things, with the hope of giving drink to all lovers of
truth in a small container, with the arguments of our humble reason.And you,
who yearn for the truth, have these things as a cure for forgetfulness and a
memorial of our love for after our final departure, lest with time the beauty of
love should melt away altogether. Bridle the bold, lead on the simple towards
the pure and unmixed ray of truth which shines in the holy Fathers through
these texts,
 176 'ENANTIAE !JOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

aVy~v, Kai ~µWv VrrepeVxea8e, Ot' dy6:rr17v,Ws rO avvet80s µaprvpel,raiJra

'./,I
avyypao.pat, Kat 1Tapa 7TpOatpEGlV, aVUGXOf-1-EVWV. I ' ' I T"l::''lwl"' I
4} OE OE({J EVXUptGTta
V1TEp 17J.a17s rijs Ev 1Tiiatv aVroV Owpeiis, el:; roVs alWvas . .l!µ,~v.

IIPOOIMION TQN XPHJ:EQN TQN J4I'JQN IIATEPQN

'\, , , , • , , n , , P. {) ,
5 MElll\WV ras XPYJGEL<; 1Tapari 8ea 8at rwv ayiwv arepwv 7Tpos f-'EfJaiwaiv
rWv ~f-LET€pwv A6ywv, Erriarijaat rOv voVv rOv Evrvyxdvovra 1TapaKaAW .
.I:vveroV ydp OelTat dKpoaroiJ ~ rWv BavµaarWv roV IIveVµ,aros
r.l ' '
GVfLtJDVllWV [BJ 1TQlOEVGLS.
'" K'aµveiyapo
' ' l\oyos
' ' ' ' EV7JXWV
QKOULS ' ' Q1TQlOEVaias
' ' '
~I {) {) I u ~I«> I " I I~ \ \I
pvrr<.p f-'EfJUPYJf.LEVUlS· WG1TEp OE EVWTlOV XPVGOVV Kat aapotOV 1TOl\VTEl\ES'
10 €v8€8erai,, oVrw A6yos- aorpOs elS' obs eV~Koov;' ~ aocp~ d1Terp8Eygaro
, , ,.. , , , , ,, , , , ,. . ,
1Tapotµta. 0 VKOVV TO KaTa T17V 8Etav ata 817aiv aKOVUTlKOV 17µ,wv 1TaVTOS
' e'
EKKa apWf-1-EV ax8OVS, TOV,. . EK
, 7rp0/\17'f'EWS
\ '·'· " ,
GVVlGTafkEVOV Kat, a1TOKWrpOVVTOS
, ..
I " >/\;' I " J; ' >A I
\'.:' \ \ I ,... « I
TOV VOVV· 17017 OE TO TWV ll rp17atv 0 .t-i1TOGTOl\OS, µ,apTvpwv VE<pOS,
' I ''C
'1 '
" ' 8 " T? I
E'1TOlGOP.,EV, av apa KaV TOlS T'l')l\lKOVTOlS Eli;WGlV Ol a1TEL OVVTES. L"-al yap\ ' " \ I

15 T~S aVTWv 1TaTpo1Tapa06Tov rpiA.ovEtK{as EvEKEV oiJTE OiA.~µ,µ,aTov ~

dµ,rp{(3oAov xp~aiv 1Tap17ydyoµEv, oVTE µ~v da17µ,0T€povs IlaTEpas
, ' 8
ETTEµ,apTvpaµE a·
) I \;'\
avTOVS OE TOVS rpaVOTaTOVS, Kat µ,Eya EV Tl} OlKOVf-1-EVTJ
I I I I ) ,.., ) I

\ I
Aaµ,.,.,avTas,
,/, ) 8
E7TEf.Jo17aaµE a,
Q I \
Kat TpavoTaTas
I
Kat
I )
avaµ,<piAEKTovs
\ I

''
µ,apTvpias '
ElGKEKOf.llKaf.LEV, [C J"
TTaaav ,,..
aVTOlS ,,''
a1TOKl\ElOVTES KaTa,,..
T17S
20
''8' , ,
al\Yj Eias E1TlVOlaV.
O'v Tas
l«>i;1"»""''1""""
Es WV YJ acp WV 17
>'<'"'"I"
Trap WV, Kal 1Tpo T17S
' I » ( ' ) " I\ \ ,., ) >I « > ,... ' I » I ) I I« I
EVWGEWS WS aVTOlS f{Jll\OV Kal\ElV 17 EV T'[} EVWGEl, Kat OVXl Kat f-1-ETa
I <I )) J/ > I I I > ,... I I I\ '\ \ I I
T17V EVWGlV -El1TEp EGTl KaTa T'l'}V avTWV aocpiav TaVT175 TEl\05-al\l\a Ta5
"Ev ols" Kai"Oi' ibv;"'dµcpoTEpas" TE Kai"Oi' dµ,cpolv" Kai"O.µrpw;"'rpVaEis"
I « > I " « >I )> I « \ I " « > " « ,... ' I " I
TE Kat ovaias, ovaas TE Kat rpvl\aTTOP.,EVas, EV TE TYJ EVWGEl Kat
) >I « ) ~ I » « > " , > I ' ,... ' I >>
25 ElS' aTrEtpov autatpETOVS, EV TT/ KaT ovaiav V7TOGTaTlKYJ EVWGEL,
dTrE<p~vaµEv ToVs dy{ovs KaTayyE{A.avTas.

9-10 Prov.25.12(LXX) 13 Hebr.12.1

VOG; 11.11-13 (rd KaTd ... v€cpos), VOGA 1 post Ws add. OE TaiYra ante µ.apTvpEi
transp. 0 4 TQN' om. VG post IIATEPQN add. JlOI'OY A' G 5 rwv
EvTvyxav6vTwv 0 8 avµ,f3oVAwv ante Toii IlvEDµ.aTOS' transp. G d om. V
9 OE: ydp V 11 1TavTDS' EK1<a8dpwµ.Ev: Ko.B6.pai 1TavT6s A 12 O:x.,Bov
"'7pfd d7ToKwcpWvTOS' G 13 ~01) OE TD:~ 0E{0ETO d post TD add. 1<al A ante VEffJOS'
add. TD A post v€cpos add. V7To0€gaa8ai A 14 Efgovaiv G 17 cpavwTdTov<; 0;
cpavTtiTovs G 18 TpavwTtiTaS' V 25 V1TEcp~vaµ.Ev VG
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 177

and pray for us, who have dared to write this in love,as conscience prompts, and
against our will. And thanks be to God in all things for each of his gifts, for all
ages.Amen.

PROLOGUE TO EXCERPTS FROM THE HOLY FATHERS

As I prepare to offer excerpts of the holy Fathers in confirmation of our

arguments, I beg the reader to pay close attention, since instruction in the
wonderful counsels of the Spirit requires an intelligent hearer. For argument
becomes weak when it resounds in ears weighed down by the filth of ignorance;
"as a golden earring or a precious carnelian is fastened to us, such is a wise word
in the ear that listens well" (Prov. 25.12), the wise proverb declared. Therefore
let us purify the hearing of our divine sensibilities from every burden, from
prejudice that stiffens and deafens the mind. Now we shall bring forward a
"cloud of witnesses;' as the Apostle puts it (Hebr. 12.1), in the hope that
unbelievers will give way at least to such as these. And indeed, because of their
ingrained contentiousness, we have not brought forward any double-meaning
or ambiguous text, nor called undistinguished Fathers as witnesses; but we have
invoked only the most renowned, who shine brightly in the whole world, and
we have produced the clearest and least contestable proof-texts, as a way of
excluding all speculation with respect to the truth. We have quoted the saints
not when they speak of [natures] "out of which" or "away from which" or "from
which;' or who say"before the union" (as our opponents like to say) or "in the
union;' and not even "after the union" -ifindeed there is an end to it, according
to their brand of wisdom-but of [natures] "in which" and "through which;'
"either" and "through either" and "both;' "natures" and "substances;' "existing"
and "preserved;' both "in union'' and "infinitely inseparable;' in the "hypostatic
union on the level of substance:'
 178 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

El 3€ TlS' TD TDVTwv 1TA?j8os ~ TWv 7TpoaW11wv TD agi61TtUTOV KaTd [D]

TDv Ev Ti] ypacpfl daE{3?} oVK alOElrai ("'AaE/3~s" y&p cpYJULV, "Os oVK fJ8Ea8ri
Es UVTWV ~
I ' I ") ' I \;:'I I ' ' I f '(:; ' ,..
7TpOUW7TOV EVTtµ.ov ' UU'YjfLOVS OE Kat OVK E')IVWUf.LEVas, ws
( I I ' I I 1y \;> (: I ,.... <I
ETepwv, TDVTDtS EvavTias XP7JUELS' 7TpOKDf.Ltsoi, oetsaTw 7rpwrov DTL µ~
'<' ) I
5 aVTUL EKELVWV ovaat Tvyxavovat Kat OVTWS EKElVaS OEsatµ.E a· EWS' 0 av
1' I I <I ) I (C (:.I 8 <I \;:'>'I

aVrat rO laxvpOv Exwai, ri} re TWv avvrayµ,6.rwv A.ap./rrp6TTJTt Kai

rrEptcpave{q, ri] rWv IIarEpwv, EKE{vai; ~ oV 7r~pai3EgatµE8a r~v dpx~v,
I I I "\:'(;I ~ I I ) /
Kara TOVTWV UTpaTEVOfLEVas, 7) UEsaµ,evot, WS' avµcpwvov TOVTOlS' Exovaas
"',
otavoiav Kat Kar ovoev µaxoµ,evas EKoEs oµ..e 8a.
, , '"'' , , "'C' T'o ,
yap ELS' avrtrpaatv
, , ,
10 11EtpO.a8at ToVs BEA6yovs llyEtv, Kal davµ,rpWvovs arplatv aVTols-
yEyEv1ja8at AEyEtv, oV KaB' ~µ,Wv EaTt TD EyxElpYJµ,a, KaTd OE r1js EKElvwv
86t77>-µii,\,\ov 8€ [1309 A]T~<; Tov IIavA.ov, Kai €n T~<; Tov <iyiov
'
IIVEVf.laTOS av'8 EVTtas Kat TOV EV aVT'fl /lal\OVVTOS x ptGTOV.
' MEra' yap' I I ..... ' ' ..... \ \ "

I ' I\
TOVS aTrOGTOl\OVS Kat TOVS 11pO<pYJTas EV TTJ KKl\YjGl<f TOVS utuaaKa/\oVs,
I I I ' "''E \ I I ~ ~ I\

15 KaTa1 TY)V
1 ' t . lXVtaaTOV
aVEs 1
TOV"IIVEVfl-UTOS
I ' I
OlKOVOµ,tav, TE'8 ElKEV 0'8 EOS «>
ELS
"
Epyov ~ /
otaKOVtas, ' ' \:' 1 ,... I
EtS OlKOOOf1-7JV TOV awµ,aTOS TOV
"' 0'VKOVV
"Xptarov. ,. . 0' TOVS
I

IIaTEpas I
fl-Y/\ \ :OEXOfLEVOS,
' I I\:'
TOVS "'
otarpavEtS \ ' TOV' 8
TE Kat' 'EV TTJ"''E KKl\YjGl<f '
EOV
11Ept{3o~rovs, 7rporpavWs Tfl OtaTayfl ToD BEoD dv8€aT7JKEV.
l I \:' I ' I ( I >I I I ) '""
T L TOlVVV otarpEpEt ova ta V1TOGTaGEWS, YJYDVV rpvais 7rpoaW1TOV, EK TWV
'' rpwaTYJpwv,
20 fLEYaAwv ' ' ' TE Kat'r p7]yoptov,
BaatllEtov ' µ,a 8Etv
. . . EsEGTtv,
"t. "
DtTtVES
VTrD Kav6va Kal Opov rd vDv ~µ,Zv ~YJroVµ,Eva dv~yayov, aacpWs 8t8dgavrES
I I ! I I ~ I ( I I t I ) I ) ,... ) I
[Bl Tl fl-EV ovata, Tl OE V7TOGTaats, Kat ws rpvats ravrov EGTl TTJ OVGlfit,
V1T6aTaals TE rci) 7rpoaWTr'fl, Kal TrWS Kal Kar&. rtvwv -raVra AEyErat, -r6.s
' I ) "' I I ) \ I >/ \ ) I "'
TE avrwvvµ,tas avTWV Kat TYJV avrEµ,Tr/\OKYJV, Efl-Tra/ltV EXDVGYJS TY)S
25
\
8EO/\Oytas I t_
,... i
TV OlKOVoµ,tq. Kara T'YJV TWV ovoµ,arwv TOVTWV E1Tli:,EVs lV TE Kat
) I I I "' ! I I ) If I

t
V7TU/\/lay'YjV.
\ \ I METa I
OE
\:'I I
T1)V TOVTWV 1Tapa Eatv, Kat TOVS Ul\l\OVS tEpovs
I '8 I I "\ \ t I

8i0aaK6.Aovs Trapdgoµ,Ev Els µ,Eaov, µ,iO.s rrov ~ 8Evr€pas XP~GEWS T~V

Tr<iaav ~µ,Zv rWv 8Eoa6rpwv Oi6.voiav TraptarWaYJs· 7Kaval ydp Kal aVrai
~I I ) I I I I I )~I 'I t "' I
KaratoEGat TOVS Evyvwµ,ovas· TOVS yap fLYJ TOlOVTOVS ovo av 0 7TUS 7TEtaat
"' t
30 rwv ayiwv xopos, Kat Et ras Traaas avrwv Kat I I I ' I I ' "' I
a'8 paws I 'C
EsavrllDVVTE'S \ "

KaTaxEoiµ,ev OtOaaKaAlas.

2-3 Job 34.19 (LXX) 15-16 Eph.4.11-12

VOG; 11. 2-5 (daef30s ... 8Ega[µe8a), 16-18 (oVKoVv ... dvOEaTT)KEv) VOGA
2 dae/30s ... iJ8Ea8TJ: (0Tt) daef30s oVK ai8E'iTai A r:pT)atv om. 0 3-4 Ws Eg aVTWv ~
ETEpwvToVToisEvavTlasom.A 4 trpoaKoµ[,ovatA 8eig&.TwaavA 4-5 0Tt
... 8Egalµe0a: 0Tt µ0 TWv IlaTEpwv ~dalv a[ xp~aeis TWv €y1<p[Twv, Kai T6TE €KElvas &s
r:paaiv 1TpoayETwoav (1TpoaayETwaav\'lp) A 6 lxovoi V rfj om. 0 8 TaVTalS G
9 EK8EgWµe8a V 10 aVToVs VO 12 Toil om. G dy{ov om. OG 17 TE
om. e 18 Tfj: T0v mr post 1TEpif3o~Tovs add. d,\,\" dvTi8taTaTT6µEvos ToVTots A
ToV 0EoV ante 8taTayfj transp. OG 21 'T)TovµEvov 0 22 EaTt om. OG
28 0Eoa6r:pwv: 8eor:p6pwv G iKavd G 29 1TE[OElE G
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 179

But if someone, like the "impious one" of Scripture, shows no respect for the
number of these witnesses or the credibility of their persons (for "Impious;' it
says, "is the one who does not reverence the person of someone honorable'' [Job
34.19]), but produces undistinguished and unrecognized texts to oppose them,
either from the same or from other authors, let him show first that these [present
texts] are not from the authorities we say, and we might then accept theirs; but
as long as these retain their force, by the brilliance of the arguments and the
eminence of the Fathers, we either will not accept their opposing texts from the
beginning, or else, if we accept them, we will do it because they contain a
meaning that harmonizes with these and in no way conflicts with them. For to
attempt to lead the [great] theo,logians to oppose each other, and to say they
have been in conflict among themselves, is not an assault against us but against
their reputation, or rather against Paul's name, and even against the authority of
the Holy Spirit and of Christ, who speaks in Him. For after the Apostles and the
prophets, God has placed teachers in the Church, according to the unsearchable
plan of the Spirit, "for the work of service, for the building-up of the body of
Christ" (Eph. 4.11-12). Therefore the person who does not receive the Fathers,
those resplendent and famous [leaders] in the Church of God, clearly is resisting
the command of God.
We can learn, then, how substance ( ousia) differs from individual (hypostasis),
and nature (physis) from person (prosopon), from the great stars Basil and
Gregory, who brought what we are now investigating under a rule and definition,
clearly teaching what substance is and what hypostasis, and how nature is the
same as substance, hypostasis as person, and how and of what realities these are
predicated, and what terms are substitutes for them, what are implied with
them-since the situation of God is the opposite of that of the Incarnation,
with respect to the linking and variation of these words. And after we lay out
[the contribution of] these theologians, we will introduce the other holy
teachers, allowing one or two texts, at least, to present the whole thinking of
these divinely wise writers. For they will be sufficient to win the respect of the
well-disposed; but the whole chorus of saints could not persuade those who are
not so, even if we were to draw abundantly from all their teaching and pour it
out here.
 180 'ENANTIAI.: iJOKHI.:EQI.: NEI.:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI.:

[1] TOY 54.I'IOY BAI.:lllEIOY'EK THI.: IIPOI.:

TEPENTION 'EIIII.:TOAHI.:
El OE Set Kai 'ljµiis TD ~µ,lv SoKoVv Elrrelv, EKelvo EpoVµev. 0Tt Ov Exei ,\Oyov ·
\ I I I"'>:'
TO KOlVOV 1Tpos TO lOlOV, TOVTOV EXEL
"' >I
YJt ' I I I r
ovaia 7Tpos TYJV V7TOGTUUlV.
I "'EKaaros
s ydp 'ljp.Wv Kai rip Koiv<{J rijs oValas .\6ycp roV e'lvai µerExei, Kai rols 7repl,
aVrOv lSiWµaaiv 0 Oelvd Eariv Kai 0 Selva. OVrw· KdKEl· 0 µEv rijs oVa{as
\T-t'8' '8' 1\J/'I\,\,.,,
l\Oyos KOL VOS, OlOV YJ aya OTY)S, YJ EOTYJS, r; El Tl al\ 0 VOOLTO· r; OE V7TOUTaais
\I t\;'\tl

Ev rip lCnWµ,ari r1js TTarp6rYJros ~ r1js vl6r17ros ~ r1js dyiaartKijs

Svvcfµews Oewpelrat. El µEv oiJv dvv7T6arara A€yovat rd 7rp6aw7Ta,
10
> '8
aVTO EV EXEL 0
,, < ,\I ) t I 1' > )I I ',\ 8 ,
YJ lVIJ
) >::'I
oyos T"f}V (lT07Ttav· El OE EV V1TOUTaOEl Et Vat aura a
I

" <I t 8 \ "' r " t

avyxwpovaiv, o oµo"oyovai, Kat apt µ,eirwaav, iva Kat o rov oµoovaiov I > I '1 \ I

;\6yos- 8iacpvAax8fi Ev rfj Ev6r17ri T~S' rpVaEWS', Kai ~ T~S' EVaE{3E£as-

f77{yvwais- llarpOs- Kai Y[oV Kai dy[ov llvEVµaros- Ev rfj d7TYJpriaµEvn Kai
'\ \"''I ,... ' }' I I I ~
01\0TEl\Et EKaUTOV TWV ovoµai:,Of-LEVWV V7TOUTaUEt KYJPVTTY)Tal.

15 [2] TOY 'AYTOY'EK THL' IIPOI.: 'AM<PIAOXION

OVata SE Kai V7T6aTaais- raVr~v ExEi T~v Sta<popdv ~v ExEt TD KotvOv 7rp0s-
TO' Ka 8'"EKaarov, OLOV
'i' Y'"'
WS' EXEL TOI i:,qJOV 7Tpos
I
f
TOV
\ ~,.,,
oEtVa
" "8 pw?TOV.
av

[1] Basilius, Ep. 214,Ad Terentium Comitem, 4 (PG 32, 789 A12-Bl4; ed Y. Courtonne, II,205-6,ll.
6-22). C£etiam: Pamph.I (131£,ll.90-106);Doctt: patr. 6,Ill (35, 1.15; t);ll.3-5 (el 3€ ... 8<1,a); Max.
Conf,Ep.15 (545A7-12);11.3-8 (El 0€ ... eEwpEiTai): Sev., Ctr. Gram. II, 17(160,1.28-161, 1. 6;tr.125,
ll. 23-31); Theor., Disp. (132 Al-10; !); 11. 3-4 (0Ti ... V7T6aTaaiv): Joan. Caes.,Apol. Cone. Chalc., Fr.
Graec. II (49,11.21-2); ll. 4--5 (EKaa-ros ... /.J-ETEXEt): Joan. Caes.,ibid., Fr. Syr. 15(9,11.114-116);11.4--5
(EKaaToS ... Kal 0 0Eiva): Sev., Ctr. Gram. II, 17 (162, 11. 12-14; tr. 126, 11. 30-3); Anon., Contra
Calumniatores Duplicis Naturae, Doctr. Patr. 11,XV (72,11. 7-9): 1. 6 (0 µEv .. , v6oiTo): Sev.,Ad Serg. 3
(174,l. 28-175,l. l;tr.133,134-134,1. 2)
[2] Basilius,Ep. 236,AdAmphilochium Episcopum, 6 (PG 32, 884A8-10; ed. Y Courtonne,III, 53,11
1-3). C£ etiam: Sev., Ctt: Gram. II, 33 (253,1111-13; tr. 198,115-8); Max. Con£, Ep. 15 (545 A14-Bl);
Doctr. Patr. 6,l (35, ll. 7-9); Sev., Ctr. Gram. II, 1 (67, ll. 7-10; tr. 52, 1.33-53,l.1; I); Pamph. I (132 f., ll.
109-31; J..); Theor.,Disp. (132 A12-15; t ); 11.14--15 (oVa{a ... E'Kaa-rov): Sev.,Ad Serg. 3 (166,ll.17-18:
tr.127,ll. 14-16);Anast. Sin., Hod. IX, 2.39 £ (140;periphrasis); Joan.Dam., Ctt:fac. 5 (112.11-12)

VOG [1] 3 El 0€ om. Pamph. OoKoiJv ante ~µiv transp. Basil. codd. VPBM, Doctr. Patr.
codd. CD ante El7TEiv add. Ev f3paxEf Basil., Sev., Max. Conf.; ante -rO ~µi:v add. Ev f3paxEi:
Doctr. Patr., Pamph. EpofiµEv om. Pamph. 4 ExEi -roV-rov G 5 KoivWv G
ante Kal 1 add.~ DTi Pamph. 7 olov om.G voE{Tw Theor. 8 ~ T1]s vi6-r7J-rosom.
Theor. 10 aVTd dA1J8ivfj Elvai G; aV-rd Elvai dA1J8ivfi Basil. codd. VPBM, Pamph., Doctr.
Patr. 11 avyxwp~aovaiv Basil cod. L, Pamph., Doctr. Patr. codd. ABCDE 12 r:pvAax8fi 0
r:pVaEws: fJE6T1JTOS Basil. 14 K1JpVTTETal V
[2] 16 ExEi 2 om. Theor.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 181

I. BY ST BASIL, FROM THE LETTER TO TERENTIUS

If we must also say what seems right to us, we will say this: substance has the
same relationship to hypostasis that the universal has to the particular. For each
of us participates in being through the common structure of substance, and is
this or that particular being by the characteristics that cling to it. And so here
[i.e. in God]: the structure of substance is common, including goodness,
divinity, or whatever else we may think of; but the hypostasis is recognized in
the characteristic of fatherhood or sonship or the power to make holy. Now if
they say the personas do not exist concretely [anypostata], their saying will
become untenable at that point; but if they agree that they exist in truly
hypostatic ways, as they confess, then let them start counting! In this way, the
structure of consubstantiality is preserved in the unity of nature, and the pious
recognition of Father and Son and Holy Spirit will be proclaimed in the
complete and full hypostasis of each of those named.

2. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM

THE LETTER TO AMPHILOCHIUS

"Substance (ousia)" and "hypostasis" differ from each other in the same way as
the universal and the individual, as in the relationship between "living being"
and this or that human being.
 182 'ENANTIAL: LJOKHL:EQL: NEL:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYL:

[3] KAI MEG'"ETEPA

O{ 0€ raVT6v A.EyovTES oVa{av Kai V7r6aTaatv, dvayKcf~ovTal 7rp6awrra
µ,6vov OµoAoyelv Oi6.rpopa.

[4} TOY i1YTOY'EK THI L:YNOLJIKHE'EIIIL:TOAHL:,

5 'EN'Jj KAGYIIOI'PA 'flAI IIEIIOIHKEN'EYETAGION
TON i1PMENION, 'EN'YIIONOIA,;I I'ENOMENON
'QL: TANANTIA LJ08AZONTA
IIpoG7JKEl TOlVVV evapyws DfLOl\OYELV 0 Tl 1TlGTEVOVGt KaTaI TaI prJµara
I I ) ''
Ta
\
" ' \ ,.. <I I

VTTO TWv ~f.LETEpwv 1Tar€pwv EKrE8€vra Ev rfl NtKa{q., Kai KaTd T~V VytWs
10 V7TO rWv /r9µdrwv Eµrpepoµ,Ev71v 8tdvotav· Elai ydp TlVES' al Kai Ev raVr77 rfj
I ~ \ "
1TlGTEl 0011.0VVTES' TOV l\Oyov T'YJS Ql\T}
I \I " >\ eEtas,I I I I (
Kai npos TO EQVTWV f.JDVl\Yjf_La TOV
,.., ()_ I\ \

" " ) ) "' t I <I\ '1 I Jiff I \ \ ) I\

vovv TWV EV QVTTJ PYJfLUTWV El\KOVTES· 01TOV ye KQl 1napKE/\l\OS ETOl\fLT}GEV
' Q"'
aGEf.JWS '
apv71aaa
I r I
at TYjV V7TOGTUGlV TOV"'Kvptov
' 7Jf,1,WV
' " e \ 1'rjGOV"Xptarov" Kat'
,/, \ I ' I "8 >(; ' I
i.pll\OV avrov Es 'YJYDVµEVOS llOjlOV, EKEt EV 1Tporpaaiaa at TasI ' I
apxas '\ I\
Etl\7)<pEVat.I ' e
15 <AEONTIOY·> 'IOoV ToV KvpCov ~µWv '!7JaoV XptaToV µiav V776aTaatv
~ ~ I \ \;> I\ "'1 ' I I
>!
Etp7JKEV o' uiuaaKal\OS,77poutaaTEtl\aS µ,7]I TaVTOV
) I
E vat ovatav KaiI V7TDGTaaiv.
'

[5} TOY J!I'IOY I'PHI'OPIOY TOY

GEOAOI'OY'EK TOY EYNTAKTIKOY
'
II LGTEVOf.-lEVELS 'ytlOVKatayiov
, IIaTEpaKat
, I I IIVEVµa,oµ,oovataTEKatoµ,ooosa.
"' I ( '~ t t ' t ' I

[3] Basilius, ibid, (PG 32, 884 C2-4; ed. Y. Courtonne, III, 54, ll, 22-3), Cf. etiarn: Parnph.
VII (177, ll. 96-8); Max Conf,, Ep. 15 (545 B2-4); Sev,, Ctr. Gram. II, 33 (262, ll. 17-19; tr. 205,
ll. 10-12; l);Doctr,Patr. 6,XII (37,L 2; l ); Theor,,Disp. (132 C6-8; !)
[4] Basilius, Ep. 125, Professio Fidei Eustathii Episc. Sebasteias (PG 32, 545 C5-Dl; ed.
Y. Courtonne, II, 31, ll. 16-25), C£ etiam Max, Con£, Ep. 15 (545 C5-15; l); Doctr. Patr. 6, X (37,
ll. 7-8; l ); Theor,,Disp. (132 D2-133 Al; l)
[5] Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orat. 42 (PG 36, 476Cl1-13). Cf. etiam: Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test.179 (38,
L29; l); Max. Conf,,Ep. 15 (548 C6-7; l );Doctr. Patr. 6,XII (37,L 12; l ); Theor,,Disp. (133 C9-10; l)

VOG [3] 3 µ6vovpost Otdc:popa transp. Pamph.

[4] 7 TA 'ENA1VTIAV 8 7rpoa~KEl -rolvvv EvapyWs dµoAoyEiv: Aaµ{3dvElV -rolvvv
aV-roiis 6µ,oAoyoVv-ras 7Taoa~KEl Basil. 8-9 -rd om. V; post 7Ta-rEpwv transp. Doctr.
Patr. 9 -rWv 7Ta-rtfpwv ~µWv Basil. NiKaEwv V, Doctr.Patr. 10 V7TO: €K Doctr.
Patr. post PYJµ,d-rwv add. -roV-rwv Basil. (txt. cod. M) EKr.pEpoµ,EvYJV O; €µ,r.patvoµEv11v Basil.,
Doctr. Patr. 12 MdpKE.\os VO 13 daE{3Ws: daE{3Wv Els Basil. Max.
Con£ dpv~aaa8al om. VO; E-r6Aµ,71aEv dpv~aaa8ai daE{3Ws Doctr.
Patr. 14 ElaYJyoVµEVOS Doctr. Patr. A6yov: &v8pw7TOV G ElA17r.p€vat: El xrITJ r.pdvat
Doctr. Patr. post El.\17r.pEvai continuit -roV 6µoova{ov -r~v Oafvotav KaKWs Eg17yoVµEvos
Basil. Scholion Leontii <AEONTIOY> addidi 16 d 8i0daKaAos om. OG
[5] 18 EYNTAKTHPIOY Greg. Naz,, Max. Conf,, Doctr. Patr. (txt Theor,)
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 183

3. AND LATER ON

Those who say that substance and hypostasis are the same thing, are forced to
confess that only the personas (prosopa) are different.

4. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SYNODAL

LETTER WHICH HE REQUIRED EUSTATHIUS THE
ARMENIAN TO SIGN, WHEN HE HAD COME UNDER
SUSPICION OF BELIEVING THE OPPOSITE

It is proper, then, to confess clearly what they [i.e. opponents of the Nicene
faith] believe, according to the formula of words laid ont by our Fathers in
Nicaea, as well as the meaning borne in a healthy way by those words. For there
are some who are deceitful about the formulation of truth, even in using this
formula of faith, and who twist the meaning of its words according to their own
intention. So Marcellus impiously dared to deny the hypostasis of our Lord
Jesus Christ, and in explaining it as a mere word, professed that he had taken his
basic principles from that source.

<Leontius:> Notice that the teacher speaks of the one hypostasis of our Lord
Jesus Christ, after explaining that substance and hypostasis are not the same
thing.

5. BY GREGORY THE THEOLOGIAN,

FROM HIS FAREWELL DISCOURSE

We believe in Father and Son and Holy Spirit, one in substance and one in glory.
 184 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

[6] KAI ME@"ETEPA

T 0\ µEv
I '
EJ) T'[J
" '
ovaiq. I
yvwpisOVTES'
I'( I ,..,, ' I ,..
Kat TlfJ aµEplUTCfJ TYJS' 7rp0UKVVYJUEWS,
I
rd
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I
YJ 0 Tl <GOP <pl
OE rpta Tats V1TOGTQGEUlV YJYDVV 1TpOGW7TOl5
>I I ""' ',\ ,\'
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ydp oi 1TEpl TaVra ~vyoµ,axoVvrES' daxYJµovE{rwaav.

s [7] TOY i!YTOY'EK THE IIPOE KAHLJONION IIPQTHE

'EIIIETOAHE· TAYTHE !JE THE XPHEEQE KAJ'O MAKAPIOE
'EIIEMNHE@H KYPIAAOE 'EN Tlf KAT' i! YTON EYNO!l!J
n, I
':¥VGEl5 f-LEV
I I
yap uvo
'!:'I 8EOS' Kat av 8pw1TD5, E7TEt
I I ) Kat 'f'VXIJ Kat awµ,a· VlOl
>I t
OE ov
I I,{, I I ,.. I~\ '

8Vo oVSE 8Eol, oVSE ydp lvraVBa 8Vo &v8pw1Tot, El Kal oVrws 0 IIaVA.as TO
'
10 EVTOS' TOV
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av 8pW7rOV
I I I '
Kat TO EKTOS' npOUYJYDPEVGEV.
I I K atI El'\:'OEl""

[6] Gregorius Nazianzenus, ibid. (PG 36, 477 A3-6). Cf. etiam: Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test 179 (38,
ll. 31-3; t); Pamph. XI (211, 11.243-9; !); Doctr. Patr. 6,XI (37, I. 12; !); Theor.,D~p. (133, C13-D2; !);
11. 4-5 (-rel µEv ... 1Tpoadnrois): Max. Con£, Ep. 15 (548 Cll-13; !); (TO µEv ... KaAElv):
Ps.-Joan.Mar., Test 52 (209); IL 3-4 (,.a OE ... dax71µovE{Twaav):Doctr.Patr. 22,III (139,11. 6-7; !)
[7] Gregorius Nazianzenus. Ep.101.Ad Cledonium I (PG 37, 180 A6-B3; ed. P. Gallay. SC 208, 44,
I. 6-46, I. 2). C£ etiam Theor.,Disp. (141 Bl-14); Fae. Henn., Def Tr. Cap. I, 5, 15-15 (31,ll.103-14; l);
Conc.Eph., Coll. Vat. 54, 14 (43,ll. 26-33; t); Coll.Ath. 75, 14 (93,ll.18-25; !); Leont.Byz.,DTN,Test 56
(!); Euth. Zig., Pan. 14 (885 A9-B7; t); 1.11 (cpva«s ... ii.vBpwnos) Anast. Sin. Hod. X. 1.2.93 £ (152);
ll. 11-12 (gniaeis ... Beoi)' Cone. Chalc.,AdMarc., 'Jest. 3 (114 [473], IL 15-16); Sev., Ad N.ph. II (34,
ll.16-18;tr.26,ll. 5-6);Leont.Jer., Ctr.Mon., Test .11 (1820Bl-3);Syn. HispalXIII, Test. 7 (566D9-ll);
Ps.-Joan. Mar., Test. 7 (194); Flor. Marc. 573, £ 32r; ll. 11-13 (<p-VaELS' ... 11poa71y6pEvaEv): Justn., Ctr.
Mon., Test.154 (32,ll.25-9; !);Joan.Dam., Ctr.Jae., Test 10 (146. no. 98);Doctr. Patr. 2,1(11,1.7);29,VI
(207,1.3); ll.11-p. 35,l. 3 (cpvae<s ... ii.Mos); Vat. Gr.1431,66, 15 (35,ll.2-7; l);ll.11-p. 35,l. 3 (cpva«s
... yEvoiTo): Thdt.,Eran. II, Test. 41 (166, 1. 25-167, I. 5) Innoc. Mar., Test. 59 (179, ll. 25-9); Flor. Len.
131, Test.1; 11.11-p. 35,l. 4 (q:iVaEis ... avyKpdaEi): Gelasius,De Duab. Nat., Test. 22b (548); Sev., Ctr.
Gram. 111,8 (148,ll. 8-20; tr.103,11.11-23); ll. 13-p. 35,l 4 (Kal El 0Ei.,. avyKpdaEL): Sev.,Antijul. (143,
l.27-144,l 2; tr.119,11. 23-8); IL 13-p. 35,l 6 (Kat El 8Ei ... 0E6r'}Tl): Joan.Dam., Ctr.Jae., Test.13 (146
£, no.101); p. 35,11.2-3 (ii.Mo ... y.'vo<To), Sev.,Ad Serg. 2(126,1.26-127, I. 2; tr. 95, ll. 19-22); p. 35,
ll. 2-4 (li.,\,\o ... avyKp6.a«)' Sev., Ad Neph. II (48, ll. 19-23 tr. 36, ll. 6-10); p. 35, ll. 2-4 (li.,\,\o ...
OvoµdaElEv): Sev.,Ad Neph.11(34,ll.20-5; tr. 26,ll. 8-16); p. 35,ll. 3-4 (Td ydp ... 0Ew0EvTos): Buth.
Zig.,Pan. 7 (213 B2-3);p.35,ll. 5-6 (Myw ... Be6TIJn), Theor.,D~p. (148B12-Cl)

VOG [6] 2 yvwp{,ovTES": yivWaKOVTES Greg. Naz., Pamph., Justn., Theor. 3 ~yovv:
" Greg. N
EiTovv "'1'1h
a;.,J ustn.; 71-r o;i~ ear. r;" "<aoo:
o Tl ''' YJ ~o.. -rt VG"; El -rLaL O"
; o Tiai Greg. N az.,
1
Pamph., Theor.; o -rL aoi Justn.; 71 o 'T'talDoctr. Patr. KaAEiv om. Pamph.
[7] 6 'EllIETOAHEom.OG 7 'EMNHE@HO 8 f'ivydpom.Theor. ovoi
0Eol om. Thdt., Vat. Gr 1431 BEot: avepw11oi Leant. Jer. oVOE: oV Joan. Dam. ante 7'0
EvTOs add. KaAEi'Thdt., (txt. cod. J) 10 ,.Q Ev,.Os ... EKT0s: ,.Ov Ev7'0s O.v&pw'il'oV Kal T0v
EK7'0s Sev. Ctr. Gram. 11poaYJy6pEvaEv om. Thdt. (txt. cod. J); Ovoµ6'.,Ei Vat Gr.1431 Kal El: El
OE Joan. Dam.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 185

6. AND LATER ON

We recognize the unity in substance and in our undivided adoration, and the
three in hypostases or personae or whatever you like to call them-let those
who quarrel with their neighbors about these things not disgrace themselves!

7. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS FIRST

LETTER TO CLEDONIUS; THE BLESSED CYRIL ALSO
CITED THIS TEXT, AT THE SYNOD LED BY HIM

For there are two natures: God and the human being-since he is soul and
body. But there are not two sons or two Gods, nor are there here two human
beings, except in the way Paul speaks about the "inner" and the "outer" person
(Eph. 3.16).And if we must
 186 'ENANTIAE JOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYE
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T avTa >"' /
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I "OVK> I ! I I I ' I '

"\\ "'' I"\\" I« If »>I

al\l\OS OE KUl al\l\OS", cpYJUl- P..YJ )IEVOlTO . ov yap al\l\OS" 0
JI\\ till l>I\\
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15 0'XptaTOS, I
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t , , , , "A\\ , ,
0 aVTOS EKaTEpa. r:L/\/\OS µ,Ev yap Kat al\l\OS" 0
, ,, \ \ , n , , , , Y"ELS Kat, aTYjp, cpYJUl, Kat 0 LOS, Kat
Did ToVTo DVo VrroaT6.aEtS. 'A/\/\o D~ Kai &1\1\o BeOs Kai &vBpwrros, Kai Did
,.., \"'/ f ) I I ,.., \"'\)">\\)}\>I\\ I
TOVTO Kat uvo cpvaElS· ov 'TfOTE fLEV TOVTO, 7TOTE UE EKElVO, al\/\ UEt a/\/\OS f-lEV
' ' n aTEpa, UEl OE U/\/\O 7rpos TYJV aapKa, ws UEtsEl Kat Ta Ei;YJS TWV
1Tpos TOV
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VOG [7] 1 Ei'7rEp: E-7TELThdt. TO dpaTOv 7~ dopr.l:rq; G, Thdt. (txt.cod.J) 3 U,\Aos

... c'f,\,\os: Ci'.,\,\o ... &,\,\o 0 post (i,\,\os 2 add. Y[Os Sev. 3 avvaµ.r:p67Epa Theor. 7d ydp
dµ.r:p6TEpa Ev rfj avyKpdaEi: Tfj Els lfKpov E-vWaEt E-v 7fj avyKpdaEt Cone. Eph., Vat. Gr.
1431 5 post (i,\,\o 1 add. µEv Leont. Byz., DTN Kai &,\,\o om. Theor. (148 B)
6 (i,\/i.os 8€ Kat' cl/i.,\o Vat.Gr.1431 Kai: &,\Ao om.Cone. Eph codd. VMP
Scholion Leontii 8 AEONTIOY om. V; EXOAION AEONTIOY G; TOY !4YTOY
J1EONTTOYO 13 T0v aV70v: 7aVT0v G ante oVK &AAos add. &AAos µEv ydp Kal b'.AAos
d llaT~pr:pT)at Kai, d YiOsV 14 &AAos ... Cili.Aos: &Ii.Ao ... &Ii.Ao VO <:pT}alante Kaltransp.O
oV: oii8EG oii8': oV8EG 16 r:p1Jaiom. Torres 17 Kai &AAoom.O postdEL add.
Kai G &AAos: &Ii.Ao OG 20 µ.ETd ToVTovs: µ.ETd ToVs O; µET' aVToVs G V11'': Td
codd. iJ7T'aVTWv: fort. legendum V1T6 7Wv Or:pA778EvTwV 0 llaTEpwv om. G
[8] 23 d aVTds: oVTos Doctor. Patr. post 0 aVTds (oV7oS) add. ydp Doctr. Patr. 8E0s
dli.1J8Ws G dli.718Ws: ydp Proclus difaEv8Ws om. Ps.-Joan. Mar.; ante a'.v8pw7ros transp.
Proclus Ka8' 0 ~v om. Ps.-Joan. Mar. 54 ~v om. Niceph. 24 Ka8' 0 y€yovEv om. Ps.-Joan.
Mar. 54 Kai Eµoi ... 0µ,6r:pvli.os: Kal 7fj /J-T]7pi Oµ.oios Ka7d 7rdvTa xwpis dµ.ap7{as Produs ante
fJE'i:a add. 8E Proclus
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 187

speak concisely, the elements of which the Savior is formed are one thing and
another (allo men kai allo ), if indeed the invisible is not the same thing as the
visible and tbe timeless as what is bound by time; but he is not one subject and
another (allos de kai allos)-far from it! For the two are one by mixture-God
being made human, a human being made divine-or however one might speak
of it. I say."one thing and another;' the opposite of how it is with the Trinity. For
there [we speak of] one subject and another, lest we confuse the hypostases, but
not of one thing and another. For the three are one and the same in Godhead.

Leontius: These texts are sufficient to establish what opinion the ancients held
about "persona" and "hypostasis;' "nature)' and "substance;' and about how the
union of the Incarnation is the opposite of that in the Trinity. The Incarnation
reveals that the elements from which union is formed are "one thing and
another" even after the union, "if indeed the invisible is not the same as the
visible, and the timeless as what is bound by time:' For these are never the same
as each other, even if they each refer to the same subject. "They are not one
subject and another;' he says-"far from it!" For the Logos is not one subject
and Christ another, nor is he who is Son by nature one, and he who is human by
dispensation another, but both are one and the same. For the Father is one
subject, he says, and the Son another, and for that reason there are two
hypostases. God and a human being are one thing and another, and for this
reason are also two natures; he [i.e. the Son] is not one thing now, another thing
later, but is always another subject in relation to the Father, always another
thing in relation to his flesh, as the rest of the texts we have assembled, from
Fathers who were influenced by these authors, will show.

8. BY PROCLUS, BISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE,

ON THE TEXT, "A CHILD IS BORN TO US"

The same one is truly God and unmistakably human: of one substance with the
Father, in what he was, and sinlessly of one race with me, in what he became.
The divine
 188 'ENANTIAJ: LJOKHJ:EQJ; NEJ:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYJ:

'
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[9] TOY'OJ:IOY1J:ILJQPOY TOY :AJ:KHTOY,

5 'EK THI: IIPOJ: 19EQNA 'EIIIJ:TOAHJ:
,,,
rtpTDS
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r~v d7r6ppYJTOV Evvoiav T~V ~Vµ.71v roV clvfJpw7re{ov cpvpdµ,aros EvWaas
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I
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ws ( I
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[10] TOY 54I'IOY10YJ:TINOY TOY <PIAOJ:O<POY
KAI MAPTYPOJ:, 'EK TOY TPITOY BIBAIOY TOY IIEPI THI:
15 54I'IAJ: TPIALJOJ; J:YNTAI'MATOJ:, KE<PAAAIOY' I'
T OTE f (;' \
OYJ ,.,
TWV ' ,.,_
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[8] Proclus Constantinopohtanus, Senno in Nativitate (c£ Ch. Martin, Le Musi?on 54 (1941), 46, 11.
7-13). Cf. etiam: Ps.·Joan. Mar., Test. 46 (207): ibid, Test 54 (211); Doct' pat' 7, V (48,
116-49,14; t );Niceph.,AntirrhII, Test. 36 (359,1118-20; t ): p. 35,121-p. 36,14 (~ B<ia ... €vwaaITT)s):
Ephr.Am.,Ad Damn. et. Joan., Test. 38 (rv, 148,11. 8-12); ll. 2-4 (Kai EaTtV ... €vwada11s): Leont. Jer.,
Ctr. Mon. Test. 82 (1836 B 8-13);Anast. Sin., Hod. 7.2.58-60 (110); ibid.X,12.176 ff. (157)
[9] lsidorus Pelusiota Ep. 1,360 (PG 78, 388 A7-14)
[10] Ps.-Justinus (revera Theodoretus), Expositio Rectae confessionis 10 (PG 6, 1224 C4-15; ed
J.C. Th. Otto,Corp.Apol.IV,34,381 B5-C7). C£etiam:ll. 15-16 (Twv ovpavwv ... ~mJA~ms): Pamph.
VII (176, ll. 73-5); ll.15-p. 37,16 (ToTE ... ova<waas): Doctr.Patr. 21,V (134,13)

VOG [8] 1 ante~add.KalProdus,Doctr.Patr. ante€gadd.OEG EµoV:~µWvProclus ~

8E1a ... dv68EvTos om. Ps.-Joan. Mar 54 11poaA7]rp8Efaa: rpVais Proclus; 11pOaA7]i/;is Ephr. Am.,
Doctr. Patr. Eis ante €aTtv transp. V; om. Proclus post oV add. µ6vov Ephr. Am. 2 ante
rpVaEwv add. OVo Proclus Oinp7]µ,lvwv Leont Jer., Anast. Sin. Hod. X post Oiaipovµivwv add.
Ws rpr]at NEaT6pios Ps.-Joan. Mar. 46 3 Els µ{av V11oaTaaiv ante Tds OVo rpVaEtS transp.
Anast. Sin. Hod. X ante €vwada11s add. davyxVvwv Ps.-Joan. Mar. 46 Evwada7]s: EvWaas EavTOv
Produs
[9] 4 TOY 54.:EKHTOY om. V TOY' om. G 5 @EQNAN G 7 hA«f<V 0
yEv6µEvos lsidorus 8 dv8pw11{vov V ante EvWaas add. EavT0 Torres 9 Kal2
om. G 11 AEONTIOYom. VOG; ante AEONTIOY add. :EXOAION G
[10] 13 TOY' om. V, Joan. Dam.; 54.YTOY G 15 l:YNTAI'MATO:E om. Joan.
Dam. 16 post a~ repetitur T6TE 0 a~: OE Doctr. Patr. codd. BCDP173" 17 ante
KaTdf3aais add.~ Ps.-Just. (bct. cod. V) d>..>..d 8Elas: d>..X d>..170ivijs 0
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 189

nature is uncreated, the nature talcen on from me is unadulterated; and he is one

Son, the two natures not being divided into two hypostases, but the awe-
inspiring plan of God uniting the two natures into one hypostasis.

9. BY ST ISIDORE THE ASCETIC,

FROM HIS LETTER TO THEON

The Lord is called bread, since he called himself by this name: in the ordinary
understanding, because he has become for all the food of salvation; in a
mysterious meaning, because he united the leaven of the human mass [to
himself] and cleansed it, and baked it, one might say, with the fire of his
Godhead, becoming one persona with it and one hypostasis, whom we adore.

[Leontius]: Now it is time to provide the excerpts from the other Fathers, as we
promised.

10. BY ST JUSTIN, PHILOSOPHER AND MARTYR,

FROM THE THIRD BOOK OF HIS TREATISE ON
THE HOLY TRINITY, CHAPTER 3

Then, without leaving the heavens, he came down to us. For this was not a
descent of body, but a voluntary choice of the divine activity, making use of a
virgin
 190 'ENANTJAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE
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I ) I ) \/

\ \ "' ) I 8
trpos T7JV TYJS' oiKovoµtas XPEiav XPTJaaµ.Evos· Kat TaVTYJS TYJS' V7J vv Etaovs,
I I \ I I I ) <;:- \

olovEI. BElos a7TOpos 7TAcfTTEt vaOv EavT(i>, rEAEtov l1.vBpw7Tov, µ,Epos Tt

\{)\"')I I I) I "' "'<;:'!\ ) I
l\UtJWV TY)S EKElVYJS' cpvOEWS Kat ELS TY)V TOV vaov OlQ7Tl\UGlV ovaiwaas,
5 EvOVs OE roiJrov KaT' &Kpav Evwaiv, Y[Os BEoD O.µxpw 7rpoEA8Wv rds
,
<pVOElS-Es EKElVOV yap 0
'c , , , ~ Y" , 8EDS
lOS Kat
, Kat, av
,, 8pW1TOS-OVTW
" , 8
TYJV Ka >
~f-tO.s olKovoµ.{av €1TA~pwaEv.

[11] TOY 'AYTOYEK TOY 'AYTOY

EYNTAI'MATOE, IZ' KE<PAAAIOY
10 "Orav oOv dKoVans 77Epl roD EvOs Y[oiJ rds Evavr{as cpwvds, KaraAA~Aws
y Tats
I
µ.Ept1.;,E "' <pVGEUl TaI \ I '8' '8'
l\EYOfJ-EVa, av f.LEV Tl µ,tya Kat ElOV, TTJ EUf <pVGEt
' I " I I

'"8
7TpoavEµ,wv, av '
E Tl f-LlKpov Kat' av
' 8pw1Tivov,
' TV' 'av
8 pw1TEl<f
I\ Y'
1toyt1;,op.,Evos·
I

'f I I I '"' ,., ) I <;:' IC f I <\ I

OV'TW yap Kal TO 'TWV rpwvwv aavµrpwvov oiarpEvs Tl) EKaGTYJS a 1TErpVKEV
<;:' I I I I ytl I 'f I I I "' '' \
VEXOJ-LEVYJS rpvaEws, Kat TOV iov TOV EVa Kat 1Tpo 1TaVTWV TWV aiwvwv Kat
15 '
1TpoarpaTOV Ka Ta' 'TUS
' 8Etas ypa<pas OfLOl\OYYJGElS. I I f \ I

[12] TOY 'AYTOY'EK TOY 'AYTOY KE<PAAAIOY

'In
.:.~G1TEp
1' I ) f" 8
ELS fLEV EU'TlV 0 av pwtros, EXEL OE rpvUElS otarpopovs ovo, Kat KUT
)/ \:'I I <:' I <;:'I I l

al\1\0
" " f-LEV
'' 11oyi1;,E'TUl,
'Y KUT "Ul\ll.O
' " OE ' ' TO' ll.Oyta
' 8'' ',/, 'f-LEV
EV EVEpyEt-'f'VXTJ '

[10] 11 2-6 (Kai -raVrr]s ... 7ipoEA0Wv): Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test 2 (144, no. 90); 114-8 (Kal
-raV-rris. ,. J1iA~pwaEv): Sev., Ctr. Gram. III, 5 (55,l. 26-56,l 4; tr. 39,ll.15-21)
[11] Ps.-Justinus, ibid. (PG 6, 1225 A6-!4; Otto IV, 36, 382 Al-8). C£ etiam: Sev., Ctr. Gram. 1II, 5
(56, ll. 4-12; tr. 39, ll. 21-8); Doctr. Patr. 13, Vll (83, l. 16); Niceph., Antirrh. II. Test. 41 (361, ll. 1-13);
Theor.,Disp. (145A);Flor.Len.131, Test 77; Flor.Vat 1455, Test.13;11.10-11 (0-rav ... AEy0µ£va): Sev.,
Ctr. Gram.1II, 6 (89, l. 29-90, l. 2; tr. 63, ll. 8-9); ibid. (102, ll.16-18; tr. 71, ll. 25-6); 1110-11 (<lrn, ...
AeyOµ,eva) et 13 (€K6.a-rris ... cpVaEws): Leont.Jer, Ctr. Mon. (1825 Cll-14)
[12] Ps.-Justinus,ibid.11 (PG 6, 1225 B14-C6; Otto N,38-40,382 C6-D3). Cf.etiam Syn Lat. (304,
114-9); Joan.Dam., Ctr.Jae., Test. 3 (144,no. 91);

VOG [10] 2 -raU-rriv Joan.Dam. post vri8Vv add. dppriTWs Sev. 3 post o[ovEi add.
Tis Ps.~Just. codd. meliores ante µEpos add. oU V 4 Kai om. Sev. oVaiWaas om.
Sev. 5 ToiJ-rov: aV-rOv Ps.-Just. ante Ka-r' add. Kai Sev. Uµcpw 'iT'poe>..OWv: 7ipoijA0Ev
('iT'poEAOWvcodd.AAh[Eh]V) Uµ,cpw Ps.-Just.; 'iT'poeAOWv, 0..µ,cpw oUaiWaas Sev.; Uµ,cpw 'iT'poijAOev
Joan.Dam.
[11] 10 'il'Epl om. Leant. Jer., Flor. Len. 131 KaT' d>.>..~>..wv Theor. 11 µiv ,-re µ,ifvT~i
Flor. Len. 131 12 dvOpw'iT'E{Q.: dvOpw'iT'{vn Ps.-Just. (bet. codd. BDG) post avOpw'iT'EtQ.
add. cpVaei G post Aoyi,Oµevos add. cpVaei Ps. Just. codd. AAbEbV, Theor. 14 TWvom.
Ps.-Just. (txt. codd. DbMV), Theor.
[12] 17 Wa71'Ep: Ws ydp Ps.-Just.; Wa'il'Ep ydp Doctr. Pair. 0 om. Leant. Jer. post cpVaeis
add. Ev €avT0 Ps.-Just. 8Vo ante Oiacpdpovs transp. Ps.-Just. codd. AA bDGV; om Ps.-Just. cod. B;
ante cpVaeis transp. Leont. Jer. 18 post µJv add. ydp Joan. Dam.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 191

descended from the Davidic race through an announcement to it, for the sake
of the divine plan. And entering into her womb, like a divine seed he formed a
temple for himself, a perfect human being, taking part of her nature and giving
it substance in the shape of a temple; and entering this by strict union, corning
forth as Son of God in both natures-for the Son comes from God, both as
divine and as human-so he brought to fulfillment God's plan for us.

11. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE

SAME TREATISE, CHAPTER 17

When you hear, then, opposite expressions about the one Son, divide what is
said, accordingly between the natures: if there is something great and divine,
attribute it to the divine nature, but if there is something small and human,
reckon it as part of the human. For so you will avoid disharmony among the
attributes, if each nature receives what it is meant to have, and you will confess
the Son as one, existing before all ages and yet new, according to holy Scripture.

12. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SAME CHAPTER

As the human being is one, but has two different natures, and reasons by one,
but puts reasoning into action by the other-for he reasons by the rational soul,
 192 'ENANTJAI; LJOKHIEQI; NEITOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYI;
'"'\ I ' I ,.,_ \I \ I (; \\;'\ \
voEpq. Aoyiaaµ.Evos, El TVXOL, TOV 1Tl\Diov T1}V avp.1TYJs iv, XEPUL oE To voYJ8€v
' I
El5 1TEpas ayEL· OVTWS' " "
0'Y''
LOS', '<'"
ElS' WV Kal' " ''
ovo I
cpvaElS', KUT 'Ul\ll1}V
"\\ I
µ.Ev Tds
>!\ \ .;:. \ \
8EOG1)[LlU<; Etpya1;,ETO, KUT > Ul\llYjV
I ) Ir
OE Ta TU1TEtVa 7TUpEOEXETO.
I <;;::I

{13} KAI ME!9"ETEPA

s "Qa1TEp ydp fLETd T~V Evwaiv ToV 1TpWToy6vov _cpwTOs trpOs rO ~AtaKOv
,... ) " '
uwµ,a, OVK av TlS' avTa a1T UA/\1)1\WV OlEl\Ol, OVOE TOV f-LEV 1]1\lOV lOlU1;,DVTW5
I ' > ) \ \ I\ <,;- I\ '"' I \ I </ \ ) <:::: r I

\I )<;;::\ I\ I <;;:: I )\\> '<" ! ti\ I <I I \

KUl\EGOl OVOE 1TUl\lV cpws OlYJPYJfLEVWS', UA/l ELS' 0 YJlllOS' Kat EV TO cpws
\I
/\E')IETUt, OVTWS'
<I ! "'\8 I ,..
E7Tt TOV Ul\1} lVOV cpwTDS'
I I ,...
Kat TOV 1Tavaytov awµ.aTOS' OUK
I I '

,, ,, , , ,, , , , Y'' ... , -
av TtS El1TOl fJ.-ETa TYJV EVWGlV TO µ.Ev KEXWptaµ,EVOV lOV OlOV TOV 8ElOV
, \ <::', .... , ,, , Y', , \ \' ., , , • \ , ,
10 A oyov, TO OE OlOV TOV av 8pW7TOV ovx lOV, a/lll Eva Kat TOV UVTOV EKaTEpa
I ' ti 8 l <::'
VD7]GEl, ws EV cpwr; Kat Eva 1)1llOV, TO TE OEX EV cpwr; TO TE OEsafl-EVOV awµa.
I <! <I\ I ~ I I I (;I ,..,

I\ ' 1' <I\ I ~\<:'I ' '~\

IIalltV <I I I
ws EV fl-EV cpws Kat ELS 1)1llOS, cpvaEtr; OE ova, 1) fl-EV <pWTOS, 1) OE
I I I

awµ.aTOS1)1llaKOV,OVTW KavTav'"'8 a· ELS

I '\ 1' I
fl-EV 0' Y'tDS
I
0' ,.,, <I '
Kal'K'
vptos Kat'XptGTOS
'
Kai MovoyEv?}s, cpVaEtS SE SUo, ~µ.Ev V77€p ~µ.S.s, ~SE ~fl-ETEpa.
15 K at' av
' 8lS"
WGTTEP TOV,. . f{JWTOS,
, n. . cpws
, ,EGTlV EV,
"T1)V
' 'EVEPYEtav
' ,,,
OVK av TLS
xwp{aEtEToVaWµ.aTOS aVToV ToiJ SEKTtKoiJ,T0 A6yq> SE StatpWv yvwp{aEtE

[12 cont.] Flor. Len. 131, Test. 74; Ps.-Joan. Mar., Test. 44 (204-5; t); Doctr. Patr. 15, VI (93,
ll. 17-17; !); p. 190,ll.17-18 (Wa7TEp ... EvEpyEi:) et p.192, ll. 2-3 (OvTws ... 7TapE0rfxETo): Leont.Jer.,
Ctr.Mon., Test41-2 (1825 Cl4-D4)
[13] Ps.-Justinus, ibid. 12 (PG 6, 1229 CS-1232 Al3; Otto rv, 46-50, 385 A5-C6). Cf. etiam: Flor.
Len. 131, Test. 75-6; ll.12-14 (Efs ~Aios ... ~fLETrfpa): Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 43 (1825 D5-8);
p. 192,115-p. 194,13 (warrcp ... yvwpiancv): Syn.Lat (304,1111-15); Cone Const.III (424B9-C3);
Doctr. Patr. 15, VII (93, ll. 20-1)

VOG [12 cont.] 1 ante VOEp[j add. ydp Ps.-Just. T~V: 'TOV G xeeal a~, om. Ps.-Joan,
Mar. OE om. Ps.-Just., Joan. Dam. 2 7Trfpas: 7TE'lpav Syn. Lat. ayei: aywv Syn. Lat.,
Doctr. Patr. YlOs: XpiaTOs Doctr. Patr. 3 ElpydaaTo VO; Epyd,ETat Leont.
Jer. 7TapEOrftaTo OG, Leont. Jer., Syn. Lat.
[13] 6 aVTd post d,\A~Awv transp. Ps.-Just. 7 KaArfaEi V, Ps.-Just. codd. BG, Flor. Len.
131 o-VSE: TD OE Ps.-Just. ante cpWs add. 70 Flor. Len. 131 Efs 0 ~Aios Kal Ev ,.Q cpWs
ArfyETal: Els ~Atos TO cpWs ,\rfyETai fLETd ToV aWµaTos Ps.-Just. codd. DbM (om. fLE7d ToiJ
aWµaToS codd. CEF) 9 TD µEv: T0v µEv V,Ps.-Just. (txt.cod. C; TWv µEv cod.D; om.cod. V)
KEXwpiaµr!vws Ps.-Just. (txt. cod. G) eElov: 6E0v Ps.-Just. codd. AAbBDV; eeoV Ps.-Just.
cod. G 10 T0v avepw7Tov: 7Q dv8pW7TlVOV TvxOv 0 TD OE olov 7Qv Uv8pw7TOV oVx
YiOv: Tdv OE Y[Ov TDv Uv8pw7ToV Ps.-Just. codd CDb (E) FM; TDv OE 7TriAlv obx YiOv ofov TDv
Uv8pw7Tov Ps.-Just. codd. AAbBDEbG 11 76 TE: Kai 7Q O 12 ante 7Tcl.Alv add,
Kai G 13 Efs µEv 0 YiOs 0 Kai K6plos: Efs µEv Y[Os J (Kai: Ps.-Just. exc. codd. BDGV)
KVpios OG, Ps.-Just., Leont. Jer. 15 Kai ai58is: ToV aVToV Flor. Len. 131; Kai aV Ps.-Just.
codd. AAbEb; om. G, Syn. Lat., Cone. Const. III Wa7TEp ... Evr!pyElav: Wa7Tep J7Tl TDD <pwTOs, i7
cpd.is EaTiv Ev Tfj EvEpyE{q. Ps.-Just. codd. AAbEb; Wa7TEp f7/; 70{; cpwTos T~v Evr!pyEiav Ps.-Just.
codd. BDG; Wa7TEp E7Ti 'TDV r:pwTOs r:pd.Js EoTi Tfj EvEpyE{q. 0 oVK liv Ps.-Just. codd. CDbEFM;
Wa7TEp TDV <pwT6s Ea'Tl <pWs E'v, 'T~V 8€ Evr!pyEtaV Ps.-Just. cod. v 16 xwp0aELE Syn.
Lat. 15 OiaipWv: 8iEAWv Ps.-Just., Cone. Const. Ill
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 193

say, how to build a ship, but brings what he has thought out to final realization
by his hands; so the Son, who is one subject and two natures, works divine
revelation by one [nature] and undertakes humble tasks by the other.

13. AND LATER ON

just as, after the union of the first-created light with the body of the sun, one
would not divide them from one another, nor speak of the sun by itself or of
light as something separate, but ratherthe sun and light are spoken of as one, so
when speaking of the true light and the all-holy body one would not refer to
one reality as Son by himself, because he is the divine Word, and to the other as
not Son, because he is a human being; but one will understand both as one and
the same-as one light and one sun, the light that is received and the body that
received it. And again, as the light is one thing and the sun another, but the
natures two-one of the light, the other of the body of the sun-so also here:
there is one Son, who is Lord and Christ and Only-begotten, but two natures:
one above us, the other our own.
And again, just as no one would separate the activity of the light, because
light is one thing, from the body that receives it, but by a rational division would
recognize
 194 'ENANTIAE !JOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

T~V cpVaiv ~5 EaTtV l8{a ~ Evfpyeta, oVTWS' Errl ToV EvOs YloV TDV Beoi)
av
7Tfiaav fJ-EV EvEpyEtav oVK Tl5 xwp{aElE Tij5 µt&s vL6T7JTOS,Tij:; OE cpVaEw5
~5 EaTtV olKE'iov TO yiv6µevov rqJ A6yt:p yvwp{aEiev.

[14] TOY l'!I'IOY 'EIPHNAIOY'EIIIEKOIIOY

5 AOYI'!JOYNOY KAI MAPTYPOE
''Qa71'Ep ydp ~ Kt{3wr0s KExpvawµ,Ev71 EawBEv Kal EfwBEv xpva{<fJ Ka8apip
1'
17v, <I
OVTW Kat TO TOV
"X ptarov,. . awµ,a
\ ,. ,
\ 11 I 1' I<:' I " ll I
Kauapov YJV KUl OlUVYES', EGWUEV µ.Ev
'
Tl.p
A I "C ll I~I ,... II ~
oyq; KDGfLDVfLEVOV, Es wuev oe T<.p vevµ.ari cpatopvvoµ,evov, iva Es 't
I I ti

dµ,cporEpwv rO 7TEptcpavEs rWv cpVaewv E7Ti0c:ix8fi.

10 [15] TOY 54I'IOY'JIIIIOAYTOY'EIIIEKOIIOY

KAI MAPTYPOE 'EK TQN 'EYAOI'JQN TOY BAAAAM
"Iva 8eixBiJ rO avvaµ.cp6repov Exwv Ev Eavr0, T~v rE roV BeoV oVa{av Kai
I '(:: l /) I ( t I t >A I \ \I « t Cl "" I
TYJV Es avupW7TWV ws Kat 0 .t-i71'0GTOl\05 l\EYEl, f-LEGlTYJS' l!'/E01J Kat
•n1
avupw7TWV, ''a
avupw7TOS X ptaTOS
''T17aovs
"'""'"' 1
. 0 0€ f-LEGlT'l')S ' ' avupW7TOV
€VOS 'll', ov
15 y{vETai:' d,\,\d OVo), EOEt oVv Tbv XptaTbv, 6JEoV Kal dv8pW7TWV µEa{T'YJV
yiv6µ,Evov, 7Tap' dµ,cporf.pwv dppa{3Wvd Ttva El.\17rpf.vat, iva cpavfi OVo
7rpoaW7Twv µ,Ealr17s.

[15] 13-141 Tim.2.5 14-15 Gal.3.20

[14] Ps.-Irenaeus, Fr. 8 (revera Hippolytus,DeLibro Primo Regum, Quae de Helcana et Samuele: cf.
G. Jouassard, RevSR 17 (1937), 290-305), hie primo Graece inventwn (cf PG 7, 1233 Al3-18; ed
Harvey, Adv. Haer. 11, 479). Cf. etiam• Joan. Caes., Apol. Cone. Chalc., Fr. Syr. 118 (46, ll. 1154-9);
Anast. Sin., Hod. X.l.2.186-90 (157); Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test. 1 (143, no. 89); Flor. Marc. 573, ff.
34•·•; Flor. Len. 131, Test. 46; Sev., Ctr. Gram., Ill, 40 (275, ll. 24-9; tr. 202, 1. 34-203, 1. 2; !); Flor. BM
Syr. Add.12157, f. 198 (1)
[15] Hippolytus, De Benedictione Balaam, fragmentwn Graecum unicum. (cf. GCS I, 2, 82)
Cf. etiam: Flor. Len. 131, Test. 88; ll.12-13 (iva ... dv8pdnnvv): Leant. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 85 (1836
C9-12);ll.12-14 (iva ... 'IriaoiJs): Flor. Marc. 573,£ 30v

VOG [13 cont.] 1 post EvOs add. µovoyEvoiJs Ps.-Just. codd. BDG; add. E7Ti ToiJ MovoyEvoiJs
Ps.-Just. codd. AAh(Eh)V, Cone. Const. III YioiJ: XpiaToV Syn. Lat. 2 Tijs f.ufis om.
Syn. Lat. yiyv6µEvov G, Ps.-Just. codd. CDbEFM Tt$ ,\6yq..i om. G 3 yvwp{aElEV:
xwp{aElEV G
[14] 5 AOYI''1!2NOY V; AOYI'JONQN 0; AYI'JQNOE G KAI MAPTYPOE om.
OG 6 ydp om.Anast. Sin. E~w8Ev KO.l Eaw8Ev Flor. Marc. 573 ~v ante Eaw8Ev transp.
Joan. Dam. 7 Ko.l om. Joan. Dam., Flor. Len.131 ToV XpiaToiJpost aWµa transp.Anast.
Sin. 8 rpai8pvv6µEvov: rppovpoi'iµEvov OG, Joan. Caes., Sev., Anast. Sin., Joan. Dam., Flor.
Marc. 573 9 TWv rpiiaEwv: aVToiJ Sev. E7ri0Eix8fi: 8ElX8ii Anast. Sin., dva0Eix8fi Joan.
Dam.
[15] 11 post 'EK add. THE 'EPMHNEIAE Flor. Marc. 573 BAAAAM> !'1BPAAM 0, Flor.
Marc. 573 12 post iva add. OE 0 13 cl J17T6aToAos: IIaVAos Flor. Len.
131 15 µEa{r17v ante @EoiJ transp. G 16 yEv6µEvov V, Flor. Len. 131
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 195

the nature of which it is the proper activity, so one would not separate the
whole activity of the single Son of God from his one Sonship, but one would
recognize by reason what comes to be, as proper to the nature from which
it comes.

14. BY ST IRENAEUS, BISHOP OF

LYONS AND MARTYR

As the ark was gilded on the outside and on the inside with pure gold, so the
body of Christ was pure and without blemish, made beautiful on the inside by
the Word, and on the outside resplendent with the Spirit, so that from both
sources the beauty of the natures might be revealed.

15. BY ST HIPPOLYTUS, BISHOP AND MARTYR,

FROM "THE BLESSINGS OF BALAAM"

In order that he might be shown to have in himself both the essence of God and
that of human beings (as the Apostle says, "the mediator of God and human
beings, the human Christ Jesus" (1 Tim. 2.5); "and there is no mediator
[consisting] of a single human'' (Gal. 3.20), but of two), it was therefore
necessary for Christ, who was mediator between God and the human race, to
take some part from both sides, so that he might be revealed as the mediator of
two persons.
 196 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

[16} TOY 'AI'IOY IIETPOY'EIIIEKOIIOY

14AE8ANLJPEIAE KAI MAPTYPOE 'EK TOY IIEPI
THE TOY EQTHPOE'HMQN'EIIILJHMIAE
K at Tlp' 'I OVO<t-
I~ ' " \ I r I <:' '"'
<pYJGl· <pll\Y)ftUTl TOV VlOV TOV av pW1TOV 1Tapaotowr;;
I ,, T '
I
avTa ,.. ' e
5 Td TE TDVTDlS' Oµ,oia, Td TE GYJµela 7TavTa E770{77ae Kai a[ Svvdµeis, a
~ 1
UElKVVGlV '''YB
QVTOV ElVQl EOV' ' e pw1T77aavTa· Ta avvaµcporEpa
EVav I I / /
TOlVVV
Oe{Kvvrai 0Tt 8e0:; '9v <pVaEi Kal yEyovev Civ8pw1TDS rpVaei.

[17] TOY 'AI'IOY KYPIAKOY'EIIIEKOIIOY THE IIA<POY KAI

'OMOAOI'HTOY'EK TOY'EIE TA ®EO<PANIA AOI'OY.
10 'EIE LJE KAI 'OYTOE 'EETI TQN'EN NIKAL;l
'"'Os Ev µ,opcpfl 6JeoD;' cpYJaiv, "V7Tdpxwv, oVx dp11ayµOv ~y~aaro rO elvai
,, .a. ,.,, , \ \, r 1 >:' / \
t \ (3 ' " E' r
1 1 1 ,..
taa OEcp, U/\/\ EQVTOV EKEVWGEV, p.oprpYJV UOV/\OV /\U WV. l 7J f-LOp<pYJ TOV
Cl ,.. >I J I ,.. Cl " I I\ J I fu1 1 I t I "
o-EOV lGYJ EGTl TOV OEOV, Kat TEllElOS' Ervyxave t:!IEOS', Kat YJ µoprp1) TOV
' ''
UOV/\OV TEl\ElOS '' , e
av ,
pw1TOS· TOVTO yap utoaGKEl ' ' '· •e ·
YJ ' ,,
Eta yparpYJ· TEl\ElOS ovv '
, , /
15 EV aµcporepats TUlS' OVGlUlS' 0
,. , ' / 1 r'XptG'TOS, OfLOOUGLOS 'Tlp,..
/ c.i "
OElp Kat
'JIa'Tpl' Kat
OfLooVaios Tfl IIap8Evcµ Ka( P.-'YJTpl· dµ,~Twp dvw 7rapd JiaTpOs, &.7T6.Twp
K6.Tw 7Tapd fLY)TpDs.

[16] 4 Luc. 22.48 [17] 11-12Phil.2.6-7

[16] Petrus I Alexandrinus, DeAdventu Salvatoris Nastri, Fragrnentum. (PG 18, 512 A [Lat.]; 521
C2-6 [e Justn.]) Cf. etiam: Tim. Ael, Ref Cone. Chalc., Test. 5; Flor. Marc. 573, f. 31t;
Flor. Len. 131, Test. 89; ll. 4-7 (7aVTa ... cpVaEi): Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test 138 (29, ll. 22-3);
ll. 6-7 (Td. avvaµ<p6TEpa ... cpVaEi): Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test 80 (1836B2-3)
[17] Cyriacus Paphensis, Fragrnentum hie primo inventum C£ etiam: Nicepb.,Antirrh. 11, Test. 42
(361, 11, 18-22); Flor. Len. 131, Test 90; 11 11-15 (Os ... XpiaTOs): Flor. Marc. 573,
£ 34v, Huius fragmenti etiam mentionem faciunt: Sev., Ctr. Gram. III, 39 (180, ll. 25-31), ut a Joan.
Caes., Apol. Cone. Chalc., dtati; Photius, Bibl., Cod. 229 (996 B6-7; 1020 B2-6), ut ab Ephr. Am., Ad
Damn. et Joan., citati

VOG [16] 3 'HMQN om. G 5 7Tdv7'a om. Flor. Marc. 573 £: Oaa Justn.
6 8EtKvVovaiv V 0E0v ante Elval transp. 0 Elvai ante aVTOv transp. Flor. Marc. 573; om.
Justn. TD avvaµ<p6TEpov Leant Jer. 7 8E{KvvvTai G ylyovEv: EylvETo Justn.
[17] 8 KYPIAKOY, KYPIAAOY 0 THE om. 0 10 'OYTQE, l!YTOE
VG 'El:Tl om. 0 11 Os: @EOs Niceph.; dJs Flor.Len.131 <pT)alv post ii7Tdpxwv transp.
O; post µopcpfj transp. Flor. Marc. 573 7'0 om. V 14 oVv om. V 15 7'a'is om. Flor.
Marc. 573 cl om.Flor.Marc. 573 ante IlaTpi add. To/ G 16 Kat om. Flor.Len.131
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 197

16. BY ST PETER, BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA

AND MARTYR, FROM HIS WORK ABOUT THE
PRESENCE AMONG US OF OUR SAVIOR

And he says to Judas, "Do you betray the son of man with a kiss?" These words
and others like them, all the signs that he did and his miracles, reveal him to be
God made human. Both things taken together, then, reveal that he was God by
nature and became a human being by nature.

17. BY ST CYRIACUS, BISHOP OF PAPHOS AND

CONFESSOR, FROM HIS SERMON ON THE THEOPHANY;
HE WAS AMONG THOSE PRESENT AT NICAEA

"Existing in the form of God;' Scripture says, "he did not consider being equal
to God as something to hold fast to, but he emptied himself, taking on the form
of a servant" (Phil. 2.6-7). If the form of God is equal to God, and he was in fact
perfect God, so too the form of the servant was a perfect human being-for that
is what the Holy Scripture teaches. Being complete, then, in both substances,
Christ is consubstantial to God the Father and consubstantial to the Virgin his
mother. On high, he was without mother and came from the Father; down here,
he was without father and came from his Mother.
 198 'ENANTIA£ L10KH£EQ£ NE£TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOY£

[18] TOY 'AI'IOY Y!IBJANA£IOY'EK TOY IIEPI

TPIAL10£ TPITOY J.IOI'OY· TAYTH£ L1E'EMNH£1BJH
TH£ XPH£EQ£ KAI'O MAKAPIO£ KYPIJ.IJ.10£'EN
TI;I IIPO£ MONA£TA£'EIII£TOJ.II;I
5 I:Ko7T0S To{vvv Kal xapaKT~P Tijs 8E{as ypacpijs, Ws 1To;\;\dKlS EL7TOf1.EV,
8irrA.ijv Elvai T~V 7TEpi TOD awTijpos d7TayyeA.{av Ev aVTi]· 0Tt TE Ka~ dEl
\ J;. v Kat EUTtV o yttOS\I1oyos wv Kat a7Tavyaaµ,a Kat aoqna Tau"'IIaTpos,
e EDS I " ' I A ' " ' I ' I I I
1
Kat' OTl
"" "''t",...
VOTEpov, Ol \(3''
Yjp,as awµ.a /\a WV EK '!Tap EVOV TY)S EOTOKOV M '
apias, e' ·e'
0.v8pW770S ydyovEv.

10 [19] TOY Y!YTOY'EK TOY KATA Y!IIOJ.IINAPIOY A' J.IOI'OY

yevOµ.evos O.v8pw1Tos oV Tpa11Els els &v8pdrrrov µ,opcp~v oVTE
", 8€, , e , .,
<•• .> aDTDs
I: ", , ' ·1: , • , "' "
7raptowv TYJV av pW7TOV V7Tapi; lV GKlOElOYJ TYJV OE lV E7TOlElTO, U/\/\ WV ts
, e
rpvaEt
I e ,.. "
EOS, ').IEVVaTat av pW7TOS', lV ElS'
"' ~
Tl7' Ta' ' I I\ \
EKUTEpa, TEl\ElOS Ka Ta 1TUVTa,
I

I e I >\ I
<pVOlKYJV Kat Ul\Yj EOTUTYJV YEVVYJOLV E'TTtoEtsaµEvos.
I > \,;' /:.I

15 [20} TOY Y!YTOY'EK TOY Y!YTOY J.IOI'OY

"
K at OVTWS' )\ l\EYOlTO
av \I I\
I\
J<alI TEl\ElOr;
TE/\EtO:)
,,
av e I
pw?Tor; 0 ptaTor;· ovx
EDS
e 'x ' ,
Wr; r1jr; BEi.K1jr; rEAEt6TYjTOr; Elr; dvBpw?TlVYJV rc::AEt6TY)Ta fJ-ETa?TOlYJBE{aY)r;, 0

[18] Athanasius, Contra Arianos III, 29 (PG 26, 385 A8-14) C£ etiam: Joan. Cass., De Inc. Dom. VII,
29 (CSEL 17, 387-8): Cyr. Alex., Ad Mon. Aeg. (12, ll. 5-8); Sev., Ctr Gram. III, 24 (31,
ll.11-17; tr.22, ll.19-24); ibid. 33 (135,ll. 6-12; tr. 97,l. 32-98,l. 3);ibid. 37 (234,1. 27-235,l. 2; tr.172,ll.
22-7);Ad. Serg. II(l17,ll.20-6; tr. 88,ll. 8-14); Doctr Patr. 4,I (29,1.14)
[19] Athanasius (?), ContraApollinarem I, 7 (PG 26, 1105 A14-B5). Cf. etiam: De Sect. IX, Test.1;
Niceph.,Antirrh.ll, Test.23 (354,ll.17-18); Flor.Len.131, Test. 71; ll.12-14 (d,\,\' ... E1Ti0eifdµevos-):
Leont.Byz.,DTN, Test. 57; Eu!og., Or. IV, Test.2 (V, 35,ll. 2-4); Doctr Patr. 7,XI (52,1.4)
[20] Athanasius (?), ibid. I, 16 (PG 26, 1121 C15-1124 A7). Cf. etiam Pamph. VI (167.
ll. 237-46) ; Niceph.,Antirrh.III, Test. 24 (354, II. 20-1); Flor. Len. 131, Test. 72

VOG [18] 1 'AI'IOY: MAKAPIOY V 'EK TOY om. G 2 TPITOY om. V

4 MOiVAETAE: TOYE MONAZONTAE 0 5 post To{vvv add. oVTos Athan.,
Cyr. fJe{as: dytas Athan. codd. RS, om. cett. el1Tov Doctr. Patr. 6 8i1TAoiJs G
efvai: lva G J17ayyeA{av Athan. codd. RS, Cyr. codd. PDRA, Doctr. Patr. codd AP Ev av711
om. Doctr. Patr. Kai om. G, Athan., Cyr. 7 Kai EaTiv Y[Os: Kai Yi6s EaTl Athan. a
codd. RS, Doctr. Patr. cod. P; om 0 Cyr. 8 aWµa: adp1<a Athan., Joan. Cass., Cyr., Sev.,
Doctr. Patr. T~S 8eoT6Kov om.Athan. cod. Harl.
[19] 11 aVTOs: a
A6yos De Sect. OE om. Athan. ante civ8pW1ToV add. TOiJ Athan
12 aKidJ071 0 OeZfiv: ¥v8Etttv Flor. Len. 131 17e170{71To G ante Wv add. 0 Athan., Leant.
Byz. DTN, Eulog., Doctr. Patr. 14 rpvai1<0v Kal ciA718eaTriT71v yEvv71aiv E1Ti0elfr1µevos:
GeOs Kai /Iv8pw1Tos d aVT6s Eulog. ante y€vv71aiv add. T0v Athan. codd. RS, Leant. Byz. DTN
[20] 16 ante 8e6s add. 0 Pa.mph. 1<al2 om. OG, Pamph. 17 µETa1Toi718E{rJ'1]S:
fJ-ETa~A718eta71s Pamph. 0: 017Ep Pamph.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 199

18. BY ST ATHANASIUS, FROM HIS

THIRD DISCOURSE ON THE TRINITY; THE
BLESSED CYRIL ALSO RECALLED THIS TEXT
IN HIS LETTER TO THE MONKS

Tue aim, then, and the mark of Holy Scripture, as we have often said, is double,
with respect to the proclamation it makes about the Savior: that he was always
God and is the Son, being the Word and resplendence and wisdom of the Father,
and that later, taking up a body from the Virgin Mary, the God-bearer, for our
sakes, he became a human being.

19. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE

FIRST BOOK AGAINST APOLLINARIUS

... and he, when he became human, was not changed into human form, nor did
he disregard human existence to make a show out of shadows, but being God
by nature he was begotten as a human being, so that he might be one in respect
to both, perfect in every respect, revealing in himself a natural and utterly true
birth.

20. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SAME BOOK

And so Christ might be spoken of as perfect God and perfect human being: not
in that his godly perfection was transformed into human perfection, which is
 200 'ENANTIAZ JOKH2EQ2 NEZTOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYL:
' ' {3' 'I::'\ I t
EaTlV aaE ES.. OUOE µ:ryv ws ovo TEllElOTYjTWV KaTa otatpeatv Of-lOl\DyovµEVWv,
t:::t \ I I\:' I ! \ J

(I' '\\I '{3' '~\I \'"'"I)

0 EGTlV Ul\llDTplOV EUGE Etas· OUOE KaTa 1TpDK07TYjV apETYjS' YJ 1Tp00/\Yjl/Jiv
<;:- I
OlKatOGVVYJS-fLYJ YEVOlTO· a1111.a Ka
I I '\\\ 8'"V7TapstV
i; )\\ ".:1»'0'1'
aVE/\l\El1TI), lV EtS 7l Td
EK6.Tepa, TEAeios KaTd 7TdvTa BeOs Kal lf.v8pw1TDS 0 aVT6s.

5 [21] TOY 'AI'IOY BAZIAEIOY'EK TOY

IIPOZ'EYNOMION A' AOI'OY
''E yw yap Kat TO ev µoprpTf"8 eov" 'v1Tapxeiv
I I It '"' ~I
iaov ovvaa 8 at Tlp,. , ev
' ovaiq.
' 8e:oiJ I "" I

V7rdpxEiv <:pYjµ,t· Ws ydp TD "µ.opcp~v dveiA17rp€vai OoVAov" Ev Tfj oVa{q. Tf}s

dv8pw7T6TYjTOS' TDv K-Vpiov ~µ,Wv yeyev~a8at GYjµ,a{vet, oVTw AEywv «Ev
10 µoprpfj BeoiJ V7rdpxeiv" T~5 8e{a_,, oValas 1Tap{aTYJGl T~V l8i6TYJTU.

[22} TOY 'AYTOY'EK TOY IIPOL:'EYNOMION J' AOI'OY

I >
A YJ1TTEOV TOlVVV TO µev « EYEVVYJGEV
I » I I I > \
E1Tl 'TOV OEOV
,... c;) ,., ytlOV,
"' TOI\:'OEI«>!EKTtaEV}) E7Tl
> I

"'
TOV TY)V
I I f3 "
fLDpcpTJV TOV OOVl\OV Aa OVTOS·
<;;- f '\ '\ I ' " <;;- I
EV 7Taat OE 'TOVTOlS ov uvo AEYDfLEV,
I ' <;;- I '\ I

fu1 I
li;:>/ I >I 8 '"'' '<' I :J:. ''\ '\ \ 1 l I I ) I
totq.,
ryEOV Kal av pw7TOV lotq.,-Eisyap 11V-Ul\l\U Ka'T E7TtVOlaV TTJV EKUGTOV
15 cpvaiv ,\oyi/;6fL<8a.

[21] 6-IOPhil.2.6-7

[21] Basilius, Adversus Eunomium I, 18 (ed. B. Sesboiit:, SC 299.236, ll. 9-15; PG 29, 552 C7-553
A2). Cf. etiam Thdt., Eran. II, Test 39 (166, ll. 13-17); Cone. Chalc., Ad Marc. (114,
ll. 7-10); Vat. Gr. 1431, 11, 32 (38, ll. 1-5); Joan. Caes., Apol. Cone. Chalc., Frag. Syr. 75 (30,
ll. 703-9); Parnph. VI (168, ll. 248-53); Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test. 6 (145, no. 94); Flor. Marc.
573, f. 32'; Flor. Edes., Test. 31 (29, ll.1-6;i)
[22] Ps.-Basilius,Adversus Eunomium IV (revera probabiliter Didymus, De Dogmatibus et Contra
Arianos I PG 29, 704 CS-9). C£ etiam: )ustn., Conf Reet. Fid. (84, ll. 28-31); Joan. Caes., ApoL Cone.
Chale., Frag. Syr. 71 (29, IL 664-75; !); Sev., Ctr. Gram. III, 7 (117,l. 28-118,l. 3; tr. 85,ll. 18-23; !); ibid.
111,33 (139,ll. 3-7; tr. IOO,!l.27-31; !); ll.12-13 (A~'TTlov ... Aa,86vTos); Syn. Hispal.Xll, Test. JO (566
E12-567 A4; !); ll. 13-16 (ml ovo ... Aoyc,61'e8a): Leon!. )er., Ctr. Mon., Test. 20 (1821 A9-12; !);
ll.14-15 (aAAa ... Aoyc,61'e8a): Joan. Caes.,Apol. Cone. Chale., Frag. Syr. 43 (19,ll. 396-9)

[20 cont.] 1 oVOE, oVTE Athan., Flor. Len. 131 2 ante EiiaE{3Elas add. Tijs Pamph.
oVOE: oVTt OE Athan. ~: Kai Athan. 3 dvEAAt7rij G, Flor. Len.131 lva Athan., Pamph.,
Flor. Len.131 4 TEAEtOS om. Pamph. 8E0s Kai O.v8pW1TOS 0 aV76s: avepw1TOS Pamph.
ante avepw1TOS iter. TEAELOS 0
VOG [21] 5 postBAIJiilEIOYadd.'EIIIEKOIIOYV 7 T0om.V 70:T0V,Flor.
Marc. 573; Toil Vat. Gr. 1431 ante 8Eoil add. Toil Flor. Marc. 573 8Eoil om. Vat. Gr. 1431; post
ii?TdpxEiv transp. V 8 ii?TO.pxEiv om. Joan. Dam. 9 T0v KVpiov ~µWv ante Ev rfi
o-Ua{q. transp. Joan. Caes. 7011 KVpiov ~µWv: Toil Kvp{ov ~µWv 'It]aoV XpiaToV Cone. Chalc. cod.
Bo ~µWv om. Joan. Dam. ante yEytvija8at add aV70v Joan. Caes. yEyEvv~a8at Basil.
codd. DGLMNY ytv€aeai OG, Pamph.; ante ,.\€ywv add. 0 1hdt. (txt. codd. IV), Flor.
Edes. AE'ywv: OE Kai TO Basil.; 70 ,\€yEtv Joan. Dam. 10 1'~S 8E£as oVa£as: rijs oValas
Tijs 8Ei'Kijs Cone. Chalc. oVa{as: cpVatws Flor. Marc. 573 ante 1Tap{aTtJOL add 1TilvTws OG,
Pamph.; post ?TaplaTYJOL add. ?T6.vTws Basil., Cone. Chalc., Vat. Gr. 1431 lOtOTt]Ta: Otdvoiav G
[22] 11 J' AOI'OY: A' AOI'OY O; I'' AOI'OY V; AOI'OY I'' G 12 Toivvv:
oiiv Ps.-Basil., Justn. 'Toil @Eoil Y[oV: Toil YioV 'Toil @EoV 0 15 Aoyi,OµEvoi Justn.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 201

an impious thought; nor indeed in that two kinds of perfection are confessed in
distinction [from each other], which is foreign to religious piety; nor by way of
progress in virtue or the acquisition of righteousness-far from it! But in an
existence that lacks nothing, so that both may be a single subject, the same one
is God and a human being, perfect in every way.

21. BY ST BASIL, FROM HIS FIRST BOOK

AGAINST EUNOMIUS

For I say that the phrase, "existing in the form of God" {Phil. 2.6), can also be
seen as equivalent to "existing in the substance of God:' For just as "taking
up the form of a servant" (Phil. 2.7) means that our Lord has come to be in
human substance, so saying he "exists in the form of God" presents to us the
characteristic of the divine substance.

22. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

FOURTH BOOK AGAINST EUNOMIUS

The phrase "he begot" is to be taken, then, as referring to God the Son, but "he
created" as referring to the one who took on the form of a slave. In all these
things, we do not speak of two-God by himself and the human by himself-
for they were one; but by a mental stratagem we conceive of the nature of each.
 202 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

[23] TOY 5'!I'IOY I'PHI'OPIOY TOY ®EOAOI'OY

'EK TOY J4IIOAOI'HTIKOY
ToVTo 0 KEVwBElaa 8e6TYJS, TOiJTo Yj 7rpoaA.Yjrp8elaa adpg, ToVTo Yj Katv~
'I: ts,
f.Lls eI
EDS KalI av
" e
pw7TOS, EV Es ' "
't. UfL<:pOlV
. . . KatI~' ' I
Ol EVOS ' I
Uf-LrpOTEpa.

5 [24] TOY' AYTOY'EK TOY'EIE TA I'ENE®AIA

>,1
L-17TEGTU/\7]
I) I
µev, > \ \J '
U/\/l
"
ws av e
pw1TOS· Ul1Tl\OVS
\;> \ "' I
yap 1'
71v, > \ I> I
E1TEl Kal EK01Ttaaev Kat
I

>I \)~1,f, \) I l><:'I I I

E1TElVYJUEV Kat EOl'f'YJUEV Kat rJYWVtaaev Kat EoaKpvaev VOf-Llfl <pvaews.

[25] TOY J4YTOY'EK TOY IIEPI'YIOY B' AOI'OY

" f-LEV ovv
T avTa 1'
I ' " l I e "Y
I YI fu1
I \ ~ \
YJf.LlV Elp'Y)U w 1Tpos TOVS TO fl-ElsDV KOf-L1TU1;,0VTas· OEOS OE
I

10 AEyotTO av oV TDV A6yov, TOV OpwµEvov 8€. IIWs ydp av ElrJ ToV Kvp{ws
Cl ,.,, fu'I
O'EOV ,
\:11EOS; "n
;),~G1TEp Kat
'IIUTYJP
1
ov• TOV" opwµ,evov,
' '
TOV"A' o' K at' yap
oyov OE. '

[23] Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orat. 2, 23 (ed. J.Bernardi, SC 247, 120, c. 23,11. 3-5; PG 35,432 Bl5-
C2). C£ etiam Eulog., Orat. N (V, 35, 115-8); Joan. Dam, Ctr. Jae., Test.11 (146, no. 99; t); Do ctr. Patr.
2,Il (11,1. 9; t); Joan. Caes.,Apol. Cone. Chalc., Frag. Syr.104 (41,ll.1020-2; t); Cod.Navar. 30, Test.88
(93,ll. 31-3);ll. 3-4 (Kaivi; ... dµc:pdTepa): Leont.Jer., Ctr.Mon., Test.3 (1817 Cll-12)
[24] Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orat. 38, 15 (ed. C. Moreschini, SC 358, 138, c.15,11.1-3; PG 36, 328
Cll-14). Cf etiam: Thdt.,Eran. II, Test. 45 (168,11.2-4); Leo, Tomus I, Test. 5 (22,ll. 5-7); TomusII, Test.
13 (124, ll. 28-30); Joan. Caes.,Apol. Cone. Chalc. Frag. Syr.105 (42,111031-4); Sev., Ctr. Gram. III, 37
(233, ll. 22-4; tr.171, ll. 28-30); Ad Serg. II (115, ll. 22-4; tr. 86, ll. 24-6); Leant. Byz., CA, Test. l l;De Sect.
IX; Flor. Len. 131, Test. 2; Flor Vat. 1455, Test. 19; Doctr. Patr. 7, X (52, I. 2; .J, ); 1. 1 (d7TEa7'dAry . , . ~v):
Leant. )er., Ctr. Mon., Test.22 (1821 BB-14); Doctr. Patr. 4, N (30,l. 7); Sev.,AdNeph. II (42,ll.17-18;
tr.31,ll.28-9); Ctr. Gram. IIl,23 (20,ll. 29-30; tr.14,ll. 31-2); ll. 6-7 (Err<i ... [<pvaews]); Sev.,Antijul.
(133,l.16-tr.103,11.10-12); 11. 6-7 (Kal [lrre{v17aEv] ... <pVaews): Anast Sin., Hod. X,2.5.51 £ (173)
[25] Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orat. 30, 7-8 (ed. P. Gallay, SC 250240,1.16-242, 1. 13; PG 36, 113
A6-Bl0; ed. A. J. Mason, 119 £). C£ etiam: De Sect. IX; II. 2-5 (G>eOs ... oV Kvp{ws): Ps.-Joan. Mar.,
Tesl 8 (194, ll. 2-5); Doctr. Patr. 4, III (30, ll. 4--5); ll. 2-7 (®eos ... IIaT~p); Pamph. VI (168,
11255-60); ll.11-p. 204,l. 3 (19€0S ... J,,(,rnfo);

VOG [23] 3 post (ad.pg) add. "et hoc est quod ex utroque mercamur" Dion. Exig. 4 Eg
dµf{Joiv: EK 8voiv Eul. (~v ... dµrp6-rEpa): "ut per unum utrumque habere possumus" Dion. Exig.
[24] 5 TA I'ENE6JAIA: TO IIAEXA OG 6 d,,\,\' om. De Sect. 8i7rAoVs ... E7rE;:
8i7r,\ij ydp l}v ij (/)Vais aVToV (Ev a-U-r4J: Leo, Joan. Caes.), dµiAEi Toi Ev-rEVBi:v Thdt, Leo, Joan.
Caes., Sev. (txt. Thdt. cod. P; ij rpVais aV-roV om. Thdt. cod. J) ante Ei<o7r{aaEv add.17iJfryaEv Ka;
Flor. Len. 131 Kal E7rE{v17aEv om. V"', De Sect. 7 E'iTE{vaaE Anast. Sin. Kai E8{i/;riafEv
om. Flor. Len. 131 Kal ~ywv{aaEv om. De Sect., Anast. Sin. v6µcp rpVai:ws: v6µcp aWµa-ros
Greg. Naz., Thdt.codd. SD, Sev.,Doctr. Patr., Flor. Len.131; dv6pw7T{vov aWµa-ros v6µq; Thdt. cett.
(sed om. dv6pw7r{vov cod. D), Leo, Joan. Caes., Leant. Byz. CA, De Sect.
[25] 8 B'JIOI'QY; JIOI'OY B' V; A' JIOI'OY 0 9 oliv om. De Sect. ~µiv post
Elp~aew transp. De Sect. ElpE{a6w V EilEOs: KVpios Pamph. VI, cod. V; 8€ om.
Pamph. 10 A'1yoi-r' 0, Pamph. VI, cod. V Clv om. Flor. Len.131, ante AEyot-ro transp.
Pamph. XVII Tov Kvpiws om. Pamph. VI [25] 6-7 Eph. 1. 17 [26] 10 (8,d ...
1idvra) cf. Joan. 1. 3 1-2 Eph. 3.17
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 203

23. BY ST GREGORY THE THEOLOGIAN,

FROM HIS APOLOGETIC DISCOURSE

This is the emptied divinity, this is the assumed flesh, this is the new mixture-
God and a human being, one from both and both through one.

24. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE

ORATION ON CHRIST'S BIRTH

He was sent, but as a human being-for he was double, since he labored and
was hungry and thirsty and struggled and wept, by the law of nature.

25. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

SECOND ORATION ON THE SON

Let this be our affirmation against those who make a lot of noise about the word
"greater" (see john 14.28): he should be called the "God" not of the Word, but of
the one who is seen. For how could he be God of one who is properly God? just
as he is Father not of the one who is seen, but of the Word. For
 204 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE
,J: ~ ,\ " Y I I I ' > ' " I\;> I ' >\ \ • ' I I
'JV Ol1T OVS\ WGTE TO f.LEV KVplWS E1T ap...rpoiv, TO OE ov Kvpiws, Ul\I\ Evavriws
~ E(fl t}µWv Exei· t}µWv µEv ydp Kvp{ws eeOr:;, oV Kvp{ws OE IIaT~p. Kai,
,... >I <I ,... ,.., , ,.. 1 \ I ' ,... ' I > 1y t_
TOVTO EUTlV 0 7TOlEl TOlS atpETlKOlS' T7JV 1Tl\UV7JV,1] TWV ovoµarwv E7Tl1;,EV~ lS\
>
'
E7TU/\
\,\ I "' I
aTTOf.LEVWV TWV ovoµarwv ota TTJV avyKpaaiv. "-'7JfLElOV oe· 'YJVLKa
<;;; I I I " ,.. <;;'\. t I
ai
5 cpVcretr; Oi{aravTat, Tals ETTivo{ais avvOiaipeirai Kai rd Ov6µ,ara. Ila.VA.av
Ae'yovros &Kovaov lva "0 BeOi; roV Kvplov t}µ,Wv 'TryaoV XpiaroV, 0 llar~p
rijs 06g17r:;''. XpiaroV µ€-v 8e0s, rijs OE 06t17.s Ilar~p. 'El ydp Kal 7 0
avvaµrp6repov Ev, &AA' oV rfj r:pVaei, rfj OE avv68cp.

{26} TOY 54YTOY'EK THE IIPOE

10 KAHLJONION'EIIIETOAHE A'
TJs Kal rO Oid XpiaroV yeyovEvai rd TTdvTa Kai rO "KO.TDlKElv XpiarOv Ev
,.,, <;;;! ' "" > \ \ ! "£1 "'\\I I
Tat:; Kapotal:; YJfLWV ov KaTa TO cpatVOfLEVOV TOV 0-EOV a/\/\a KaTa

Scholion ad 25, I. 1 ( -rO µ,Ev ... ExEi) in calc. 0: c£ Appendicem II huius libri.

[25] 6-7 Eph. l.17 [26] 11(8td ... 7Tcivra) cf Joan.1.3 11-12 (Ka-roo<Ei'v ... ~µ,Wv) Eph.3.17

Parnph. XVII (256, ll. 112-18); p. 204, I. 11 CEl•os ... Aoyov 81) et p. 204, ll. 4-5 (~viKa ...
Ov6µ,a-ra): Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test.18 (1820 Dll-1821 A3); p. 202, 1. 9 - p. 204, I. 9 (OEDs .. ,
avv68q;):Theor.,Disp. (140 D8-141 All); Flor.Len.131, Test. 60-1 (cumomissionibus); Thdt.,Eran.
II, Test46 (168,ll. 6-16; l);Justr. Ctr. Mon., Test.136 (29,ll.10-18; l);ll. 3-5 (Kat-roV-ro ... Ov6µ,a-ra):
Cone. Chalc., Ad Marc., Test 4 (114 [473], 11. 18-19: in aliquibus codd. om. l. 4 [E1Ta>..Aarroµ,€vwv ...
aVyKpaaiv]); ll. 2-8 (Kai -roV-ro ... avv68<[J): Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test. 14 (1493 A7-15; !); 11. 4-5
(aT)µ,Eiov ... Ov6µ,a-ra): Buth. Zig., Pan. XVI (1080 A14-B2); ll. 4-8 (O'T)fLE'iov ... avv68<;tJ): Sev., Ad
Neph Il (41, ll.16-22; tr. 31, ll. 2-8);Doctr. Patr. 2, III (11, 1. 11); Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test.12 (146, no.
100); ll. 4-8 (~viKa ... avv68q;): Sev., Ctr. Gram. III, 8 (153, ll. 4-9; tr.106, 1. 29-107, 1. 1); )ustn.,
Conj Rect. Fid., Test 8 (84, ll. 34-6); ll. 6-7 (El ydp ... avv68q;): Sev., Exp. Fid., apud Doctr. Patr. 2,
LI (25,1114-15); Leont.jer. Ctr. Mon., Test. 24 (1821 C9-10);Pamph. VI (158,ll.20-1; 169,ll. 261-2);
Euth. Zig., Pan. VII (213 BS-6); Theor., Disp. (152 All-12)
[26] Gregorius Nazianzenus,Ep.101,Ad Cledonium I (ed. P.Gallay,SC208,48,ll.15-20;PG 37, 181,
C2-7). C£ etiam: p. 204,l. 11 - p.206,l. l (Ws Kai ... KA~aEwv): 1hdt.

VOG [25] 1-2 Wa-rE ... Ila-r~p om. Flor. Len. 131 ~µ,Wv µ,Ev ydp ... Ila7~p om. Pamph.
XVII 2 d,\,\' om. Greg. Naz., Pamph., Justn. Ctr. Mon., Theor. ~om. O; 8E ~ Pamph. lgH
Thdt. µ,Ev post Kvptws transp. Greg. Naz, Thdt. (txt. cod. J), Pamph. VI, Just. Ctr. Mon.,
Theor. post 8<06s add. 0 8E6s Greg. Naz. Codd AD 4 E7TaAAa-r7oµ,€vwv ... aVyKpaaiv
om. Thdt. (txt. cod. J), Cone. Chalc. codd. MW. Flor. Len. 131 ~va,\,\a7-roµ,Evwv
Theor. LJ17a,\,\a770µ,€vwv De Sect. -rWv Ovoµ.&.7wv 7oV7wv Thdt. cod. J ante ~v{Ka add.
Ws V 5 8iaipE'i7ai Euth. Zig. dKoVE-rE Thdt. (txt. cod. J) Lv' 0 6 post 0 19€05'
add. Ka;, IIaT~ p Joan. Dam. 7 Xpi0'7oV µ,Ev: -roV µ,Ev Xpia-roV Flor. Len. 131 Kai om. Thdt.,
Toan. Dam. 8 -rd avvaµ,rp6-rEpa Pamph. d.\,\' om. Pamph. 1 post avv68<;tJ add. -roV-rwv
Greg.Naz.
[26] 10 KAYJONJON G A' 'EIIIETOAHE O; 'EIIIETOAHE B' V; B'
'EIITETOAHEG 11 Ws:Wa7TEpGreg.Naz., Thdt. -rO ... -rOom. Thdt. anteXpla7oVadd.
-roV Greg. Naz. codd.ASacDPC, Thdt. 7(} om. G, Greg.Naz. 12 ~µ,Wv: Uµ,Wv Greg. Naz.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 205
he was double, so that there is one proper, and another improper, predication
for both-but in a way opposite to what holds good for us. For us, after all, he is
properly God, but not properly Father. And this is what causes error for the
heretics: the linking of names, so that they become interchangeable because of
the mixture.A sign of this is when the natures are distinguished, the names, too,
are divided along with the ideas. Hear Paul saying this: "The God of our Lord
Jesus Christ, the Father of Glory" (Eph. 1.17). Of Christ he is God, but the Father
of glory. If both are one thing, it is not by nature but by conjunction.

26. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS FIRST

LETTER TO CLEDONIUS

... So that also our affirmation that all things have come to be through Christ
(John 1.3), and that "Christ dwells in our hearts" (Eph 3.17), are said not with
regard to the earthly appearance of God but with regard to
 206 'ENANTIAE !JOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE
J I <I ,.,, I <! \:'\ I " \I
voovµ,evov, Ktpvaµ..evwv WG7TEp TWV cpvaewv, ovTw 017 Kai TWV Kl\7]GEWv,
Kal 1TEpixwpoVawv els dAA~Aas TqJ A6yq; T~S avµ,rpv{a").

[27] TOY 'AI'IOY I'PHI'OPIOY'EIIIEKOIIOY NYEHE'EK

TOY IIPOE }ff!OAINAPION ANTIPPHTIKOY
s El oOv cpvaiKOv Tij aapKl TD ~yeµoveVea8ai, Ka8dJs. <pYJUlV 0 J4770.\ivtipios,
' I
1JYEfLOVlKOV OE TYJ
t:' I ,.,, I
cpvaei TO
\ e" ,., ' ,.,
~ \;> I <I 'I:. ) ,.., 1' I
ElOV, 1TWS 0 TUVTa UlUOVS EV Es apX'rJS El Val Ta
) I " I \;' l'J " ll "'I\ <I •I "'
aµ,<poTEpa TTJ <pVUEl oiopisETal, 7TUGlV OVTOS 7Tp00Yjl\OV 0Tl ETEpos TOV
V1ToXEtp!ov Kal UAAos ToV E7TiaraToVvros 0 A6yos, Kal CL\Ao TD 1TE<pvKds
00Yjyela8ai Kal lTepov 7TdAiv cJJ cpVats TD ~yeµoveVeiv EaT{v; El oVv Ev To ls
' I
10 EVUVTlOlS ><;:- I
lOtwµ..aaiv
'e '
YJ UTEpov TOVTWV
' e " I ,.,,
ewpElTUl cpvais, T'Y}S aapKOS l\EYW
I \ I

' 'e EOTYJTOr;, 7TWS' µia al'"°'

Kat TYJS I "
uvo cpvaeis ElUlV; I I ) I

[26cont.] Eran.I, Test46(104,ll.15-18);112-3 (KipvaµEvwv ... avµf[>v{ar;): Leont.Jer.,Ctr. Mon.,

Test.19 (1821 A5-7); Pamph. N (150,ll.12-14)
[27] Gregorius Nyssenus, Adversus Apollinarium 40 (ed. F. Mueller, GNO 111/1.195, 1. 24-196,
1. 5; PG 45, 1213 D5-1216A9). Cf.etiamDoctr. Pair. 2,XV (14,1. 31); Niceph.,Antirrh. N,66, 7 (485,ll.
10-23); Justn., Ctr.Mon., Test.191 (40,l. 38-41,l.2; t);De Sect. IX (J...; ut in V);ll. 9-11 (El oVv ... Ela{v):
Leont.Jer., Ctr.Mon., Test. 75 (1833,D?-9); Ephr.Am.,MDomn. et Joan. (IV, 146,ll.22-4);Ad Or.Mon.
(l\T, 161, 1. 26-162,1. 29); Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test. 23 (149, no.113); Do ctr. Pa tr. 9, N (60, ll. 2-4); Buth.
Zig.,Pan.16 (1080 C7-9);Theor.,Disp. (153 Dl5-156A3); Flor.Len.131, Test. 78;1. 11 (7TWs µ{a al 8Vo
cpVaEtr; da{v;): Eustathius (4441. 936);Anast. Sin., Hod. X,l. 2.81 £ (151)

VOG [26} 2 cpVaEWv ... KA~aEwv: KA~aEwv ... cpVaEwv Thdt.

VG [27] Hoc testimonium om. 0, transp. post test. 31 V. 3 'ElllEKOllOY om. V
4 IIPOE i!IIOAINAPION i!NTIPPHTIKOY; KATA i!IIOAINAPIOY EYNTAI'MATOEV
5-7 (El oVv ... 7TpoO~Aov) om. G 6 -rfj om.Doctr. Patr., Niceph. Elvai om. Doctr. Patr.;
Elvat Td om. Niceph. ante Elvai add. TO De Sect. 9 Ev om. Euth. Zig. Tots om. Flor.
Len. 131 10 V7TEvavTlots Theor. fJaTEpov: EKarEpov Leont. Jer., Justn.; fJcfTEpa Ephr.
Am., Ad Or.Mor. cod. A, Flor. Len. 131 fJEwpElTai: EVp{aKE'Tat De Sect. ante aapKOs add.
ydp Euth. Zig. Post aapKOs add. TE V, Ephr. Am., Ad Or. Mon. ,\Eyw om. Doctr. Patr. 9, IV
11 ante µ{a add. oDv Anast Sin. µ{ai Niceph. cpVaELS om. G, Niceph., Euth. Zig., Theor.
cp-VaEis Ela{vom. Ephr.Am. Post Ela{v add. llWs OE fJE{av (fJE{av rtvd Greg.Nyss.) Kal oVpav{a
a6 pKa 7TE pi 1T ,\daaE i T<j'J 116ycp; µBAAov SE aVTOv (om.De Sect.) 1T poa1TO aapK ol (1T poa7ToaapKo ts
De Sect.) -rOv 116yov, oVK olKovoµiKWs ETT' EaxcfTwv TWv (om. Greg. Nyss.) ~µEpWv T~V ~µE-rEpav
iJ7TEA86v-ra (l1TE,\(;IOvTa De Sect.) µopcp~v, d/..X dEl roVTo (TaVTOv De Sect.) TOD dTp€1TTOV T~V
acfpKa (T0v li-rpE1TTOV T~S aapKOs De Sect.), Kai TOiJ KafJl)yovµEvov 1Tpoa0€Ea8ai, -r1/v
~fl'ET€pav O..v-rtKpvs AEyEi aripKa, T~V Oid TD TPE1TT0v T~S cpVCJEWS Els dµapr{av 1TEaoVaav· Ei
8E V7rEpovpdvt6v (E7rovprivl6v De Sect.) Tt Kai fJEl:ov aWµa, KafJWs tpl)al, fJEwpEt (fJEwpElTal
Greg. Nyss.) 1TEpl rOv 116yov, oV8E -rO -rpE1T-r0v (Ci.-rpE7TTov V) aVT<j'J TTriVTWS Ka-rd TO dK6Aoveov
0{8waiv. V, De Sect.(= Greg. Nyss.: Mueller 196, II. 5-15; PG 45.1216 A9-B5)
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 207

what we know; as the natures are blended, so indeed are the terms we use for
them, and they move interchangeably with each other, by reason of their
growing together.

27. BY ST GREGORY, BISHOP OF NYSSA,

FROM HIS REFUTATION OF APOLLINARIUS

If, then, it is natural for flesh to be guided, as Apollinarius says, and the divine is
guide by its nature, how can someone who grants this lay it down that both are
naturally one from the beginning? It must be more than clear to all that the
structure of what is subject is one thing, and that of what is in command is
another, and that what is naturally suited to be led along is one thing, and what
has the nature to lead is yet another. If, then, the nature of each of these things
is recognized in opposite characteristics-I mean those of flesh and of
Godhead-how are the two natures one?
 208 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

{28} TOY 'AYTOY'EK TOY KAT"EYNOMIOY A' AOI'OY

\ yap
T ov \ « f.LEGlTT)V OEOV
ful "
KatI av
' 8pw7TWV,
' " Ka 8WS'
I I
wvoµ,aaEv
'
0 8ElOS
, I '

'A 1TOGTOl\OS, OVOEV OVTWS' WS' TO TOV Y'lOV"\;'OElKVVGlV ovoµa, EKUTEpq.

I \ '\:' \ t "'
cpvaEl,
' I .... I " I '

TTJ' TE 8' El<;t Kat''8

av pW7TlV[j, KaTaITO
' "lGOV Ecpap(J-DsDf.LEVOV·
' Y' 0'yap
I UVTOS
' I Ka( I

5
' fu1 I " > t 8 > >
Y LOS' l!jrEQV EGTl, Kal VlOS' av pW7TOV KUT OlKOVoµ.iav EYEVETO· tVa TTJ 7rpo<;
I I ) I I ) I U " I

' I I \;' > ' " I,/, \ \:' "' " I

EKUTEpov KOlVWvtq.. Ol EUVTOV avva'fYl Ta OlEGTWTa TTJ <:pVUEl.

[29] TOY 'AYTOY'EK TOY B' AOI'OY

n ' ' ' ' '
Ola µ,opcp7] E7Tl TOV 7TU OVS' pa7Tt1::,ETat, Kat 1TOlU Es atolOV oosasETat;
'8 ' 'Y ' ' 'I: , .. , , ' l:'Y

<i>avEpd ydp TaiJra, KCTv µ,~ ris €cpepµ77veVan rqJ ..\Oyq.i, DTt al fLEv 1T..\T)yai
10
" \:' I\
TOV OOVl\OV, EV qJ 0 UEU'TTOTT)S',
) ?' ' \;' I
att \;' \ I "
OE Tlf-lUl TOV OEG7TDTOV, 7TEpt OV 0 UOVl\OS'•
\:' I I t\ t \;' "\

t \:' \ \
WS' Ota TT)V avvacpEiav 'TE Kat avµ,cpviav KOLVa
t I \ I I 8
YEVEG at
I ' ' '
'TU EKU'TEpov
' I .-.. '>:' I I <:' \ I I \ ' r \
aµ,cpo7Epa, 'TOV 'TE oEG7TOTOV 'TOVS' OOVl\LKOVS f-LWl\W1TUS ELS EUVTOV
dvaAaµ,~&vovTos, Kai TDD OoVAov 'Tfl 0Ea1TOTtKfl Oo[a~oµ,Evov Ttµ,fl.

[30] TOY 'AYTOY'EK TOY LJ' AOI'OY

15 IIavTaxoiJ yelp Ti,v TDD dv8pw1TE{ov 7Tp0s TD BElov dv&Kpaatv KYJpVaawv,
) '>:' I ~ )
OVUEV 'JT'TOV EV EKU'TEPCf.J 'TO lOLOV Ka opq..
C I I )f~ 8 '

[28] 2 1 Tim.2.5

[28] Gregorius Nyssenus, Contra Eunomium III, l, 92 (ed W. Jaeger II, 35, 1112-19; PG 45, 597
Bll-C5). C£ etiam: Justn., Ctr. Mon.130(28,11. 33-6); 11. 2-4 (Tdv ydp ... €rpapµo,6µEvov): leont
)er., Ctr. Mon., Test. 27 (1821 D6-9); Flor. Len.131, Test 79.
[29] Gregorius Nyssenus, ibid. III, 3, 66 (ed. W. Jaeger, II, 131, ll. 6-13; PG 45.705 C10-D3). Cf.
etiam: Cone. Const. III (425 A7-B2; t); Doctr. Patr. 15, XIX (97,ll. 8-9; t); 1. 8 (rro{a ... Oo~i:l(ETat):
Gelasius,DeDuab.Nat., Test. 24' (549; l); Ephr.Am.,Ad Or. Mon. (IV, 17),ll. 27-9; !);Anast. Sin., Hod.
X,l.2.78 f. (151); ll. 8-9 (.,,o{o ... Aoyo/); Thdt., Eran. Ill, Test. 48 (241,11, 27-8); ll. 8-10 (.,,oio ...
OoVAos): Fae Herm.,Dej Tr. Cap.XI, 4(340,11. 9-13; t); ll. 8-12 (rro{a ... dµrp6TEpa): Flor Vat.1455,
Test.24
[30] Gregorius Nyssenus, ibid. III, 4, 13 (ed. W. Jaeger, II, 138, ll.18-19; PG 45, 716 Al0-12). Cf.
etiam. Flor. Len.131, Test. 4; Flor Vat. 1455, Test. 25a

VOG [28] I !lYTOY; !lI'IOY (MAKAPIOY V) I'PHI'OPIOY 'EIIIEKOIIOY NYEHE

VO 'EK TQN G A' om. V A' ilOI'OY om. 0 2 TDv: Td Justn. ydp om.
Leont. Jer., Justn. ante dJv6µ,aaE add. Kal Leont. Jer. Wv6µ,aKEV V 8E'ios: µEyds Greg.,
Nyss., Justn. 3 54rr6aToAos om. 0 YioiJ: XptaToV Greg. Nyss. codd. VL; Kvp{ov Flor.
Len.131 ante rpVaEi add. Tfl G, Greg. Nyss. cod. V 4 TE om. V,Leont. Jer.; post ()E{q, transp.
Greg. Nyss., Justn. ante dv()pwrr{vfl add. Tfl V 5 GJEoiJ ante Yids transp. Greg. Nyss., Justn.
[29] 8 µ,oprp~: rpVais XpiaToiJ Anast. Sin. di:O{ov: .f18ov Ephr. Am. 9 µ~ Tis:
µ,r;OEls Thdt. (txt. cod. J) i.pµ,r;vEVTJ Thdt. 11 y{vEaOai Greg.Nyss. (txt. codd. TS), Cone.
Const. III 13 dvaAaf36vTos V"'O 0Ea1I'oTiKfl: ToiJ 0Earr6Tov V
[30] 15 dv8pw1I'{vovGreg.Nyss. Kr;pVTTwvV,Greg.Nyss. 16 Ka8op6.v Flor.Len 131
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 209

28. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

FIRST BOOK AGAINST EUNOMIUS

Nothing else than the name of the Son, then, reveals the "mediator between
God and human beings"(! Tim. 2.5), as the divine Apostle calls him-a name
fitted to each nature, the divine and the human, equally. For the same one is Son
of God, and became son of man in the plan of God, so that he might link
together what is naturally separate by their sharing with each other through
himself.

29. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM BOOK 2

Which form is scourged in the Passion, and which is eternally glorified? This is
obvious, even if one does not use one's reason for interpreting, that the beatings
belong to the servant in whom the master dwells, and the honors to the master
whom the servant surrounds.As a result, through their conjunction and growth
together, both qualities of each become common: the master receives the
servant's wounds into himself, and the servant is glorified with the master's
status.

30. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM BOOK 4

... For proclaiming everywhere the mingling of what is human with what is
divine, he nonetheless perceives what is proper in each.
 210 'ENANTIAL: LJOKHL:EQL: NEL:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYL:

[31] TOY'AYTOY'EKTOY'AYTOY AOI'OY

"[ ' ,..,, l<;;-1 I
va EK TOV Ta uvo 7TEpl TO EV /\Eyea al TO Trpoacpopov VOOlTO 7rEpl EKUTEpov)
1<1 \I e 1 / ,.. It /

7Tepl µ,Ev TD BeZov ~ d7Td8eia, 7TEpi OE TD dv8pW1Tivov ~ Kard TO 7Td8os'

olKovoµ{a.

5 [32] TOY :4I'IOY'IOYAIOY'EIIIL:KOIIOY'PQMHL:·

TAYTHN LJE THN XPHL:IN'O MAKAPIOL: KYPIAAOL:
IIAPHI'AI'EN'EN Tlf KAT' :4YTON L:YNO[/
<•• ·' 0
,,
8EV
'C, ,
Es avayKYJS Kai TO awµaTlKOV Ka 01\0V Kat TO
, , ,
8
1, , , eElKOV
. , Ka 801\0V
,,
\ >
/\EYEG at· Kal 0
e I ' I \;'
f-lYJ ovvaµevos
I ' ,..,, ' I
EV TOlS YJVWf-LEVOlS otacpopav ElOEVQl, Tl TO
~ I '~I I I

>I\;' ' I ) I ) I ,..,, ' \;' I I \ >I<;;>

10 lOlOV EKarepov, EVQVTtwµ,aatv aGVf.L<pWVOlS 1TEpt7TEGElTQl• 0 OE Kat Ta Lota
I I I tf \ I '1 I I ,/, I >I \
ytVWGKWV KQl TYJV EVWGlV <pVl\UTTWV OVTE TUS cpvaEtS 'fEVGETQl DUTE 'TTJV

Evwatv dyvo~aet.

[33] TOY :4I'IOY'IAAPIOY'EIIIL:KOIIOY

IIIKTABQN 'Ell: LJE KAI'OYTOL: TQN'EN NIKAL;l
15 'EK TOY IIEPI IIIL:TEQL: AOI'OY G'
'
0 VK -r.;:-
OlOEV, '
OUK ~"'
OlUEV "'
OVTOS '
TYJV ' r ' OS
,..,, sOYfjV,
EQVTOV " 'I7JUOVV
, TOV
' X ptaTOV
' ws
•
" e,..,, ful e - ,, e
, , , ,
"
U/\7) 1} 0-EOV OVTW KQl a 7J Yj av pw7TOV OUK €7TLUTU'TUl.
, ',.\

[31] Gregorius Nyssenus, ibid. Ill, 4, 14 (ed. W Jaeger II, 139, ll. 3-6; PG 45, 716 B9-13).
Cf etiam justn., Ctr. Mon. 148 (31, ll.12-13; t); Flor. Vat.1455, Test. 25b; Syn. Hispal (566 E3-JO; !);
Justn., Conj Rect. Fid., Test. 9 (86,ll. 2-4; t)
[32] Ps.-Julius Romae (revera Apollinarius Laodicenus), De Unione 17 (ed. H. Lietzmann, 192,
1. 14-193,l. 2). Cf etiam Sev.,AdNeph. II (29,IL 9-14;tr.22,ll. 13-18); Ephr.Am .. Ad Or.Mon. (JV, 173,
ll. 31-6); Niceph.. Antirrh. Ill, Test. 35 (359, ll. 14-15); Flor. Marc. 573, £ 31'; Flor Len.131, Test. 91;
11. 9-12 (Kal 6 µ0 ... &yvo0aEt): Joan. Caes., ApoL Cone. Ch ale., Frag. Syr. 117 (46, ll. 1143-6), cum
correctionibus Severi; Sev.Ad Serg. I (88,ll.19-25; tr. 64,l. 33-65,l. 4);1110-12 (6 8E ... &yvo0aEL: Leant.
)er.. Ctr. Mon .. Test. 46 (1828AJ2-14)
[33] Hilarius Pictaviensis,De Trinitate IX, 3 (ed. P. Smulders, CCL 62A, 373, c. 3,ll. 6-7; PL 10, 282
Bl 0-12). C£ etiam: Flor. Len. 131, Test 92"; Leo, Tom us I, Test. 1 (20, ll. 8-9; J, [cum 34 coniunctum]);
Tomus II, Test.2 (120,ll. 21-2; t [cum 34 coniunctum]); Tbdt.,Eran. ll, Test. 79 (178,ll. 3-4; t [cum 34
coniunctum])

VOG [31] 2 Zv'O

[32] 6 LJE om. V 7 IIAPHI'AI'EN ante 'O MAKAPI0.17 transp. G 8 post
awµaTt1<0v add. aVToV Sev.Ad Neph. post 8Ei'K0v add. aVToV Sev.,Ad Neph. 9 Aiyerat
G, Ps.-Julius 8vvdµEvos Ev: 8vvaµlvots Niceph. 8tar:p6pols Ps.-Julius, Ephr, Am., Sev.
10 davµr:pWvws Ps.-Julius Td om.Leont.Jer. 11 r:pvAdaawv Ps.-Julius T0v r:pVaiv Ps.-
Julius, Sev. (corr. ad Joan. Caes.) tj;EV8ETat Ephr.Am. 12 dyvo0aEtEV Ephr.Am.
[33] 13 7AAPIQN017G 14 'OYT017:AYT017V TQN'ENNIKA!Ar. TH17'EN
NIKAIAiI:YNOiJOY 0 15 E>'ante.AOI'OYtransp.V 16 oVKoi8Ev 2 om.G,Thdt.
(bct. cod. J) oi5Tos: OvTwS Leo Tomus I, Thdt. 17 dAYj&Ws 0
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 211

31. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SAME BOOK

So that, on the basis of the two being said of the one thing, the appropriate
category might be attributed to each: freedom from suffering concerns what is
divine, but the divine plan of the Passion concerns what is human.

32. BY ST JULIUS, BISHOP OF ROME; THE BLESSED

CYRIL BROUGHT THIS TEXT FORWARD IN THE
SYNOD HELD UNDER HIS LEADERSHIP

... For that reason, what is generally proper to the body and what is generally
divine is necessarily predicated. And anyone who cannot recognize the
difference in what is united-what is proper to each-will encounter opposite
characteristics that clash with each other; but anyone who recognizes what is
proper [to each], and preserves the union, will neither be deceived about the
natures nor be unaware of their union.

33. BY ST HILARY, BISHOP OF POITIERS

(HE, TOO, WAS ONE OF THOSE AT NICAEA);
FROM HIS TREATISE ON THE FAITH, BOOK 9

He is unaware-unaware!-ofhis own life, who does not recognize Jesus Christ

as true God, just as he is truly human.
 212 'ENANTIAE !JOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYE

[34} KAI MEIBJ"ETEPA

TaVTa 0 A6yos adpg yev6µevos EA.eye Kal &v8pw1TOS 'TryaoVi; 0 KVplos 7 7js
SOtr;s €8{0aaKE,'rrpOs TYjv T1js EKKA:rya{as awTr;p{av µ,EalTYJS a VT Os V1T6.pxWv
' t "' I ' "' I ,.,, f ~ ) 1' £l "' I ) fl I
avrcp TOVT<.p Tlp f-LVGTYjpU.p, Ol OV1TEp 0Eq_J Kat avopw7Tots
EV EUVTq.J, KUl
s €µ,ea{revaEv, Els Tvyxdvwv TO avvaµcp6Tepov, EK TWv EvwBEiaWv els aV 7 Q
OTJ TDVTo cpVaewv Ev Kai TaVTOv Oi' EKaTEpas cpVi:JEws Wv· 1TA~v oVTws Ws Ev
t I ~>t I £l I 't I I I I
EKarepq; µ:ryu 01TOTepov XYJPEVEtv,µ:ry 1TWS rrava71Tat oeos Et vat TLKToµ,evos
dv8pW7TO<;, ~ rrcL\iv &v8pW1TOS oVK fl T0 Siaµ,Evetv eeOs· oVKoVv TOiJro r1js
))£)/ I I I 11£:11 I l>f(l
EV avupW7TOlS cpvaews TO f-LUKaptov, TO TOV OEOV µ,ev Kat avopW7TOV
10 KT)pVTTElV, rYjv 8€ adpKa Kal A6yov Oµ,oAoyelv, Kal TDv Bebv elOEvat DTt
&v8pw7ros e't77, Kal r~v adpKa µ~ dyvoELv Ort Kai A6yos- Ear{v.

{35} TOY'AYTOY'EK TOY IIEPI IIIETEQE AOI'OY Z'

'Op~s lipa oVrw Kal BEDv Kai lf.v8pw1Tov OµoAoyELaOai.

{36} KAI MEIBJ''ETEPA

15 Kai €1TEL0~1TEp EKdrEpa rat's olKElais yEyEv77raL cpUaEaiv, Eva µoi XpiarOv
EKELvov Eivai µv77µ6vEVE rOv Ovra dµcp6rEpa. <••• > TaiJra 0€

[34] Hilarius Pictaviensis,ibid. (ed. P. Smolders, CCL 62A,374,c. 3,ll.12-23; PL JO, 285A2-14).C£
etiam: Thdt., Eran. II, Test 79 (178, l1 10-20; t [cum 33 coniunctum]); Leo, Tomus I, Test. 1
(20,ll.14-23; i [cum 33 coniunctum]); Leo, Tomus II, Test. 2 (121, ll.1-8; i [cum 33 coniunctum]);
ll. 6-7 (gv ... XTJPEVELv): Leont.Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 87 (1836 D9-10)
[35] Hilarius Pictaviensis, ibid. IX, 11 (ed. P. Smulders, CCL 62A, 382, 1. 20; PL JO, 290 Bll). C£
etiam: Thdt.,Eran. II, Test. 81 (180,l. 2; ! [cum 36 coniunctum]); Leo, Tomus I, Test. 3 (21,l. 27; ! [cum
36 coniunctum]); Tomus II, Test. 4 (122,l 9; J.- [cum 36,ll 14-15 coniunctum]); Flor. Vat.1455, Test.12
[cum 36, ll.15-16 coniunctumJ
[36] Hilarius Pictaviensis, ibid. IX, 11et14 (ed. P. Smulders, CCL 62A, 383,ll. 26-8; 385,11. 1-4; PL
10, 290 C2-291A2;292 B5-9). Cf.etiam: Flor. Len.131, Test. 92b; Thdt.,Eran. II, Test. 81

VOG [34] 2 post 'l1JaoiJr; add. XpiarOs Hil., Leo, Thdt. 3 0i06.aKEi Thdt. codd. IS
Jv ... µvaTTJP{'-1?: Jv aVr<{> Tip µvaTTJP{'-1? Thdt. (txt. cod. J) Kai aVTip om. Leo 5 aVTO:
TaVTO V 5-6 Elr; aVTO 00 ToVro: Elr; rO aVTO roVTo 00 Leo; Elr; aVTO roVTo OE 1bdt. (€v
av::_'-:?~ UT) TOVT~ co d . J; Elr;
, "'' I , aVTO
, TOVT?
~ uvo co d . I)
I "'' 6 ante irvaE~V
, add. TWV
- G , • Ta~TOV:
' '
ravTo Leo wv om. Leant. Jer. ev om. Leont. Jer. 7 oTroTEP<fJ V µ1]0 oTrorEpov:
µ1]8Er€pov Leo, Thdt. (µ1]8' Er€p4J codd. ISV"'; txt. cod. J) 8 &v8pw11or; ante TlKT6µEVor;
transp. 0 obK ll: oVxl Thdt. (oliK ~v cod. J) 8-9 oVKoVv ... µaK6.plov: ''haec itaque
humanae beatitudinis fides vera est" Hil. 9 q:iVaEwr;: dATj8oVr; 11{aTEwr; Leo, Thdt. µJv
ante @EOv transp. Leo, 1bdt. (txt. cod. J) 10 ante @EOv add. TE Leo, Thdt. cod J; add. µJv
Thdt. codd cett. 11 ante Civ8pw11or; add. Kai Leo, Thdt. Kai r~v: T~V OJ V, Thdt. cod. S
[35] 12 Z'post AOI'OYtransp. V 13 rnlom.Leo, Thdt.
[36] 15 lTrEtO~ Flor Marc. 573 ante ralr; add. €v Leo codd. PS yEy€v1JVTat Leo Eva µot
Xpta-rOv om. 0 µot: µ€vrot ("tamen'') Hil.; µ6vov Flor Marc. 573 post XptaTOv add,
'fryaoVv Thdt., Leo, Flor. Marc. 573 16 Elvat om. Thdt.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 213

34. AND LATER ON

1be Word made flesh said these things, and the man Jesus, the Lord of glory,
taught them, being himself mediator, in himself, for the salvation of the Church;
by that very mystery, by which he mediated between God and the human race,
he was in both respects one subject-one and the same reality through each
nature, from natures united into this same thing. But this happened in such a
way that in each of them he was not deprived of the other, lest he should cease
to be God when he was born as a human being, or on the other hand not be
human because he remained God. Indeed this is the blessed thing about the
nature we humans share: to proclaim God and a human being, and to confess
the flesh and the Word; to know about God that he is human, and not to be
unaware that the flesh is also the Word.

35. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

TREATISE ON THE FAITH, BOOK 7

So you see, then, that both God and a human being are confessed.

36. AND LATER ON

And since both came to be within their own proper natures, recall, if you will,
that he is one Christ who is both ... I have demonstrated this
 214 'ENANTIA2: LJOKH2:EQ2: NE2:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOY2:
1 I \:'IQ I t I\:' ~ 'f
TOVTOV xaplV Ola tJPUXEWV V7TEOElsa, lVa EKaTEpav gJVGtV EV Tlf:J
t I I ' "Kvpup
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'
'171aoiJ Xptarip voela8at f.LVY)f.LDVEVwµev· 0 yap Wv Ev µopq;fJ BeoV EA.a~e
8oil,\ov µop<p~v.

[37] TOY 'AI'IOY l1MBP02:IOY'EIII2:KOIIOY MELJIOAANOY KAI

5 'OMOAOI'HTOY,'EK TQN IIP02: I'PATIANON TON BA2:IAEA·
TAYTHN LJE THN XPH2:IN IIAPHI'AI'EN'ENTJ;l KATA
NE2:TOPIOY 2:YNOLJ!_2 'O MAKAPI02: KYPIAA02:
<!>vA.6.twµev T~V Starpopdv r1j5 8e6TYJTD5 Kalr1js aapKOs· elsydpEv EKarEpQ-
,\ a ,\ Et' 0' Y't05 TOV C'IEOV,
I " £'l "' ' \:' I ' ' ,., '
E7TEt07}77Ep EV avrcµ EKarepa fPVGl5 EGTtV· Et yap Kat
' I ' I ' I I

10 0 aVr6s EaTt A.aA.Wv, 77A.~v oVK del µovorp67Tw5 ..\aAel.

[36] 2-3 Phil 2.6-7

[36 cont.] (180, ll. 5-10); 1 [cum 35 coniunctum]); Leo, Tomus I, Test. 3 (21, ll. 30-3; [cum 35
coniunctum]); p. 212, 11. 15-16 (Kai ... dµ,rp6-rEpa): Leo, Tomus II, Test. 4(122,11.11-12; [cum 35
coniuncturo]); p. 212, l. 16 -p. 214, I. 2 (-raV7a ... f-LVT}µovEDwµ-Ev): Leant. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 86
(1836 Dl-3); (miJrn ... µopcp~v): Leo, Tomus II, Test. 5(122,1112-16)
[37] Ambrosius, De Fide ad Gratianum II, 9, 77 (ed. 0. Faller, CSEL 78, 84-5, ll. 32-8; PL 16, 576
Bl3-C5). Cf. etiam: Tbdt.,Eran. II, Test 31 (163, l. 25-164,12); Vat. Gr.1431, Flor II, 16 (35); Joan. Caes.,
Apol. Cone. Chafe., Frag.Syr.88 (35,ll. 832-8); Innoc.Mar., Test.61 (179,ll.33-6);DeSect. IX;Anast.Sin,
Hod. X 1. 2.64-6, 73-4: om. p. 214, I. 9 - p. 216, 1. 1 [d ydp ... dvOpdnrov]); Doctr. Patr. 2,XVI (15,
ll. 4-10); Niceph., Antirrh. II, Test. 37 (360, ll. 1-9); Flor. Len. 131, Test. 42 (om. p. 214, 1 !O-
p. 216,l. 2 [8<wp~aov ... ,\a,\,~); Tbdt., Eran. II, Test. 33 (164, ll. 15-21; 1) Leo, Tomus I, Test. 7 (22.,
1119-25; 1); Tomus II, Test 8(123,1111-15;1); justn., Ctr. Mon., Test 155(32,1131-5;1); Fae. Henn.,
Dej Tr. Cap. I, 5, 12-13 (30, ll. 83-90; 1); Syn. Lat. (298,ll. 20-4; 1); Cone. Ephes., Coll. Vat. 54, Test.13
(42, l.29-43,l. 4; !); Coll.Ath. 75, Test.13 (92,ll. 24-8; !); Sev., Ctr. Gram. Ill, 17 (279, ll. 23-30; tr.196,
ll. 30-5; !);!. 8 (cpvA6.gwµ<v ... aapKos): Doctr. Patr. 5, VI (34,110); ll. 8-9 (cpv,\dgwµ.v ... Jo,/v):
Conc.Chalc.,AdMarc., Test2 (114 [473],ll.12-13);Fulg.Rusp.,

VOG [36] 1 EKaTEpav <pVaiv: "utriusque naturae personam" Hil.; EKaTEpa cpVais Flor.
Len.131 ~1-lWv om. Hil. 2 voeZaOai: tractari Hil µv7]µov£1Jawµev G
[37] 4 MEJIOAANQNOG 7 KATANEJ.:TOPIOY:KAT"'AYTONV 8 post
cpv/..dgwµEv add To{vvv Syn. Lat.; r:pvA&.gwµEv 'T~V 8iacpopdv: 7rp6axEs T~v Evwcnv Ephr.
Am. -r~v ... Tijs ... Tijs om. Cone. Chalc., rijs ... -rijs om. Anast. Sin. -rijs aapKOs Kai Tijs
0E6'T"f)TOS Flor. Marc. 573 post Tijs add. TE Syn. Lat. els ydp om. Leant. Jer.1829B €1<arlpq.:
4-TEpqJ Ephr.Am.; EKaTEpais De Sect. 9 AaAEi': cp8Eyyerai Cone. Chalc.,De Sect., rEAEL
Joan. Dam. 0 YIOs ToiJ BEoiJ: om. 0 Cone. Chalc.; 0 ToiJ BEoV YIOs Ephr. Am., Leont. Jer. 1829B,
Joan. Dam.,Doctr. Patr. Euth. Zig.; XpiaTDs Anast. Sin.; @EoiJ YiOs (quod ante Ev EKaTEpq. transp.)
Flor. Marc. 573, Syn Lat. E11Ei8011'Ep: E11El8~ G,Conc. Chalc.,De Sect.,Anast. Sin., Euth. Zig.; Ori
Ephr.Am. E71'Et8011Ep ... EaTlv: EKaTEpa ydp cp/Jats Ev aVr<jJ EaTi (Eariv Ev aVT<): Doctr. Patr.)
Leont.Jer.1829B,Doctr.Patr. 8, II Ev aVT<jJ post Earlv transp.DeSect.,Anast. Sin.,Syn. Lat., Flor.
Marc. 573; El ydp 01n. Joan.Caes. El ydp Kal om. Syn. Lat., Doctr. Patr. 2,XVI 10 EaTi
l\aAWv: l\aAEL Doctr. Patr. 2, XVI oV G d.El om. G El ydp ... i\aAEL: 0 aVTOs i\aAEL Kai Ev
Evi 116.vrws 7rpoaW114} De Sect. 11A~v ... AaAEi': Kal oVx ivl 11'6.vroTE 8tai\EyErat rp611'4} Syn.
Lat., Doctr. Patr. 2, XVI; om Ps.-Joan. Mar.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 215
briefly for this reason, that we might recall that each nature is recognized in our
Lord Jesus Christ. For the one who is in the form of God took on the form of a
slave.

37. BY ST AMBROSE, BISHOP OF MILAN AND CONFESSOR,

FROM HIS WORK TO THE EMPEROR GRATIAN;
THE BLESSED CYRIL BROUGHT THIS TEXT FORWARD
IN THE SYNOD HELD AGAINST NESTORIUS

Let us preserve the difference between the divinity and the flesh. For one Son of
God speaks in both, since indeed each nature is in him; and if the one who
speaks is the same, still he does not always speak in the same way. Contemplate
 216 'ENANTIA2 !JOKH2EQ2 NE2TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOY2
fu\ I ' ' ,.. ,.. I >;::It.
ryEWpYJGOV EV aVT(fJ vvv fLEV vosav OEOV, vvv OE 7TU
'8 YJ av
ful , 8pW1TOV·
,..I ' ,.. "\
ws OEos Td.
£) I

BE la .\a.\EZ, E7TEt8T,7rEp A6yos EaT/,v, Ws &vfJpw77os Td dv8pd.nr1,va .\a.\El, E7rE

tS~ Ev Tfj KaT" Eµ,~ oVatq. Ecp8€yyETO.

[38] TOY :4YTOY'EK TOY I" AOI'OY

5
'A,\,\ aI
.ti
" '"8 I ) {), 18 ' ' ' y{LOS O'Tl E"/EVETO,
1TWS' EVaTaV a <pYJUlV a,...,oYJ YJTOV EUVTOV Q
I I
KUlTOt
I <I )

,EKElVOV
, ,PYJ 8,EVTOS' EV
, TOlS
. . UVWTEpw,
, , "'8, (./ '8 , , " , ,
E EfJ/fJV /"OYJ Etav E7Tl OVVUTOV ';
A
.::.I
I t, 1' I l "8 ' I ' I 1'
lUGTls ov ovv Kat EVTaV a TUS cpvaEtS· tJOYJ OV yap ElXEV
(./ 8 I t. OVK ElXEV
7J{ aaps. l 1'

~ 8e6r71s.

[39] TOY :4YTOY'EK TOY KATA :4IIOAINAPIOY 19" AOI'OY

10 IIA:iJv ~ trlaris aVr71 yevtKWs €xei 77p0s &7Tavaras OTt 0 XpiarOs Yl6s Eari
roV eeoV Kal &;tOios EK llarpOs Kal rex8els EK Ilap8Evov, Ov Ws y{yavra 0
0.yios; L1avl0 0 7rpo<pr,TYJS EfEcppaaev, Ori µ,6vos 8{µ,oprpos Kai Oirrijs elri
cpVaEWS', KotvwvWv BE6TYJT6S' TE Kal aWµaTos-.

[38] 5 d~o~B~Tov: cf. Ps. 87.5 (LXX) 6 Ps. 88.20 (LXX)

[39] 11 J,, Y'yavrn cf. Ps.18.6 (LXX)

[37] Ep.14,20(409,1. 797-410, I. 799); Leon!. )er., Ctr. Mon., Test. 52 (1829 B14-C2); Ephr. Am,
Def Cyr. (IV, 131,ll. 26-8);Joan. Dam., Ctr.Jae., Test. 17 (148,no.107);Doctr. Patr. 8, II (55,11.14-16):
Niceph., Antirrh. IV, 72, Test. 30 (486, 1. 12); Euth. Zig., Pan. XVI, 27 (1080 C3-5); Flor. Marc. 573,
£ 34' p. 214, 1 8-p. 216, 11 (<pvAdgwµev ... dv8pu'mov): Theor., Disp. (144 C7-11) p. 21~
I. 8 - p. 216, I. 2 (ids ... EaTiv): Leant. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 91 (1837 C6-7); Eulog., Or. 3 (V, 21,
ll.11-13) p. 214, 1. 8-p. 216, 13 (els ... E<p8eyyeTo): Ps.·)oan. Mar., Test 10 (194-5) p. 214, I. 10-
p. 216, I. 3: Tim. Ael., Ep. de Isaia (197, l.25-198, 1. 5; tr. 137, ll. 11-15) p. 214, 1. 10 - p. 216, 1. 3
(0 aDTDs ... Eql)iyyero): Tim. Ael, Ref Cone. Chalc., Test. 34 (18, L 31-19, 1. 3); cf. Flor. B.M. Syr.
Add.12156, Test. 13 (£ 7'); ibid., Test.39 (£ 31')
[38] Ambrosius, ibid. III, 4, 28 (ed. 0., Faller, CSEL 78, 118, ll. 16-20; PL 16, 595 Bl4-C3); c£
etiam: ll. 6-7 (8LdO'Tltov ... 8E6T71s): Leont.Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 93 (1837 A2-3)
[39] Ambrosius, De Incarnationis Dominicae Sacramento 5. 35 (ed. 0. Faller, CSEL 79, 240,
ll. 8-12; PL 16,827 C3-7). Cf.etiam: Cod.Novar. 30, Test.40 (82,11.3-17; ~) ll.9-11 (on ... [aw1wTos]):
Leont.jer., Ctr.Mon., Test. 93 (1837 Bll-Cl)

VOG [37] 1 8EWp71aov ... AaAEi om. Flor. Len. 131 8EWp71aov: Op!js ydp Doctr. Patr. 2,
XVI; Opa Syn.Lat. ante Ws add. 0Ti Syn. Lat. 2 >..a>..Ei ante rd 8Eia transp. Anast. Sin.,
Doctr. Patr. 2, XVI post 8Eia add. XplaTOs Anast. Sin. E7TEL8~ Anast. Sin., Doctr. Patr. 2,
XVI, codd. rvIVV; E7TEl cett., Syn. Lat. Td om.De Sect. >..aAEi' ante Td dv8pW7Tlva transp. Syn.
Lat., Anast. Sin., Doctr. Patr. 2, XVI 3 dv8pdJ7Tlva: ToiJ dv8pdJ7Tov Doctr. Patr. 2 XVI (bct.
cod.A) 3 Ev 'T~ KaT' EµE oDa{q,: "in hac natura'' Joan. Caes. Kar' EµE: ~µETEpq, Syn.
Lat.; Eµfj Anast. Sin.,Doctr. Patr. 2,XVI Erp8EyyEro: >..aAEi' Anast. Sin.; 8laAiyETal Doctr. Patr.
2,XVI
[38] 5 O'Ti EyivETo: yEyov€val 0 7 .:lxEv: ElXE OJ Leont. Jer.
[39] 11 'ToiJ om. G 13 aWµaTos: d.v8pw7T6r71Tos V, Leant. Jer.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 217

in him now the glory of God, now the sufferings of a human being; as God he
speaks divine things, since he is the Word; as a human he speaks human things,
since he speaks in a substance like mine.

38. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM BOOK 3

[OF THE SAME WORK]

But how does the Son say that he was "helpless" when he came to be [human]
(Ps. 87.5 LX:X), although he says a little later, "I have offered help as far as
possible" (Ps. 88.20 LXX)? Distinguish, then, the natures even here: the flesh
received help, but the divinity did not.

39. BY THE SAME AUTHOR,

FROM HIS WORK AGAINST APOLLINARIUS, BOOK 9

But this faith holds, in general, against all opponents, that Christ is the Son of
God, eternally from the Father and born of the Virgin; David the prophet
described him as "a giant" (Ps. 18.6 LX:X), because he alone is double in form
and of a double nature, sharing in divinity and in a body.
 218 'ENANTIA:E iJOKH:EEQ:E NE:ETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOY:E

{40} KAI ME61"ETEPA

E 'lS
<' ' ' ' I I "e I
EGTlV EV EKarepq;, TOVTEGTl T'fl EOT'Y}Tl Kal Tq.>
I ,.., I
awµ,art· ov yap ETEpos
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€r€pwr:; 0€ EK Ilap8€vov, Kal yevv~aei yEvvr;atr:; oV 7rpoKp{vet, oVOE ~ adpf
s Tfj Be6rYJTL

[41} TOY :4YTOY'EK TOY IIPO:E

:EABINON'EIII:EKOIION AOI'OY
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OVKOVV ) "' \I
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t I I >I) {.J \

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cpvaEt

[42} TOY :4YTOY'EPMHNEYONT01: THN

'ENNOIAN TOY 61EIOY :EYMBOAOY
, OE
T ovr:; ", l\Eyovrar:;
,, .1, , , av
'f'lllOV
,, e ,x A, " ,
pw7TOV TOV ptarov, 7J 'Tf'Q TJTOV TOV oyov, YJ ELS
, " e , ,
/ I I
15 aapKa rpa7TEVTa avvovaiwµevov EGXYJKEVat TO awµ,a, 1) ovpavo EV avTo
>I'"'>\) 'e ''
[40] Ambrosius, ibid. 5, 35-36 (CSEL 79, 241, ll. 17-20; PL 16, 827 C14-D3). Cf. etiam I. 2 (Efs ...
crwµan): Eulog., Or. 3 (V, 21, ll. 8-9; !); 11 2-4 (Efs ... IIap8€vov: Doctr Patr 8, VIII (56,
ll. 20-3; !);ll. 4-5 (y<vv~a« ... 8<o7~n): Cod Novar. 30, Test. 41 (82,ll.19-22; !)
[41] Ambrosius,Ep. 39,Ad Sabinum, 6 (CSEL 82.31.1179-82; PL 16, 1147 B15-C4). C£etiam:De
Sect. IX; Theor.,Disp. (144 D4-8); justn., Ctr. Mon., Test.142 (30, ll.16-19; !); Leo, Tomus //, Test.11
(124,ll.6-8; !); ll. 9-11 (ws ... Tvyxavn). Eustathius (434£,ll.662-4);1. 9 (Zva ... 7vyxavn):Leont
)er., Ctr. Mon., Test. 94 (1837 C4); Eulog., Or. 3 (V, 22,ll. 29-30)
[42] Ambrosius (?), Expositio Fidei, Frag. primo apud Theodoretum, Eran. II, Test 29 (163,
11. 3-12; 1) inventum. C£etiam: Ephr.Am.,Dej Cyr. (IV, 13I,l.31-2,L ll);justn., Ctr Mon., Test.149 (31,
ll.15-21); Pamph. VI, 169 f., ll. 264-75; De Sect. IX; Ps.-Joan. Mar., Test. 47 (207) Joan. Dam., Ctr Jae.,
Test.18 (ed. Kotter 148.,no.108); Doctr. Patr. 2,XVII

VOG [40] 2 post Els add. ydp V Ea-rlv om. Eulog., Doctr. Patr. Tfj om. 0, Eulog.; Kai
Doctr. Patr. -rqJ om. Eulog., Doctr. Patr. oV: oV8E Doctr. Patr. post E-rEpos add. µ,Ev EaTtV
Doctr.Patr. 3 Kai E-rEpos: E-rEpos 8E O,Doctr. Patr. 3-4 ETEpws ... ETEpws: €-rEpos
... E-rEpos V"°; E-rEpov ... E-rEpov vmrr; CL\Aws ... O:i\i\ws Doctr. Patr. 4 7TpoaKp{VEl 0
oVOE om. G ~ om. 0
[41] 6 EABINON YL1BIANON O; 'ANTQNINON Leont. )er.: 'AABINON Eulog.;
EABHNIANONDeSect. 7 'EIIIEKOIIONom.G 6-7 TOY ... AOI'OY: THE ...
'EIIIETOJlHE G 8 oVKoVv om. Theor. -rEi\E{<t-J: lO{c.p Theor. 9 OAoKA~pov 0,
Justn. anteoVOEvadd.oVv De Sect. Ei\t7TEV,Justn.,Eustathius; Ei\i\irrEs De Sect. 10 ante
O.v8pwrrov add. T0v Just., Eustathius 11 rpDaEl: forma Ambr.
[42] 14 -rOv om. V, Niceph. Jl6yov: f9E0v Ephr. Am., Justn., Doctr. Patr., Niceph.; @EOv
Jl6yov Joan. Dam., Flor. Len. 131 ~ Els a6.pKa Tpa7rtfv-ra om. Pamph. 15 ante
avvovaiwµ,Evov add. ~ Thdt., Ephr. Am., Justn., Pamph., Joan. Dam., Doctr. Patr., Flor. Len. 131
~ om. Ephr. Am. aV-rO: -roV-ro Thdt., Ephr. Am., Do ctr. Patr., Flor. Len. 131
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 219

40. AND LATER ON

He is one in both: that is, in divinity and in the body. For there is not one coming
forth from the Father, and another from the Virgin, but the same one, coming
forth in one way from the Father and in another way from the Virgin; one
begetting does not prejudice the other, nor does flesh prejudice divinity.

41. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

LETTER [39] TO SABINUS

Existing, then, in the perfection of divinity, he "emptied himself" (Phil. 2. 7) and

took up the full perfection of human nature. As nothing was lacking to him as
God, so nothing was lacking in his human equipment, so that he should be, in
fact, perfect in each nature.

42. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, IN HIS INTERPRETATION

OF THE MEANING OF THE HOLY CREED

And those who say that Christ is a mere human being, or that the Word is
capable of suffering, or that he was turned into flesh when he had a body that
was united to his substance, or that his body came from heaven,
 220 'ENANTIAJ: LJOKHJ:EQJ: NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYJ:
I "fl
KEKOf-llKEVal, 7) UVYJTOV llEYOVTas TOV OEOV
I\/ 'Cl'A'oyov OEOEYJGUal
\;'\;'"'ll,.,, I
TYJS 7Tapa Toi]
IIaTpos
I
avaaraaEws-,
' ' ".J.
YJ" ac.pvxov ,. ,
awµa ' \ '
aveu\'Y}CfJEVat, YJ,, avovv
" " £)
avupw7Tov, ~
' '
Ta5 rpvaEtS Tov
' x " > I
ptaTov Ka Ta TYJV avaKpaatv avyxvuetaas µ,{av -
I l} I t

yEyEvijaBai rpVatv, Kaiµ~ Oµolt.oyoVvTas TDv K-Vpiov ~µWv 'I71aoiJv XptaTOv

\;'I 'j' t ) I
5 ova ElVQl <pVOELS aavyxvTovs, EV OE 1Tp0GW7TOV Kau 0 Et5
Cl~\ I l}><I 7 x ptaTOS
' Kat' ef5
K vpios, TOVTOVS' avauEf-LUTl~El 7J
l I ' a 'Y r fl \ I I ' \ \ ' \ I
KUUOIUK'Y) Kat Q1TOGTOl\lKY) EKK/\YjUla.

[43} TOY 2:1.I'IOY l!M<PIAOXIOY'EIIIJ:KOIIOY1KONIOY

'EK TOY IIPOJ: l!PEIANOYJ: AOI'OY
Lli&Kptvov, cp7]ai, rds rpVaELS, T~V TE roiJ @EoV Kai T~V roV dv8pW7ToV· oU7 e
I >'1 Cl"/ >fl) >J I I
10 yap KUT EK7TTWGLV O'EOV yeyovEV avupw7T05, DUTE Kara 1Tp0K01TYJV

[42] (l5,ll l2-21);Niceph.,Antirrh.IV, 72 (486,ll.15-16); Flor.Len.131, Test41; p.218,ll.14--15

(ToVs OE ... Tpa-rrl:vTa): Doctr. Patr.10,I (66,ll. 7-8); ToVs OE AcfyovTas + p.220,ll. 3-6 (1'ds cpVaHs ...
l:KKA71ala):Leont.Jer., Ctr.Mon., Test.44 (1825Dll-1828A3);113-6 (rds'PVaEis ... EKKA77ala):Syu.
Sel. Ctes., Test. 30 (328-9);Doctr. Patr. 10, II (66,ll. 9-10); ToVs OE+ p. 220,11. 4-6 (µ~ Oµo.\oyoVvTas
... EKK>.:qala): Ephr.Am.,AdDomn. et Joan. (IV, 148,11. 2-5)
[43] Amphilochius Iconiensis,Frag. II, 2 (CCG 3.228, ll. 14-17), primo apud Theodoretum, Eran. I,
Test. 56 (107, II. 7-10;) inventum C£ etiam Cone. Chalc., Ad Marc., Test. 6 (114 [473],
1127-9); Vat. Gr.1431, Flor. Il,21 (36,ll.1-5); Joan. Caes.,Apol. Cone. Chalc., Frag. Syr. 90

VOG [42] 1 post KEKoµiKivai add.~' rpdvTauµa Elvat Thdt,Justn., Pamph., Joan. Dam, Doctr.
Patr.; ~ cpavTaa{av r:lvai Ephr. Am., Flor. Len. 131 AEyovTas om. De Sect. GEOv om. De
Sect. A6yov: Kal 8id ToiJTo Doctr. Patr. cod. B; ~ Doctr. Patr. cod. C ante 8E8eija8ai add. Kai
Justn.; ~De Sect.,Joan.Dam.,Niceph.,Flor.Len.131 post8E8eija8at add. 8€ Ephr.Am. 2 ante
aWµa add. TD Thdt. dvEiA1)cp€vai: ElAricpEvat De Sect., Flor. Len. 131; post O..v8pw1Tov transp.
Ephr. Arn., Justn., Joan. Dam., Doctr. Patr. Flor. Len. 131 O.v8pw1Tov: ifavxiJv Ps.-Joan.
Mar. 3 ante cpVaEtS add. 8Vo Thdt. Tds cpVaEis: Tds avo oValas Ephr. Am., Justn., Ps.-
Joan. Mar., Joan. Dam., Do ctr. Patr., Flor. Len.131 KaTd: Kai 0 Ti]v om. Thdt., Leant. Jer., Ephr.
Arn., Justn., Joan. Darn., Doctr. Patr. De Sect. ante avyxv8E{aas add. oU Flor. Len.
131 avyxE8E{aas OG, Niceph. 4 cpVatv: oVa{av Ephr. Am. Def Cyr., Justn., Ps.-Joan.
Mar., Joan. Dam.,Doctr.Patr. l 0,II, Flor. Len.131 Tdv: Els Thdt. Kilpiov: 61Edv De Sect. 'IYJaoiJv:
TDv 0, Pamph.; 'IYJaoVv TDv G 5 Elvat post cpVaEtS transp. Thdt. cpVaEis: oVa{as Ephr.
Am., Justn., Joan. Dam., Doctr. Patr. Flor. Len. 131 Els XptaTDs om. Leont. Jer. Kai Eis KVpios: Els
Yi Os Thdt., Ephr.Am.,Justn., Ps.-Joan. Mar., Joan. Dam.,Doctr. Pa tr. Flor. Len. 131 6 ToVTovs
om.De Sect. ante KaBoAiKi} add. dy{a ToV 61EoV Parnph.; dy{a Ps.-Joan. Mar., Flor. Len.131 Kai
dnoaToAtKi} om.DeSed. d1ToaToAtK~: dy{aEphr.Am.Def Cyr.
[43] 7 post 'IKONIOY add. 'ETAIPOY I'ENOMENOY TOY ;!I'IOY BA£JAEIOY G
9 cp11ai om. V, Leont. Jer., Niceph.; µ.oi AoinOv Thdt. Eran. I codd. MSV; AoinOv Thdt. Eran. I codd.
cett., Eran. II, Cone. Chalc., Vat. Gr. 1431, Joan. Caes. Anast. Sin., Flor. Len. 131; "igitur, inquit"
Gel. Kai Ti]v: T~v TE Thdt. Eran. I, Cone. Chalc., Vat. Gr. 1431, Anast. Sin., Flor. Len. 131 oilTE:
oUSE 0, Niceph. 10 KaT": KaTd V, 'Ihdt., Eran. II EK1TTwaiv: olKE{waiv Anast.
Sin. ante 61EoV add. EK Thdt.,Anast. Sin., Flor. Len. 131 ante O.v8pw1TOS add. 0 G
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 221

or who say that God the Word was mortal and needed to be raised from the
dead by the Father, or that he took up a body without a soul or a human being
without a mind, or that the natures of Christ, being confused by a form of
blending, became a single nature, and who do not confess that our Lord Jesus
Christ is two unconfused natures but one person, since he is one Christ and one
Lord-these the catholic and apostolic Church anathematizes.

43. BY ST AMPHILOCHIUS, BISHOP OF ICONIUM,

FROM HIS WORK AGAINST THE ARIANS

Distinguish, he says, the natures of God and a human being. For he neither
became human by abandoning his role as God, nor became God by progressing
 222 'ENANTIA.E LJOKH.EEQ.E NE.ETOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOY.E
,, , e I £) I £'l I
Es av pw1TOV OEOS'· OEOV yap Kat av pW7TOV l\Eywv, oos Ta 1TQ
I I " e \ I <;:'I I '8 YJ TTJ' aapKl,
80s Td BaVµaTa T<f) ee0.

{44] TOY f:t YTOY'EK THI: IIPO.E .EEAEYKON'EIII.ETOAH.E

"Qs Tijv ToV BeoV µoprpi}v Kal TTjv ToiJ SoVAov µopcpi}v avvTEAeiv els €v
TE
1

s 7Tp6aw7TDV YioiJ TE Kai Kvp{ov 'I17aoiJ XptaroiJ, o.Vrw BeOv Kai livBpw7rov
OµoAoyW rOv Y[Ov roiJ @eoD· Eva YiOv 8Vo <pVaewv, TTa817r~s Kai d7Ta8oiJs,
Bv17r~s Kai dBavdrov, if;77Aacp71r'"9s Kal dve1T&cpov, dvdpxov Kal dp~aµEvYjs,
) I I I
a7TEpiypacpov Kai trEpiypacpoµEV7J'>·

[45] TOY f:IYTOY'EK THI: f:IYTH.E'EIII.ETOAH.E

10 'O x ptaTOS'' 0' Y'LOS' TOV OEOV, 0
I ,... f.:l " ' <::- I
ovo \ I
TEl\ElWV I
cpvaewv 1'
ELS Y'LOS',
I
0' KaraI TYJV
I

e l ) I
EOTYJTU U7TEpavrws TE Kat U7TEptypacpwr; TU 7TUVTa 1TEptEXWV TE Kat
\) I \ I I \

7TEpi€xei·

[43] (36, ll. 853-7); Niceph., Antirrh. IV, 66, Test. 8 (485,ll. 28-32); Flor. Len.131, Test. 58; Gel., De
Duab. Nat., Test. 27 (550; I); Eustathius (423 £, ll. 291-71) Syn. Sel Ctes., Test. 26 (328; I) Flor. Vat..
1455, Test. 38 ( t ); p. 220,l. 9 (OldKpwov, .. dvBpdnrov): Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 96 (1837 C9-10);
p. 220,l 9-p. 222,l.1 (OldKptvov ... 8E0s): Thdt., Eran. II, Test. 54(170,11.18-20); Anast. Sin., Hod. X,
l.2.145fl'(l55)
[44] Amphilochius Iconiensis (?), Ep. ad Seleucum, Frag. Spuria I, 3 (CCG 3.264, ll. 36-41). C£
etiarn: Eph. Am., Ado, Mon. (IV, 169, L 9-170, 1. 2); Niceph., Antirrh. III, Test 10 (345, I. 22-346,
1. 5);11. 4-5 (Ws TE ... Xpla-roV): Doctr. Patr. 6,XIV (38,11. 4-5); 11.4-7 (Ws TE ... d8avd-rov): Flor. Len.
131, Test. 54;11. 5-6 (oV-rw ... dna8oVs): Buth.Zig., Pan. XVI (1080 B4-6);ll.5-7 (oV-rw ... d8avcf-rov):
Joan. Darn., Ctr: Jae., Test.19 (1496 Al4-Bl); Doct' Pat' 2, VII (12, IL 13-15); ll. 6-8 (01w.\oyw ...
nEpiypacpo1-ufvrys): Ps.-Joan.Mar., Test.11 (195; t); ll. 5-6 (Eva ... dna8oVs): Leont.Jer., Ctr.Mon., Test.
97 (1837 C12). Huius testimonii etiam mentionem facit Sev., Ctr. Gram. III, 34 (tr. 139,11.14-25), ut a
Joan. Caes. citati
[45] Amphilochius Iconiensis (?), Ep. ad Seleucum, Frag. Spuria I, 5-6 (CCG 3, 264, ll. 49-53). C£
etiam: Niceph.,Antirrh. III, Test. 40 (360, 11. 24-9); Antirrh. IV, 68 (487-8); 1.10 (0 Xpta-rOs ... YiDs 2);

VOG [43] 1 ydp: OE Eustathius, Flor. Len.131 AEywv: OG, Thdt., Cone. Chalc. (txt. cod B;
,\EyEt cod. W), Gel., Vat. Gr. 1431 Niceph.; post 61E0v ydp transp. Cone. Chalc., Vat. Gr.
1431 OOs ... 8E0 om. OG, Niceph.; 0-rav OE -rd 1ta8~µ.a-ra -rfj aapKl Kai -rd eaDµ.a-ra -riiJ
8E0 8ijis .. , Thdt.,Gel.,Eustathius 7rcf87l: naB~µ.a-raConc.Chalc.,Flor.Len.131 2 80s:
Kal Joan. Caes., Flor. Len. 131
[44] 3 TH£: TOYG 5 oV-rw: aV-rE Flor. Len. 131 post 61E0v add. TE 0 6 ante
-rOv Y[Ov add. T0v XptaTOv Ephr.Am.,Flor. Len. 131 ante Oµ.oAoyW add. TDv XptaTOv Joan.Darn.,
Doctr. Patr., Euth. Zig. T0v om. Doctr. Patr. ante Y[Ov 2 add. 8€ Ephr. Arn ante OVo add. EK
Euth. Zig. 1ta8YJTijs om. G post na8YjTijs add. TE V, Ephr. Am., Joan. Dam., Doctr. Patr.,
Euth. Zig. 7 post 8vqTijs add. TE V, Ephr. Am., Joan. Dam. post d8av&.Tov add. vo71rijs
Kai dopiiTov Ephr. An1.; 6paTijs Kal dopdTov Flor. Len. 131 dpxoµ.EvYJS Ephr.
Am. 8 dnEpiypdn-rov G, Niceph. ntpiyeypaµ.µ.Evqs Ephr. Am.
[45] 10 04 om. 0 11 dnEpav-r6s V dnEplypacpos V nepiExwv: 1tEpiKvKAtZ 0
12 nEptEXEt: OtoiKWv Niceph.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 223

from being human; but when you say, "God and hnman;' attribute the sufferings
to the flesh and the miracles to God.

44. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

LETTER TO SELEUCUS

)nst as I confess the "form of God" and the "form of a servant" (cf. Phil. 2.6-7) to
contribute to one persona of Jesus Christ as Son and Lord, so I confess the Son
of God to be God and human: one Son of two natures, which are passible and
impassible, mortal and immortal, palpable and impalpable, without beginning
and beginning in time, uncircumscribed and circumscribed.

45. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SAME LETTER

Christ the Son of God-one Son formed of two perfect natures, holding all
things together in a limitless and uncircumscribed way, by his divinity-holds
it together still.
 224 'ENANTIAl: LJOKHl:EQl: NEl:TOPJOY KAI 'EYTYXOYl:
'1 \
Eva f.LEV TOV
\ y~\ "c.\ ,-. "'I "'I I I ' '
lOV 'TOV 0-EOV, ova OE cpvaewv 'PTJ[LL. OVK apvovµevo-:; TYJV
I I eElav
'
( .. .>.

{46} KAI MEl9"ETEPA

, ,. ,
0 lKElOVTUl ";' UVTOS
ovv ' I 0( fu'l I
0-EOS'
A oyos-,
I I '"'I I ,.,, ,.,, ' "'I '
1Taaxwv OVOEV, Ta TOV vaov, E1TElUTJ ELS
s Ev 7Tp0aw?Tov avvTeAoVaiv ai OVo cpVaeis.

(47] TOY 54I'IOY I'EAAl:IOY'EIIIl:KOIIOY

KAil:APEIAl: IIAAAil:TINHl: KAI 'OMOAOI'HTOY·
'Ell: LJE KAI'OYTOl: THl: l:YNOLJOY TQN PN"
'EK THl:'EPMHNEIAl: TOY l:YMBOAOY

[45 cont.] Leont.Jer., Ctr.Mon., Test. 98 (1837 Dl-2); 1.1 (Eva ... cp1JfLL): Leant. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test.
99 (1837 D3); Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test. 20 (ed. Kotter 148, no. 110)); Doctr. Patr. 2, VIII (12,
11. 16-17); Buth.Zig., Pan. XVI (1080BS);1. 1 (Eva ... 8£{av): Leant. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test.113 (1840
DS-10; !)
[46] Amphilochius lconiensis (?), Ep. ad Seleucum, Frag. Spuria I, 6 (CCG 3.264, ll. 57£). C£ etiam:
Leoni. )er., Ctr. Mon., Test. 100 (1837 D~6); Flor. Len. 131, Test. 57 (!);Anast. Sin., Hod. X, l.2.136 f.
(154; !); Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test. 21 (ed. Kotter 148 £,no. 111; !); 1. 4 (olKELoVTai ... vaoV): Doctr.
Patr. 2, IX (12, 1 21): ibid. 7, XXV (54, 1 16-55, 1 l); ibid. 8, XIV (57, ll. 16-17; !);
11 ~5 (,',,"'&) ... <pvae<s): Anast Sin., H-Od. X,12.119 £ (153 D4); Doctr. Patr. 6, V (36,112-3; !); 114-5
(Ei[sJ .•. <pVaELs): Anast. Sin.,Hod. IX, 2.46 f. (141). C£ etiamNicetas Heracliensis, Catena in Lucam (ed.
A.Mai, Script. Vet.Nov. Coll. IX (1837), 712)
[47] Gelasius Caesariensis, Frag. 4 (ed. E Diekamp, Anal. Patr. 45, ll. 9-23). Cf etiam: Joan. Caes.,
Apol. Cone. Chalc.,Frag. Syr.106 (42,ll. 1044-3,11052); Niceph.,Antirrh. W(361,l.23-362,l. l);l. !O-
p. 226,l. 4 (datkv~s ... ~µiis): Flor. Len.131, Test. 93; 1.11-p. 236, I. 2 (~ABE ... aT6µa): Doctr. Patr. 4,
XI (31,119-32,l.2); ibid.15, III (92,117)

VOG [45] 1 ante Eva add. Kal Niceph.; µEv: To{vvv O; oVv Leant. Jer. Test. 113,Doctr. Patr.,
Joan. Dam., Buth. Zig. T0v om. Leont. Jer. Test. 113, Joan. Dam., Doctr. Patr., Buth. Zig. ToV
E>EoV: TDv XpiaTOv Leont.Jer. Test 113; om. Joan. Dam., Doctr. Patr., Buth. Zig. 8€ om. OG,
Leant. Jer, Joan. Dam., Doctr. Patr., Buth. Zig. oVK . . . 8E{av: davyxVTws-, drp€7TTWS,
d8iaiplrws Joan. Dam., Doctr.Patr. 8E{av: dA~&etav Niceph.
[46] 4 oVv: yoiJv Flor. Len. 131 aVTd o=r oVv aVTds-: SE Anast Sin, Joan. Dam., Doctr.
Patr. 7T6.axwv oVOEv: ci:rra8Ws-Anast.Sin., Doctr.Patr. oVSEG 7T6.axwv ... vaoV: d7Ta8Ws-
Td ToV lOlov vaoV dv&pw1Tlva 7T6.817, GTavpOv r:p17µi Kai 86.vaTov Kal Td O'.AAa, Oaa 1TEpi aVTOV
olKovoµiKWs- 8EwpelTai, olKeioVTai, avTOs- 7T6.axwv oVOEv Joan. Dam. ante Td add.
olKeioVTe (== olKeioVTai) OE Flor.Len.131 ante vaoVadd. lOlov Anast. Sin., Doctr.Patr. els-: el
Anast. Sin. Hod. IX 5 OVo om. Doctr. Patr.; SiTTai Anast. Sin., Joan. Dam., Flor. Len. 131
[47] 7 ante IIA/JAI.ETINH.E add. THE 0 8 'OYTO.E: 'AYTO.E V post PN' add.
IIATEPQN 0 9 'EK ... .EYMBOAOY: 'EN 'EEHI'H.EEI TOY MA®HMATOE Joan.
Caes.,Doctr.Patr. 10 Laxvi:-v G 11 ~,,\8ov (venit) Joan. Caes. 12 EavToV OG
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 225

I say he is one Son of God, but of two natures, and I do not deny the divine
nature.

46. AND LATER ON

God the Word himself, then, without suffering anything, made the experiences
of the temple his own, since the two natures contribute to the one persona.

47. BY ST GELASIUS, BISHOP OF CAESARAEA IN

PALESTINE AND CONFESSOR; HE, TOO, WAS A MEMBER
OF THE COUNCIL OF THE 150; FROM HIS
INTERPRETATION OF THE CREED

But no human tongue alone is powerful enough to do this; for our nature is
weak. God and a human being therefore came together into one, so that the
body might act as servant and God might provide his activity through it.
 226 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

8t7TA& 1T6.vra Kai dAYjO-ij 7TdVTa Kai TEA.Eta 7Tdvra, Kai r:pip.oVaBw rrav
' ' ,
atpETlKOV aroµ,a· f-LE 8YJfLWV
't"tC I\ 8't"t
0 lt'/€05, µE Yjf-LWV 0 f-LETU
\ IaTpos,
I ' fLE 8''17µWv
0•Es• Yjf-LWV.
t • " "-'-'aPs
"'C µov, ' " 'EsC
, , 'fJYJGlV, ' " " 'L-1/\/\U
avTlffV. A ' 'TO' 'f-tEV
' ' ' UEl,
''> TO:UE
' 'Ol
" 'Yjµ,as·
' ' " •YJ
f-lEv BE6TYJS dEi, ~ 0€ dv8pw7T6TYJ5 Oi'~µiis.

5 {48] TOY .'AYTOY'EK TOY .'AYTOY AOI'OY

'Hp.Els 8€ Tiµ BE{qJ Oq.Oouxo-Vµ,Evoi A6yq.> dvV(3piaTov ToV MovoyEvaDs
\I(; > I
I I '>:' '8
<pVAaswµ,Ev TYJV EUJIEVEtav, fLYJTE Ula TO TU1TElVOV TYJS aapKDS a ETOVVTES
'I I I ,... I

, A, , "' , , ..,,,, ... , .. , , ,,, ,

TOV oyov, fJ./YjTE Ota TO u..,,,os TYjS 8EOTYjTOS 7TapopwVTES TYJV aapKa, U/\/\U
' ' A' • ful II t I I <;cl
TOV f-lEV oyov ws OEOV, TYjV OE aapKa ws vaov Tlf.-lYJUWf-LEV OEOV.
ful ,... I

10 [49] .'A YI'OYETINOY'EIIIEKOIIOY'IIIIIQNHPII'IQTOY

'EK THE IIPOE BOAOYEIANON'EIIIETOAHE
,., OE OVTW µErasl; v 0-EOV Kat av 8pw7TWV avE:rpaVYj
NUV ~ I " I Cl > " I J
fLEUlTYjS, WUTE aVTOV EV
I I I Of J 1 '

" " I ' I I ' I I

TTJ TOV 7TpOUW1TOV EVO'TYj'Tl avva1T'TElV EKaTEpav rpvaiv <••• >.

{50} KAI MEf9"ETEPA

lS 'E1T{yvw8t T~V Ot'T'T~V rpVatv TOD XptaroD, 'T~V 8E{av o~ .\Eyw, T~V 'taYJV
, • II , , , , , :t. ''I , , , II ,
v1Tapxovaav Tlp aTpt, Kai TYJV av 8pw1TEiav, •1s µ.Eiswv EUTtv o a-rYJp·
\ I ' I ' ,., I ) (CI ) \ \l 1'
1Tl\YjV EKaTEpov oµ.ov, Kai ov ovo al\/\ ELS 0
I <I I I >I
piaTOS, tVa f-LYJ 'TETpas ElYJ Kat
\ 'x
oLJxl Tptds 0 @E6s.

[48] Gelasius Caesariensis, Frag. 6 (ed. F. Diekamp,Anal. Patr. 46, 11. 8-12), hie primo inventum. C£
etiam: Flor. Len.131, Test. 94
[49] Augustinus,Ep.137,Ad Volusianum,9(CSEL44,108,ll.13-15).C£etiam Leont.Jer., Ctr.Mon.,
Test 101 (1837 D9-ll); Thdt.,Eran.11, Test 82 (180,ll.13-14; I); Leo; Tomus I, Test.13 (23,ll. 32-4; I);
Tomus II, Test.22 (127,1124-5; I)
[SO] Augustinus, Tractatus in Joannem 78, 3 (CCL 36, S24,ll. 4-8). Cf. etiam: De Sect. IX; Flor.Len.
131, Test. 96; Leo, Tomus II, Test. 24 (128, IL 5-7; J ); 11. lS-16 (ETr{yvwel ... lla-r~p), Leont. Jer., Ctr.
Mon., Test.102 (1837 D12-14); 11.15-17 ([J17{yvw8l] .. , XplaTOs): Flor. Marc. 573, f. 31v

VOG [47] 1 Kai dA:ry8-ij TrdvTa om. 0, Doctr. Patr. 2 µ.e-rd: EK Joan. Caes. ante
IIa-rpOs add. -roil G 3 ante adpt add.~ Flor. Len.131 4 ante~ µ.Ev add. 11'.aiV
[48] 6 8€ om. OG, Flor. Len. 131 9 ante @eoil add. Toil 0 ®€oil ante Ttµ~owµ.ev
transp. V
[49] 10 'IIIIIONHPI'IOYV; 7IIIIONHE'PHI'IOYO (txt. G, Thdt. cod.J) 12 oilTos
Thdt. 12 ante rpUaiv add. T~V (Thdt. (txt. cod. J), Leo
[SO] 15 J17{yvwµ.Ev ("agnoscamus")Aug. €7T{yvwei ... rpUaiv: €yvwµEv8~ T~V V7r6aTaOlV
Flor. Marc. 573 8~: SE De Sect. 8~ Aiyw: 871>..a8~ Flor. Marc. S73, Aug. ("scilicet")
15-16 la71v V7rdpxovoav: avvv7rcfpxovaav De Sect. 16 -r~v om. 0 dv8pwrr{v71v De
Sect. 17 EKa-rEpav De Sect., Flor. Len. 131 0 om. De Sect. el71: fj V Kal oVxl: dAAd. V,
De Sect.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 227

Everything was double, everything true, everything complete~let every

heretical mouth be silent! God is with us, the one who is with the Father is with
us, the one who comes from among us is with us. "My flesh;' he says, "comes
from them:' But the one is eternal, the other for our sakes: the divinity is eternal,
the humanity is for our sakes.

48. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SAME WORK

But let us, led forward by the divine Word, preserve the noble birth of the Only-
begotten from any insult, neither rejecting the Word because of the humble
status of his flesh, nor overlooking the flesh because of the loftiness of the
divinity, but let us venerate the Word as God, and the flesh as God's temple.

49. BY AUGUSTINE, BISHOP OF HIPPO REGIUS,

FROM HIS LETTER TO VOLUSIANUS

But now a Mediator has appeared between God and the human race, so that he
brings each nature together in the unity of his persona.

50. AND LATER ON

Recognize the double nature of Christ: I mean the divine, which exists equal to
the Father, and the human, than which the Father is greater (see John 14.28).
But both are together, and Christ is not two but one, so that God might not be a
quaternity rather than a trinity.
 228 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

[51] TOY MEI'AAOY 'IQANNOY 'EIIIEKOIIOY

KQNETANTINOYIIOAEQE· 'EIE THN IIPOE
<PIAIIIIIHEIOYE'EIIIETOAHN AOI'OE Z'

'E7TElOYJ
<;::I«
oov ov E",\Q"
\<:;'>/,\
fLOl µ,opcpYJV I
at-JEV, TOVTEGTlV "8 pW1TOS EYEVETO,
av '' '
cp'Yjatv,
5 oVKoiiv "Ev µopcpfJ BeoV lrrrdpxwv" @eOs ~v· µ,opcp~ ydp Kal µ,opcpTj KEiTat.
' a',\YJ 8ES,
E l, TOVTO I ' ,.., 8 ( I ,.., " ',\
KaKElVO· cpvaet av pw1TOS YJ µ,opcpYJ TOV DOV OU· OVKOVv
,
I "'

I Cl I ( "fu\ ,... I
cpva<i <JEOS Y/ µ.opcpY/ TOV <JEOV.

[52] TOY l'IYTOY'EK THE'EPMHNEIAE THE IIPOE

TIMOEIEON A''EIIIETOAHE, AOI'OY Z'
10 'E7Tet0~ ydp SVo cp-Vaewv µEaos yiyovev, EyyVs TWv OVo qJUaewv elvai 8EZ.
fl I ( I I I ( I ) I ,... I ) I ti
WG1TEp yap 0 T07TOV TlVOS µ,eaos EKaTepwv EGTl TWV T01TWV eyyvs, OVTW
~
Kat\ (o ,rwv
., I
cpvaewv I
µ,eaos ( I
EKarepwv ) ',\ " I l \
ocpet Et eivai TWV cpvaewv eyyvs·
Wa1TEp oVv UvBpwTTos yEyovEv, oVTw Kal @eOs ?jv.

[53] TOY l'IYTOY'EIE THN l'INAAH'I'IN

15 Kal Tl 1TD tE i: 0µea {TY)S; "E pyov µea {rov.KaBd 7TE p OVo rivWv d?ToarpecpoµEvwv
a',\,\7J',\ ovs Kat' ov, tJDVl\OfJ,EVWV
Q \ , '
Ula ,\' '
l\ay71vai, " ,
ETEpOS' ''8 WV
TlS' El\ ' Kat' µ,Eaov
,
( , , R \, t I ,, .,
I , tx ,
,\'
eavToV EfLf-lal\WV EKaTepwv vaEt T7]V EX 8pav, ovTW Kai o ptaTOS' E7TDt7]GEv•
, ,
' 'Y
wpytsETO 7]f-LlV 0
t '"" ( lwl I
aeoS', ' I 8 t ,.. I
a7T€GTpEfPDfLE a 7]f.LElS' TOV aeov TOV f{Jll\aV pw1TOV
lwl I I \ I 8
~ , ,
OEG7TOT7]V· µ,eaov EaVTOV EfLfJUl\WV 0
txptGTOS',
, EKarepav cpvaiv KUT7]1\
t , , R \, c , , '',\ ,
Us EV.

[51] 4 Phil. 2.7 6 Phil. 2.6

[51] Joannes Chrysostomus, In Ep~tulam adPhilippenses Hom. VI, 2 (PG 62, 219, l 60-220, I. 5).
Cf. etiam: Pamph. VI, 171, ll. 284-8
[52] Joannes Chrysostomus, In Epistulam I ad Timothe um Hom. VII (PG 62, 537, 112-7)
[53] Joannes Chrysostomus, In Ascensionem Domini Nastri Jesu Christi 2 (PG 50, 445, ll. 21-8). Cf.
etiam: 1115-19 (Ka8ri1TEp ... KaT~,\,\agEv): Thdt,Eran. II, Test. 72 (176,ll. 2-8; t); Leo, Tomus I, Test.
10 (23,ll. I0-14; t}; TomusII, Test.15 (125,ll.12-15; t};ll.18-19 (J,pyi,<To ... KaT~Mat<v): Sev.,Ad
Neph. II (47,ll.17-20;tr. 35,ll.15-17)

VOG [51] 2-3 'EIETHN .. .'EJIIETOAHN:'EKTHE .. .'EJIIETOAHEV AOI'OY V

3 Z' ante AOI'OE transp. 0 4 €7TEtS~ µ,ot: Ef7TE s~ f-LOl Joan. Chrys. µ,at: µEvTol v
ante µop<p~v add. TO Joan. Chrys. SoV.\ov ante µ,oprp~v transp. Pamph. TOVTiaTtV: T{
EaTtV Joan. Chrys. 5 ante Ev add. Kai Joan. Chrys. 6 ante~ add. Kal Joan. Chrys.
[52] 8 'EPMHNEIAE THE om. V 9 z· ante ilOI'OYtransp. 0 10 ante 1dval
add. aiiTOv Joan. Chrys. BEZ: s~ V"' 11 cl om. 0 cl ..• µEaos: TO ... µ,Eaov Joan.
Chrys. T61TWV TtvWv V EaTYJ 0 oVTw om. 0 12 ante rpVaEwv: add. Silo 0
µiaos om. V 13 l}v ante Kai @Eds G
[53] 14 'EIL' THN 'ANAAH'f'IN: 'EK TOY 'EIE THN 'ANAAH'f'IN AOI'OY 0
15 post Ka8d7TEp add. ydp Joan. Chrys. 17 ,\Vet 0, Joan. Chrys., Thdt., Leo
18 Wpyl,ETO ... @EOs: 0Tt ydp aVTDs Wpyl,ETO Sev. post d7TEO'Tperp6µ,E(Ja add. Kal oVTws
Sev. @EOv om. Sev. 19 ante cpVatv add. T1iv Toan. Chrys.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 229

51. BY THE GREAT JOHN, BISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE;

ON THE EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS, HOMILY 7

In my view, since he says "he took on the form of a servant" -that is, became
human-therefore when he "existed in the form of God" he was God: form,
after all, is contrasted with form. But if this is true, this must be also: the "form
of a servant" means he was human by nature, and therefore "the form of God"
means he was God by nature.

52. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS INTERPRETATION

OF THE FIRST LETTER TO TIMOTHY, HOMILY 7

For since he came to be in a middle position between two natures, he must be

close to the two natures-just as a midpoint in space is near both places, so a
midpoint in natures must be near both natures. As he became human, then, so
he was also God.

53. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, ON THE ASCENSION

And what does the Mediator do? The work of a mediator! Just as when two
people are quarreling with each other and do not want to be reconciled,
someone else comes along, and by inserting himself between them resolves the
enmity, so Christ did. God was angry with us, and we had quarreled with God,
the Lord who loves the human race; Christ threw himself between us, and
reconciled each nature.
 230 'ENANTIAZ flOKHZEQZ NEZTOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYZ

[54] TOY MEI'AAOY'E<PPA!M'EK TOY

'Ell: TON MAPI'APITHN AOI'OY
TWv 8Vo cpVaewv µ,erExei 0 µ,apyap{TYJS' 0 1ToAVTtµ,os, Zva Oettn XptaT6V,
"
OTl A'oyos WV
" ful ,.. EK
OEOV, ' M aptaS
, "e
av pW1TOS YEYEVVl)TCTl.' o'V 1
,,
fLEplKYJV EGXE
I I ' I '~' ,,
5 TYJV r:pvatv, E7TEl OVUETEpov av sqJOV ETvyxave.
Y" ' I T El\ElaV
\ I " I ~
EXEL TYJV Ol1Tl\TJV
,,..

ipVatv, Zva µ,~ d77oAEav Tds OVo. OVTe ijµ{Beas· WcpBTJ i7Tl r~s y~s, oVTe
' 'e
77µ,iav ' 'R EV
pW7TOS' avE,_,YJ ' TOtS
,.., ' "
ovpavots. ''E K \ I
TEl\ElOV I\ 't av
TEAElDS', Es ' pW1TQV e'
O..v8pw7TDS, EK BeoV eeOs, EK IIapBEvov Xptar6s.

[55] KYPIAAOY'EIIIZKOIIOY1EPOZOAYMQN
10 'EK TOY fl' TQN KATHXHZEQN AOI'OY
Llt1TAoVs ~v 0 XptaTDs, livBpwrro'>; µ,Ev rO 1fatv6µ,evov, BeO:; 0€ rO µ,~
cpaiv6µ,evov.

[56] TOY MEI'AAOY<PAABIANOY'EIIIZKOIIOY

J4NTIOXEIAZ'EIZ THN J4NAAH'¥IN
15 "T{s Ws di\Yj8Ws AaA~aet rds &vvaarelas roD Kvp{ov, ciKovards rrot~crEt
1T6.aas rds alvEaeis aVToiJ;" T{s O.v A6yqJ 7TapaaT~aete

[56] 15-16 Ps. 105.2 (LXX)

[54] Ps.-Ephraem Syrus, Senno adversus Haereticos seu de 1Yiargarita (ed. J. Assemani, II, 263 E6-
F7). Cf. etiam: Flor. Marc. 573, f. 34v; ll. 3-6 (-rWv OVo ... oiopavoi's): Anast. Sin, Hod. X,
12.112-15 (153; om.ll. 3-5 [iva ... ExEi]); Flor. Len. 131, Test. 45; IL 5-7 (-rE/\E{av ... oVpavols}
Doctr. Pair. 4.XI (32,ll. 4-6);Niceph.,Antirrh. III, Test.47 (362,ll. l8-2l);Antirrh. W, 68, Test. 6 (488,
ll. 3-5)
[55] Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus, Catechesis IV, 9 (ed. G. C. Reischl et J. Rupp, I, 100, ll. 5-6). Cf. etiam:
Doctr. Pate 4, X (31, ll. 16-17); Gel., De Duab. Nat., Test. 18 (548, ll. 17-20; l); Joan. Caes., ApoL
Cone. Ch ale., Frag. Syr. 107 (43, ll. 1054-6; l ); Flor. Len. 131, Test. 62 ( l ); Thdt., Eran., II, Tesl 77 (177,
ll.20-l;l)

VOG [54] 1 MEI'AAOY: MAKAPJOY 0 2 TOYE MAPI'APITOYE G

3 f-LETEXEt post µapyap{-r71s transp. Ps.-Ephr. -rro/\V-rtµ,os: d-r{µ,71-ros Anast. Sin. XpiaTOv
ante Zva transp. Flor. Len 131 4 Wv post Ehooi! transp. Ps.-Ephr., Flor. Marc. 573
llvOpwtrospost yEyEvv71Tal transp. Flor. Len.131 yEyivYJTai Ps.-Ephr.; y{vETai Flor. Marc. 573 oV:
Ov Flor. Len. 131 EaxE: E:'xwv Flor. Marc. 573 5 ?iv ante oUSETEpov transp. Ps.-Ephr.
TEAt{av ... rpValv: 8i-r-r0v ExEt -r0v <pValv Anast. Sin. 6 post cpVatv add. 0 XpiaTOs Doctr.
Patr., Niceph., Flor. Marc. 573 -rds SVo ante d7To,\Ean transp. Anast. Sin. post oVTE 1 add. ydp
Anast. Sin. ~µ{0Eos: ~µ[a~ 6lE0s (sic) rpVais Ps.-Ephr. WcpOYJ: KarryAOEv Anast. Sin. post
Wrp071 add. µ,6v71 Ps.-Ephr. 7 ~µldvBpw-rros: ~ JTEpa ~ Uv0pw7TOS (sic) cpVais Ps.-Ephr.
dvE(377: dv~AOEv Anast. Sin. Tols om.Anast. Sin. Els ToVs oVpavoVs V,Doctr. Patr. (om. -roDs
codd. BC), Niceph.; Els -rOv oVpavOv µ6vYJ Ps.-Ephr. ante Et dvOpW7Tov add. Kal Ps.-Ephr.
8 ante EK 6lEoiJ add. Kal Flor. Marc. 573 ante EK IIap8Evov add. Kai Ps.-Ephr., Flor. Marc. 573
[55] 10 'EK ... AOI'OY: 'EK THE TETAPTHE KATHXHEEQEV AOI'OYpost J'
transp. G 11 8l1TAoVv G
ri:;i:;1 1~ MRrAAnY· '.4rrnvv 14 'RT~ 'T'FrN ;4NAAF:r1PTN· 'RR" rnY'RTY: THN
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 231

54. BY THE GREAT EPHREM, FROM

HIS HOMILY ON THE PEARL

The "pearl of great price'' (see Matt. 13.46) shares in two natures, so that he
might reveal that Christ, who is Word of God, is begotten as a human from
Mary. He did not have a partial nature, since neither would have been a living
being. He possessed a double nature in perfection, so that he might not lose the
two of them. Nor did he appear on earth as half-God, or ascend into the heavens
as half-human. He was complete from complete things: a human being from a
human parent, God from God, Christ from a Virgin.

55. BY CYRIL, BISHOP OF JERUSALEM,

FROM THE FOURTH CATECHESIS

Christ was double: a human being in what could be seen, God in what could not
be seen.

56. BY THE GREAT FLAVIAN, BISHOP OF

ANTIOCH, ON THE ASCENSION

"Wbo will truly speak of the powerful deeds of the Lord, or make audible all his
praises?" (Ps. 105.2 LXX) Wbo will present to us in words
 232 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE
,.._,t,..,l
T7)5 ELS 'Y)fLaS EVEpyEaias TO
I \18'A8 ' '<:pVUEl
fLEYE os;flV pw7TlVYJ 8' '
EOTYJS avva1TTETat,
I ' > t ,.., t I I
fLEVOVU1)5 E<:p EQVT"f/5 EKQTEpar; <pVUEWS.

[57] TOYAYTOY'EKTOY'EIETO
KATA 1QANNHN 'EYAI'I'EAJON
5
'E<:'OEtsE
(; yap
\ t
EQVTOV
I \;' 1 ,..,,
Ola TOV awµ,aTlKOV VE<pf!VS 0 T7JV 7)fJ-ETEpav cpvaiv
" I t 1 t 1 1

> '8 \ <I 8" l I

V1TEI\ WV, lVQ aµ,<poTEpas QVTOV utoax WfJ.EV TUS cpvaElS, KQl TOV opwµevov
l "\:' \;' I I I I t /

O.v8pw7roV Kal T~V 8id aWµaTOS EvEpyoVaav 8E6T1}Ta.

[58] ANTIOXOY'EIIIEKOIIOY IITOAEMA1LJOE·

'HE XPHEEQE 'EMNHEBH 'O MAKAPIOE KYPIAAOE
l I I I I ) I \ I l I I \
10 M 7) avyxens TQS cpvaeis KQl ov vapKYJGElS 1TEpl TY)V OlKOVOfLlUV· KpaTEl TOV
GeOv, 8{8ov Td 7rp€7TOVTa TcjJ Be0· 8Exov Td dv()pW7riva, 8{8ov Td 7rpE1TovTa
Tfj dv8pw1T6T7)Tl.

[59] IIPOKAOY'EIIIEKOIIOY KQNETANTINOYIIOAEQIJ.

'EIE TO"IIAILJION'EI'ENNHBH'HMIN'
\ I I "\I
15 <••• >KQlTUS<pVUElS T4! l\oycp OlEl\E,KQlT7JV EVWGlVTOV µ,vGTYJPlOV EOl\DY'YJGDV.
<::;I \ I I <I " I 8 \'

[56] Flavianus Antiochenus,Frag. 6 (ed. F. Cavallera, 107), primo apud Theodoretum,Eran. II, Test.
76 (177,ll. 6-9) inventum. Cf.etiam. Cone. Chalc.,Ad Marc., Test. 8 (115 [474],ll.4-7); Niceph.,Antirrh.
III, Test44 (362,ll. 4-9); ll.1-2 (dv8pw7rlvn ... <pVaEws): Leont.Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test 104 (1840A8-9)
[57] Flavianus Antiochenus, Frag. 5 (ed. F. Cavallera, 107), primo hie inventum. Cf. etiam:
Ps.-Joan. Mar., Test 4 (193); Flor. Marc. 573, ff. 34r, 35'; IL 6-7. (lva ... 8E6TT)Ta): Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon.,
Test.103 (1840A4-6)
[58] Antiochus Ptolemaieus, Frag. de Nativitate (cf. Ch. Martin, Le Museon 54 [1941], 56,
1.27-57, 1.2). C£ etiam: Flor.Marc. 573,£ 35; Flor.Len.131, Test. 97; Gel., De Duab. Nat., Test.41 (557;);
1.10 (µ~ ... oiKovoµ.{av): Thdt, Eran. II, Test 78 (177,l. 28); Cone. Chalc.,Ad lvfarc. Test. 7 (115 [474],
l.2);AnastSin,Hod. X,l.2.192 f. (157)
[59] Produs Constantinopohtanus,Homilia inNativitate (?):Frag. primo apud Flor. Chalcedonense
(Ad Marc., Test 11 [115 (474),1.25)] inventum. Cf. etiam:Anast.Sin.,Hod. Vll,2.57 £ (llO);Hod. X,
1.2.180£(157)

VOG [56] 1 dv8pw7rCvn ... 8E6TYJS: dv8pw7rlVYJ (dv8pw7TE{a 1hdt.; ~ dv8pw7rE{a Thdt. co. d
J) cpVais 8E6TYJTL Thdt., Cone. Chalc. 8E6TYJS: <9E0s G 2 ante <pVaEws add. T~S Cone.
Ch ale.
[57] 3 'EK TOY om. G 4 post 'EYAI'I'EAION add. AOI'OYV 6 /.,,.el.Bwv G
rv" 0 6-7 T~V OpwµEv-qv dv8pw1T6TYJTU Flor. Marc. 573 7 ante aWµaTOS add. TOV
V, Leont. Jer.
[58] 9 MAKAPIQTATOE G 10 avyxVaEis O; auyxVns Antioch, avyxVans Anast.
Sin. vapK0aEis: "contremiscas" Gel. 11 post <9E0v add. TfJ 'iT{aTEi Antioch. -rd
dv8pW7riva: TD dv8pW7rivovV; TDv &v8pw7rovAntioch. post [dv8pW7riva] add olKoVOfttKWs
Antioch. 0{0ov ... &vepw7r6TYJTi om.Antioch.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 233

the greatness of his kindness towards us? The Godhead is joined to human
nature, while each nature remains what it is.

57. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

COMMENTARY ON JOHN'S GOSPEL

The one who put on our nature showed himself through the cloud of his body,
so that we might learn of both his natures: both the human being, which is seen,
and the Godhead that works through his body.

58. BY ANTIOCHUS, BISHOP OF PTOLEMAIS;

THE BLESSED CYRIL QUOTED THIS TEXT

Do not confuse the natures, and you will not be in a state of numbness about
God's saving plan. Take hold of God, attribute what is fitting to him; accept the
human qualities, attribute what is fitting to the humanity.

59. BY PROCLUS, BISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE,

ON THE TEXT "A CHILD IS BORN TO US"

... and distinguish the natures in your mind, and confess the divine unity of the
Mystery.
 234 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

{60} TOY 'AYTOY'EIE THN I'ENNHEIN TOY XPIETOY

El µ0 TrapBEvos Eµetvev Tj µ~TYJp, i/JtAOs Uv8pw1TOS 0 TEXBEls Kai
/~I:. ' I >>:'-\ I I I >! 8' ' " 8'opwS
>
11apaoos OS 0 TO KOS· El OE KUlfLETa TOKOV Eµ..EtVE 7Tap EVOS, EKElVOS acp
eyevv77'8 77,
> 8vpwv
- KEK,\ Etaµ,evwv
0< Kat' TWV
- ' 'aKW ,\VTWS
' '
ElGE ,\8 wv-ov'? TYJV I I

5 av,vytav TWv cp-VaEwv BewpWv 0 BwµUs K€Kpaye AEywv, "O KVpt6s µov
Ka/; Q @e6:; µov:'

[61} 1EILJQPOY 'AEKHTOY IIHAOYEIQTOY'EK

THE IIPOE 19EOLJOEION LJIAKONON'EIIIETOAHE
'
0 VK >I I > ~ I(:. " ~ I I y ,.., > I I I (;
EGTl cpvatKas U7TOOEti;Ets TWV V7TEp cpvatv sYJTElV· El yap Kat aap'::i
10 dA178Ws 0 A6yos yeyEvYJTai, dAA' oV fiAOs 0.v8pw7Tos 0 XptaTOs,
Evav8pw11~aas OE µiiAAov BeOs, Ev EKaTEpais TaZs rp-Vaeaiv els V7Tdpxei Yl6s.

[60] 5-6 Joan. 20.24-9

[60] Proclus Constantinopolitanus, Hom. 1 (Sermo in Ecclesia Magna Constantinopoli), 3 (ACO I,

l, l, 104, ll. 3-6). Cf. etiam: Doctr. Patr. 7, VIII (49, 1. 17); Niceph., Antirrch. II, Test. 77 (370, ll.1-3);
Flor. Len. 131, Test. 81; ll. 2-4 (•d µ,~ ... ElaE).8Wv): Tim. Ael., Ref Cone. Chalc., Test 81 (33, 11.
26-32; !);11. 3-5 (iKELvos ... @wµ,iis): Anast. Sin., Hod X,2.7.196 ff. (189); ll. 4-6 (iKELvos ... µ,ov):
Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 84 (1836 C6-8; om. ll. 3-5, 0 Kai ... ElaEA8Wv); Anast. Sin, Hod. VII,
2.52-5 (110); Hod. X, 1. 2.105-8 (152 £)
[61] Isidorus Pelusiota,Ep. I, 405, Theodosia Diacono (PG 78, 409 A3-7). Cf. etiam: Conc.Eph., Coll.
Gas. II, 80,9 (11, ll. 2-4); Ps.-Joan. Mar., Test. 41 (204); Flor. Len.131, Test. 82; ll. 10-11 (ou •/J<Ao< ...
Yi6s): Leant. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test.105 (1840 A12-14); l.11 (b £Ka'n£pats ... Yl6s): Joan. Caes.,Apol
Cone. Chalc., Frag. Syr.112 (44,ll.1094-5)

VOG [60] 2 Kai om. Doctr. Patr. 3 ante T6Kov add. T0v Prod. (ACO), Doctr.
Patr. 1TapeEvos ante EµEtvE transp. Doctr. Patr. post Trap8Evos add. 7rWs oVxl Kal @€Os,
Kal TO µ,va-r~ptov O.cppaarov; Prod. dr:p80pws: dcppdarws Prod.; dcpOdprws Leont. Jer.,
Anast. Sin., Doctr. Patr.; 0.cpOapros Flor. Len. 131 4 EyEv~OYJ Anast. Sin. Hod. VII;
YEVVYJOEls Flor. Len.131 post [EyEvv~OYJ] add. rovri.ariv dvaµ,dprYJTOS' Flor.Len.131 rWv om.
Anast. Sin. VII, 2 et X, 2 ElaEAOWv ante dKwAVrws transp. Prod oV T~v: oVros Anast. Sill
Hod. VII 5 OEwpWv om. Prod.; EwpaKWs (quod post @wµ,fis transp.) Anast. Sin., Flor.
Len. 131 KiKpayE: dvEKEKpdyEt Prod. (ACO Coll Vat.); €Ki.KpayE Prod. (ACO, Coll. Ath.),
Anast. Sin VII, 2 et X, l; Doctr. Patr.
[61] 7 JAEKHTOY post IIHAOYEWTOY transp. G ante IIHAOYEIQTOY add.
TOY 0 10 dAYJO~s Isid. Pel. yEyivvYJTai 0, Flor. Len. 131 0.v0pw7TOS' om. 0
11 8~ post µ,iiAA.ov transp. Leont. Jer., Ps.-Joan. Mar. D7Tdpx.wv Flor. Len. 131 YiOs: XplaTOs
v•c post YiOs add. Toil BEoV Isid. Pel., Cone. Ephes., Ps.-Joan. Mar.; add. roil EiEoV Kal BE6s
Joan. Caes.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 235

60. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, ON THE BIRTH OF CHRIST

If the mother did not remain a virgin, the one who is born is simply a human
being and his birth is not mysterious. But if she remained a virgin, even after
giving birth, he was born without corruption-he who also entered without
resistance when the doors were closed; and when Thomas gazed on the linking
of his natures, he cried out,"My Lord and my God!" (John 20.28).

61. BY ISIDORE, ASCETIC OF PELUSIUM,

FROM HIS LETTER TO THE DEACON THEODOSIUS

It is improper to seek out natural proofs for what lies above natnre. For if the
Word also truly became flesh, Christ is still not simply human; but rather, since
God has become human, a single Son exists in both the natures.
 236 'ENANTIAE !JOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYE

[62] TOY 'AYTOY'EK THE llPOE TIM06JEON

'ANAI'NQETHN'EllIETOAHE

[63} TOY 'AYTOY'EK THE llPOE TON MAKAPION KYPIAAON

'EllIEKOllON 'AAESAN!JPEIAE 'EllIETOAHE
"OTl >:-1'
uE o
,,
al\17 8tvos
I I' I I Cl I "8 I " "S
Kai E7Tl 7TaVTWV l.':!IEOS av pW7TOS yEyovEV, OVTE o 1 v
1
I I" ' -;- \ RI ' I ~' ,.. ' '
10 rparrEis, Kai o ovK 7JV 7rpoa"a,..,,wv, EV cpvaEai ovatv ElS V7Tapxwv Y"
LOS',
>/ \ ) I t I >•·\.'.'
avapxos Kai a7TEpavTos, 7Tpoacparos Kat aioios., ovo av avros apv17 ELTJS,
)~> 11 > I > 8 '
TTAE{aras Exwv roiJ dy{ov 1Tarpds ~f-LWV µ,Eyd!t.ov L48avaa{ov 1TEpl roJrwv
'
avvaivEaEtS', ' 8pwrrov
av ' Ta'8"' "'
Eta V7TEpcpvws RI
Eµ,~arEvaavros.

[62] Isidorus Pelusiota, Ep. I, 102, Timothea Ledori (PG 78,252 C12-D4). C£ etiam: Ps.-Joan. Mar.,
Test. 42 (204); Niceph.,Antirrh. III (363, 113-9); Flor. Len.131, Test. 83; Cone. Ephes., Coll. Cas. II, 80,
Test.2 (9,11. 14-17; t); 1.3-4 (-rraan ... 8€fa): Leont.Jer., Ctr. Mon. Test. 77 (1836 A3-4);ll.. 3-4 (-rrdan
... avyKaTd(h:als): Anast. Sin.,Hod.X,1.2.123 ff. (154;utcum Test,63 coniunctum); 11.3-5 (7T6.av ...
µE£w8tda17s}Joan. Caes.,Apol. Cone. Chale., Frag. Syr.111 (44,ll.1087-91)
[63] Isidorus Pelusiota, Ep. I, 323, Cyrillo Arehiepiseopo (PG 78, 369 B5-12) Cf. etiam: Flor. Len.131,
Test 84; Cone Ephes., Coll Cas. ll 80, Test. 5(10,117-11;1); Cone. Chak, Coll Sangerm. 11 (146,
ll.24-8; i);ll.9-13 (3Tt ... avvaivEaEis): Leont.Jer,,Ctr.Mon., Test 51 (1828 Cl2-D3);l.10 (Ev rpVaEal
... YiOs): Joan. Caes., Apo!. Cone. Chale., Frag. Syr. 113 (44, 1. 1099; correctio Severi, ibid., ll. 1100-2);
ll. 11-13 (oVO' U.v ... Eµ~aTWaavros): Joan. Caes., Apol. Cone. Chalc., Frag. Syr. 114 (44, ll.1103-45,
1.1107); ll.12-13 (7T,\1-daTas ... Eµ~aTEVaavTos) Anast. Sin. Hod. X,l. 2.126 £ (154; ut cum Test. 62
coniunctum)

VOG [62] 3 post 7Tdan add. To{vvv Isid. Pel., Leant. Jer. ante m}v add. T~V Isid. Pel. µ?] ...
-XptaToV: µ~ Trov 06K71atv T~v TOiJ XptaToV rpVaiv (µ~1TWS µ{av XpiaToiJ rpVaiv codd. Vat. 649
et Altaensis 1) Isid. Pel. ante XptaToiJ add. E7Ti Anast. Sin., Flor. Len. 131 3-4 ToiJ
XptaToiJpostadpKwaivtransp.Anast.Sin.,cod,M 4 8aTEpas ... avyKaT6.8Eais:~ yd.pr:ls
µ{av avyKaT6.8Eats EKaTEpas EaTiv O.pv17ats Anast. Sin. T~v µ{av: µd1s Isid.
Pel. 5 MdvEvTos; Mdv71Tos Isid. Pel. 6 ~ Xdpv~Ots: Xa{pw871s Flor. Len. 131; '1a
mauvaise opinion"Ps.-Joan. Mar. KaTdyEtV Niceph.
[63] 7 THE: TOYG 9 0TEG Oom.Flor.Len.131 posty£yovEvadd.d,\178Wslsid.
Pel. 10 Ev rpVaEal OVatv: Ev 8Vo 'PVaEaiv Leant. Jer.; EK 'PVaEwv 8voiv Isid. Pel., correctio
Severi ad Joan. Caes. ante Efs add. 0 Isid. Pel. post YlOs add. Kal BEOs Joan.
Caes. 11 &vapxos Kai d7TcfpavTos: 0.TpE1TTOS Kal dva,\,\o{wTos Leant. Jer. Trp6arpaTos
om. Cone. Chalc. aVTO VO 12 ante µEydAov add. Toil G, Leont. Jer., Flor. Len.
131 13 avvcfaEis 0, Joan. Caes. DTrEpf,OvWs: VTrEp 'PVaiv G; eximie Joan.
Caes. TrAElaTas ... Eµ~TEVaavTos: Exwv TrEpl ToVTwv 1T,\E{aTaS d1To8E{~Eis ToV a'.y{ov
TraTpOs ~µWv .'A8avaa{ov dv8pos V7rEpf,OvWs Td. 8Eia Eµ~aTEVaavTos Anast. Sin.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 237

62. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

LETTER TO THE LECTOR TIMOTHY

Keep a close watch over your heart, and do not ever accept one nature of Christ
after he became flesh. For assent concerning a single nature is dissent on both,
with either the divine nature changing or our own being lessened. This is the
Charybdis presented by Manes, by which he is working hard to bring everyone
down to Gehenna!

63. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS LETTER

TO THE BLESSED CYRIL, BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA

You yourself would not deny that the true God, who is above all things, became
human: not changing what he was, but taking up what he was not, existing as one
Son in two natures, without beginning and without limit, new and eternal. And
you have many assenting sayings on this subject by our holy father the great
Athanasius-a man who ventured to discuss divine things in a supernatural way.
 238 'ENANTIAE JOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYE

[63a] TOY ;4YTOY'EK THE II POE AEANJPON'EIIIETOAHE

1f cpVais ~ dvBpw?TE{a, 8avµ,6.aiE, o-VTE dvE?T{8EKTDs Eari KaKWv oVre
,... I I t 8 /, I
cpvalKWS KEKTYJTUl Ta KaKa, U/l/\U yvwp.n Kat pa Vf.Ll<f TYJV U1T01TTWaiv
I \ '\ \ I I I '

,...
rwv ,... t I 'I \! " I 8 "8 ''
XPYJUTWV V1TOf.lEVEl· orrep Kai o 7TPWT05 1TE1TOV EV av pw11os, Kat TWv
5
'!
opwv TYJS UWTYJptas
,..,, I 'C.'
Ec;E7TEUEV,
"
YJV UVT<_p 1TUlllV
' ,. , I\
0
! <:::: I
OEVTEpos Es
'/:.
ovpavov
> ,...

'
U7TEOWKEV
!<:;:
0 TY)V av 8pw1T05,
" c
EV EUVT<{J E7Tl0Etsaµevos.
t I '\ 8,... I
Ul\Yj YJ cpvaiv YJf.LWV
' ,.., ' t ,... ' "' I

a , , ,, , , ,. , , ,, , , ,. , , "' , , Y" ~

o-eos- yap wv al\1} 8ws, yeyovev av 8pw11os Ul\Y] 8ws, EV ova cpvaeaiv Et5 tos
roV BeoD, oV rpanels O?Tep ~v Ev T<{J yevEafJai 0 EaµEv.

AEONTIOY· 'E'TTl rriiai OE rols 1TpDYJYYJaaµEvois Kat rofJ µ,aKap{ov

I\\ Q (./ > '"'[[ I t I ,... \ I I ,...
10 K vpt/\l\OV,JJEt-JaiwrtKa-:; TWV TE 1Tpo avrov aTepwv Kat epp.YJVEVTtKas TYJS
OAYjs aVToiJ Otavo{as, 1Tapa8Ea8at Ea1Tov0daaµEv, lva yvWatv DTt oVTE
'<'
OVTOS ,,
OVTE "
TlS ETEpos "'
TWV IIaTEpwv
I
TO EK ovo ~I ,, "
Yj TO "'C ' . . ,, E7T
Es aµ,cpoiv ' , I "' I

dvaipEaEt Toii "Ev OVo" Elpr}Kaaiv. IIoAAaxoV ydp KaTd Tijs OiaipEaEws
N EGTOplOV I I
µaxoµ,Evos, OU' µ,ovov
I
Ta'"'C'<'"'8
Es WV TE ElKEV, al\l\a ,,,, Kat''"'"'"
TTJ EV
15 I I ' >! I l ' '
' '8
1Tpo 8EGEL E7T aµ,cpoTEpwv EXpYJaaTo, ws avTo EV Es wv V1TETasaµ,Ev
>(; '<' ' IC
avTov
' "

xpr}ae:wv paov EaTt µ,aBEZv· Erp' &7Taat OE aVToiJ roZs AOyois TWV xpr}aEWV
I ) \I I <I l~\ I ,.., ~ I
Tas avaµ,cptl\EKTOVS µovas, as OUOE µ,avEVTES 7TapEpp,YJVEVUat OVV7JGOVTat,
11apa8Ea8at Ea1Tov00.aaµ,Ev.

[64] TOY MAKAPIOY KYPIAAOY'EIIIEKOllOY

20 'AAESANJPEIAE'EK TOY IIPQTOY TOMOY
TQN IIEPI THE 'AI'IAE TPIAJOE
'O µ,Ev ydp lEp6:; TE ~µ,Zv dAYJBWs Kai aocpWTaTos IlaiJAos, µiiAAov OE
I I;:'
•
GVp,11a5 0 TWV aytWV xopOS, UlTTOV OlOVEl 1TWS Yjp.lV TOV E1Tl Y'"'
"' • I
U.f) l\OYOV \ I • I • "' I ' I \I

l / 8' '
e:yvwKaat TE Kat ElUKOf-LlsOVGl fLETa TO EVW YJVat aapKl, TOVTEUTl
I 1y I ' '
Ka 8' I I '

25 ~µO.s yEyEv~aBat KaB' OAbKA77pov Oµo{waiv, O{xa µ,bv77:; dµ,apr{as.

[63a] Isidorus Pelusiota, Ep. I, 303, Ad Leandrum (PG 78, 357 C6-360 A2). Huius epistulae etiam
mentionemfecit Sev., Ctr. Gram. Ill, 39 (251,ll. 4-7; tr.184, ll. 33-4).
[64] Cyrillus Alexandrinus,De Trinitate, Dial. I (SC 231.162, JI. 17-22; PG 75, 680 BS-11). Cf.
etiam: Niceph., Antirrh. II, Test. 50 (363, 11. 21-2); Flor. Vat. 1455, Test. 47a (cum Test. 65
coniunctwn) 11. 22-4 ( 0 aorpWTa:ros ... aapKl): Doctr. Patr. 4, V (30, ll. 9-11); Theor.,Disp. (244
AS-8)

V (om. OG) [63a] 4 V1Toµ,€vEl ante TWv XPY/aTWv transp. lsid. Pel. 5 oVpavoD: aDToiJ
Isid. Pel. (txt. codd. Vat. 649 etAltaensis 1) 6 d1108€8wKEV Isid. Pel. €7rt0Egdµ,Evos Isid.
Pel. 7 Ev OVo rpVaeaiv: e'K OVo rpVaewvSev.(utvarialectio) OVo: 8-Vai V' 0 ' ' 8 'ioiJ:
Wvisid. Pel.
VOG Scholion Leontii 9 ante JlEONTIOY add . .EXOAION VG Kal om. 0
12 oliTos: aVTOs V 14 NEaTop{ov ante 8LaLp€aEws transp. G Td: 7Q 0
[64] 22 µ,Ev ... Kai om.Doctr. Patr., Theor. 23 aVµ,nas: 11&.s Theor. 8LT-r0v ... .\Oyov
ante 0 aorpWTaTos llaiJAos (17) transp. Doctr. Patr., Theor. olovE{ 1TWS ~µ,Zv om. Doctr. Patr.,
Theor. e'nl ToV YloV G; Erp' 'YL<$ Cyril 25 yevrfaBal Cyr. ante dµ,apT{as add. Tijs
l\.T;,...,,...,},
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 239

63A. BY THE SAME AUTHOR,

FROM HIS LETTER TO LEANDER

Human nature, my dear friend, is neither incapable of experiencing evil things,

nor does it naturally take on evil, but it undergoes a decline from the good by
choice and by indolence. This is what happened to the first human being, and
he departed from the terms defining his well-being; but the second human
being-the one from heaven-restored it to him when he received in himself
our true nature. For being truly God, he truly became human: one Son of God
in two natures, not changing what he was in becoming what we are.

Leontius: We are eager to set alongside all these texts that we have produced
others by the Blessed Cyril, which both confirm [the positions of] the Fathers
before him and interpret his entire way of thinking, so that people might know
that neither he nor any other Father has used the phrases "from twd' or "from
both'' as a way of denying "in two" [natures]. Many times, when he is fighting
against Nestorius's division, he not only uses "the elements from which;' but
also uses the preposition "in'' for both, as is easy to see from the quotations from
him we have arranged below. We have been careful, in all quotations from him,
to assemble only uncontested texts, which not even crazy people will be able to
misinterpret.

64. BY THE BLESSED CYRIL, BISHOP OF

ALEXANDRIA, FROM THE FIRST BOOK OF HIS
TREATISE ON THE HOLY TRINITY

Paul, who in our view is truly holy and most wise-or better, the whole chorus
of the saints together-recognized and handed on to us a kind of double
message concerning the Son, after his union with flesh: namely, he has come to
be like us, with a complete likeness, apart from sin alone.
 240 'ENANTIAI: LJOKHI:EQI: NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:
•
{65} TOY J4YTOY'EK TOY J4YTOY AOI'OY
A \ ' \ 1' yt ,. . \" l) ~ C'fc:\
'
LTTOS ovv apa EUTLV 0 E7H l'1J l\Oyos· avauETEOV V'YJ ovv Ta TOV t!'!Eov ws
.'-I
\ I ' I \ ";" \ ""'

BE<jJ, Kat ws Ka8" ~µ,as yEyov6n Tel Ka.8' ~µ,as, TOVTEUTL Tel av8pwmva.

{66} TOY J4YTOY'EK THI: IIPOI: J4KAKION <'EIIII:TOAHI:>

5 0 l< OE\ ~ I \ >A I
KO.Ta T'Y}V .tiVTLOXEtaV avEl\CpOt Ta µ,ev Es WV VOELTO.t ptUTOS ws EV
>~ \ \ \ \ > C 1' ~ x \ < >

,/. \ \ I~ > I ~ I I \ > I ~ \

<pt/\atS Kat µ,ovatS EVVOtatS VEXOfJ-EVOt , g;vaEWV µ,Ev ELp'Y}Kaat otag;opav-
fl \ ) \ C' 'I ) I ""' fl I \ ) l} I
OTL 11-'Y/ TO.VTOV, ws Ef[JYJV, EV 7TOLOT'Y}Tt g;vatKTJ UEOT'YJS T E Kat avupW7TOTYJS-
€va YE µ,~v Y[ov Kat XptaTOV Kat Kvptov, Kat WS EVOS OVTOS aA'Y}8ws EV
avTov Kat 7rp6aw7TOV Elvat g;aa{v.

10 {67} TOY J4 YTOY'EK TOY B' AOI'OY TOY KATA NEI:TOPIOY

El fJ-EV ovv O..v8pw7TOV ovoµ,a~wv, ofo8a KO.L @EOV OVTO. KaTel g;vatv aVTOV, EV
" JI \ I ' ~ \ 1y \ I ) \ ,.... '~ I I
av EXOL Kat 7TE7Tavaoµ,at· f l OE fJ-Epi.,,wv TaS g;vaeis ovxi T'1J flOEVat µ,ovov
T{s µ,€v ~ dv8pw7TECa, T{s 8€ 8~ 7TaALV ~ Beta, 8ti UTelS 8€ µ,aAAOV T~S 7rpos
0

EV6T'Y}TO. avv8poµ,~S, av8pW7TOAaTpELS OfJ-OAOYOVfJ-EVWS· Ka{ UOt 7TpOS ~fJ-WV

) I (( \ I ,,.. """ I n
15 EtpYJC1ETat, TOVS 7TOVOVS TWV KO.p7TWV aov g;ayEaa t.

[67] 14 Ps.127.2 (LXX)

(65] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, ibid. (SC 231.166, II. 26-8; PG 75, 681 Cl3-Dl). Cf. etiam: Ephr Am.,
Ad Or. Mon. (IV, 165, IL 3- 5); Doctr. Patr. 13, VIII (83, I. 19); Flor. Vat. 1455, Test. 47b (cum Test. 64
coniunctum)
[66] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Ep. 40, Ad Acacium Melitenensem, 15 (ACO I, l , 4, 27, 11. 12- 15 [Cone.
Eph., Coll. Vat. 128]; PG 77, 191 D6-196 A3). Cf. etiam: Sev., Ctr. Gram. Ill, 4 (38, II. 18-24; tr. 27,
11. 11-17); ibid. (44, 11. 28- 45, I. 5; tr.31, 1. 31-2, I. l; J-); ibid. III, 9 (170, I. 28- 171, I. 6; tr. 119,
IL 19-24; .J.)
[67] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Contra Nestorium II, 14, 2 (ACO I, l , 6, 52, 11. 30-4 [Cone. Ephes., Coll.
Vat.166]; PG 76, 109 Cl O- Dl). Cf.etiam: Flor.Len.131, Test. 59; 11.12- 14 (t:U5€ ... oµ.o'A oyovµhws):
Pamph.XVU (260, II. 169-72)

VOG [65] 1 Erp'Cyr.,Ephr.Am.,Doctr.Patr. dvali£T£0 8~ om.G 1-2 ws ®£0 ante

,.a. Tou ®Eou transp. Cyr. (ws: 7rpos cod. M; om Tou cod. A), Ephr. Am 3 ,.a. ... TOVTEG'TL
om. Ephr.Am.
[66) 4 THE: TOY VO 'EIIIJ:TOAHJ: om. VG; AOI'OY 0 5 post 8€ add. y£
Cyr. 6 ifu'Ao.'Ls Kai µova.is om. Sev. Ctr. Gram. III, 4 6 rpva£ws Cone. Eph. cod. R
µEv om. Cone. Ephes. eodd. RW 7 li£077)S n Kai dv8pw7TOT7JS Cone. Eph. cod. R; 7£ om.
codd. SD 8 Kvpwv Ka~ XpLaTov Cone. Ephes. codd. SD 9 ante 7rpoaw7Tov add. To
Cone. Ephes. codd. VP
(67) 10 TOY2: TQN 0 11 avlipw7TOS Flor. Len. 131 post ola8a add. /J-E?"a TOVTOU
Cyr. 12 lXELFlor. Len.131 Kai om. 0 ante rpvaELS add. 860 Pamph.cd B TW :TO VO,
Flor. Len. 131 13 post,.{, µev add. EaTLV v s~ om. OG, Flor. Len. 131 8~i·a,.~s 0
8€ om. G 14 EV01"7)TO.: V€077)7a Flor. Len.131 oµot\oyo Vµ.EVos Flor.Len. 131
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 241

65. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SAME WORK

1herefore the way we speak about the Son is twofold: we are to ascribe to him
the things proper to God as to God, and the things proper to us-that is, human
characteristics-as to one who has become like us.

66. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM

THE LETTER TO ACAC IUS

1he brethren in Antioch interpret those elements from which Christ is

recognized as if they were simply bare concepts, and speak of a difference in
natures-that Godhead and humanity are not the same thing, as I have said, in
their natural qualities-but they say that he is one Son and Christ and Lord, and
that his persona is one, as belonging truly to a single individual.

67. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

SECOND BOOK AGAINST NESTORIUS

If, in calling him a human being, you realize that he is also God by nature, that
is fine and I shall cease from criticizing; but if you divide the natures, not
only in that you recognize what is the humanity and what is the divinity, but
rather separate them from a convergence towards unity, you are admittedly
worshipping a human being; and from our side someone will say to you, "You
shall eat the work of your hands" (Ps. 127.2 LXX).
 242 'ENANTIAE !JOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

[68] TOY J4YTOY'EK THE IIPOE

EOYKENEON 'EIIIETOAHE A'
OVKoVv Oaov µEv ~KEV elS" Evvotav, Kai elS" µ6vov TO Opiiv TDiS' TijS' i/Jvxijs
"
oµ,µaaiv I
Ttva I
rpo7rov ev77v
' 8'
pwrr77aev o'Movoyev77s,
1 \;cl
ovo ras
1
r:pvaEir;
/
eivai
-;- /

5 rpaµev, eva
" <;;'I
UE x ptGTOV' Y" '
lOV Kat' K'
Kat vpiov TOV I TOV"' OEOV
fu\ "' A,oyov
'8
Evav '
pW7T7JGUVTa Kat' aEaapKWfLEVOV. ' K at El' " " ' <oEsWfLE
1
·aoKEl, ; ; ' t .a' 8 '
7Tpos
1Tapd8Eiyp.a T~V KaB' ~µiis aVToVs- aVvBeaiv KaB' ijv Eaµ.ev Cfv8pw1TOt·
' 8 I ' ,/, "'
GVVTE 8Elf.LE a yap EK 'fVXYJS' Kat awµaTOS', Kat opwµ,ev ovo <pVGElS', ETEpav
I I I t "' \.:'I I ( I

µEv r"1s aapKdS', ETEpav 8€ TijS' i/Jvxijs· cL\,\' et:; Eg dµrpolv UvBpw77os

[68] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Ep. 45, Ad Succensum I, 7 (ACO I, l, 6, 153, I. 23-154, I. 11 [Cone.
Ephes., Coll. Vat. 171]; PG 77, 232 DlD-233 Bl). Cf. etiam: Sev., Phil. (160, l 16-161, I. 10; tr. 132,
11. 1-20; i); Doctr. Patr. 2, XIX (16, 1. 2; t); ll. 3-5 (oiiKoiiv ... cpaµEv): Anast Sin., Hod. X,
1. 2.10-12 (146); Flor. Len. 131, Test. 28; ll. 3-5 (oiiKoVv ... KVpiov): Flor. Cyr., Test. 42 (126,
1119-22); Sev., Phil. (28, 1112-16; tr. 22, ll, 20-4); ll. 3-6 (oVKoVv ... aEaapKwµEvov): Sev., Ctr.
Gram. II, 13 (121, ll.12-16; tr. 94, 11. 32-6); ibid. Ill, 13 (230, ll.15-20; tr. 161,ll.11-16); Ephr. Am., Ad
Or. Mon. (IV, 164, ll. 8-12); Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test.17 (10, ll. 30-3); Conf Reel. Fid., Test. 11 (78,
II. 20-2); Syn. Hispal XIII, Test.11 (567, A5-11); Theor., Disp. (149 Cl0-15); Disp. II (220 C4-9); Sev;
Ctr. Gram. II, 22 (186, ll. 1-5; tr. 145, ll. 15-20; tJ; Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test. 31 (152, no. 124; t);
Theor., Disp. (140 B3-8; l); I. 3-p. 244, 1.4 (oVKoVv ... E'vwani): Sev., Ctr. Gram. III, 16 (273, ll. 8-16;
tr. 192, II. 8-16); II. 4-5 (ova ... <paµ<v): Euth. Zig., Pan. XVl (1080 Dll-12);

VOG [68] 1 THI.:: TOYG 2 A' om.G 3 Evvo{asConc.Ephes.codd.FZ,Flor.

Cyr. cod. C Els ... DpO..v: eds aVTO rO µ6vov OpO..a(Jai Anast, Sin., Flor. Len. 131 TO: ToV G
3-4 Tois ... Oµ,µ . aaiv: Tois T~S 8iavo{as Or:p(JaAµois Anast. Sin., Flor. Len. 131
4 EvrivepW1i"YJKEV Joan. Dam. MovoyEv~s: 'Eµµavov~A Anast Sin., Flor. Len. 131
4-5 8Vo ... r:paµEv: 8Vo r:paµ€.v Elvai rds r:pVaElS V Elvai om. ut lectio varia sec. Sev. Phil.
160-1 5 post r:paµev add. Tds Evw(JE{aas Cone. Ephes. (txt.codd.ARWB), Flor. Cyr.,Sev.,
Buth. Zig., Theor. Disp. II; Xpla-rOv ... KVpiov: XpiarOv Kai KVpiov Kal YiOv Doctr. Patr. 2,
XIX, Theor. 140B, Sev. Phil. 160-1, Ctr. Gram.; YlOv Kal XpiaTOv Kal KVpiov Cone. Eph. codd.
ARWF, Flor. Cyr. cod. C, Sev. Phil. 28, Justn. Conf Rect. Fid., Syn. Hispal., Joan. Dam.; XpiaTDv
YlOv KVpiov Doctr.Patr. 24, XII; Kall om. Theor. Disp. II; Kai KVpiov om. Leont. Jer. post
KVptov add. Oµo/..oyoVµev Joan. Dam. 6 8EfdµEea O; 8ef6µE(Ja Cone. Ephes. cod. F
1Tp0s: Els Doctr. Patr. 2, XIX 1Tp0s 1Tapd8Eiyµa om. VG 7 aVToV 0, Cone. Ephes. cod.
L, Doctr. Patr. 2, XIX 8 avvTieEµeOa VG, Cone. Ephes. cod. F, Leont. Jer., Ephr. Am. Def
Cyr. ydp: 8€. Ephr.Am.Def Cyr. post r:pVaEtS add. Kal E1T' aVToil Doctr.Patr. codd.AEP; Kal
ETi aVToil ibid., cod. C; Kai Er:p' EavToVs ibid., cod. B 8-9 €-rEpav ... ifavx~s: ETEpav µEv
T~s ifavx~s, ETEpav 8€ ToV aWµaTos Just. Ctr.Mon. Test. SO 9 µEv T~s ... 8€ T~s om. Ephr.
Am., Def. Cyr. T~S aapKOs: T0v ToV aWµaTos Cone. Ephes. (om. T0v codd.ARVVF), Flor. Cyr.,
Leont. Jer. (om. T~v), Doctr. Patr. ante Tijs ifivxijs add. T0v Cone. Ephes. (txt. ARWF), Flor.
Cyr. Efs om. Cone. Ephes. codd. ARW, Leont. ]er. 8-p. 64, 1. 2 dAA'... Evwaiv om. Justn. Ctr.
Mon. Test. SO
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 243

68. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

FIRST LETTER TO SUCCENSUS

'Therefore, as far as it enters into our cognizance, and only as concerns what we
can see with the eyes of our souls of how the Only-begotten has become human,
we say that there are two natures, but one Christ and Son and Lord-the Word
of God made human and made flesh. And if you like, let us accept as a model
the convergence within us, by which we are human beings. For we are put
together of soul and body, and we see [in ourselves J two natures, one flesh and
the other soul; still, the human being is one from both
 244 'ENANTIAJ: dOKHJ:EQJ: NEJ:TOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYJ:

KaB' Evwaiv, Kal oVxi TD EK 8-Uo cpVaEwv avvrE8ela8ai dvBpW1Tovs OVo

'e I tf I 7' ' •I I ' ,/, ,.. I I 'E'
VOElG al TOV Eva 1TapaaKEVasEL, ws E<pYJV, TOV EK 'fVXTJS Kat awµ.aTOS. av
''',\ \U,\;:'/ \~I I tT \ I ) \
yap avE wµ.ev TO OTL EK ovo Kat uiacpopwv cpvaEWV 0 ELS Kal fLOVOS EUTl
X ptGTOS', '\::'
\ UOLUU1TUGTOSI ,, I \ " '
WV f-lE'Ta TT)V EVWGlV, EpOVUlV Ol TTJ op
"' t "' ' O"'fl ODs[/
\: ' 't
'
s µ.axoµ.Evoi, "E'i µ,ia cpvais TO o
I I I ",\
ov, 1TWS EVYJV epw1TTJGEV Kat 7TOtav ioiav TYJV
' ' I I I >~I I

'(: t ,... > I / ,,

Es 'l'}f.LWV E7TOlYJGUTO aapKa;

[69] TOY J4YTOY'EK TOY dIAAOI'IKOY

J:YNTAI'MATOJ:, 'OT! 'Ell: 'O XPIJ:TOJ:
'Ap' oDv avyKExvvTai Kai µ{a yEy6vaaiv liµ,cpw cpVaEis; Elra rls oVros
10 Eµ,(3p6vTYJTDS Kai dµ.aB~s E't17 llv, J;5 ~ r~v 8E{av o'tEaBai TDD A6yov
rErp6.cp8ai cpVaiv Els 07TEp oVK ~v, ~ µEraxwp~aai r~v adpKa Ka rd YE -rOv

[68 cont.] p. 242, ll. 4-6 (&Vo ... aEaap1<wµ€vov): Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 61 (1833 Bl-3);
p. 242,L 4-p. 244,1.2 (ovo ... awf'aTos): Sev.,Phil. (261,ll. 2-12; tr. 214,ll. 2-12): p. 242,ll. 6-9 (rni <l
... <fvx~s); Flor. Cyr., Test41 (126,ll.14-17); Sev.,Phil. (28,ll.8-ll;tr.22,ll 15-19);Ephr.Am.,Def Cyr.
(IV, 128, ll. 8-11); p. 242, 16-p. 244, 1. 2 (Kal El ... aWµaTos): Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 144 (1860, ll.
7-14; om. Kal el 8oKe;); Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test. 50 (14,l. 39-15,l. 2); ll.1-2 (KaL oVxl ... aWµaTos):
Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test. 52 (15,ll. 17-18); 112-5 (Edv ... EV'ryv8pW1TY)O'Ev):Vat. Gr.1431, Flor. II, Test. I
(33, ll. 1-4); Eulog., Or. 3 (Y, 26, ll. 21-5); ll. 2-6 (<av ... aapKa): Sev., Phil. (262, ll 14-20; tr. 215,
ll. 5-10); Ctr. Gram. Ill, 14 (238, I. 30-239,l. 5; tr.167,ll. 22-6); ll. 5-6 (<l ... aapKa); Flor. Cyr., Test. 43
(126, ll. 24-5): Sev., Phil. (28, ll.18-19: tr. 22, II. 25-7)
[69] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Dialogus Quad Unus Sit Christus (SC 97, 372, ll. 36-42; PG 75, 1289
C14-D5). C£ etiam: Niceph., Antirrh II, Test. 49 (363, ll. 10-18); Antirrh. IV, 66, 6 (483,
ll. 9-11); Flor.BM

VOG [68] 1 Ka8' Evwaiv ante dv8pw7roS (p. 242, l. 9) transp. Cone. Ephes., Leont. Jer.,
Doctr. Patr. 1-2 Kal oVxl ... 7rapaaKEv6.CEi: Kal oVx 0Ti EK OVo avvT€8eiTat cpVaewv
(EK 8Vo cpVaewv avvTi8EiTat Leont. Jer.) 0 /1v8pw7ros, 8Vo dv8pW7rovs (om. Cone. Ephes. codd.
ARW,Leont. Jer.) T0v Eva voµiaTiov Cone. Ephes. (txtcodd. BFEU),Justn.,Leont.Jer.,Doctr. Patr.
codd. DV 1 avvTE8Eia8ai: avvY}µµivwv Cone. Ephes. cod. B ante dv8pW7rovs add.
Kal V 1-2 dv8pW7rovs ... Eva: 8Vo ToVs dv8pW7rovs r,;Ivat Justn. 2 vor,;ia8ai post
Eva transp. O; om. Conc.Ephes. codd.EU Ws EcpY)v: dA,\' Eva T0v dv8pw7rov (T0v aVTOv Cone.
Ephes. codd VARWLZ, Leont. Jer; om. Justn. Ctr. Mon. Test. 50) KaTd aVv8r,;aiv (aVyKpaatv
Cone. Ephes.cod.B), T~v (T0v Conc.Ephes. codd. VELUZ) EK t/;vxi]s Kal aWµ,aTos Cone. Ephes.,
Sev. Phil. 261, Leont. Jer., Justn. Tdv EK t/Jvxifs: i/;vxifs 8~ >..dyw Doctr. Patr. if1vx1js Ka~
aWµ,aTos: aWµaTOS Kai i/;vxi]s Cone. Ephes. codd.ARW, Leont. Jer. Edv: av Cone. Ephes.,
Eulog., Doctr. Patr. 4 post EpoVatv add. ~µiv Vat. Gr.1431 Op&fj 86tn: Op8o8oglq. Cone.
Ephes. codd.ARW 5 Kal: 1] Conc.Ephes.,Flor. Cyr.,Doctr. Patr. 5-6 KaL ... a6.pKa:
0 Movoyr,;v~s Vat. Gr. 1431 T~V Eg ~µWv om. Cone. Ephes., Flor. Cyr., Sev., Doctr.
Patr. 6 €7Tot~aaTo: lxr,;iv OpWTo Cone. Ephes. cod. B
[69] 7 LIIAAOI'IKOY: KATA LIIAAOI'ON V 9 &pa OG, Leant. fer., Niceph.
, avyK,XVTai G, Cyr. (txt. vers. Syr.) post avyKExvvTai add. li..µ,cpw cpVaEtS Sev. Ctr. Gram. III,
38 ante &µcpw add. al Flor. Len. 131 rVais V, Cyr., Sev. Ctr. Gram., Flor. Syr. 12154 et 14533; ante
cpVar,;is add ai G, Leont. Jer., Niceph. oVTos 0 10 post €µ(3p6vrryTos add. TE G,
Cyr. 10 av ante ELY) transp. Niceph. Ws: 8s 0, Flor. Len. 131 10-11 cpVaiv ante
olr,;a&ai transp. Flor. Len.131; ante 'TETp6.cp8al transp. G, Vat. Gr.1431 ante cpVatv add. @r,;{av Sev.
AdNeph.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 245

by union, and the fact that we are put together of two natures does not cause the
one human-the one I say is of son! and body-to be understood as two people.
For if we avoid affirming that the one and single Christ is of two different
natures, even though he is inseparable after the union, those who fight against
right belief will ask, "If the whole is one nature, how did he become human, and
what kind of flesh from us did he make his own?"

69. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS DIALOGICAL

COMPOSITION, "THAT CHRIST IS ONE"

Well, then, are both natnres confused, and have they become one? But who
would be so stnpid, so ignorant as to think that the divine nature of the Word
has been changed into what it was not, or that the flesh has changed places
 246 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYE
-
TY)S' a
',\,\ I
oiwaews I
Tpo7TOV
' I '
EtS' T'Y)V avTov TOV
,.., ,.. A oyov; .tifLYJXavov yap.
I 'A I I

[70] TOY l:lYTOY'EK THE'EPMHNEIAE

THE IIPOE'EBPAIOYE'EIIIETOAHE
Kai oV Or] rpaµev O.vdxvatv WaTTep Ttvd avµf31]vai 7TEpi Tds rpVaets, Ws
,.. , , ,.. A, , , , ,. , , , , ',\,\'
5 f'-ETUOT'Y)VUl fJ-EV TYJV TOV O')IOV <pVOlV ELS TYJV TO~ UV 8pW7TOV TVXDV, a
ovo
'"''
av';> av
' I
TYJV e
pW7TlVYJV ELS TYJV I I )
UVTOV·"'
voovµevr;s OE
) <;;'I I
µ,a"',\,\ ov Kat'
V7rapxoVar;s EKaTEpas Ev TqJ r-i]s lO{as cpVaew.;;; Op<.p. 7TE1TpCix8a{ rpaµev T~v
Evwaiv EvoiKr]aavros ToVAbyov awµariKWs rip EK IIapBEvov vaqJ.

[71] TOY l:lYTOY'EK TQN EXOAIQN

10 OU OiopiarEov oVv 0.pa rOv Eva K-Vpiov 'TryaoDv XpiarOv els UvBpwTTov

[69 cont.] Syr. Add. 12154, f. w-•; Flor. B. M. Syr. Add. 14533, f. 15'; Flor. Len. 131, Test. 67; Tim.
Ael., Ref Cone. Chalc., Test. 198 (107, I. 32-108, I. 10; !); Sev., Ad Neph. I (42, ll. 16-21; tr. 57,
ll. 6-11; ! );Phil. (141, ll. 21-7; tr.172, ll. 2-7; ! ); Ctr. Gram. I, 6 (25, I. 28-26, I. 4; tr. 20, 1. 32-21, 1. 4; !);
ibid. 111, 8 (155, ll.18-24; tr. 108, ll. 21-5; ! ); ibid. III, 38 (250, ll. 3-7; tr. 184, ll. 1-6; ! ); Vat. Gr. 1431,
Flor. I, Test. 20 (32; !); ll. 7-8 (IJ.p' ovv ... d~); Leon!. )er., Ctr. Mon. Test. 106 (1940, B2-4); 1. 1 -
p. 246,l. l (E!rn ... yap); Sev., Ctr. Gram. I, 6(27,1110-14; tr. 22,ll. l-5); ibid. Ill, 14 (237,l. 29-238,
1. 4; tr. 166, ll. 30-4; !); ibid. III, 41 (325, ll. 16-20; tr. 240, ll. 8-12; !)
[70] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, In Ep. ad Hebraeos II, frag. (ed. P. Pusey Ill, 421,ll.15-21; PG 74, 1004
C6-1005 A6). Cf. etiam; Epbr.Am.,Ad Or Mon. (IV, 161,ll.10-16); Doctr. Patr. 2,XXXII (20,ll. 9-14);
Nicep!t,Antirrh. III, Test 55 (365, ll.1-2); Antirrh.IV, 61, 2 (479, ll. 26-8); Flor. Marc. 573,f. 36'; ll.4-6
(Kal oV ... [aVToV]): Euth. Zig., Pan. XVI (1081 B12-C3); ll 4--8 (Kai oV ... E'vwaw): Justn., Ctr. Mon.,
Test. 146 (30, ll. 37-40); Anast. Sin., Hod. X, 2.6.48-52 (178); Flor. Len. 131, Test. 24; Leont. )er., Ctr.
Mon., Test. 145 (1856 B4-9; !). Periphrasim I. 4 (Kai oV ... <pVaHs) <led.it etiam Anast. Sin., Hod. X,
1.2.29 f. (147)

VOG [69] 1 aVToiJ: d:rrO Niceph.; cpVcnv Sev. (txt.Phil.) post ydp add. Ws TOVTo 1Tou:Za0ai
8Uvarat Sev. Ctr. Gram.
[70] 3 IIPOE EBPAIOYE EIIIETOAHE ante EPMHNEIAE transp. G THE om. G
4 oV 8~: oV8€7Tov Leant. Jer. 8~: 8EZ V; 8€ G; 8~1Tov Cyr., Ephr. Am., Justn., Anast. Sin.,
Doctr. Patr., Nkeph., Buth. Zig., Flor. Len. 131; 8EZ 1'/'ov Flor Marc. 573 Wa1TEp ante dvdxvatv
transp. G 5 µETaaTfjvai: aTfjvat Ephr. Am. µEv om. Leant. Jer., Ephr. Am. roiP om.
Anast. Sin., Flor. Marc. 573, Flor. Len. 131 d.-\A"oii8' ail: f.1-ETa1Tot1)0fjvai 8€ Buth. Zig.
6 oU8€ V, Cyr., Leont. Jer., Doctr. Patr., Niceph. aV: aVT~V Niceph; om. Doctr. Patr,; aV
T~v: aVT~v Anast. Sin. codd. AMX post aV add. 11'dAlv Ephr. Am., Anast. Sin. codd. D 2K
aVToV: ToV A6yov Leant. Jer., Buth. Zig. post aVToV add. ToV A6yov Cyr., Ephr. Am., Justn.,
Flor. Marc. 573 8 ante llap8€vov add. rijs dy{as Ephr. Am.
[71] 10 oV 01n. Flor. Len.131 8lopiaTiov: 8tatpETiov Thdt., Leo, Flor. Cyr., Leont. Jer.,Anast.
Sin,, Flor. Len.131; Otopa;,oµ,Ev Justn. cod. X aVv om. Ephr. Am.,Doctr. Patr. &pa om.Anast.
Sin., Doctr. Patr., Flor. Len. 131 oVv &pa: flp' oVv Flor. Cyr. KVptov 'rryaoVv XpiarOv: XptarOv
KVptov'IT}aoVvAnast.Sin.;KVpiov XptaTOv'l17aoVv Flor. Len.131 KVptov 1<.ai YlOv 1<.ai:Xptardv
Leont. Jer. post KVptov add. ~µ,Wv Sev., Thdt. cod. J XpiarOv om. G
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 247
with [the nature] of the Word by a process of alteration? That, of course, is
impossible!

70. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

INTERPRETATION OF THE LETTER TO THE HEBREWS

And surely we do not say that some sort of confusion has taken place with
regard to the natures, so that the natnre of the Word, let us say, has changed
places with that of the human being, nor-even less-that the human nature
has been changed into the Word's. Rather, we say that while each is understood
and exists within the defined limits of its own nature, the union has taken place
by the Word's dwelling bodily in the temple of the Virgin.

71. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SCHOLIA

The one Lord Jesus Christ is not to be divided, then, into a human being,
 248 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

lOtKWs Kai Els BeOv lOlKWs, di\;\' Eva Kai TDv aVTOv '177aoiJv XpiaTOv Elva{
rpaµ-ev, T~V TWv rpVaewv El86TE5 Oiarpopdv Kai davyxVToVS' dA/\~Aais dei
- , '
T'TJPOVVTES' auras.

[72] TOY MAKAPIOY IIAY J!OY'EIIIEKOIIOY'EMIEHE·

5 'EK THE 'EII"EKKJ!HEIAE TQN 1111E8ANLJPEQN'OMJJ!IAE,
KA@HMENOY KYPI!l!lOY KAI'EY<l>HMOYNTOE
E v'8 EWS
I
0' ,..,
Kopvrpatos, TOI aroµa
I ,..,
TWV ' I\
U7TOGTOl\WV, IIETpos·
I
.::;.,V El";' 0'xptaTos,
""I '
0' Y'lOS'
I
TOV
" fut
OEOV TOV " ,.., c ,. ,
sWVTOS'.
" "" \ , .
""'v El 0
' x I " '>:'
ptUTOS', 7J OlTT1} rpvais, 0
' I I '

, e
evav I
pW7T7JUU5·
" ,
av El 0 ,.. , x ,
ptUTOS'.
"Kat, DUK
, El7TEV
";'

[72] 7-8 Matt.16.16

[71] CyrillusAlexandrinus, Scholia deincarnatione Verbi 13 (ed. P. Pusey, 528,ll.14-18; ACO I, 5,

222,ll. 31-3; PG75, 1385 Cl-5). Cf. etiam: Vat. Gr.1431, Flor. II, Test.14 (35);)oan. Caes.,Apol. Cone.
Chalc., Frag. Syr. 91 (36, ll. 860-3); Sev.,AdNeph. II (23, 11. 10-14; tr. 18, ll.1-4); Leont. )er., Ctr. Mon.,
Test 57 (1829C5-9); Ephr. Am., Ad Or. Mon. (IV, 166,1138-41); )ustn., Conj Rect. Fid., Test 3(80,11
8-12); Anast. Sin., Hod. X, 1. 2.49-53 (148f.); Doctr. Patr. 7, XVII (53, 116-9); Flor. Len. 131, Test. 32;
Thdt.,Eran. II, Test 94(183,1113-17; !);Leo, Tom us I, Test.17 (24,ll. 30-5; !); TomusII, Test.29 (131,
116-9; !); Flor. Cyr., Test 104(157,1116-19; !); Sev., PhiL (65, 1115-20; tr. 52, ll. 1-5; !); ll. 1-3 (€va
... aITTds): Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test. 112 (26, ll 18-19)
[72] Paulus Emesenus,Sermo in EcclesiaMagnaAlexandriae I (ACO I, 14, 11,ll. 7-10 [Conc.Ephes.,
Coll Vat. 125]; PG 77, 1437 A 9-1, 4). Cf. etiam: Ephr. Am., Ad Damn. et Joan. (IV, 148,
ll.14-18); Pamph.XII (225 f.,11256-62); Flor.Len. 131, Test. 85

VOG [71] 1 Ka/; ... l8iKW<; om. V, Thdt. cod. J, Doctr. Patr. codd. AB El<; om. Doctr. Patr.
codd.cett., Flor.Len.131 'IrJaoUv XpiaTOv: om. Cyr. vers. Syr.; XptaTOv 'I17a0Vv Thdt.,Leo,Anast.
Sin.; XptaTOv Ka/; YiOv Leont. Jer.; Ki'Jpiov 'I17a0Uv XptaTOv Justn. Conj Rect. Fid. om. 'IrJaoUv
Thdt. cod. S, Flor.Len.131 1-3 Elvai ... aVT&s: 8EZ rppovEZv, To Zs- TWv aEWv i:paµEv El86ai
T~V Oiai:popdv Kal davyxVTws- d,\,\~,\ais- TrJpoiiaiv aVTds- Eph. Am. 2 d,\,\~Aas- Thdt
cod. S,Doctr. Patr. codd. CD, Flor. Len.131 dE/; Cyr., Thdt., Leo, Flor. Cyr.,Leont. Jer.,Justn.,Anast
Sin.,Doctr. Patr. Flor Len. 131 3 8taT17poVvTES- Thdt. (bet. cod. J)
[72] 4 'EMEJ.:HE G 5 'EK om. G 7 TO ... &rroaT6Awv: TWv d7Toa76Awv 70
70{; XptaToV a76µa Cone. Ephes. cod. P; TWv d11oa76,\wv TO aT6µa TWv µa81JTWv ibid., codd.
VA; TWv dtroaT6Awv ante 7(; aT6µa transp. Pamph. IIITpos- om. Ephr. Am., Flor. Len.131; 0
IIITpos- Cone. Ephes. codd. HXE, Pamph. post IIITpos- add. rpr]aiv Cone. Ephes. cod. W; EltrE
ibid., cod. P 8 post aV El add. rpr]atv Pamph. 0 om. Pamph. 9 0 €vavepw1T~aas
om. Ephr.Am. post Evav8pw7T~aas- add. @EOs- Pamph.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 249

on the one side, and God, on the other; but we saythatthere is one and the same
Jesus Christ, recognizing the difference of the natures and always preserving
them unconfused with each other.

72. BY THE BLESSED PAUL, BISHOP OF EMESA, FROM HIS

HOMILY IN THE CHURCH OF ALEXANDRIA, IN THE
PRESENCE AND WITH THE APPROVAL OF CYRIL

First of all there is Peter, the leader, the spokesman of the Apostles: "You are the
Christ, the Son of the living God!""You are the Christ;' the double nature, the
one who has become human; "You are the Christ:' And he does not say,
 250 'ENANTIAI: iJOKHI:EQI: NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:

"Yl.oL;' dAI\.' "O Y[Os Toil BEoiJ To-V 'WvTos." E7TE'yvw Kai TD µ,ova8iK0v
'
1TpDGW7T'OV.

{73] TOY 'AYTOY'EK THI: B' 'OMIAIAI:

'H aatas oi5v KYJpVaaEt TDv 'Eµ,µavovTjA, TOVTEaTt "BEOv €vav8pw7r~aavTa."
5 II E'Tpos /\EYEl, .;;.,V El,,,tx
I ,, ""''
0
, 'Y''lOS TOV"'£:1OEOV.... TO.V,.,,r,.,,
ptGTOS, 0
,, , \;:' ,
sWVTOS -TYJV OlTTYJV
cpVaiv Kai TD µ,ovaOiKOv 7rp6awTTov To-D Y[oV· 0 8EoA6yos 'IwrivVYJS AE'yEi,
"Kal EaK~VWGEV Ev ~µlv" -OVo cpVaEtS ToiJ MovoyEvoVs Kal rO E'v
7rp6aw1ToV· Ep.EtVEV 8€ 0 BEDs A6yos d1Ta8~s.

[74] KYPIAAOY IIPOI: TAYTA

10 'IOoV rolvvv ~vTA~aaµ,Ev V8wp Eg dy(as 1T7)yi]:;, TOiJ 7rpoA.af36vros cp71µi
OiOaaK&l\.ov, Os Kai ra'i:s roiJ IlvEVµ,aTOS 8rt8ovx{ais AeAap./rrpvaµEvas
8iEadcp77aEv ~µlv rO 11-Eya Kal GE7Tr0v roD awrijpos µ,var~piov.

{75} TOY 'AYTOY'EK TOY I" TOMOY KATA NEI:TOPIOY

[73] 4 Isa. 7.14 5 Matt.16.16 6 Joan.1.14

[73] Paulus Emesenus, Senno in Ecclesia MagnaAlexandriae II (ACO I, l, 4, 13, 11. 17-21 [Cone.
Ephes., OJll. Vat. 125]; PG 77, 1441 B3-13). Cf. etia= Flor. Len. 131, Test. 86; ll 4-5 ('Haai"as ...
7Tp6aw1Tov): Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test.165(35,11. 30-3)
[7 4] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Responsio ad Sermonem II Pauli Emeseni (ACO I, 1, 4, 15,111-3 [Cone.
Ephes.,Coll. Vat. 126]; PG77,989 C2-6).Cf.etiam: Pamph.XII (227,ll.288-92);Flor.Len.131, Test. 87;
Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test. 166 (35,ll. 37-9; !); Fae. Henn., De/ Tr Cap. I, 5,40 (36, ll. 301-4; t)
[75] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Contra Nestorium Ill, 2 (ACO I, l, 6, 60,l. 39-61,1. 2 [Cone. Ephes., Coll.
Vat. I66];PG76, 129 D7-132A2).Cf.etiam:

VOG [72] 1 ante Yloi add. oi Conc.Ephes. codd.VAE Yloi: Yt'.Os Ephr.Am. 0 om. Cone.
~p~es. codd. ~D, P~mph. ante 0 ,Yl?s add; 0 XptaTOs Flor. Len. 131 ant: ~1T€yvw ~~d.
1
E'iTEyvwaKE TaS r:pvaeis Pamph. E7TEyvw: E1TEYVWKE Cone. Ephes. cod. E; E1TEYVWKa 1b1d.
cod. P €TrEyvw Kai: €7T€yvwKE Flor. Len.131 Kai: ydp Cone. Ephes. cod. W postµovaOiKOv
add. ToiJ XplaToiJ Pamph.
[73] 3 THI:: TOY G" 0
4 ante oVv add. y' 0 KTfpV-r"TEl Justn. 5 post II€Tpos
add. 8€ Cone. Ephes. codd. VPSDW ToiJ ~WvTos om. Justo., Flor. Len. 131 6 Y[oiJ:
Xpl<JToiJ 0, Cone. Ephes. ante 0 8EoA6yos add. KaiV 7 post rpVaEts add. Kai V, Cone.
Eph. (sed om. cod E),Just. post MovoyEvoiJs add. KalV TD om. Cone. Ephes. cod. V
[74] 9 KYPIAAOI: V 9 post ~vTA~aaµEv add. Vµi:v Cone. Ephes. (txt. codd. AHXE et
vers. Lat.) post V8wp add. ~wijs Flor. Len. 131 post 1TTfyifs add. ToiJ Oa{ov 1TaTp0s ~µWv
llaVAov Flor. Len. 131 10-11 ToiJ ... 8t8aaKdAov om. Flor. Len. 131 1TpoAa~6vToS:
1Tap6vToS G 11 Kai om. Justn. ante ToV llvEVµaTos add. Std Cone. Ephes. (txt. eodd.
AE; Tals Std ToiJ: Std Tijs cod. P), Justn. Aaµ1Tpvv6µEvos G; AEAaµ1Tpvaµd.vws Pamph.
[75] 13 post TOMOYadd. TQNO 14 7r68Ev:7ToTE0,Justn.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 251
"Sons;' but "the Son of the living God:' He recognized, then, the unique persona.

73. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS SECOND HOMILY

Isaiah, then, proclaims Emmanuel, which means "God become human:' Peter
says, "You are the Christ, the Son of the living God" -the double nature and the
unique persona of the Son. john the Theologian says, ''And he dwelt amongst
us" -two natures of the Only-begotten, and the one persona. But God the Word
remained free from passibility.

74. CYRIL'S RESPONSE TO THIS

See, then-we have drawn water from the holy spring: I mean from the teacher
who has just spoken, and who has made it clear to us-guided by the Spirit's
radiant light-the great and august Mystery of our Savior.

75. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

THIRD BOOK AGAINST NESTORIUS

Just because he came to be like us, he did not lose his being as God. What, then?
 252 'ENANTIAE LlOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE
I <I c.J I I I ) I I I ' ,.. ' I ' I (;: "
fLYJV O'Tt l!YEOS KaTa cpvatv EGTl, TYJV 1TpOS Yjµ,as OfLOtWGlV atrapaoEKTOV EXEL
Kat
I
TO
I " e ';'
av pwrros Etvat 1TapatTYJGETat·
I
fLEfLEVYJKE
I
yap
I <I
WG1TEp EV
)

dvBpw1T6TYJTl BEOs, oVTw Kai Ev V1TEpoxfJ BE6TYJTOS Wv, avBpwrros oVSEv

ljTT6v EaTtV· lLµ,cpw 8~ oVv Ev aVT0, Kai Els- OµoV BEOs Kal O.v8pw7TOS 0
5 'Eµµavou~A.

[76} TOY }'IYTOY'EKTHE'EPMHNEIAETOY

AEYITIKOY, KE<PAAAIOY Ll'
"OA.ov 0€ 77cfAtv Ev ToVrois rrEpta8pEl aa<pWs TDD awT~pos i"jµWv TO
I \\~\,..,,,QI
fLVGTYjptov Kat TOV ota TOV aytov /Ja1TTtaµaTOS Ka aptaµov. L.JVO f-LEV yap
8 I ,jl I I

10 , '8 r'
opvt ta KE/\EVEt l\Yj({J YJVUt 1;,WVTa \ ' \
Kat' Ka apa, tva8' 8 ' " '
vo17ans < ' TWV
Uta ' 7TETElVWV
'

TOV
I ' I
ovpavtov "
av e pw1TOV
' "
oµov I t.:":I I )
Kat lt'J'EOV ELS ova <pVGElS, oaov 'Y)KEV ELS TOV
"'I I <I 7 ) I

' '
EKUGTrJ I
rrpE7TOVTa ,,
l\oyov, ~I
utatpovµEVOV (A'oyos '~''£i"'J]'
yap 'Iv 0 EK OEOV aTpos
dva/..6.µ,ij;as Ev aapKl Tfl EK yvvaiKOs), 7T/..~v oV µEpi,6µ,Evov. Eis ydp Eg
'
aµc.poiv 0
' 'XplUTOS
1 A \ ,..,
. .::..Jla TOVTO
1 ~ ';cl '
Kal ws ovo opvt ta 11.aµ[JaVETal, Kai VOELTat
'8 \ p_1 1 "

'\ , , ~
15 1Tall.LV aµ,c.poTEpa ws EV, 7Tl\'YJV r:,WVTa Kat Ka 8apa.
" \I Y" , ,

[76] 9-10 Lev.14.4

[75 cont] Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test 6 (8, ll. 36-9); Ps.-Joan. Mar., Test.19 (198); Niceph.,Antirrh. N,
66, Test. 6 (484, ll. 35-6); Flor. Len. 131, test. 98; 11. 4-5 (0.µr:pw ... 'Eµµavov0A): Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon.,
Test.12 (1820B6-7)
[76] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Glaphyra in Leviticum 4 (PG 69, 576 Bl-12). Cf. etiam: Vat. Gr.1431,
Flor. II, Test. 56 (45,11. 17; i); ll. 8-12 (iiJ\ov ... oimpouµ,vov); Syn. Hispal XIII, Test.13 (567 BS-14);
ll. 8-14. (oJ\ov ... XpioTos); Justn., Conj. Rect. Fid. (84, ll. 18-23); Doctr Patr. 2, XXXI (20, l. 6);
ll. 8-16 (O'Aov ... €'v): Theor.,Disp. (140B12-C7);117-8 (&Jo ... r:pVaEL<;): Cone. Chalc., Co!L Sangerm.
14, Test. 5 (148, ll. 2-3); ll. 7-10 (OVo ... yvvaiKO;;); Leont Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test 17 (1820 D 5-10);
ll. 9-14 (SVo ... XptaT6<;): Joan.Dam., Ctr.Jae., Test.29 (1500 Al2-B3);1110-12 (lva ... SiatpoVµEvov):
Ctr. Cal., inDoctr. Patr. 30, III (220,ll. 4-7); ll.13-14 (El;; ... Ka8apri): Cone. Chale., Coll. Sangenn.14,
Test. 6 (148,ll. 5-6); 14-15 (oid TavTo ... Ka8apd.); Ephr.Am.,Ad Or.Mon. (IV, 164, 11. 30-2; t)

VOG [75] 1 µ,~v DTi: ~µ,lv 0 Flor. Len. 131 T~V 7Tp0;; ~p.0.;; om. Cone. Ephes. cod. V
2 Elvat ante O.v8pw7TO'> transp. Flor. Len. 131 1TapaiT0a71TaL 0 ydp: SE Cone. Ephes.,
Justn. 3 Ev om. G post Ev add. r:pVaEi TE Kai: Cone. Ephes., Justn., Niceph.
post O.v8pw1To<; add. Kai GEO<; G 4 EaTtV om. Flor. Len. 131 8~: SE Leont. Jer. aVTc.p:
TaVT(jJ Cone. Ephes., Leo. Jer., Justn. Kal 1 om. Leont. Jer, Op.oV GEO<;: 8E6;; TE Op.oiJ Leont.
Jer., Justn.
[76] 6-7 TOY AEYITIKOY,KE<MAAIOY LI"; TOY LI' KE<MAAIOYTOY AEYITIKOY
OG 8 OE: 0~ Cyr., Vat. Gr. 1431, Justn., Doc tr. Pa tr. cod. A, Theor. aar:pW;; om. 0 ~p.'iv
Cyr., Doctr. Patr. 9 dy{ov om. Doctr. Patr. 10 ATjr:p8ijvai ante KEAEVEi transp. Cyr.,
Vat. Gr.1431, Justn. Doctr. Patr., Joan. Dam. TWv om. Leant. Jer. 11 post O.v8pw7TOV add,
TEVat.Gr.1431,Leont.Jer.,Justn.,Doctr.Patr.codd.ACE, Theor. 11-12 Ei<> ... OialpoVµEvov:
W;; EK OVo 1Tpayp.dTwv TDv Eva Vat. Gr. 1431 post 8Vo add. p.Ev Cyr., Joan. Dam.,
Theor. 12 IIaTpOs om. Theor. 13 ante Ev aapKi add. 0 V rfj EK: Tij<> Leont. Jer.,
Theor. 13 p.EpiS6µ,Evo;; G, Cyr., Vat. Gr.1431,Justn. cod. X, Doctr. Patr.
VOG [76] 14 Kai ante ala. TOVTo transp. Cyr. Opv{8la Aap.[36.vETal: Aap.{3dv€Tal Td
Opv{8ia Cyr., Vat. Gr. 1431, Ephr. Am., Theor. post Opv{8ia add. Ev SVo r:pVaEai Cone. Chale.
15 W;; <iv ante dp.t:p6Tr:pa (1.2) transp. Cyr., Vat. Gr.1431,Ephr.Am., Theor. Ev: Ev Conc.Chale.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 253
The fact that he is God by nature also does not make his likeness to us
unacceptable, or make void his becoming human. For just as he remains God in
a human nature, so, too, while he exists in the superabundance of the Godhead,
he is none the less human. Both realities, then are surely in him, and Emmanuel
is at the same time one individual-God and a human being.

76. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

INTERPRETATION OF LEVITICUS, CHAPTER 4

Consider carefully and clearly, once again, the whole Mystery of our Savior, and
the purification that is ours through holy baptism. He commands two birds to
be taken, which are "living and pure;' that you might recognize through these
winged creatures the "heavenly man" (I Cor. 15.47-8) and God in two natures,
as far as that can be expressed in language appropriate to each: distinguished
(for the Word who shone forth from God the Father was in flesh taken from a
woman), but not divided; for Christ is one from both. For that reason he is
understood as two birds, and both are understood as one-but also living and
pure!
 254 'ENANTJAE JOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYE

[77] TOY 'AYTOY'EKTOY A' BIBAIOY

THE'EN IINEYMATI AATPEIAE, TOMOY B'
I~\.
X ptaTOS' I I I ',...,~ ""'e e '
UE ws VOf-LOV Kat 1TpO<pYJTWV OEG7TOTYJS Ta aVT4J OOKOVVTa
I "
EUf-lO ETEl,
I I e J:
Kat µEGlTT)S 'Iv, avv EOVGYJS
I
aVTlf:J Kat ELS
e
',,.. ' , Kat,'
\)O\<'l
WG1TEp lOVGYJS EOTYJTOS
EV EV
,,
TE
5
>
av
e I
aµcpw yap aµa Kat
pW7TOTrjTOS·
>! I x '
<I
TUVT<.p VOEtTal ptGTOS.
I)
EV
) " ,.,,

[78] TOY 'AYTOY'EK THE 'EPMHNEIAE

THE IIPOE'EBPAIOYE'EIIIETOAHE
"O pa I''~'"'
TOlVVV I
Kill EV OVGl TOlS Xlf-lapotS '"
TOV EVaX I TOVTEGTl
ptGTOV, I £Ji'
6EOV
, e ,
EVT}V pw1TTJKOTa Kat a7To VYJGKovra
', e I I
µEv " • I '
aapKtKWS V1TEp aµapTias, iva rqi
I " "

10 fiavriaµ(jJ ToV l8{ov a'tµaro-; OAY)v clyidan r~v EKKA:rya{av, p,Eµev71K6ra OE

tTdAiv drra8ij BelKWs.

[79] TOY 'AYTOY'EIE TO "IIANTA MO!

IIAPEJO@H'YIIO TOY IIATPOE MOY"
I
IIOTE µev yap TUS'I } I I I e I I C:-1 " )
I
av pw1T01TpE1TElS acptYJGl cpwvas, 1TO'TE OE OElKVVEl
~

15 1Tpdyµ,ara 8e6T7)Tl µ6vn xpewaroLJµEva, 'tva vo{jrat r0 avvaµcp6repov.

[80} TOY 'AYTOY'EK TOY B' BIBAIOY THE'EN

IINEYMATI AATPEIAE, AOI'OY@'
Xpvaij rip arVAcp KE<:paA.~.
Kal f-L~V Kal aWµa xpvaoVv· <:pVaEWS ydp TijS
' I
aVWTUTW \ "
KaTU7Tl\OVTEl I
TOV ' \
EVUVl\taµovI t ' IIap 8'
0 EK
' GVf-L
EVOV vaos· , 01\0V OE f:l \ ,,
[78] 8 xiµdpois-: Lev.16.5-cf.Hebr. 9.12-13; 10.4 [80] 18 xpvaij ... xpvaoUv:Exod.
26.32

[77] CyrillusAlexandrinus, DeAdoratione in Spiritu et Veritate II (PG 68, 213 B14-C2). Cf. etiam:
Flor. Marc. 573. f. 37'
[78] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, In Epistulam ad Hebraeos, Frag. hie primo inventum. (ed. P. Pusey III,
422,ll. 1-6; PG 74, 1005 A12-Bl)
[79] CyrillusAlexandrinus, Thesaurus de San.eta et Consubstantiali Trinitate, 24 (PG 75, 393 Cl-3).
Cf. etiam: Flor.Len.131, Test 99; Flor. Vat 1455, Test.45 (t)
[80] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, De Adoratione in Spiritu et Veritate IX (PG 68, 637 A7-B2). Cf. etiam.
Joan, Caes.,Apol Cone Chalc., Frag. Syr. 59(25,11563-71);

[77] 2 TOM?"'( (T?M_OJ:

G) B'ante ,TH_J: ;ra~sp. OG 4 TE om. 0 5 il.µa
om. 0 Kai e:v TaVTqJ om. Cyr. TavTq.i: av-rq.i G
[78] 8 -rots- om. 0 xiµdppOlS' 0, XEtµdppolS' G 6>Edv om. G 9 dµap-r1Wv G
[79] 13 MOY om. 0 14 ydp om. Cyr. dvOpw11011pE7Te:i'S': dvOpW11<µ 11pE110Vaas-
Cyr. 8E{KvVai V 15 voEZ-rat V"c, Flor. Len. 131
[80] 16 B' om. G THJ:: TOY G 18 -r0 a-rVAq.i: T0 gvT<tJ Cyr.; ToV a-rVAov De
Sect. ydp: YE µ~v Cyr. 19 T0 EvavAtaµ0 De Sect.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 255

77. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE FIRST

BOOK OF "ADORATION IN SPIRIT," CHAPTER 2

Christ, as "Lord of the Law and the Prophets;' lays down the law as seems right
to him; he is also the Mediator, since Godhead and humanity run together and
become one, we might say, in him. For Christ is understood as both together
and in the same individual.

78. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS INTERPRETATION

OF THE LETTER TO THE HEBREWS

See, then, the one Christ also in the two he-goats: God made human, that is, and
dying in the flesh because of sin, so that by the sprinkling of his own blood he
might sanctify the whole Church, while remaining still divinely free from
suffering.

79. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, ON THE TEXT, "ALL

THINGS HAVE BEEN GIVEN TO ME BY MY FATHER"

At some points he utters human-sounding words, and others he reveals deeds

that can be attributed only to the Godhead, so that both may be recognized.

80. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SECOND

BOOK OF "ADORATION IN SPIRIT," CHAPTER 9

The head of each pole is gold, and the body gold as well: for the Temple from the
Virgin is made rich by the indwelling of a nature from above. Gold is the symbol
 256 'ENANTIAJ: LJOKHJ:EQJ: NEJ:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYJ:

e J r I r
EOT7JT05 0 xpvaos, V7TEpOX'Y}V EXWV TYJV Ka Ta 7TaVTWV. ,::,,,:5 EV Vl\Y! TVXDV TTJ
I >I I I I <n ' <I\ I "

Toi40E A'yw, Et dpyVpov OE Kal EK OvoZv ~ {3dais· Aap.:rrpOs ydp Ev yij Kai
<
0Larpav71s o
' 'x piaTos I
KaTa
I
YE TO
I<'.<:\
121Eo5
I K'vpios KaiIE7TEcpavEv
' I ' ,.,, ,,
77µtv, Kai
I

e
OlOVEl
\ <;:-
oupva" T'T}V yvwatv EXWV· VOElTUl I ,-. " " I 'fu1
yap EV TUVT(f) i.:'/€05 Kat av pw7T05·
' ,.. I I " e
I;:'
I \,.. >I I ~ I I '(; ) I I R_ I
5 TOVTl yap oiµat TO Ul7Tl\1}V EXEtV Kat Es apyvpov T'"f)V ,..,aatv.

[81} TOY :4.YTOY'EK TOY IIPOJ:<PQNHTIKOY

IIPOJ: :4.AESANLJPEIJ:
) \ I r (:' I I ) It!:. I r I I
E i yap KEKpavTai ai ovo cpvaEis Et5 µis iv µiav, ETEpoovaioi Tvyxavovaai,
) <:;'> r r ) ) \> ) I > ',..
ova 07TDTEpa aq>1.;,ETat, al\/\ aµrpoTEpat avyxv Etaai 1Jcpavia 11aav.
I e' e

10 [82] TOY :4.YTOY'EK TOY 'AYTOY AOI'OY

I \ I\ t I ) ,.. " ,.. I ,-. (./ \ I ) "
K at l\EflVTQl 0 vaos EV T'-{J Katpl/:) TY)S' TplYJfJ-Epov TU<pYJS'. tJOVl\Of-tEVOV UVTOV,
I /\ ) I l I It le ' ,..., ' I \' I \I
Kat 7Tal\tV avEaTYJaEV avToV, Kat YJVW YJ aVTq.J appYJT4J Kat arppaaTq.J l\Oyq.i,

[80] 2-3 lg dpyvpov ... ~~ciaos: Exod. 26.32, cl. 26.19, 21 3-4 Ps.117.27

[80 cont.] De Sect. IX; Flor. Cyr., Test. 237(212,1. 20-213, 1. 9; t); Sev., Phil. (126, ll. 4-15; tr. 102,
ll.13-25; t); ll. 2-3 (lg dpyDpov ... ~l'Zv): Sev., Ctr. Gram. III, 24 (28,ll.16-18; tr. 20, ll.14-16); ll.2-5
(Jg dpyDpov ... ~aaov); Ephr. Am., Ad Or. Mon. (IV, 165, ll. 9-14); ll. 3-4 (!taf'-rrpos ... av8pw-rros):
Leont Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test.107 (1840 B6-9)
[81] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Sermo de Fide, Frag. (ed. P. Pusey III, 538, 1. 20-539, l. 2: a Leontio
Hierosolymitano derivatum). Cf. etiam: Doctr. Patr. 2, XX.IV (18, ll. 5- 7); Niceph., Antirrh. IV, 65, Test.
2 (479,ll. 24-5); Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test. 24 (149,no. 114; i ); Leont Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 66 (1832 Bl3-
Cl; t, cum Test. 82 coniunctum); 1. 7 (El ydp ... Tvyxd'.vouaai): Rust Diac., Syn., Text 308b (240,
ll.25-6)
[82] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, ibid. (ed. P. Pusey III, 539, ll.15-25). Cf etiam: Ephr.Am.,Ad Or. Mon.
(N, 160, IL 19-24); Anast Sin Hod. X, 1. 2.165-70 (158); Doctr. Patr. 2,XXXN (21, ll. l-6); Niceph.,
Antirrh. Ill, Test 56 (365, ll. 5-6); Antirrh. W, 65, 2 (479, ll. 22-3); Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Text. 25
(ed. Kotter 149 £; t );

VOG[80] 1 ante8t6TYJTosadd.TijsV,DeSect. Exwvom.0 1-2 T1s ... A€yw: "aurum

dico secundum talemmateriam''Joan. Caes. VAn ... Tf; -roi48t Alyw: VAYJs ... Tijs TOl0.a8t A6yq>
Cyr. 2 Toi48t: To{(f O; ToiaVTI) OE G Ovoi'v: 8Vo '1v G Aaµ1Tp0s ... 8iagiav~s:
Aaµ1Tp0s 8€ Kai 8iagiav~s Ev yfj Cyr., Flor. Cyr. ante yfj add. TfiV Ev yfi: Ev aVrfj d vads De
Sect. 3 yt: TE De Sect. KVpios Kai om. De Sect. Kai om. De Sect. 4 Otf{Jvii ...
Exwv: 8igiv~s ~ yvWais aV7oiJ Joan. Caes. yvWaiv: yvWµ"f}v Ephr. Am. Exti Cyr., Flor.
Cyr. ydp om. De Sect. TaVTqJ: T0 G; aVT0 Cyr. post @Eds add TE Cyr.; add TE OµoiJ De
Sect. 5 post olµai add. EaTL Cyr., Ephr. Am. TO: TY/v De Sect. post 8i7Tli.ijv add. Wa1TEp
Cyr. Kai om. Ephr.Am. f!.xEiv post ~daiv transp. Ephr.Am.
[81] 7 postiL1E5ANLlPEIJ.: add. 'HI'OYN i!IIOAOI'HTIKOYV 8 €npovuto' G
Tvyx&.aai G
[82} ll Kai 1 om.Ephr.Am AVE-raiLeont Jer.,Joan Dam post[Ae'AvTat] add.µEvLeont.
Jer., Ephr. Am., Joan. Dam. ante vaOs add 7oiJ aWµaTOS' Anast Sin. Ev .. Tagiijs KaTd T0v
ToiJ 7T6.Bovs KaipOv Ev Tfl TPlYJfLe'p<{> -ragifl Anast. Sin. 12 aVTOv om. Ephr. Am.
post dpp~T<{> add. Ti vi Dodr. Patr. Kai df{Jp&.aTqJ: Kai EV(fJp&.aTqJ G; om.Ephr.Am., Rust. Diac.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 257

of the Godhead, since it is superior in every respect. But the fact that I say this
occurs in matter such as ours is perhaps clear from that fact that the pedestal
[of the ark] is silver, and in two parts. For Christ was radiant and shining while
on earth, according to the text, "The Lord is God and has shone among ns" (Ps.
117.27 LXX), and this contains, it seems, a donble meaning. For God is
recognized at once also as a hnman being; that, I think, is the meaning of its
having a pedestal that is double, and made of silver.

81. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE

ADDRESS TO THE ALEXANDRIANS

If the two natures are mingled into a single mixture, while they are of different
snbstances, neither of them will be preserved, but both will be confused and
disappear.

82. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SAME WORK

And the Temple was destroyed during the time of his three-day burial, which
he willingly underwent; and he raised it up again, and was united with it in an
unspeakable, indescribable way
 256 'ENANTIAE LJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYE

e l ' xpvaos,
EOTYJTOS 0
\t \>f
V1TEpox17v EXWV T1}V Ka Ta 1TUVTWV.
I \ / •n''',\ ''
~ct5 EV v YI TVXDV TTJ

Toi<f..8E AEyw, Et dpyVpov 8€ Kal EK Ovo'i:v iJ f3dais· Aaµ:rrpOs ydp Ev yfj Kai
Cnacpav~5 0 XptaTds Karri YE Td "€1Ed5 KVptos Kai ETrEcpavEv i,µLv;' Ka(
r
OlOVEl
\ <;,; ,... \ ,...
ou:pva TYJV yvwaiv EXWV· VOElTal yap EV TUVT<p 0€05 Kat
" ,.. I } } ,... ful I I >I e
av pw7TOS·
5
-;- I "' ,\,... >I I '(.; l I I /3 '
TOVTl yap oiµ,ai TO Ol1T YJV EXElV Kat Es apyvpov TYJV aaiv.
1 I

[81] TOY 'AYTOY'EK TOY IIPOE<PQNHTIKOY

JIPOE 'AAESANLJPEIE
) I I > ( <;;:'I I I(:. I ( I I
E i yap KEKpavTai ai uvo cpvaEis Eis µis iv µ..iav, ETEpoovaioi Tvyxavovaai,
} ~· ' / "r
ovo 01TDTEpa aq;'='eTai, a',\,\' > , > ,
aµ,cpoTEpai avyxv Eiaai 17cpavia YJGav. e A e
10 [82] TOY 'AYTOY'EK TOY 'AYTOY AOI'OY
Kal AEAvTai 0 vaOs Ev T<jJ Kaipip T1]5 rptYJp.Epov Ta<p1]s, f3ovAoµ..Evov aVroV,
' ',\ >
Kat 7TU lV aVEGTYJGEV UVTOV, Kat YJVW
I > I I t I eYJ aVTCf:J appr]Tlf! Kal acppaar<p
> ,.., > I I > I ,\ '
oycp,

[80] 2-3 ;g dpyvpov ... ~~a""' Exod. 26.32, cf. 26.19, 21 3-4 Ps.117.27

[80 cont] De Sect. IX; Flor. Cyr., Test. 237 (212, I. 20-213, I. 9; t); Sev.,Phil. (126, ll. 4-15; tr.102,
ll. 13-25; t);ll. 2-3 (lg dpy6pov ... ~µiv); Sev., Ctr. Gram. III, 24 (28,ll. 16-18; tr. 20,ll.14-16); ll.2-5
(lg dpyvpov ... ~amv); Ephr. Arn., Ad Or. Mon. (IV, 165, ll. 9-14); ll. 3-4 (>.aµ.npos ... avepwnos);
Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 107 (1840 B6-9)
[81] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Senno de Fide, Frag. (ed. P. Pusey III, 538, 1. 20-539, l. 2: a Leontio
Hierosolymitano derivatwn). C£ etiam: Doctr. Patr. 2, XXIV (18, 11. 5-7); Niceph., Antirrh. IV, 65, Test.
2 (479,ll.24-5); Joan.Dam., Ctr.Jae., Test24 (149,no.114; t); LeontJer., Ctr. Mon., Test.66 (1832 B13-
Cl; 1, cum Test. 82 coniunctum); l. 7 (el ydp ... Tvyx:ci'.vovaai): Rust Diac., Syn., Text 308b (240,
ll.25-6)
[82] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, ibid. (ed. P. Pusey III, 539, ll. 15-25). Cf. etiam; Ephr. Am., Ad Or. Mon.
(IV, 160, 1119-24); Anast Sin Hod. X, 1. 2.165-70 (158); Doctr. Patr. 2,XXXJV (21,ll.1-6); Niceph.,
Antirrh. III, Test 56 (365, ll. 5-6); Antirrh. N, 65, 2 (479, ll. 22-3); Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Text. 25
(ed. Kotter 149 f.; t );

VOG[80] 1 ante8E6T17Tosadd.T~sV,DeSect. Exwvom.0 1-2 'Qs ... li.Eyw: "aurum

di co secundum talem materiam" Joan. Caes. VAn ... rfj 1olr.j.8E >..Eyw: Vli.17s ... T~S' Tol0.a8e li.6ycµ
Cyr. 2 Totr.j.8e: To{q. O; TotaDT'[/ 8E G 8voZv: 8Do -qv G Aaµ,npOs ... 8lag;iav~s:
Aaµ1Tp0s 8E Kai 8larpav~s Ev yfj Cyr., Flor. Cyr. ante yfj add. TfiV Ev yfi: Ev aiiTfi 0 vads De
Sect. 3 yE: TE De Sect. KDpios Kai om. De Sect. Kai om. De Sect. 4 8lrpv0. ...
Exwv: Oig;iv~s ~ yvWals aVToV Joan. Caes. yvWalv: yvWµ17v Ephr. Am. ExEi Cyr., Flor.
Cyr. ydp om. De Sect. TaVT41: Tcjj G; aVTcjj Cyr. post Beds add TE Cyr.; add TE dµoV De
Sect. 5 post olµ,at add. EaTt Cyr., Ephr. Am. TO: T~V De Sect. post lhnli.~v add. Wa17ep
Cyr. Ka;, om. Ephr. Am. lfxEiv post ~0.alv transp. Ephr. Am.
[81] 7 post ):IJlESANAPEIE add 'HI'OYN ):IJIOJlOI'HTIKOYV 8 ET<povaio' G
Tvyxdaai G
[82] 11 Kai 1 om. Ephr.Am. li.VeTai Leont.Jer.,Joan. Dam. post [li.Eli.vTat] add. µEv Leont.
Jer., Ephr. Am., Joan. Dam. ante vaOs add. ToiJ aWµaTos Anast. Sin. Ev ... Tag;>~s: KaTd Tdv
roV 1Td8ovs Katpdv Ev Tfl Tpl17µ,Ep({! 1ag;ifl Anast. Sin. 12 aVTOv om. Ephr. Am.
post dpp~T<f! add. Ttvl Doctr. Patr. Kal dg;ipdaTq;: Kai EVrppdaTq; G; om. Ephr.Am., Rust. Diac.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 257
of the Godhead, since it is superior in every respect. But the fact that I say this
occurs in matter such as ours is perhaps clear from that fact that the pedestal
[of the ark] is silver, and in two parts. For Christ was radiant and shining while
on earth, according to the text, "The Lord is God and has shone among us" (Ps.
117.27 LXX), and this contains, it seems, a donble meaning. For God is
recognized at once also as a human being; that, I think, is the meaning of its
having a pedestal that is double, and made of silver.

81. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE

ADDRESS TO THE ALEXANDRIANS

If the two natures are mingled into a single mixtnre, while they are of different
snbstances, neither of them will be preserved, but both will be confused and
disappear.

82. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SAME WORK

And the Temple was destroyed during the time of his three-day burial, which
he willingly underwent; and he raised it up again, and was united with it in an
unspeakable, indescribable way
 258 'ENANTIAI: tJOKHI:EQL,'NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:
' \ \> ' I Y ' r "
' I
ov KEKpaµEVOS' EV aVTqJ
' ' "
77 >I ' I
a7TOOEaapKWf.LEVOS') al\/\ a7TOGqJ~WV EV EaVTqJ
TWv OVo cpVaEwv TWv ETepoovalwv daVyxvTov T~v l&i6T17Ta.

[83} TOY :4YTOY'EK TOY B' TOMOY THI:'EPMHNEIAI:

THI: IIPOI:'EBPAIOYI:'EIIII:TOAHI:
s 11-rroOii:aTdvTES' ydp d)v\~Awv Tds OVo cpVaEis Kal dvd µEpos ~p.lv EKaTEpav
>
aavvacp17 '8 UTEPCf- OElKVVVTES',
~ I I 8 ) ' "
EV f-lOVOlS' 7TpOGW1TOlS' cpaai JIEVEG al T'Y)V EVWGlV
I I I I

\ r " ,/, '\ " f3 \ ' 'I8 \ r \ "

Kat WS' EV YE 'f'll\Y} avvatVEGEl Kat TUVTO ov11iq. Kat El\1)f-'-UTWV po7TUlS', KUT
) I

' " I
EKElVO 1TOV TO EV TUlS'
\ ' " IIpasEGl
JC " •A I 'A I\ I " "~ \
TWV flytwv Li7TOGTOl\WV yeypaµ,µevov. TOV OE
7TA~8ov-::: TWv 1Ttareva6.vTwv ~v ~ KapO{a Kai~ cpvxry µCa:'

10 [84] TOY :4YTOY'EII: TON'EYAI'I'EAII:THN

'IQANNHN, BIBAIOY A'
'E1Tetepy6.~eTal SE xp77a{µws rO elp'"l]µEvov 0 eVayyeA.taT7]s;, Kai els
Eµ,cpavearEpav O.yei Oidvotav rryv To-V Bewp~µ.aTOS' 8Vvaµiv· E7Tet8~ ydp EcpYJ
adpKa YE'YEV~a8at TDv ToiJ BEoD A6yov, lva µ,~Ttc; EK rroAA~c; df.La8{as Tijs
\ tuiac;
'~I > I ' \ 1/3 I > ~ " " 8 ~ I <I '
15 fLEV avTOV V1TOl\a oi cpvaEWS' EKupafLElV,µ,ETa1T€1TOlYJG ai OE OVTWS' ELS'

[84] Scholion ad 14, aripKa ... A6yov: rO "6 A6yos adp; JyEvEro''V (£1) G
[83] 9 Acta 4.32 [84] 14 )oan.1.14

[82 cont.] Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 66 (1832C8-13;1, cum Test. 81 coniunctum); Rust Diac.,
Syn., Test. 308c (240, ll. 28-31; !)
[83] Cyrillus Alexandrinus,Jn Epistulam ad Hebraeos, Frag. (ed. P. Pusey Ill, 420,l. 9-421,l. 2; PG 74,
1004Al3-B4; a Leontio Hierosolymitano derivatum). Cf. etiam: Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test.143 (1853
07-1856 Al; 1); ll. 5-7 (d7To0ti:ardvrEs ... po7Tais): Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test. 53 (15, IL 30-2; 1); Doctr.
Pair. 2,XXXIll (20,ll.16-20; t)
[84] CyrillusAlexandrinus,JnJoannis Evangelium I, 9 (ed. P. Pusey I, 140, L 19-141,1. 4; PG 73, 161
A15-Cl). Cf.etiam: Flor. Len.131, Test 70; l.12-p. 260,l. 7 (i7TEgEpyri,Erai ... vaci;): Justn., Ctr. Mon.,
Test. 140 (29, ll. 26-33); p. 260, ll. 3-7 (rnAws ... vai(i): Doctr. Patr. 2, XVlll (15, 1. 23); ibid. 5, IV (34,
ll. 4-5); p. 260,ll.4-5 (8vo ... oK~vwms): Ctr. Cal.,inDoctr. Patr. 30, Ill (220,11.1-2)

VOG [82] 1 post ,\6yq.i add. Tij rp£71µipq.i Ephr. Am., Rust. Diac. d,\,\d V, Ephr. Am.
d7Toal}>,wv: a4>,wv Ephr.Am. 2 TWv 1 : ,.Qv G OVo om. Leant. Jer. davyxVTovs Tds
lOi6r71Tas Leont. Jer., Joan. Dam.
[83] 4 THE om. OG 'EIIILTOAHE om. 0 5 Kal om. Doctr. Patr.
6 davvacp~ ea,.Epq.: rfj 8arEpq. davvacpfj (sic) 0 8ar€pav Leant. Jer., Justn.; 8a,.Epas Doctr.
Patr. 8£iKvUovres Leant. Jer. 7 dJs om. Doctr. Patr. (Kai dJs om. cod. C) YE om. 0
auva£viaEt: auvEaEi OG 8 post 1T'ou add. rdxa Leant. Jer. 9 7TlGTEv6v,.wv 0
[84] 11 BIBAIOY:AOI'OYG 12 OEom.Cyr.,Justn. 13 liy££0idvoiav:E'vvotav
liyEi V 14 adpKa: rivd V ToV 6lEoiJ: 6lE0vV µ~-ns: µ~ T~S G• Flor. Len.131 post 0
,

dµa8la"i add. ,.Qv A6yov 0 15 µEv om. 0 aVrOv: aVToVO cpVaews ante V1T'oAd~ot
transp. 0 oVrws: OvTWS Cyr., Justn.
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 259

-not mingled into it or deprived of his flesh, but preserving in himself the
unmingled propriety of the two natures, each of which had a different substance.

83. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SECOND BOOK OF

HIS INTERPRETATION OF THE LETTER TO THE HEBREWS

Separating the two natures from each other and showing that each is
unconnected with the other, as is the case with us, they say that union has taken
place only of the two personas, as if it were a matter merely of agreement, of
willing the same thing and of common inclinations of the will-something like
what we find written in the Acts of the Holy Apostles: "and of the number of
believers there was one heart and one soul" (Acts 4.32).

84. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, ON

THE EVANGELIST JOHN, BOOK 1

The Evangelist develops what he says further, in a useful way, and brings the
meaning of the scene to a more obvious clarity of understanding. For after he
has said that the Word of God became flesh, so that no one, in great folly, might
suppose that he has left his own nature behind or that he has in this way been
made over into
 260 'ENANTIAE tJOKHEEQE NEETOPIOY KAI'EYTYXOYE
'
aapKa Kal 7Ta eiv ' e" (" 07TEp '~I
aovvarov ,j; '\\ I
•1v· Ul\l\DlWGEWS' \
yap r I
a1Taa71s, Kat\
f.lETa{3oA:ijs r7]s Ecp' ErEp6v Tl Kard T0v roD 7TWS' Elvai A6yov, TO BElov
> , ) '\"
a1Tq:>Kiarai , Kal\Wr; YE a<poopa 7TOtwv
I~ "
orCI \/ ' I '8' I« \
Ci'EO/\oyos E1T7JVEYKEV Ev us ro Kat
} I } r " " fl/ <;;- I I I I I "
EGKYJVWGEV EV 7JfLlV' tva ova V07JGUS Ta GYJf.J-UlVOfLEVa,. TOV TE GK7JVOVVTQ
s Kal rO Ev 0 ~ aK~vwais, µ~ Els adpKa rerp6.cp8ai voµians aVrOv,
€aK7JVWK€vai 0€ µ,iiAAov Ev aapKl Ws- lO{qJ 7rpoaxp71adµ,Evov aWµart, rcfJ EK
r7]s- dy{as Ilap8€vov va4J· "Ev aVrlµ ydp KaT<{;KYJKE 1Tiiv rO 1TA~pwµ,a T1js
BE6TYJTDS' awµ,artKWs-:' Ws 0 IlaiJA6s cp"f/GlV.

[85] TOY 'AYTOY'EK TOY KATA KE<PAAAION

10 TQN EXOAIQN <AOI'OY>
Cl
CtEOS yap
I
I
wv
,,
KaraI cpvatv or A'oyos, "'EV DfLDtwµ,art
r I 'e pw1TWV yEyovev·
av I I ,, '

eVpl.817 SE Kal ax~µ,art Ws G.v8pw1ToS, lva V7T&.pxwv Efs, Ev 7aVr0 voij7ai rO

avvaµ,<po7Epov·
I "
OV7E
,/, \ I " e ,
'f'illOS av pwnos ovTE µ,71v av pw7T077J70S oixa Kai
I ' e I <;:-I I

aapKDs d Aclyos.

15 [86] TOY 'AYTOY 'EK THE IIPOE BAAEPIANON'EIIIETOAHE

' '""t \
OVKOVV I I I' ,.,, I IC' IC:-1'
Of-tOllOYOVfi.-EVWS 70 f-tEV EK 77JS aapKOS aaps €G7lV, 70 OE EK

[84] 4 Joan.1.14 7-8 Col.2.9 I85] 11 Phil. 2. 7 [86] 16 cf. Joan. 3.6

[85] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Scholia de Incarnatione Verbi 33: fragmentum hie primo Graece
inventum. (ACO I, 5, 230, 11 24-7; PG 75, 1404 Cl-5; Latine' Coll Palat, ACO I, 5, 208, 11 30-2;
Armenice: F. C. Conybeare, The Armenian Version ofRevelation and Cyril ofAlexandria's Scholia on the
Incarnation and Epistle on Easter (London, 1907), 204.) Cf. etiam Niceph., Antirrh. rv; 66, 6 (484. l.
37-485,L 3)
[86] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Ep. 50, Ad Valerianum, 2 (ACO I, 1, 3, 91, I. 31-92, 11 [Cone. Ephes.,
Coll. Vat.119]; PG 77, 257 Bll-15). Cf. etiam Sev., Phil. (41, ll. 16-21; tr. 32,ll.); Eulog.,Def, inDoctr.
Pat' 29, XV (212, ll. 24-7); Or. 3 (V, 29, 1. 5-30, 1. 8); De Sect. IX; Niceph., Antirrh. IV, 66, 6 (485,
115-6); Flor. Cyr., Test. 74 (137,ll.24-7; • ); Sev.,Phil. (41,ll.16-21; tr. 32.,11

yoc [~411 ~v ante d8i!vaTov transp. Cyr. dTrda17s: dyd7TiJS Flor. Len. 131
2 ETEpov: ETEpwv V" Tdv: T~V G, Flor. Len. 131 3 yE: OE V, Doctr. Patr. 5, IV cod,
P; TE G TrotWv ante arp68pa transp. O EV8Vs ante ETr~VEYKEV transp. Doctr. Patr. 5, IV;
EV8iws V TO: 0,-i Cyr.,Justn.; om.Doctr.Patr. 5,IV 5 Kai om. O,Cyr.cod.B ,-0: -rOv
V• G, Flor. Len. 131; om. 0
0
7Tapa-rETprirp8ai G, Cyr., Justn., Doctr. Patr. 2, XVIII, Flor.
Len. 131 6 EaK17vwKEvat: aK17vWaat Cyr., Justn. Ev om. G l8lws Flor. Len. 131
7 KaTr..fJKiJaE 0, Cyr; KaTotKEZCol. 2.9,Flor. Len.131 8 0 om. Flor. Len.131
[85] 11 ydp om. Niceph. 12 EVpE817 OE Kal ax~µaTi: Kal ax0µaTl EVp€817 Niceph
[v'O 12 VTrdpxwv Efs om. Coll. Palat. Efs Ev TaV,-cp: Ev Tav,-6,-17-ri Vers. Armen.
[86] 15 BA!L1EPIANON G; BAAEPION 0 16 oDKovv om. Flor.
Cyr. OµoAoyoi'iµEv Ws Flor. Cyr., Sev., Eulog. Def cod. A, Eulog. Or. 4 cod. A ,-Q µEv EK -r~s
aapKOs: -rO TE d7TO aapKOs 0, µEv om. G; ante ,-Q transp. Cone. Ephes., Flor. Cyr., Eulog. (µEv, rp17a~
,-Q Eulog. Or. 4) EK: d7TO 0
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 261

flesh and become passible (which would be impossible; for the Divine is far
removed from all change, and from transformation into something else in the
structure of its existence), the Theologian does a very beautiful thing, adding
immediately, ''.And dwelt among us" (john 1.14), so that in recognizing two
subjects of attribution here, the one who dwells and that in which his dwelling
takes place, you might recognize that he is not turned into flesh, but rather has
come to dwell in flesh by taking it on to use as his own body-the Temple from
the holy Virgin. "For in him all the fullness of the Godhead has dwelt in a bodily
way" (Col. 2.9), as Paul says.

85. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SUMMARY

IN CHAPTERS OF THE SCH OLIA

Being God by nature, the Word came to be "in the likeness of human beings"
(Phil. 2.7). And he was found "in human form'' (ibid.), so that existing as one,
both might be understood in the same individual. He was not a mere human
being, nor was the Word separate from humanity and flesh.

86. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM

HIS LETTER TO VALERIAN

It is agreed, then, that what comes from flesh is flesh, but what comes from
 262 'ENANTIAJ:: LJOKHJ::EQJ:: NEJ::TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYJ::

BeoV BeOs· EaTt 8€ KaTd TaVTOv dµ,cp6rEpaXpiarOs,efs Wv YlOs- KalKVptos

I " l \;'I l " I
f-lETa TYJS lOlUS' UVTOV aapKOS'.

[87} TOY }'IYTOY'EK THI: IIPOJ:: TOYJ::

}'INATOAIKOYI:'EIIIJ::TOAHI:
5
l
Tas \;'I ' \ I 1' \ 1 I "Kvptov rpwvas
OE evayyEl\lKUS' Kat U7TOGTO/\lKU5 7TEpl TOV
I "
iaµEv TOV5
I 1

BeoA6yovs O.v8pas rds µEv KDtvonoioVvras Ws Erp' Evos 7Tpoad.J77ov, rd5 OE

~ ,.. ' ' \~/ I I I I e
otatpovvras ws E7Tt ova rpvaewv, Kat ras f-lEV Eo11pE77Et5 Kara TYJV EOT7)Ta
' ' ' e,
'Xptarov,
TOV ras OE TU7TEtVU5 Kara' T1}V
"'~' ''8 I <;;:-\;'!
av pw7TOTT}Ta 7TapaolOOVTUS'. I

J::XOAION AEONTIOY· Twv 'AvaTDAtKWV €auv E1TtD<it<ws Ta p~µaTa

10 T~S 7Tap0Va77s xp~aews· T€8EtKEV SE aVrd Kal aVrOs Ws Exovaiv aµ,aK&ptos
KVpiAA.os Ev rfj olKelq. lrriaroA.fj.

[88] TOY 'AYTOY'EK TQN J::XOAJQN

[86cont] 22-6; I); ibid. (304,ll.3-8;tr. 248,11.20-5; I); p.260,L !6-p.262,L I (ovKoiJv ... XpwTos):
Eulog., Or.4 (V, 35,ll. 9-11); I (i!a,, ... XpwTos): Ctr. Cal., in Doctr. Patr. 30, III (219,l. 28)
[87] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Ep. 39, Ad Joannem Antiochenum, 5 (ACO I, 1, 4, 17, ll. 17-20 [Cone.
Ephes.,Coll. Vat.127];d.etiamACOII, !,!, 109,ll.6-9 [Conc.Chalc.J; PG77, 177 Al3-B3).Cf.etiam,
Rust. Diac., Syn., Test 209 (153,ll !2-14); Eulog., Or. 3(V,16,L 4--17,L 9); De Sect. IX; Joan.Dam., Ctr.
Jae., Test.27(Kotter150, no.118); Theor.,Disp.II (241 D6-ll); Flor.Len.131, Test.27; Flor. Cyr., Test.8
(114,ll. 13-18; t); Sev.,PhiL (14, ll. 8-13; tr. ll,l.29-12,L 2; !); ibid. (197,ll.16-21; tr. !62,ll.16-22; !);
)ustn., Ctr. Mon., Test.163 (35,ll. 9-12; !);ll. 5-7 (Tas 8€ ... <pvaEwv),Anast. Sin.,Hod.X,1.2.2-5 (145);
Euth.Zig.,Pan. II (120 D7-JO)

VOG [86] 1 OE om. Cone. Ephes. codd.AD, Eulog. Or. 3 ante KaTd add. Kal De Sect. Ka1'd
TaVTOv: Ka1'd TD aVTO De Sect.; Ka1'' aVTOv Conc.Ephes. codd. VR",Eulog.Def cod. C,Eulog. Or.
4 cod. M ante XpiaTOs add. 0 Eulog. Def cod.B, Eulog. Or. 4 cod.M Wv ante Els transp. Flor.
Cyr. Y[Os om. De Sect. Kai om. Eulog. Or. 3 ante KVpLoS add. Efs Cone. Ephes. codd.WR,
Flor. Cyr., Sev., Eulog. Def (Hoc testimonium post Test. 88 transp. G)
[87] 5 8E: µEv De Sect.; om. Euth. Zig., Flor. Len. 131 EVayyE,\iKds ... Kvp{ov om. Rust.
Diac. Kai d7ToaToAiKds om.De Sect., Theor. 1TEpl om. OG cpwvds ante 1TEpl transp.Euth.
Zig. 6 8EoAOyovs: Oe17y6povs Cone. Ephes. codd.DB, Justn. 8 post dv8pw7T6T'l')1'a
add. aVT oil Conc.Ephes. eodd. HSW. Syr., Cone. Chalc., Theor. 1Tapa8L86vTas: 1Tapa8L8oVvTaS
V, Cone. Ephes. cod.B; 1Tapa8£8ovTat Flor. Cyr. cod.M; om. Joan. Dam.
G Scholion Leontii 9 E7Ti0E£gEws correxi; E7Tl ,\l.gEws G
VOG [88] 13-p. 264,l. 6 DTL ... Ela6µE8a: µEµEv~Kaai OE Kai µETd TY/v ToLaVT1711 Evwatv al
cpVaEis daVyxvTot., Kal µ,erd TWv olKE{wv l8toT~Twv Euth. Zig. 13 aVyxvTot Flor. Len.
131 0yovv: EfT' oVv Leant. Jer. 0yovv i'nroaT6.aEts om. Flor. Len. 131 al ante V7ToaT6.aEis
add. Anast. Sin. X, L 2
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 263

God is God. But Christ is both at once, being one Son and Lord, along with his
own proper flesh.

87. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

LETTER TO THOSE IN THE EAST

We know that those who speak of God take some of the sayings about the Lord
in the Gospels and the Apostolic writings to refer commonly to one persona,
and divide others as referring to two natures, and assign the ones that seem
appropriate to God to the divinity of Christ, and the lowly ones to his humanity.

Comment ofLeontius: The words of this present passage belong to the Easterners'
exposition; but the blessed Cyril quotes them himself, in his own letter, just as
they are.

88. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SCHOLIA

That the natures or hypostases remain unconfused we realize from this:

264 'ENANTIAl: LJOKHJ:EQJ: NEI:TOPIOY KAI 'EYTYXOYI:

Ela6µEBa· TD ydp TOl xpvalov €7Ta/\17J\iµ,µEvov T0 tVAq.i µEµEVYJKEV 07TEp

,:J; I \ "\ 1(:1\ ,... I I ~If; \I ''I
1{V, Kal KUTU7Tl\OVTEl fLEV TO S Vl\OV TOV XPVGlOV T'r}V OOsaV, 1Tll1JV OUK U7TEUT'YJ
' • C'\
TOV ElVUl S Vl\OV.

[88] 2-3 cf. Exod. 25.11

[88] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Scholia de Incamatione Verbi 11 (ACO I, 5, 227, 11.11-14; ed. P. Pusey
520, ll. 3-7; PG 75, 1381 A15-B4; Latine; ACO I, 5, 190, ll. 27-30 [Coll. Palat.]; Armenice; F. C.
Conybeare, The Armenian Version ... , 178). Cf. etiam: Anast. Sin., Hod. X, 2.3.116-20 (168); Doctr.
Patr. 20, XI (129, ll. 7-10); Euth. Zig., Pan. VII (256 B14-C4); Flor. Len. 131, Test. 69; Flor. Cyr., Test
102 (156, ll. 5-9; t); Sev., Phil. (63, ll. 22-7; tr. 50, ll. 20-4; t); Sev., Ctr. Gram. II, 23 (189, ll.18-22, tr.
148,ll. 8-11; J, ); Vat. Gr. 1431, Flor. II, Test. 67 (49; !); p. 262,1.13 (0Ti ... ii1ToaTdaEi~): Leont. Jer.,
Test. 35 (1824 D15-1825 Al); Anast. Sin., Hod. X (152 Dll-153 Al); p. 262, I. 13-p.264,l.1 (on ...
ela6µe8a); Sev., Ad Neph. II (23, ll. 9-10; tr. 17, ll. 34-5); Ephr. Am., Ad Damn. et. Joan. (IV, 156,
ll. 32-3); Pamph. XI (209 £, ll. 224-6)

VOG [88] 1 Ela0µ,1.dJa: EaTdµEBa Anast. Sin. 168 D xpva{qJ Anast. Sin. 168D
€7Ta/..71ltiµ,p.ivov: €7Talt71AEiµµ,Evov O; E1TaltEiltiµ,µ,Evov yac; €1TaAlt71µ,Evov Flor. Len. 131;
€1TYJAEiµ,µ,Evov Anast. Sin. 168 D codd. VEP TD fV!tov Anast. Sin 2 KaTa1T/..ovTEZ:
KaTE7T/..oVTEl Cyr., Anast. Sin. (bet/ cood. M) KaTa7T/..ouTEZ µ,Ev: KaTa1TAovToiJµ,Ev Flor. Len.
131 fV/..qJ Flor.Len. 131 ante TOiJ xpua{ov add. Ews G 1Tlt~v oVK d7Tir:JTY}: oVK &7Tir:JTYJ 8€
Euth. Zig. 3 post fV!tov add. oVOJ rijs- olKE{as- cpVaEWS' Euth. Zig.
P~sthoc testimo~um a~d. ,1'ifs- K?-T~ T~V 8E6TYJ,T,a ToV Xp;aToV Kal dv8pw1T6TYJTU ivav7{as-
OoKYJr:JEWS' NEaTopiov Kat EvTvxovs EAEyxos- Kat avaTp01TYJ VG
 Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos 265

the gold overlaid on the wood remained, indeed, what it was; and the wood
became rich with the splendor of gold, yet did not cease from being wood.
 "'
Appendix I

Diagrammata in calcibus codicum constructa, ut scholia ad p. 154, 11. 15-18,

KE{a8w ... 1TAWpfj,

v, f. 18:

0, f. 23r:

G,f. 337':
.\6yos uapt

D D
7T0.Tfip uapt .\6yos TTO.TTJP

uapt rra.rfip

D D
.\6yos TraTfip uapt .\6yos

rrarfip .\6yos

D D
uapt .\6yos TTarfip uapt
 Appendix II

Diagramma in cake 0, f. 48v, constructum, ut scholion ad Test. 25 (p. 202, l. 9-

p. 204, l. 2).
~

8c IlHP
0 <(.. ..,. 0

'Y <\ ).. 'Y

~ 0
K \;
K
'Y
p
a 'Y
p
!
w
., t<' I.,
!
w
finis c c finis
I
, ,
paginae I
I , ,, ''
' I
paginae
I , ' '' I
~- '~
[AOI'OC] ['HMEIC]
 TOY 'AYTOY JlEONTIOY
'EIIIJlYI:EII: TQN'YIIO l:EYHPOY
IIPOBEBJlHMENQNI:YJlilOI'Il:MQN

VO 1 AEONTIOYo MAKAPIOY AEONTIOY MONAZONTO:EO 2 'EIIIAY:EI:EO

 By the Same Leontius:
Solutions to the Arguments
Proposed by Severus (Epilyseis)
 270 'EIIIAY2EI2 TQN'YIIO 2EYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN

[1916 CJ "EaTL µEv Td rrpWYJV 0µlv KaTd T0v dA178ij AOyov EK TWv dy!wv
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t I I I ' I

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1 , I
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25 AEvKoV ExEt Kal roV A.eAvKaaµivov, E'lrE E'v E'tTE 7TA.E{ova <Lai rd Ev [B]ofs
~ AEvK6T7jS' BEwpElTal. "Ori OE raVra oVrws ExEt, a~A.ov E~ JJv 0 T~S'

3-4 et 10-11 T~s; ~1Ev8wvVµ,ov yvWaEws;: 1 Tim, 6.20 4 Er.pEvpETai KaKWv: Rom.
1.30 5 JgEAL7Tov EgEpEvvWvTEs; EtEpEvv~aELs;: Ps. 63.7 (LXX), v. I

V02 TEOm.0 4 eElov om. 0 5 OvTEs; EgEAl7TOJ!Oill. 0 ante JgEAl7TOV conj.

<oVK> Loofs (34) 6 <AoyLaµols;> supplevi 8 ante @EOv add. T0v 0 9 Ev
om.0 10 lv'O 12 avv{aTaaeE V; avv{aTaaeal 0 13 rl7ToppT)µUTwv V""
14 8LEv8Vvwv: EVeVvwv 0 1? rlv€Aa{3E11 po,~t eEwp~vµiv~v !1°ansp; ~ 17 i-rEpa;: 0
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ToVe' o
 Epilyseis 271

What we gathered from the holy Fathers in our recent work, by way of true
doctrine, against the followers of Nestorius and Eutyches, should be enough, by
God's grace, to defeat completely the vain reasonings of spurious insight. But
since they are what the divine Apostle would call "inventors of evil" (Rom. 1.30),
"they have given up investigating the investigations" (cf. Ps. 63.7 [LXX]), so that
they seem to many people to be using some fresh [arguments], not contained in
our previous reply to them, we now have been forced by your inquiring-you
who are friends according to God's love-to answer with argnments contained
in that work but not worked out in great detail, so that you might have in addition
to that work these refutations-which I hope are not inconsiderable-of their
spurious insight, and that you might stand by the truth. I shall begin with these
solutions in the order in which the objections have been raised, taking them up
and settling them in a more-or-less dialogue form.

I. Objection of the Acephalus: "When the Logos assumed human nature, did
he assume it as understood generically, or as in an individual?"
Reply of the Orthodox: "Why do you ask? Do you think the one is different
from the other?"
A: "Surely, since the one is found in a multitude of subjects, the other in a
nnmerically single one:'
0: "But you're not answering my question. For the question is not whether
[his humanity] is found in a multitude or in one subject-we agree on that-
but whether the latter is the same as the former and the former as the latter, or
whether they are different. For finding a nature in one subject or in many makes
the subjects in which it exists be considered many or one, but doesn't cause the
nature to appear as one or many: as is the case, surely, with 'the [color ]white' and
a white object, whether the objects in which whiteness is found be one or many.
That this is so is clear from the fact
 272 'EIIIAYI:ELE TQN'YIIO I:EYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN

rpVaEwS A6yos ETT{ TE 1TA~Bovs Kai EvOs 0 aVrOs d7To0{8o-rai· Ov ydp O.v
d7To80S' A6yov 1TEpl rfjs dTTAWs rpVaEws, o15r6s aoi Kal €1Tl Tijs Ev rtvi
8Ewpovµ,€vYJS d1To8o8~aETat, Kal oi5TE 7ToAAds 7TDtEl rpVaEtS n]v µ,{av TO
TToAAoVs raVTYJS fLErExEiv, oVrE µ!av rds 170,\Ads, KO.v Efs roVrwv µErExoi,
s Edv fj 0 raVTYJS f-LErExwv EK Oiarp6pwv avyKE{µ,Evos.

'AKE<P. T~v rivd oVv dv€Aa{3E rpVaiv;

'OP@. Nal· d/\Ad r~v aVr~v oVaav Tip eLOet.
"KE"'
.ri '¥. T'l OE
"\ trapa\ TUVTYJV 11 V1TOGTaais; f f f I

'OP@. "0-rt r0 fLE-r€xeiv aiFrijs dAAov 7TOtEl, oVK cL\,\olov.

10 'AKE<P. OVK Ea-riv oVv CL\,\os- d770 lf.\Aov;

[cl 'OP"
~.
0'v 1Tavrws, EWS av fJ./T}TE oµ,oovaios f-LYJTE KEXWptaµ.-Evos Tl1'
I " " I f I I I

,... ,... \ I ,.., I " I f I

TOV avvvrpEGTWTO<; Kat GV)IKElfLEVOV· Tavra yap 1TOLEl TUS' V7TOGTUGELS.

OVK '9v oVv Tots dcpopiaTtKo'is l8iWµ.aaiv ~ ToiJ XpiaroiJ

' 'AKEcf>.
e I
aV pW7TOT1)S TOV KOlVOV TO lOlOV aVTOV XWpt1::,0VGa;
,.., ,., I "'>:' ' ,.., 'Y

15 'OP@. II<ivv f-LEv oVv, dAA' oV 77p0s rOv A6yov roVro, dAAd trpds rd yEvos
, , , , 'C 't' .... A, I • , , , , ,
TO TWV av 8pW7TWV, Es WV awµ,aTLKWS GVVEUT7JKEV. €1TEl Kat avros 0 oyos-
" , ,.. , , ,. , ,. , ,. , , '"' ,
TOlS acpoptGTlKOlS U7TO TOV KOlVOV T1}S 8EOTTJTOS lotwµaatv, ws
, Y" ,
LOS Kat
A6yo_s-, KexwpiaµEvos, oV roVrots Kal T~S Kar' aVrOv dv8pw1T6r17ros a7To
KexWpiarat, &A.Ad roVrois fLEV &770 roiJ llarpOs Kal roiJ IlveVµ.aros,
20
, ,
EKElVOlS
[DJ<::-OE1 U7TO
' 1 .-. I 1 ,.., '
77]5 fLY)Tpos Kat TWV av pW7TWV KEXWptaµevos, TOlS
e, , '
,.., >I ) "' l '>:' I I I ' I I I
TWV aKpwv acpoptGTlKDlS totwµaat TY)V 7Tpos EUVTOV KOlVWVlUV TE Kat
Evwaiv KaraSExerat, Oµ.oovatOT'l'}rt µEv rWv 0..Kpwv, Erepoovai6TYJTl SE
,.. ,., ~ I I I \:' I I I ~ I ' I
TWV fLEpwv EVOVfLEVOS TE KUl 01,aipovµevos, Kal TTJV otacpopav EVUVTlWS
,... >I I >! ' I I I I ' I ,... ' I
TOLS aKpois 1TOlOVfLEVOS-E1,7TEp E7Tt TOVTWV fLEV TO TUVTOV TTJS OVGlUS'
25 avvd7Trov, TD ErEpo'iov TijS' V1ToaTdaEWS' Oiatpe'i, EvTaVBa OE rO ETEpo'iov
" ' I l'f I ' I I ,... f I
TTJS' OVGlUS' xwptsOV, TO TUVTOV GVVU1TTEl TTJS V7TOGTUGEWS'.

'AKEm
[21 rt '¥.
•A \ \, '
rt/I.I\
,... '
EKELVO OVK av El7TOlS',WS1J fLEV V7TOGTaGlSTO OLflP'fff.J-EVOV
" " ~ ~ 1 r / , ~ /

[920 A]Kal KaB' EavrO U?Tdpxov OTjA..o'i, 0 OE dpiBµ,OS', Kai µ,dAiara rijS'
\:' /~
ovaoos, >!\\
a/\1\0 Tl 7TapaI TOVTO
" I
a17µaiVEL; JI'as ' api
yap ' >
µ,os EV '
7TOGOT'f/Tl, e'
I ~\ I >I )~\ ,., I~ I>/ \~I " >I
30 µ,ovaS' OE fLOV'Y) U7TOUOV· El OE TT)S' µ,ovaooS' TO a1TOUOV Kal ota TOVTO aTOfLOV,
\:' I~ e " >I I
uvaoos apa Kat 7TUVTOS api µov TO 1TOUOV Kat Olf7P1Jf-tEVOV.
I ) I I I .;:. I

VO 2 J1Tl: 7TEpl 0 3 <pVaElS ante 7TOlEitransp. 0 4 TaV77]V 0 6 <pVatv

om. 0 9 µe7'Exov 0 dAAoiov: a'.AAo Ov 0 10 d7r' 0 14 aV'T'oiJ
om. 0 15 ToiJTov v•c 16 cl ante aVTOs transp. 0 21 JavTOv:
aVTOvO 25 avvd1TTOJVV 26 xwp{~wvV 29 8vd8os: TpuiOosO (i,\,\o
76: d,\,\' 0-ri 0 30 el OE ... &7Toaov om. 0° additur in marg. manu recentiore 0
;
 Epilyseis 273

that the same definition of nature is given, both for many subjects and for one:
for the definition you give for a nature by itself you will also give for a nature
considered in a subject, and the fact that many individuals share in it does not
make the one nature into many; nor does it make the many into one if one
shares in many, [that is,] if the subject which shares in it is in fact composed of
different [natures]:'
A: "Did he assume an individual nature, then?"
0: "Certainly, but one which is the same as the species:'
A: ''And what is the hypostasis besides this?"
0: "Sharing in it makes [the subject] distinct (allon), not different (alloion):'
A: "Is it [i.e. the individual nature] not, then, numerically distinct (allos apo
allou)?"
0: "Not completely, as long as it is neither of one essence with what coexists
with it and is combined with it, nor is separate from it; for that is what produces
hypostases:'
A: "Did not the humanity of Christ distinguish what was peculiar in him
from what was common, by its distinguishing characteristics?"
0: "Of course, but this did not happen with regard to the Logos, but with
regard to the class of human beings, from which he took his physical origin,
since the Logos himself, separated as Son and Logos by distinguishing
characteristics from the common substance of Godhead, is not separated by
the same marks from the humanity he shares in, but being distinguished by one
set from the Father and the Spirit, and by another set from his Mother and from
humans, he receives through these distinguishing characteristics of the
'extremes' his coherence and unity with himself, united and divided by the
essential likeness of the 'extremes' and the essential difference of the 'parts; and
realizing the difference in a way opposite to [the way] the 'extremes' [do]-if
indeed in their case, the sameness of essence unites and the difference of
hypo stasis divides, while herethe difference of essence divides and the sameness
of hypo stasis unites:'
2. A: "But wouldn't you say that the hypostasis signifies that which is distinct
and exists by itself, while number-especially duality-means something else?
For every number consists in quantity; only the monad, taken by itself, is
without quantity. But if lack of quantity, and therefore lack of divisibility,
belongs to the monad, surely quantity and divisibility are part of the dyad and
every number:'
 274 'EIIIAYEEIE TQN'YIIO EEYHPOY llPOBEBAHMENQN
'OPfu'I 0,
l'.7.
A ,
VKOVV E7TELOYJ apt µ,ov Kat TWV 7TEpt aV'TOV LOtWµ,aTwv
~ \ , 8 A \ A \ , \ •<;- I

>I() ) ,.. ) ,.. ) ' " ' t > () \ \\ I t I ~

EfkVYJG YJS, avayKaLOV EKELVO EL7TELV, WS apt µ,os Ot'T'TOS /\EYETat, 0 fkEV 'TLS
t \""' \ ()'' \ t ~\ ) I \ I 8
a1T/\WS Kat Ka EaVTOV, 0 OE EV GXEGEt Kat npayµ,aat EWpOVfkEVOS, WG7TEp
I rt

\ \ " \ I \ \ \ \ I A' \ I t I
l\EVKOV YJ 'TE /\EVKO'TYJS Kat 'TO /\El\EVKaaµ,Evov. V'TYJ 'TOtVVV YJ cpvats 'TOV
A

, () A ()' f \ ,, I ,, ~ ,... '~ \ \ )/ t I

5 apt µ,ov Ka EaV'TYJV OV'TE avva1T'TEL OV'TE otatpEL, OVOE yap EXEL V7TOKEtfkEVa
I , \ \' " \ ,, \ \ I \ \
7Tpayµ,aTa· al\/\ WG7TEp 'TO avw Kat 'TO Ka'TW 7Tp0S 'T'T}V GXEGLV
I [B] /\EYETat
\I
~ > Q I >\ Q I > \ ~ \ > \ I \ I > ~>
'TOV ava,..,atVOV'TOS YJ Ka'Ta,..,atVOV'TOS, aV'TO OE a?TOl\V'TWS /\Eyoµ,Evov ova
t I I ) ti \ ) I \ t \ \ I ~I )f \
07TO'TEpov Eanv O'TL Kat aµ,<poTEpa OEXETat, Kat avw fkEV WS 1Tpos 'TO Ka'Tw,
I ~ \ t \ \ >I \ I ' 1y ~ \ ,.. ,.. ' I \
Ka'TW OE ws 1Tpos 'TO avw /\EYETat, acpopt<:,E'Tat OE TTJ 'TOV aVLOV'TOS Kat
I I ti \ t ) () \ > \ ()' t \ >I ~ ,..
10 KaTEPXOfkEVOV GXEGEL, OV'TWS Kat 0 apt fkOS aVTOS Ka EaV'TOV OV'TE otatpEL
)f I J \ \) J I ,.. ,.. I 1" t \ t ~I ~
ovTE auva7TTEL, al\/\ aµ<poTepa oEXETaL TTJ 7TOtq. axeaet, owv YJ ouas, YJ
\ \ t t. E' \ \ \ I~
A , \ () t. ..
'TETpas, Kat Es YJS. t fkEV yap Tas µ,ovaoas av'TaS EWpELS Es WV auVEG'TYJKEV,
I A ,

) I ~ "'"' ) ~\ \ t I~ I ,.. ) I
ELS TaUTas OLatpEL'Tat· Et OE 'T'T}V oµaoa 'TOU'TWV GK01TEtS, EK 'TOU'TWV
auva7TTE'Tat. Llvo yap Kat 8vo, el Tvxot, els TEaaapa avVT{8ETaL, Ta 8E
15 TEaaapa els 8vo Kat 8vo 8tatpE'i:Tat· waTE 7TaVTOS aA7J8EaTEpov T~V cpvatv
'TOV aptBµ,ov µ,1]8Ev acpwptaµ,€.vov EXELV, fk~TE TO 8tnp11µ,€vov fk~TE 'TO
~vwµ,€.vov, lv 8€ TV TWV 7rpayµ,6.Twv Em7TAOKV Kat auv8€aEt 'TOVTO
vcp{aTaa8at.
[CJ 'A1Ta{8EUTOV ovv 'TO TV cpvaEt 'TOV apt8µ,ov avayKa{ws 'T~V 8ia{pwtv
'TWV 1Tpayµ,6.Twv E1TW8at voµ,o8ETELV, aAAd µ,~ TV 'TWV 7Tpayµ,aTWV
20 ~vwµ,€.vwv TE ~ OtTJP1JfkEVWV cpvaEL TOV apt8µ,ov UYJfkELOV 1TOtE'i:a8at
01JAW'TLKDV 'TOV 7TOUOV 'TWV V7TOKEL/J-EVWV, aAAou Aoyov Kat OU 'TOV apt8µ,ov
TavTa OtatpOVV'TOS 'TE Kat avv6.7T'TOVTOS· rva µ,~ Myw O'TL Kat avT~V 'T~V
'TOV d.pt8µ,ov cpvatv 7Tpos 'TO 7TOGOV ol 7TEpt TaVTa avayovTES, TOV 1TOUOV
\ \ l
cpaaL TO fkEV E Vat UVVEXES, 'TO OE OLTJP1JfkEVOV, Kat 'TO fkEV Es EXOV'TWV EGLV,
\ \ \ ~ ~ I \ \ \ >t, > I (}I

\ \ > ~ >t. > I \ I \ I > I ~I A A

25 'TO OE OUK Es EXOV'TWV· OEKa yap 7T1JXELS /\EYO/J-EV TOU aUVEXOVS, EL 'TUXOt,
t. I\ , ~ ~ A , (} A \ \ t I \ , A ~ I
auvotatpOVV'TES 'TqJ apt µcp Kat 'T'T}V EVO'T'YJ'Ta 'T'Y}V EV 'TqJ oEKa1T1JXEL
s U/\OU, ov
gtlAcp· Kat 1TaAtv 8€.Ka µ,o8Covs MyovTES, lv 8iatp€aEL TovTous [D]
, I (} CJ 1" ' ' \ ..... t I ,,
E7TtaTaµ,e a· ouTwS ouv Kat E7Tt 'TWV ETEpwv EXEL 1Tpayµ,aTwv.
I E't µ,Ev
\
> () \ I > (),.. ) \ \ ) ,.. I t\\\ \
apt µ,os cpuaEULV E1TL<p'T}µ,ta Tl· OU 'TO 1TOUOV aU'TWV 7TpOYJYOU/J-EVWS, a/\/\a TO
t \ I "1 \ \ > (} I \{3 \
30 E7EpoyEvEs 7TaptaT'T}UtV. 7T7TOV yap Kat av pw7Tou Kat oos TPELS /\EyovTES
I A \

2-p. 276, I. 14 (api8µos ... lxEtv wµoAoY71Ta1: cf. periphrasim apud Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae. 50
(4.124 f). 10-11 (o &.piBµos ... oifxETm): citat Pamphilus VI (161, ll. 118- 19).
28- p. 276, 1. 4 (el p.H .. . 7rap{aTwµev) cf. periphrasim apud Pamph. VI (163, 11.149-57)

VO 1 auTwv V" 2 €µvfia871v 0 ante &.piBµos add. V 3 TTpdyµ.an O o

4 aVTTJ 0 6 AEyETat: AEAEKmi V 11 ante ~ 'TETpd.s add. Kal 0 12 yrlp
om. 0 18 'TO om. 0 21 a>.>.ou: a>.>.' OU V" (corr. Torres) 25 OUK €g
ex6v'TWV: fort. EK!"~ exoll'TWV, 29 ante apd}µos add. 0v 30 post ETEpoyEVES add.
aUTWV 0 77apiaT71a1v: avv1aT71a1v V
 Epilyseis 275
0: "Well, since you bring up number and its characteristics, we must say
this: that number is understood in two ways, one as taken simply and in itself,
the other as considered in relationship and in things, as 'white' is understood to
mean both whiteness and that which is made white.Now the nature of number,
by itself, neither joins nor divides, nor does it have concrete subjects; but as 'up'
and 'down.are said of the relationship of what goes up or down- but the thing
itself, considered absolutely, is neither, because it admits of both, and it is said to
be up with respect to what is down and down with respect to what is up, and is
distinguished by the relationship of 'going above' or 'coming below'-so
number, too, taken by itself, neither divides nor unites, but admits of both in a
specified kind of relationship, as in the case of the dyad, the triad, and so on. For
if you consider the units themselves of which they are composed, it is divided
into those units; but if you look at the whole they comprise, then it is joined
together from them. Two and two, for instance, are joined together into four,
but four is divided up into two and two. So that the truest position is to say that
the nature of number has nothing definite about it, neither division nor unity,
but that this consists in the interweaving and combination of things.

"It is a sign of ignorance, therefore, to insist that the division of concrete

things necessarily follows from the nature of number, rather than to let number
be a sign indicating the quantity of subjects, based on the nature of the things
united or divided, with some other factor- not number-dividing and uniting
them. And I shall not even add that those experts who reduce the very nature of
number to quantity say that quantity includes both the continuous and the
discrete, both in things which have location and in things which do not. For we
predicate ten cubits, for example, of a continuous piece of wood, and do not
divide the unity in the ten-cubit piece of wood along with the number. Again,
when we speak of ten bushels (modii), we understand these to consist of discrete
objects. And so it is with other things. Now if number is ascribed to natures, it
does not primarily signify their quantity, but their diversity. For when we say
that the natures of horse, man, and ox are three,
 •
276 'EIIIAYI:EII: TQN'YIIO I:EYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN

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24-5 1'1 yap ... 1waTYJplov: cf. Gregorius Nyssenus, Refutatio Confessionis Eunomii 3 (ed.
W Jaeger II, 313, ll. 13-17; PG 45, 468 B13-C3); Contra Eunomium Ill, 3 (ed. W Jaeger II, 131,
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•
Epilyseis 277

we mean not that they are quantitatively distinct, so much as that they are
different in form; but if we speak of three men-Peter, Paul, and John, let us
say- we signify rather their distinctness, and mean that these particular
individuals are so many in number.
"So in the holy Trinity we confess three hypostases, but proclaim one nature
and substance of them, not considering any of them to be insubstantial, nor
indeed predicating a number that distinguishes a quantity of substances, since we
are well aware that in this way diversity of substance would be introduced. The
Arians recognized this too, and used the term 'substance' for substantial
hypostases, thus implying difference in substance. So, too, in the Incarnation we
speak of two natures, and signify thereby that they are formally different, not
separate; we do not, in their case, speak of a number of hypostases, even though
the natures are not anhypostatic, just as in the case of the Trinity [we exclude]
number of substances: no hypostasis there is confessed to be insubstantial, just as
here neither [substance] is anhypostatic. We are fully aware that not even in the
case of individuals which are separate in both hypostasis and nature- such as:
this particular horse, this particular ox, and this particular man-does nature
signify separateness, but always difference, just as hypostasis signifies the
separateness of the subject, but not what the subject is. The point is, in things
which are not referred to by themselves, but which exist and grow along with and
in each other, nature does not indicate that which is distinct, but that which is
different, whether in the case of the Trinity, or the Incarnation, or anything at all:'
3. A: ''Admittedly hypo stasis and essence or nature are not the same thing in
reference to the Trinity; but in reference to the Incarnation they are the same as
each other. For if the new aspect of the mystery has made the natures into
something new, as the holy Gregory says, I think it will make new nomenclature
for them as well, so that according to him the name and definition of each will
fit both:'
0: "I can't think of any excess of ignorance which that will not outdo! For
the definition of things is predicated in the same way of what belongs to the
same genus or the same species, as experts in such things can show. For if, in
defining simply the word 'substance; we should say it signifies the [actual]
existence of a thing, everything
 •
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27 Kai Tot's d.yfots l:Epaq;Iµ avyKaAv1T'TE'Tat· cf. Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orat. 45.4 (PG
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 Epilyseis 279

which shares in the name of substance will also share in this definition, even if
there is an enormous difference between the substances themselves. For we say
God, angels, man, animal, and vegetable exist as substances, and the term
'substance' is applied commonly to all, but the 'existence' of these things signifies
not the nature of them or the manner [of their existence]; for the particular
definitions of each thing go on to indicate those aspects. The categories, which
are predicated in the same sense of the genera subordinated to each other, make
it clear that this is so. Both genera and differences, too, are predicated of species
and of individuals; for they are applied in the same way to substance and to
living beings, both corporeal and incorporeal, rational and non-rational,
perceptible and intelligible, and not more to one and less to the other, but in the
same way, equally, and- to put it in a word- by definition. Circular definition,
as it is called, is refuted by the manuals of logical demonstration as another
instance of this; for it operates like someone who declares something, then puts
himself forth as witness for his own argument, and insists that it is credible
because he said it!
"If, then, the proofs about both the life-giving and holy Trinity and about the
great Incarnation of God the Word, one of the Trinity, were not produced by the
Fathers-and are not still produced-from universal terms and definitions of
substance and hypostasis, .or person and nature, then our discussion is a
reduction to absurdity rather than a demonstration. For let someone explain
why hypostasis and substance, or nature and person, when used to refer to the
Trinity, define and explain what is common and what is proper, while this is not
equally appropriate in the case of the Incarnation.
"For to say that because of the newness of the mystery these things are
defined one way for the Trinity and another way for the Incarnation sounds,
first of all, as if one is unaware that God himself is the most mysterious of all
mysteries, concealed even from the holy seraphim; and it is towards him, as the
great Gregory said, that the mysteries we share in here are pointed. All language
ought in justice to be silent in his regard, all intellectual movement ought to
cease, as it passes over to that which is above language and thought. And the
mystery of the secrets of God, which has been revealed, is as much clearer
 280 'EIIIAY.EEI.E TQN 'YIIO .EEYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN

EUTLV €µ,g;aveaTEpov, Ka8' oaov av Els TO €µ,g;avES Tijs ([JVUEWS TO V7TEp

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V1TOa'TaaE1 s: Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Ep. 3 ad Nestorium, Anathema 3 (ACO I, l, l, 40, 1.28;
PG 77, 120 C6-10) 13 dauyxu'Tot ... (moa'Taans: Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Scholia 11
(ed. ?. Pusey, 520, 11. 3-4; PG 75, 1381 A15-Bl) 14 1Tp6aw1Ta .. . 8twxup{,Ernt: cf.
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'f
Epilyseis 281

than that of the Trinity as the supernatural lies beyond the clarity of nature.
Is it only the definition of hypostasis and substance, after all, which is given
new meaning in the Incarnation? Is it not every word and every name and
every expression? Why is there absurdity here and not everywhere? 'But
that is naturally impossible; as the great Basil said, 'and therefore it is also
unreasonable:"
A: "As far as the Trinity is concerned, all the Fathers unanimously have
declared that hypostasis clearly differs from substance, or person from nature,
in the same way that the particular differs from the general; but in the case of
the Incarnation this rule is not observed by them, but they often speak of
hypostases instead of natures, and conversely of natures instead of hypostases,
as if in this way to present the equivalence of both. The blessed Cyril, after all,
says: 'If anyone divide the hypostases ... ; and later: 'The natures, or hypostases,
remain unmixed: And the great man whose very name means Immortal
[Athanasius] asserts confidently that there are two persons in Christ. The
Fathers would not have done this unless they knew that the definitions of these
terms had been newly formed in the Incarnation:'
0: "I would not say, myself, that the definitions of these terms had been
changed, but rather that they used these terms, in my opinion, for different
things. For the use of terms, which happens in many stylistic ways, is one thing,
and what is signified by them principally and by definition is another; after all,
the holy Scriptures, the holy Fathers and customary speech handle words by
metaphor and ambiguity and inversion and other rhetorical figures, but don't
give a common definition of these words when they do this. Surely the great
Apostle can call the parts of the human being 'men' -the 'outer' and the 'inner
man'-but in speaking this way he is surely not predicating the terms for the
whole man of the part, but rather is referring to each part
 y

282 'EIIIAYEEIE TQN'YIIO EEYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN

µ,€pos Tfi TOV oAov 1TpOaTJyop{q., WU1TEp KUL TO E/J,1TUALV TO oAov TcfJ µ,€pEL
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 Epilyseis 283

by the title of the whole, just as he likes, conversely, to call the whole by [the
name of] the part. And it is the same in the other holy Scriptures, as everybody
knows. So we know that in the same way it was customary for the Fathers to call
each nature a hypostasis or a persona, not only with regard to the Incarnation
but also with regard to the Trinity, just as some of them said that the human
person himself is composed from two hypostases; but we know they do not say
that nature shares in the definition of hypostasis or person. And since all of
them define the Lord as 'one and the same; they deny that there are two
individuals ['one and another'] in him; that is proper to the hypostasis, strictly
speaking. They are taking nature here as sharing the name but not the definition
of hypostasis. When, then, our language proceeds through names [like these]
simply and freely, nothing prevents it from using the names without precise
distinctions; but when there is a struggle and a discussion about doctrine, then
we must refrain from using verbal ambiguities, and take the proper meanings
from the definitions themselves, so that the precision of the things themselves
may not be damaged by the imprecision of words:'
4. A: "Simple things are not composite, and therefore the nature of a
composite being does not admit of the definition of simplicity. If this is so, it is
an impertinence against those who speak of 'one composite nature' of Christ
to think, as some do, that they mean it is simple and non-composite:'
0: "The nature of the composite being is not the same as the nature of what
is compounded. Just as the nature of a bond is not the same as the nature of the
things bound together, but the nature of the bond is one thing-called a 'male'
or 'female' connection, for instance-while the nature of the bound pieces of
wood, let us say, or of the vessels, which are tied together by the bond, is
something else, so the nature of the composite and of union is not the same as
the nature of what is compounded and united. For composition and union are
either relational or essential, and [union] by juxtaposition or mixture or
accumulation or harmony or adhesion or confusion or blending or whatever
other different types of union there are said to be, present to us different natures
that are being referred to by the one specific term: union. But the nature of the
things that are united or compounded, or that allow themselves to exist along
with each other in whatever way, also admits of another definition-that of the
things themselves; and this is peculiar to each of the united objects, unless they
have undergone confusion.
 •
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 Epilyseis 285

"What, then, do you mean by saying, 'one nature of Christ, and that a
composite one'? It must mean either [the nature] of the composition, or of the
objects compounded, or of the product of both. But if the composition is what
you mean by this 'one nature of Christ; you will be giving the definition of
union, not of what is united. And if [you mean the nature] of the objects
compoun(ied into the whole Christ, there will be two of those, not one, since
neither of them changes and is transformed to the nature and peculiar quality
of what is joined to it, but preserves, even in union, the difference between
them. And if [you mean] the product it is most appropriate that this be-and
that you call it-the hypostasis rather than the nature of Christ, since the nature
of Christ cannot be of one nature with the nature of the Father in the same way
as it is one with the nature of his mother, nor in the same way [one] with the
nature of his mother as it is with the nature of the Father. How then do you
speak of 'one nature of Christ, and that a composite one; if the term 'Christ'
does not signify a nature, but a hypostasis, in association with (peri) which the
natures are observed, and in which the persona is defined? How shall we get
around this-the really novel product of this newfangled wisdom?"
5. A: ''.All unique objects, we say, which have an identifiable nature, are also
said to be 'one nature': as the sun is one, and heaven one, and therefore there is
one nature of the sun and the heaven, and so forth:'
0: "But don't you know, my friend, that the nature of the sun is the same as
that of the stars? And that heaven is the same as the other heavens? Light and
air and water, and mixtures of them, have their common element in such and
such a nature, but their being this or that individual is signified by the particular,
determined definition of the hypostasis. For ifyou define heaven as the rounded
outer surface of all things, or the common limit of intelligible and perceptible
things, you have not expressed its essence, but its hypostasis; and if [you say
that] the sun is a star that shines by day, or the star that holds the middle position
among the planets, again you have expressed the hypostasis of the sun, but not
its nature. For the nature of every hypostasis is understood to be given in the
common definition, such as its being fiery, or airy, or earthy or watery, or
rational, or non-rational, or living, or non-living, or perceptible, or intelligible.
These essential qualities express the nature of the subject; the added note, which
marks off each thing individually, characterizes the hypostasis of a thing. It is
false, then, to suppose that each single object
 •
286 'EIIIAYJJETE TQN'YIIO JJEYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN
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 Epilyseis 287

also has a singular nature; on the contrary, it has a common nature, according
to its common species, and a proper hypostasis, which distinguishes what is
proper in it from what is common by defining marks and characteristics. For
just as 'Paul' and 'Peter' are not names of a nature but of a hypostasis, so 'sun' and
'moon' and 'morning star' and 'heaven' and [the name of] this particular bird or
earthly or.watery thing, distinguish and separate [each of them] as a particular
such-and-such from the common substance by the individual note of the
hypostasis:'
6. A: "We know that many people have rejected certain sayings of the
previous inspired Fathers, both those before the Council of Nicaea and those
after it, because heresies have misused some of their ideas and phrases. For this
reason, we know that the blessed Cyril did not use some patristic expressions,
especially that of'two natures; since Nestorius took them in a topsy-turvy way
to express division, and abused the authority of the ancients. So we too now,
out of caution, define Christ as existing from two natures, but not in two
natures."

0: "This is neither an honest nor an opportune excuse, but your scruple is

really wholly unscrupulous, if because of the monstrous fact that people have
misused the phrases of the theologians you reject the expression of these
inspired men. For heretics misuse not only the writings of the Fathers, but those
of the Scriptures, too, as it pleases them. Indeed, according to your rule, we
would have to imitate Marcion's daring and cross out many expressions in the
Scriptures. But it is not legitimate to do this, either with the holy Scripture, or
with the glorious Fathers, but one must hold on to what is most appropriate
both in their thoughts and in their sacred words, and purge away the
misinterpretations of heretics, and show that the Fathers have taken certain
ideas one way, and heretics the same ideas in another. After all, every expression
admits of opposite turns and misinterpretations. So we find even the great
Athanasius making excuses for Dionysius [of Alexandria], and the blessed
Cyril himself not simply rejecting phrases out of hand, but adding 'as it seems
to Nestorius'-and not only this, but in many, nay, in all his works, also
confessing the two natures. And if this always holds good: that subsequent
generations
 288 'EIIIAYI:EII: TQN'YIIO I:EYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN

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p. 288, I. 27-p. 290, I. 10 (-r~v J11{voiav ... dvEt8w,\0110{17aE-): Doctrina Patrum 28, I (198-9):
Titulus: EK -rWv AEovT{ov µovaxoD (EK TOD µovaxoV AEov-r{ov cod. C) TOD Bv,av-rCov, OTi
81-rT0 ~ €11Cvoia; Joan. Dam.,Dialectica (= II17y0 I'vd.iaEw<; I) 65 (Kotter 1.135, IL 84-97; PG 94,
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VO 1 11apalTE'ia&ac rrapat-r~aaaOat 0 3 11apat-rovµEvovs 0

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€11EvOVµ17ats transp. Joan. Dam.,Doctr. Patr.
 Epilyseis 289
may reject some of the expressions of the great men before them, then we too
may reject that of 'one nature made flesh; since Eutyches and his followers
misused it. But if we do not reject it, then they should accept the formula 'in two
natures: For if the business of heresy stopped at the time of blessed Cyril, and
that most notorious of all heretics, Eutyches, had not been found out, then
perhaps you would be right; but if there have been heretics after him, too, then
let it be in the authority of later generations to say again, because of heresy on
the subject, what some of our ancestors, as you point out, did not feel compelled
to say, and especially to do this when these phrases have been defined by synods.
For the solution of every difficulty which is disputed between two parties is,
according to the Church's canon, the judgment of a synod. He who fights against
these decisions is thereby stirring up resistance not simply to certain persons,
but to all of Christendom. We cannot be accused of that, since we love the truth
above contentiousness:'
7. A: "We, too, recognize [two J natures on the purely conceptual level; but
once we unite them, then we say that from then on both are, and should be
called, one nature, and that a composite one. For by the same argument with
which you accept [separate Jhypostases on the conceptual level, and then, when
you unite them, compound them into one hypostasis, so for us when the natures
are compounded-without confusion-into one nature, they avoid division
and display union. But if we are accused of confusion because of the compound
nature, then you, too, do not escape this accusation, because of the hypostasis
which is not simple. For by the same arguments with which you bring the
hypostases into one hypostasis, yet show them to be unchanged, we are able to
compound the natures into [one J nature, and still to preserve what has been
united unchanged in this kind of synthesis:'
0: "The Fathers and true reasoning have shown that there are two kinds of
conception: one is a sort of additional thought or reflection,
 290 'EIIIAYEEIE TQN'YIIO EEYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN
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VO 1 TWv 1Tpayµ,riTwv ante Kai d8irip8pwTov transp. Joan. Dam., Doctr. Patr. TE om.
Joan.Dam. 3 Tfj om.Joan.Dam.,Doctr.Patr. ToiJvoiJom.Joan.Dam. dvarpa{vETai
Joan. Dam. post [dvacpa{vEa8ai] add. ofov 0 O.v8pw1TOS d.7rAoiJs rpaiv6µ,Evos, Tfj J1Tivo{q,
8i1TAoVs KaTavoE'iTai, EK i/;vx"1s TE Kai aWµ,aTos avyKE{µEvos Joan. Dam.; add. in marg. aVT1J
~ AEyoµEvri if;iA~ E1T{voia Doctr. Patr. codd. ACD (cp. infra ad. 1. 10) 4 dvrf.1TAaaµ,a
Oiavolas TvyxdvEi om. Doctr. Patr. cod. B TE om. 0 5 Elvai om. Joan. Dam.
6 86favTa V 6-7 Kai TWv ToioVTwv om. Doctr. Patr.; Kai TpayEAdrpwv Joan.
Dam. 7 O!twvanteydptransp.Joan.Dam. Kalom.OTWvom.V,Doctr.Patr. 8 Tl
ante O.A,\o transp. V 9 post V1ToaTdaEi add. TE 0, Joan. Dam. 9-10 ante Tols
A6yois add. Ev V A6yois: Aoyiaµo'is V 8iaµ,opcpovµEvri: 8iaTV1TOVµEv71 Joan. Dam. (txt.
codd. fam b) 10 av El80Ao1T0{17aE 0 post dvEt8wAo1T0{1JGE add. aVT1J 8€ AlyE"rat
i/JiA~ J1T{voia Joan. Dam. 15 8Ewp11µdTwv V aavToiJ: aVToiJ 0 17 TOioiJToV 0
19 cpaalv: rp1Jalv VO 26 Tds cpVaEis om. 0 27 TaVT17: TaVT1JV 0 28 oi8
01Tws: ol8a 1TWS V
 Epilyseis 291
which explains [unfolds] and clarifies the general, unarticulated insight and
knowledge, as when one shows, by the busy work of the mind, that what
seems to our perception to be simple is manifold and full of variety; the
other is the creation of thought, which weaves together perception and
imagination to produce, from real beings, what has never been and suppose
them to exist-such is the fabrication of hippocentaurs and sirens and such
things. For it takes the parts of whole beings, and from the parts puts together
something else; with much freedom and facility it molds in thought and words
what is never seen in hypostasis and essence, and then combines them with
material form in a mental image.
"By which consideration, then, my friend, of these kinds of conception do
you understand the two natures? Ifby the first, then you will be defining Christ
as a collection of propositions rather than a convergence of natures; for this is
the kind of nature possessed by objects of purely conceptual contemplation.
But if you understand them in the second way, you have filled your reasoning
with neither things nor propositions, but with false and empty fiction, and such
thinking differs not at all, really, from idolatry.After all, our inspired Fathers did
not define the natures to exist only on the conceptual level, but understood the
division between them according to the first kind of conceptualization. For
when natures, they say, differ in conception, the names also are distinguished,
so that what is said to be [different] on the conceptual level is called this, in
distinction to actual division. Rejecting this completely, they showed that the
natures exist in actuality and are called such, but the division between them
they understood as purely conceptual, understanding that things which are not
separate actually can be separate rationally, because of the unchangeable
difference and peculiarity of what is united, even after the union.
"How then, can you recognize the [two] natures 'purely on the conceptual
level; when they are recognized also in actuality? How, too, can you accept them
conceptually yet not preserve them in concept, but rather blend and confuse
them in some way or other-conceptually or
 •
292 'EllIAYEEIE TQN'YllO EEYHPOY llPOBEBAHMENQN

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•
Epilyseis 293
actually-into one nature, even though our way of conceiving both of things
which exist and of non-existent things, recognizes and acknowledges these
things [as distinct] after their connection and union? Even when a confusion
has taken place between them, the conceptual process can recognize and
distinguish the elements from which it comes. But to recognize the natures
'purely on the conceptual level' is to make them non-existent and non-essential,
or else confused and obliterated; and to fail to attribute this [distinction] to
them even after the union, shows them to be even less substantial than the ideas
of them, and more corrupted than things which have been confused.
"But where and from whom do you have the idea of compounding Christ
from [two] hypostases, since-as we have said before- hypostases signify what
is separate and exists by itself? When did you recognize the natures as separate
and existing by themselves, so that when you joined them you could offer the
opinion that he exists 'from [two] hypostases'? For it is not right to say this
before the union, if you do not dare to say that the man was created first, and
then put on God. Nor is it reverent to identify what is conceptually different
with what is actually different; for not all that is predicated of the concept as
concept can automatically be predicated of the real things (pragmata) that
underlie concepts. And therefore while actual distinction contains and posits
hypostases, conceptual distinction does not admit of a number of hypostases.
For just as what is said to be conceptually 'greater' in the case of the Father and
the Son, by the nature of cause, does not imply that one is greater than the other
by nature, so what is conceptually distinguishable will never imply actual
distinguishability, and therefore does not imply hypostases.
"What very solemn person, who holds laughter in ridicule, will not burst out
in broad laughter at you- or rather will not wrap himself in gloomy grief and
deep night- when he thinks of such illogicality as yours, over and above your
impiety? For what exists together in nature and time does not admit of'before'
and 'after'; and if the blessed Cyril does not speak of 'after the union' in this
sense, are you not ashamed to say such a thing? Do not union and the united
belong to things that exist together, when they [= the things] are understood
not just as objects, but as united objects? And where does that one element-I
mean, the humanity-
 294 'EllIAYEEIE TQN'YllO EEYHPOY llPOBEBAHMENQN
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 Epilyseis 295

exist before the union, so that you can speculate about what happens after it?
And when does the union which has come into being cease, so that the product
of it can be supposed to exist as something else, not in it, but after it and
alongside the elements from which it exists? For union is not like the nature of
things that were and are no longer, as they say time is. Who has brought it
[union] to.an end? And why? This word 'after' ought to be examined, to see if it
doesn't begin from union and pass over into confusion! This is what you really
want to say, and are in labor [to say it], but you cannot endure giving birth to the
burden of your minds-I don't know whether this is because of its unbearable
impiety or the inescapable prospect of refutation. For it is true that what it is
impious to say, is also impious to think, but what is right to say, is also holy to
think; or rather, to think reverent thoughts is justifying, but to proclaim them is
saving, according to the divine Apostle [Rom. 10.1 O].
"Since we, however, advocate a union not of hypostases but of natures, how
can you infer something we do not concede, as if we conceded it? What freedom
of speech you have, saying that confusion and the absence of confusion lead to
the same final product! For if, according to them, the absence of confusion still
makes two natures one, and confusion manages to do the same thing, let them
explain what the difference is between confusion and the unconfused. They are
doing something similar to Nestorius's 'persons' and 'hypostases': they suppose
them to be divided, and then claim they are not dividing them. For what else
would one do who divides in actuality? If the [two] hypostases do not introduce
division, according to the Nestorians, nor the one nature confusion, according to
our friends here, then let someone explain what the difference is between the
product of division or confusion, and what the person who joins without
confusing and preserves the identity of each side without dividing would
reverently conclude. How can they reject the two natures-since any duality, in
their eyes, brings in division-and yet not refuse to speak of two peculiarities
(idioti!tas)? And why do they propose the'one nature made flesh' formula against
those who speak of two natures, as if they were saying something different, even
opposite-since, according to logical necessity, both sides of a contradiction can
never be true at the same time? Either this means the same as'two [natures]; and
your whole campaign against this language is a waste of time,
 296 'EIIL1YJ:EIJ: TQN'YIIO J:EYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN
) \ '\'\) r I I ,... "'' ' " \ ()_I \)
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r I ,.. \;:' \,... (:' "'' ,.., I >:;I '"'' I I I
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1TOTE DTE OVK ,,v Tavra YJVWfLEVa, UK07TElTW TlS' avTa OVTWS, ws

12-13 cf. supra, pp. 270-2 13-15 cf. CNE I (supra, pp. 130-4) 33-4 (~v "rrOTE
... ~v) cf. Arius Alexandrinus, Ep. Ad Eusebium Nicomediensem (ed H. G. Opitz, Athanasius
Werke Ill/I, Urk. I, p. 3)

:;o
1 1:apo..Ao..µ{3dvETO..l 0 2 ;:o..pEf pt1TT,O..l TO: 1:.apEpp£1TTETo 0 aEaapKwµEvri 0
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Tl: TfJ v•c 22 µTjOEv om. 0 oVOEv Tl om. v 22 >..EyElV ante Evwatv transp. 0
25 Kai om. 0 30 µEv om. 0
 Epilyseis 297

or else it is not the same, but you understand 'one' here as contradicting 'two' -
and then the term 'made flesh' is added without meaning. Or if this means it is
neither one simply nor two united, yet there is nothing midway between one
and two, then consider what is left: surely two-thirds, or a half, or a third, or
whatever other fractional number between one and two is supposed, is for you
what the additional word 'made flesh' means; and surely division will follow, if
in addition to the one [nature] you suppose something else along with it.

"But enough of this. How and by what means the Fathers understood
that the Word of God and his humanity remained perfect and undiminished,
their essences but not their hypostases converged in unity, though neither
was non-hypostatic, has already been demonstrated fully, with God's help, in
the first chapter of our above discussion and in what follows it, and also in
the first section of our former work Against the Opposed Docetists [= CNE].
We refuse to argue through this again, and to roll out the same points over
and over:'
8. A: "Since the composition of all beings, even of ourselves, consists of the
common and the particular, as is obvious to everyone-for we all share in the
common element of essence, and by the particular note of the hypostasis we are
what we are said to be-what is missing from the common or particular
elements in each nature which are understood to be united in Christ? If nothing
is lacking, it is no more true to speak of a union of natures than of a union of
hypostases. What follows from this? We must either speak of two natures and
two hypostases after the union, or else, rejecting the number of hypostases, we
must, by the equality of a fair exchange, also yield to those who say that one
nature has come from the natures because of the union. And if those who say
this are accused of confusing [the natures], why shouldn't those who speak of
one hypostasis from the [two] hypostases also be justly accused of confusing
the hypostases?"
0: "You fail to realize, my wise friends, that the definition of nature is one
thing, and the structure of the Incarnation another. Therefore you make
speeches, on the one side, about things that are completely divisible, separating
natures with hypostases, and on the other side you teach that one nature of flesh
and divinity has grown out of [two] confused wholes. Now if there was 'a time
when these were not' united, one might regard them in this way
 298 'EIIUlYEEIE TQN'YIIO EEYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN

Tr6.VT1) KexwptaµEva· El 8€ aVvOpoµov Tfj Vtr&pget Tijs dv8pw1T6T1)TOS ToV

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vor=Zv 0
 Epilyseis 299
as wholly separate; but if we know that the unity with God the Word is
simultaneous with the very existence of his humanity, how can what never have
been separated from each other receive the label of 'wholly separable'? One
might divide them conceptually and verbally, but not empirically or in actuality,
and [one could do] this after the union, not before they were joiued. For in
general it. is illegitimate to understand division before union, indeed before
the existence of either element it is impossible, since one cannot speak of
deprivation before possession, or-even less-of possession before [the
existence of] the objects in which it is encountered. For these things are not
asserted simply, but in relationships and with a temporal and circumstantial
context: first [one recognizes] that something exists which can admit of
deprivation, then [one sees] whether it has experienced the deprivation at a
time when it could have had [the thing], then whether [it has experienced this]
in the place and in the way in which it would normally have had it; for one has
not suffered deprivation simply through not having something, but only if one,
let us say, is naturally suited to fly, at this particular time (for one cannot fly
before one is fitted out with wings) and in the normal way (for one cannot do it
without the necessary requirements) and in this particular place (for one
normally flies in the air, not in water). It is the same, then, with division. It is not
conceived prior to the objects in which it is observed, nor prior to union itself,
but when the objects [exist] and after their union and in the proper way-that
is, conceptually, not actually; for the humanity [of Christ] is not divided in
actuality from the divinity to which it has been joined. And division on the
conceptual level, which is not prior to the objects or to their union but is
observed in them because something remains unchanged, never has the same
consequences as division on the actual level (since in that case the conceptually
divisible would be the same as the actually divisible, which is nonsense). But
conceptual division would not be possible at all, if the objects being conceived
did not exist in actuality, albeit together and in the same subject.
"If, then, one looks at the objects united in the category of union, one will see
that the complete elements which are assumed for the constitution of a thing
remain complete, and become the parts of the whole which these parts produce,
so that first one conceives of the things, then of their conjunction, and then of
their conceptual distinction. For since the mind cannot perceive all three
together, it apprehends as parts
 •
300 'EIIIAY.EEI.E TQN'YIIO .EEYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN

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 Epilyseis 301

what exists as one. Therefore we consider our argument to hold true in the
manner of union, but not in the structure of nature: not because these two-
namely, nature and union-are opposites, but because they are different yet
concerned with the same individual and belonging to the same individual,
yet not identical, nor having a common significance. They [i.e., the opponents
of two-nature language] agree about this themselves: for their'one nature from
two' is said to be one because of union, even if they do not understand the
confusion that follows on it.
"They themselves admit that there is something incommunicable in the
union, which lies in the structure of the greatness of the divine nature, since
[otherwise] there would be no condescension of divine love for man, but the
joining of the highest being with what is lowly would simply be natural. And
who is so imperceptive of the divine majesty, or so unaware of human lowliness,
as to think that these things, by a natural attraction for each other, admit of a
mutual sharing and union when in their reality they are unmixed? I am so far
from saying that God the Word is united to our [manhood] by the law of nature,
that I am not even prepared to say that the union of the human soul with its
own body is experienced naturally, apart from the divine power. And why do I
speak of the soul of man? Since I would not say that even the mixing and
blending of the elements happens simply this way, purely by nature, but these
things are brought to order and harmony by the divine Word, which is stronger
than nature. Since, then, the mode of union rather than the structure of nature
contains the great mystery of religion, we are free from having to investigate the
nature of what is united and what is fully realized in them-for that is not part
of the present question: the former belongs to our understanding of God, the
latter to the contemplation of nature; the former is more properly investigated
in controversy with the Arians, the latter against those who completely deny
that he assumed our nature; the former explains how he is related to the Father,
the latter how what is ours in him is related to us; but neither explains how
his parts are related to him. So let us investigate the mode of union and the
product of it.
 302 'EIIIAYEEIE TQN'YIIO EEYHPOY IIPOBEBAHMENQN
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1-4 (-rpEis ... 17aiSE08woav): Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orat. 29.2 (SC 250.178)

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 Epilyseis 303

"'Three overarching ways' have been established of looking at the nnity of

natnres in Christ: the way of division, the way of confnsion, and the way
properly called unitive. 'The [first] two have been the games of heretics-let
them play with them!' So St Gregory before us (Or. 29.2) showed them np well
for what they are. For the way of division is a theory of nnity by relation, which
does not join the natures together from the start bnt leaves the [two] realities
separate from each other, nor does it ascribe to them, or allow them to exchange,
any common or particnlar qualities; in consequence, it defines [here] two
species completely separate from each other, except insofar as it tries to cover
up the separateness of the natures with [talk of] honor and intention and
sameness of will, and so dupes the ignorant. The diametric opposite to this, the
way of confnsion, obliterates and confnses everything, and makes in its
imagination a single, bastard thing, not preserving purely in either of the nnited
elements what is proper to it, but allowing this to become that and that this, so
that it is neither this nor that. For anything which comes from confnsion is
obviously a bastard, having no element that remains pure and established in its
own stable pecnliarity. The middle way between these, nnconfused and
inseparable union, recognizes that the things united remain undiminished in
their own individual characters, becanse they are unchangeable; but it holds
them to be common, and to belong to one snbject, because of that same nnion
of essences. So that what is properly characteristic of each is common to the
whole, and what belongs to the whole is common to each,
 •
304 'EllIAYl:Ell: TQN'YllO l:EYHPOY llPOBEBAHMENQN

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•
Epilyseis 305

because of the unconfused peculiarity of the same whole in each. For there
would not be an exchange of characteristics, if the peculiar character of each
did not remain undisturbed, even in union.
"This, then, is the kind of union [we are speaking of] : more unitive than the
kind that completely divides, but richer than the kind that completely confuses,
so that it neither makes the elements that are united completely the same as
each other, nor wholly other. If, then, union of this kind shows its product to be
neither wholly the same nor wholly different, we must investigate how it is the
same, and how different. The word of truth acknowledges the sameness [to be]
in the hypo stasis, the difference in the nature; for ' it is the opposite of [the way
it is] in the Trinity; according to St Gregory. If our opponents cannot accept
this, let them draw the logical conclusions themselves. For surely they will agree
that if [two united elements] are not one in hypostasis, they must be one in
nature. If this is so, the concepts of divinity and humanity will be one and the
same because of the union; and if that is so, [the state of] union and [that of]
nature will be the same, for the predicate applied to both is common. For as
objects which share one nature also come under one concept, so necessarily
objects joined by union at one time and in one subject will have, according to
them, a common nature. And the opposite will also be true, surely: if the natures
of two elements are one, their hypostases will be different, since no one person
(prosopon) circumscribes a nature. What follows from this? There is one nature
of flesh and divinity, and two hypostases. Or if what has come together has its
unity neither in nature nor in hypostasis and number, where is the sameness of
what is made one by union? But if they are one with each other in both nature
and hypostasis, how is the structure of unchangeableness, and of the unmixed,
preserved in the union?
"The dead bodies of Christ and of the saints witness to the possibility that the
same product can come into being both from incomplete and from fully formed
elements; for the union which occurred through the resurrection made them
just as nature had originally woven them together in their mothers' wombs,
even though they were already complete in their parts. And we believe that the
same thing will happen in the common resurrection which we look forward to;
for we believe that bodies will be formed by resurrection in the same way,
whether they were previously decomposed and corrupted, or ones that were
living right at that time and transformed, or had recently departed this life-
whether they are incomplete or complete. This demonstrates that it is possible
for a hypostasis to come into being even from pre-existent things, without their
changing, even if this is not the case at all for Christ, because he was not created
in advance. However, we realize
 •
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 Epilyseis 307

that one nature does not come into being, unconfused from two, simply through
the fact of their not being created in advance-neither in the case of any other
nature you may think of, nor in that of Christ, for whom it is unthinkable to
religious people even to think such a thing. For if we speak of a 'nature' in
correspondence to the way a thing comes to be, and no nature comes to be in a
way that opposes and contradicts itself, but what they call the one nature of
Christ does behave in this way, then it is not one nature. For if it should fall to
such and such a nature, let us say, to be visible, it does not fall to the same nature
also to be invisible; and if it falls to it to be mortal and corruptible, it does not
fall to it to be incorruptible and immortal, since then the same concept would
be applied to opposites-but this is impossible. For even if it admits of opposites
in turn, but only possesses one of them in actuality, it would not yet possess the
opposite also in actuality. Let them tell us, then, if what they call the one nature
of Christ is not, even by their own confession, both visible and invisible, mortal
and immortal, circumscribed and undefined, and, in sum, begotten and
unbegotten, together and in the same subject. For the one hypostasis and one
persona can receive opposite and contradictory predicates together and in the
same subject; but the one nature, as we have said, which can produce contraries,
cannot at one time come to be contradictory to itself; for if would completely
cease from being itself before this could happen:'

So much for them. As for the fact that some say: because the Lord's humanity
was not formed or did not exist beforehand, and because it was not assumed
already complete, but had its subsistence in the Logos, therefore we can make
one hypostasis of both [natures]-part of this is true and part is not. We too
grant that [his humanity] did not pre-exist, was not formed first; but we do not
at all grant that this therefore makes one hypostasis of both, as if it were not
permitted for things to be otherwise, or as if it were impossible for God to be
united even with a fully formed man in this way. For what difference will it make
to God, with regard to union, to be related to someone existing one way or the
other? For neither the time nor the place of union, nor the incompleteness of his
body, makes the one Christ, but the manner of union itself. We reject the prior
formation [of Jesus the man], then, not because it was impossible, but because it
was not fitting that the humanity of the Lord should once have been alone and
without his divinity. As for those who say: "From [a multiplicity of] hypostases
 •
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•
Epilyseis 309

there follows prior formation, and [Tesus's] having once existed as a mere man,
and understanding Christ and the Logos to be two separate individuals; but if
he was not formed beforehand, he is not from hypostases, and if he is not from
hypostases,he is not more than one hypostasis:'What is this? If these conclusions
do not follow from these premises (since not even if we concede "from these"
and "fron:i hypostases" must we speak of [multiple] hypostases in the case of the
risen dead, as we have shown), but if they still say"from hypostases:' then why
not rather say also "from personas"? And if this is acceptable, why do they not
also have the courage to say "from sons" -one existing as the Son of God, the
other born as son of the Virgin? But nothing would be more divisive than to
think or to say this, nothing nearer to Nestorian irreverence, even if they think
they stand diametrically opposed to him. This is the way cowardice fights with
rashness: for they share the same kinds of evil, even if they struggle against each
other, and against virtue, by excess and deficiency.
And we must point this out, too: that the hypo stasis does not simply or even
primarily signify that which is complete, but that which exists for itself, and
secondly that which is complete; while the nature signifies what never exists for
itself, but most properly that which is [formally] complete. For the characteristics
which are admitted into the concept of the hypostasis mark off each individual
from one another; but those admitted into the concept of the nature do not
mark off the individual, but tell one kind of individual from another. The
characteristics of the single individual, then, make it single: those which exist
commonly are not predicated more properly of a general class, in any sense,
than they are of the things of which they are generally said, even if they include
all the individuals referred to under the same species.
And let us not forget this: the features which characterize the nature are
constituent parts of its essence, while those which characterize a hypostasis
belong, in a way, to the category of accidents, whether they are separable or
inseparable. And in simple beings, the characteristics of both [nature and
hypostasis] are simple, while in conjoined and compound beings they are
compound. This is how it is with the human person, and with the definition of
him: animal, rational, mortal, capable of opposites by turns (for this is the surest
definition of his essence). All characterize his essence, while shape, color, size,
time, place, parents, upbringing, way of life, and all that goes with them,
characterize his hypostasis. The sum of them, they say, cannot hold true for
anyone else, and nevertheless they belong to one man-namely, this one. And
those marks properly belong to the characteristics of nature which exist in the
same essence, while the characteristics of the hypostasis also include those
which belong to different categories, when they are combined
 310 'EIII/JYEEIJ.: TQN'YIIO EEYHPOY IIPOBEB/JHMENQN
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 Epilyseis 311

in the natural unity of an individual. So it is, then, also in the case of Emmanuel:
there is one hypostasis of divinity and humanity, and therefore the things which
ought to be predicated of the hypostasis are common to both; but there is not
one nature, and therefore the characteristics of nature are also not [common to
both]. For even if all his characteristics are said to belong to the same one
person, they do not [belong] in the same respect, nor in the manner of one
nature. So, for example, the same individual is visible and invisible, mortal and
immortal, palpable and untouchable, but not in the same respect nor in virtue
of the same structural principle. Since he is one and the same, all these things
are predicated as of one individual, and therefore of one hypo stasis and persona;
but since not all are predicated in the same respect, but with regard to different
realities, therefore they are not predicated as of one simple nature, but of
different natures which are associated with each other and preserve in union
their own natural properties.
 TOY JlYTOY· 'EIIAIIOPHMATA
'YIIOBETIKA TE KAI'OPI.ETIKA
IIPO.E TOY.E 11PNOYMENOY.E'EN
TQ'ENI XPI.ETQ META THN
' '
'ENQ.EJN THN iJITTHN TH.E BEIA.E
TE KAI JlNBPQIIINH.E <PY.EEQ.E
11AHBEIAN

V ACD 1-7 TA TPIAKONTA KE<MAAIA TOY MAKAPIOY AEONTIOY KATA

EEYHPOY ACD; AEONTIOY BYZANTIOY 'EK TQN A' KE1>AAAIQN TQN KATA
EEYHPOYEuth. Zig.
 By the Same Author:
Proposals and Definitions Offered as
Objections against those who Deny the
Double Reality of the Divine and the
Human Nature in the One Christ, after the
Union (Triginta Capita)
 314 'EIIAIIOPHMATA 'YIIO@ETIKA TEKAI'OPJETIKA

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/\.EX YJUETat; .ti/\/lU µr;v OVOE1TOTE 7TUVT'[j TUVTOV, Kat KUT avrovs, 7J TOV
XptaToD Be6T7JS rfl Kar' aVTOv dvBpw1TCrrrrri· oVK &pa µ,iO.s TaiJra av Ei17 -
I I I I;' I ,.., > \:' I / ,.. I I I •I
5 7TOTE rpvaews, Kat Ola TOVTO OVOE µ,ia TClVTa rpvats f.LETU TTJV EVWGtv
A<x8~a<mi.
"'n
/3 1 I '
'.:i.:v µia 7J cpvais, KotvosI
or Aoyos· wv
I 7' r::::1
ue: I
KDtVOS' or Aoyos,
\' r \I
oµ,oovaios 7J I '

" c O'"' r::::1' r I r 8, '

VOE1TOTE OE EUTt, KCll KUT ClVTOVS', oµ,oovaios 77
I ' ' I
V1TClpc;ts. EOT7J5 TOV
XpiaroV 1--?J dv8pw1T6T7JTL· oVK l:i.pa eis 1TDTE roVrwv 0 A6yos. ~Qv 8E µ~els
10 7TOTE 0 A6yos, roVTwv del ai cpVaeis 87]Aov6ri Sidrpopoi.
[CJ y' El EK 8E6TYjTOS Kal dv8pw7r6TTJTOS AEyovTES TDv XptaTOv Kat EK
SUo rpVaEWV Acfyovai, Kal TaVTDv aVTols GYjµalvElV af-L<pW SoKEl, TTWS Ev
,
8EOTTJTl ''8 I \I \\" '''>::'I
Kat av pW7TOTTJTl /\EYOVTES f-tETU TYJV EVWOlV, OVK EV uvo rpvaEat
\I >:' 8' > 8'
/\EYElV f-lETQI TTJV
I <I
EVwaiv '
EK "
TWV Trap ) avTWV
' "
00 EVTWV avayKaa YJGOVTai;
15
•
T aVTOV I "8 \ 'C
I '>::
• \ I
yap KQVTUV a TO Es aµ.rpoiv U'T}/\DVf-tEVOV.
l ,.,

S' El EK SVo rpVaEwv T0v XptaTDv AEyovTES, EK 8E6TYJTOS Kal

'8
av pw1TDTTJTOS
I /\Eyovai,
'\I Kat' EK
' 8EOTYJTOS
' KQl''8av pW1TOTYJTOS
I \I
/\EYOVTES, EK
'

>:''
ova I
<pvaEWV ' I
avTOV 'I'
/\Eyovat, 8EOTYjTaI "'' I' 8
0€ Kat av pw1TOTTJTU Kat fJ-ETQ TYJV
I I I I

'' \I (Cl
EVWGtV /\Eyovai, ovo apa Kat aVTOl <pVGElS fLETa TTJV EVWUlV
)I I ' I I I I " x ptaTOV'
20 AEyovaiv· El s~ TD A.EyEtV OVo rpVaElS Ev T(i> XpiaT(i> dpvoiJvTal f-LETd T~V
"
EVWGLV,

1-21: Euthymius Zigabenus,Panoplia Dogmatica XVI (PG 130, 1068 B7-Dl3)

2 -raiJ-ra D post TaV-rd add. Ka-rd rpValv ACD, Euth. Zig. ~ 1 om. ACD, Euth. Zig.
3 Kai Ka-r' ab-roVs- om. c rr, Euth. Zig. 5 7TOTE om. ACD, Euth. Zig.
00
3-6 Kat' ...
AEx01aET~i: ~ µ,~a 'P,,Vals- AExOiaE-r~l -r?,-V-ra µ.E-rd, -r~~ Evwalv ACD, Euth. Z~g.
7-8 oµ.oov<JlOS- '1 V7tapgls-: Kal 1J V1TapglS" oµ.oovalOS" ACD, Euth. Zig.
8 oV811TOTE OE: oV8E D EaTl om. A Kai KaT' aV-roVs- om. crorr, Buth. Zig. Ka'T' aVToVs-:
KaTd TaVTOv A 9 ante &.vepw1TOT'YJ'Tl add. KaT' aVrOv Euth. Zig. 9-10 µ,~ Efs 7TOTE:
µ'18€7toTE Efs ACD, Euth. Zig. 11 rOv XplarOv om. ACD, Buth. Zig. 13 µErd rY;v
Evwaiv om. ACD, Buth. Zig. 15 Kai EvraiJOa ACD, Euth. Zig. 16 El EK om. D
18 8E: TE V Kai 3 om.A 19 rpVaElS° ante Kai aV-roltransp.ACD,Euth.Zig. µE-rd rY;v
EvwalV XplaroiJ: roiJ XptaroiJ Kai f.lETd r~v EvwalV ACD, Euth. Zig. 20 dpvoiJvral post
Evwai v transp. ACD, Euth. Zig. dpvoiJvrEs- Euth. Zig.
 Epilyseis 315

1. If things which are completely the same belong to one nature, and they are
themselves called one nature, how can what is not completely the same belong
to one nature or be called one nature? But even they agree that the divinity of
Christ is never completely the same as his humanity; they could never belong
to one nature, then, and therefore they will not be called one nature after the
union.

2. Objects that have one nature share a common name; objects that share a
common name exist in one substance. Now even according to them, the divinity
of Christ is never of one substance with his humanity; therefore they never
share a common name. And if objects never have one common name, their
natures surely will always be different.

3. If when they say he is "from" divinity and humanity, they also say Christ is
"from'' two natures, and both expressions seem to them to mean the same, how
is it that they can say he is "in'' divinity and humanity after the union, and are
not required to say, from what they have conceded, that he is "in'' two natures
after the union? For there, too, what is expressed by both phrases is the same.

4. If when they say Christ is "from'' two natures, they say he is "from'' divinity
and humanity, and when they say he is from divinity and humanity, they say he
is from two natures; and if they speak of divinity and humanity even after the
union, then surely they themselves are speaking of two natures of Christ after
the union. But if they refuse to speak of two natures in Christ after the union,
 316 'EllAllOPHMATA 'YllO@ETIKA TE KAI'OPIETIKA
" TO\)/
apa l\EYElV 8'
EOTYJTU x ptGTOV" Kat''8
av pw7TDT7]TU apvovvrai µ,era T7]V I ) "' I I

"
EVWGlV.

[DJ E ' E'l aavyxvra

' '8
I ' >::
EV TTJ EVWGEl Ta UVVEI\ OVTa ytvWGKOVGL, ovo OE TQ
~I ,... ' I I I I I \

\81 > > > ,... I 8'

GVVEI\ OVTa Kal KUT avrovs ELGl, 11W5 Ta EV TTJ EVWGEl {L'Y) avyxv EVTa ovo
I,, I> "f I I

5
I I I ''I
Kat fLETa TYJV EVWGlV ov yvwptsovaiv;
E' ~I >:'I
., ''I ' ,.,,
l OE uvo yvwpt1:,0VGl, 1TWS' ovx
'

Oµ,oAoyoVaiv; El 8€ Oµ,oAoyoVai, 1Tc{J5 dpiOµelv raVra 1TapairoVvrai, [904A]

JJv T~V r1jv rpVaews l8uJr17ra daVyxvrov Kal µerd, r~v Evwaiv J17£aravrai;
'"'O ydp OµoAoyoVai;' cp17alv 0 Belos Baa(Aeios, "Kal dpi8µ,e{rwaav:'
~'El EK 8Vo µEv rpVaewv A€'yovai rOv Xpta-rOv, OVo OEcpVaeis rOv XpiarOv
> \ J ) I
10 OV l\EJIDVGLV, EK TOVTWV f.LEV, OVXL OE KQl TUVTQ AEYOVUl TOV
I > I ~I x ptUTOV,
, I ,... \I I

A EYETWaav
I I ' I 'C 'i' ,.., 1
TOlVVV El µ:q Es WV OVVlUTWOlV TOV
x \ \'
piaTOV, Kat EV TOVTOlS
I

ir aVTOV
yvwpie:,ELV ' ' as
't. lOVULV.
,. , E'l yap
' fLYJ' 'EV aVTqJ
' ,. , Ta''t."' ' ' YJ" ovoaµov
Es WV aVTOS', '"' ,..,,,
YJ
Ev ETEp41 SY)AovDTL' Kal Ev T{vi 7rap' aVTbv, Kal T{s oVTos aacpWs
SiOaaKETwaav.
15 sY' E'l E7T'l
' I ,.., t I t
TWV OfLOOVOLWV YJ p..ia cpvais l\EYOfLEVYJ ov TaVTOTY)Ta TWV
I I \ I ' I ,..

V7roKEtfL€vwv SY)A.ol TTpoY)yovµ,Evws, 7rWs E7rl TWv ETEpoova{wv ai OVo

,
cpvaets
[B]''<;:-1 ,,,,, I ' I I
ov TO oiacpopov aAl\a TO Kexwpiaµ,Evov avayKaiws OY)µ,aivovatv;
YJ' El 7r6.VTfl TE Kal 7r6.VTW5 0 dpt8µ,bs T0v Oia{pEaiv avveiacpEpei, 0
'8\>l>I "~I >I )t\:'I "'8'
apt fLOS' apa EGTal TY)S' OlatpEGEWS atTlOS, ovx YJ oiatpEats TOV apt fLOV·
20 Kai Svolv dv6.yKY) 86.repov, ~ µ,Y]SEv dpi8µ,ela8ai TWV ~vwµ,Evwv, ~ fLYJSEv
, , 8
YJVWO at TWV apt fLOVfLEVWV.
" , 8 , Kat, 7T'WS
,. , ,
ov KaTayEl\aGTOV TOtaVTYJV
I\ ,

'C
Esovaiav TqJ
I " ' 8 ,. ,
apt fL'-P
<::' <;:-I 8 " II
otoovai. 7T'UVT05 apt fLOV TO 7T'OGOV TWV 1Tpayp..aTWV,
' I I ,..,

oV T0v cpVatv ~ T0v 7T'O{av TOVTWV axEaiv 7raptaTCiv 7rEcpvK0ros;

8' El TWv 7rp65 TL~ Evwa{5 TE Kal rd Evw8EvTa, &µ,a SE Td TTpDs Tt Kal deL,
., " I ' I t (/ I I I (/ 8 I '<;:-I I t 8,
25 aµa apa Kat aEt YJ EVWOLS' TE Kat Ta EVW EVTa· El OE Ta EVW EVTa

7-8 Basilius, Ep. 214, ad Terentium Comitem, 4 (ed. Y. Courtonne II, 205, 11. 17-18; PG 32, 789
B9-10)

3-8, 18-23: Euth. Zig., Pan. XVI (1069 Al-11, Al2-B8); cf. Anast. Sin., Hod. X 2.2.47-
54 12-13 (td ydp ... 871Aov6Ti): cp. Joannes Damascenus, Contra Jacobitas 61 (ed. Kotter
4.131) 24-p. 318, 1. 1 (El ... 871Aov6Tl): cp. ibid. 63 (ed. Kotter, ibid.)

V ACD; ab I. 22 (8l86val), etiam 0 1 TO ante Upa transp. ACD, Euth.

Zig. 1-2 dpvoVvTal post Evwaiv transp. ACD, Euth. Zig. 5 yvwp{,ovTal
Euth. Zig. post ffvwaiv add. ODo ACD, Euth.Zig. 5-6 7TWs oVx Oµ.oAoyoVaiv; El 8€
Oµ.oAoyoVai om. Euth. Zig. 9 µEv om. C T0v XpiaT0v 2 : aVTOv ACD 10 TaVTa~
TaUTOv CD 11 AEyE'Twaav To£vvv om.ACD post El add. OE ACD 13 oVTwsV•<
15 oV om. yac (add. in marg. L'3), ACD 19 oVx ~: oUxi D; oVxl ~ Euth. Zig.
23 7TE<pvK6s D 24-p. 318, I. 1 rd ... 871Aov6Tl om. A; post p. 318, ll. 2-5 transp. CD
25 post O.µ.a add. 8E CD ~om. CD TE om. CD post El OE add. Kal D
 Epilyseis 317

then surely they are refusing to speak of Christ's divinity and humanity after the
union.

5. If they recognize that what has come together in the union is not confused,
and there are, even according to them, two things which have come together,
how can they not recognize the two unconfused elements in the union as two,
even after the union? But if they recognize two, why do they not acknowledge
them? And if they acknowledge them, why do they refuse to number them,
whose particular natures they realize are unconfused, even after the union?
"For what they confess;' writes St Basil, "let them also enumerate!" (Ep. 214,4).

6. If they say that Christ is from two natures, but do not say Christ is two
natures, they are saying Christ is from these things but is not they. Let them tell
us, then, whether they do not think they should recognize Christ to be in those
elements from which they combine him. If those things from which he consists
are not in him, they are obviously either nowhere or in some other individual.
Whom, then, besides him? Let them instruct us clearly on who this is!

7. If in things of one essence, the "one nature" referred to does not mean,
principally, that the subjects are identical, why do the "two natures" [referred to]
in things of different essences not signify a difference but necessarily separation?

8. If everywhere and in every way, number introduces division, then surely

number will be the cause of division, not division the cause of number; and one
of two conclusions follows: either not to count anything which is united, or not
to unite anything which is counted. And why is it not ridiculous to ascribe this
kind of power to number, when every number naturally reveals the quantity of
things, not their nature or any kind of relationship among them?

9. If union and what is united belong to the category of relation, and objects
are in relation simultaneously and continually, then surely union and what is
united are simultaneous and continual. If, then, what is united
 318 'EIIAIIOPHMATA 'YIIOfiJETIKA TE KAI'OPIX:TIKA

1T€1TaVTal, avµ1TE7TavTat TOVTDlS' Kai~ Evwats 077Aov6Tt.

[C] t' Eld dpt8µ0S' 1T6,VTWS' xwp{~El Td dptBµoVµeva, oVx 0 TWv cpVaewv
f-tOVOV
' , 8f.LOS'
apt I 'Y
xwpt1;;,El TUS' CfYVGElS',
I I
a' , \ , \a' KatI 0! "'
TWV lOlOTY)TWV
'~ I '
apt 8f.LOS'
'
I I " I (;I )<;;'.'I ,\' ) I I ) \ "'
xwptGEl 1TUVTWS'• 1TWS' TOlVVV OVO lOlOTY)TUS' EYOVTES, OVXl Kat UVTOl T'l]
" \;' I > I ! I
5 TYJS' otatpEaEWS' atrtq. V7TOKElGOVTat;
ia 'E'"'' iv, Kara' rov
t eµTTa ,\" ' 8Etov
' I ' pY)yopiov,
I "<YJ>"E7Tt
''" r77sTptaoos
' " exei
' ' " t77
\ \ ~ " > I "' \;'\ > I I ! I I \;'\ I
Kara TOV £...WTTJpa OlKOVOf.LlU, rpEtS' OE UEt ras V1T.OGTUGEl5, µiav OE rpvaiv
>' '8 , \ , ")~/I \;'It t
E7Tt T'YJS' Eo oytas oµo oyovµev, 1TWS' ov ova µevcpvaeis,µiav oE V1TOGTaaiv
I I ',\ "
) I
E'Tl"t TYJS' Kara TOV
,... I I 'k.tWTYJPU
°' ,. OlKOVOfLlU!) l I \:cl
owaoµev~et1TEp
>I I
TO EfJ-7TU lV TOV
>I ,\ ,

10 7TavT6s EaTi KaTd TO OAov dvTiaTpocp~;

Q'
ltJ E'l TO\" a",\,\ OS' KUl' a",\,\ OS' " UVTWVVµ,ia
' V7TOGTUGEWV Ka TU TOV aVTOV [DJ I ' I I I ' I

£> ',\ I I \;'.' I « " , \ , \ ' ",\,\ » ) I I ) I I:' I I " ) \

oeo oyov, TO oe u o Kai u o avTwvvµ,ta <pvaEwv, aEi oe TO TTPWTOV E7Ti
" 8 ,\
T'YJS' EO oyius,
I ) I >I I I:'
aEl apa TO OEVTEpov E7Tl T'YJS' OtKovoµias· El OE aEl To
I ) \ ,... ) I ) \;'.'I ) I \

\;'.' I ) I " ) I ) I )I ' I ) I \ ) I ' > ' "'

oEVTEpov E7Tl T'YJS' otKovoµias, aEt apa ai cpvaets, E7TEt Kat aet at KUT uvrwv
15 dvTwvvµ,{ai.
ty ' E'l TUVTOV
' I TOI " a" , \ , \ 0 TTJ"' cpvaei
I " ' ,...
El7TElV KatI TOI " cpvaiv
I
a" , \ , \'Y}V " El7TElV,
' "' ' I
aEi
OE TO 7Tp6Tepov dA'YJBeVei €7TI; rijs 8e6T'YJTOS' TOO l.:wTijpos Kal rijs
av I
'8 pw7TOT1JTOS', ''"\~I
aEt )\,...
apa TO OEVTEpov E1Tl '"' avva ,\8'
TWV avTWV ''
'YJ EVElV avayKYJ.
iO' El oV raVTOv Tj ci7TAij <pVais Tfj avvBEr<.µ <pVaEt, ~SE ciTTAij TOD A6yov
20 [1905 A]cpVais µ{av µ,6v'YJV cp'Vaiv S17Aoi, ~ aVvBETOS' Kar' aVToVs XpiaToV
/ ' I I
<pVGlS' ov µiav cpvaiv O'YJ WGEl· El OE 'YJ U7T 'YJ Kat 'YJ avv ETOS µiav KaT aVTOVS'
I:' ,\I '\;'.'I ' ' ,\"" I ' I 8 I > ' I

\ x
,
cpvaiv O'YJ Ol, ~ ,\ ",\
EJ'ETWGav TTJV oiacpopav T'YJS' avv 8'
I
ETOV KUT > aVTOVS'
) I
ptaTOV" \;'.'I ""

cpvaews
I Kai'T'YJS'
' "a11'',
TJS'\Tov
" " oyov
A 'cpvaEws.
,
ie' TWvOvoµ,dTwv KuiTWv fiTJµdTwvrdµ,EvExEiT~v11pocpopdv7TA'YJ8vvTiK~v,
' I "'I I I ' "CJ '"'R " '" R ,\ "' I "'I I
25 EVlKTJV OE TTJV GYJfLUGlUV, WS' OYJtJal KUl 7TapEfltJO at . Ta OE TO

6 (€µ1TaAiv ... ExEl): Gregorius Nazianzenus, Ep. 101, ad Cledonium l.4 (ed. P. Gallay, SC
208.44,ll.15-16; PG 37; 180 Al6-Bl) 11-12 ibid. (ed. P. Gallay, SC 208.44, l. 6-46, 1. 2; PG
37, 180 A6-B3)

6-15, 19-23: Euth. Zig., Pan. XVI (PG 130, 1069 B9-D2) 16-18: Nicetas Choniates,
Thesaurus X (cod. Thomas Roe 22, f. 220')

VO ACD 1 avµ1Ti1TavTal om. D 2 cP om. 0 xwpCSEi ante 1T0.vTws trans 0

3 xwptSEl 2: xwp{aEL AD 3-4 dpl&µOs post 1TciVTWS transp. ACD 4 8Vo om. A
l8i0TYJTES 0 AiyovTal 0 4-5 al-r{q. post Tfj transp. ACD 6 ~ supplevi E1Ti
om. ACD 7 dEi Tds om. 0 11 dvTwvvµ{al ACD, Euth Zig. aV-rOv om. Euth.
Zig. 12 dvrwvvµ{ai ACD, Euth Zig. 1TpWTov: 1Tp6-rEpov ACD, Euth. Zig. 13 r;l
8€ ... olKovoµCas om. OC, Euth. Zig. 14 Kai post dEi 2 transp. AC Euth. Zig. aV-rOv 0
2
16 el ... El1Telv : El Tab-rdv TD "O'.AAo Kai &AAo" Kai -rO "cp-6aiv" El1Te'iv "&AA17v Kal &AA17v" Nie.
Chon. Tfj cpVaet El1TE'iv om. ACD &AA17v post el1Telv 2 transp. C 17 1Tp6TEpov:
1TpWTov V T~S om. Nie. Chon. 18 dei om. 0 2
post &pa add. Kai Nie. Chon.
19 post TaVTOv add. EaTtv Pamph. 20 cp-6ats µ{av µ6v17v cp-6atv om. Pamph. µ6v17v
om. 0 KaT' aVToV D 20-1 XplaroV cpVais: cpVais ToiJ XpiaroV ACD, Euth. Zig.
21 81)AWaei· 8YJAo'i ACD, Euth, Zig. ~ 2 om. Euth. Zig. 22 r~s: ToV V Kar' aVToV D
24 Td: a. 0 25 post e~j3al add. Ka(.l:l8~vatACD ,.o om.ACD
 Epilyseis 319

ceases to be, surely union ceases along with them.

c I 0. If nnmber wholly separates what is nnmbered, not only the number of

natures separates the natures, but the number of characteristics will also
separate them completely; how, then, are those who speak of two characteristics
not themselves also open to the charge of division?

11. If, as St Gregory says, the Incarnation of the Savior is "the opposite of how
it is in the Trinity;' and if we always confess three hypostases and one nature in
speaking of God, why do we not grant two natures and one hypostasis in the
Incarnation of the Savior-since "opposite" means the complete reversal of
everything?

12. If the distinction of"one person and another" refers to hypostases, accord-
ing to the same theologian, and the distinction of"one thing and another" refers
to natures, and the first expression is always used in speaking of God, then the
second is always used in speaking of the Incarnation; and if the second is always
used in spealdng of the Incarnation, then the natures remain always, since the
opposed formulas that refer to them always remain.

13. If it is the same to say"other in nature" and to say"another nature;' and the
former is always true of the divinity and humanity of the Savior, then necessarily
the second is also always true of the same elements.

14. If the simple nature is not the same as the composite nature, and if the
simple nature of the Word signifies only one nature, then what they call
the composite nature of Christ will not signify one nature. But if the simple
and the composite signifies one nature, according to them, let them explain the
difference between the composite nature of Christ they speak of and the simple
nature of the Word.

15. Some nouns and verbs have a plural form but a singular meaning, like
"Thebes" and "barracks;" some, on the contrary,
 320 'EIIAIIOPHMATA 'YIIOl9ETIKA TE KAI'OPLETIKA

Eµ:rraAiv EvtK~V µEv T~V 1Tpor:popdv, 1TAYj8vvTtK~V OE r~v aY]µ,aalav, Ws

" 1 ,, I« I " I«
xopos Kal arpaTOS Kal 1TO/US.
"A EYETWGaV TOlVVV 1TWS 7J µ,ta GVV 8ET05 I\ I 1 ,.., ' I I

aVTOlS r:pvats l\EYETal. l f-LEV ws 7Tapa TOlS IIarpaatv Yj UlTTY) l\Eyoµ.,ev'I]

' .... E' I \ I I ' I "' I ' \;' I \ I

Kat,Ol7Tl\Yj
, , ,r:pvais,
, ' 'OUK
xwpav " '8
EXEL 7TpOUKElG ' UVV 8'ETq) r:pvaet
at TTJ ' [ B ]TO'
« I " ) I ) I y >I \;' I ,.., " ,., I \;' I I ! )
5 µ.,iav UVTTJV ovoµa1;,ElV, El1TEp fl/T)UE TTJ OlTTYJ" trpos OE Kat µ,araios UVTois
t \ \ >;: / I I\8 <
0 7Tpos ras ova <pVGELS 1TOl\EfLOS· EVlKYJ yap GY)µ,aauz. Kat aVTOl 1Tl\Yj VVTlKYJV
t ,.. I I I ) I \

• " \C I
Q1TOOEOWKUGlV "
EVVOlaV. E'"'
l OEI WG77Ep
" "
EXEt I
TYJV \....
Kl\7)GlV ' I "
EVLKYJV,OVTWS as lDVat 'c . .
I I I "'l t I ' I ) ,.... I ) ,... t \ "
Kat TY)V a71µaaiav E vat EVlK7JV, TUVTOV avTOlS' a17µatVETQl EK 77]5 U'ITl\Y)S'
Kal TY)S < '
avv 8'
ETOV I
<pVUEWS, Kal 7TEplTTY) I \ t
7J TY)S ,.... «
avv 8'
ETOV " I
CfJWVYJ• TO yap I \

10 aVTO EK Tijs d7TAijs TE Kal avv8€Tov cpVaEws aVTols d7To8€8oTat vCr9µ,a. El

8€ µ178€ 07T0TEpov TWv Elp7]µ€vwv, v08ov &pa Kal avyK<:xvµ.Ev17v µ.tav
I ) '>;:! 8 '\ "' ' I ! "' ' I I ..,
cpvaiv EK ovo <pVUEWV µ,v 07Tl\aUTOVUlV, 07TOta 17 TWV Y)µtovwv Kat TWV
I

I
TOlOVTWV ' I
E7TlVEVOYJTUl, KalI 7TapaI TOlS
"' "E'l\l\17Gl
'\ "' 7J
OE
I ' "'
TWV '\ I
7TOl\Vµopcpwv KatI
' I Y' '>::: I
EVaVTlWV 1;,WWV oiaypa<pETQl TE pa TE la.I

15 [cl l5 'E'l TOI l\EYElV

' I " I
µ,iav I
cpvaiv i!:'JEOV'"'A oyov
TOV"'ful I I
GEaapKwµ,Ev17v ,, ' I
EVQVTtOV
)\"')/"'''I'>:::"''/
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20 i~' 'H µ,ta cpVais roV .AOyov aeaapKwµ.Ev17 Tpt7TAijv ExEi TYjv Evvoiav· ~
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p. 318, 1. 24-p. 320, l. 14, cp. Joan Dam., Ctr. Jae. 67 (ed. Kotter4.132).

VO ACD2 ante xopOs add. -rO ACD xopOs ... 7T6Als: xopOs, Oijµos, a-rpa-rOs, 1T6Als ACD
~ µ{a om. 0; ~ om. CD 4 ante 11poaKEla8al add. -rd ACD 5 aV-r~v: -raV'T"l}V 0
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post A6yov transp. 0 <BJr:.oii om. OC 16 -r0: -rO V; Toii 0 17 rpVar:.c rpValv OC
18 (3oVAovTal ante -rWv daE{3EliVV transp. ACD oi aorpol om. ACD 20 ~: El A'°''
anteA6yovadd.8EoiiACD 21 T~vom.ACD Aiyo£ToACD 22 TOV-ria-riom.ACD
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µ6vov ACD 26 aVT~V 0 ante aapKOs add. Tijs 0
 Epilyseis 321

have a singular form but a plural meaning, like "chorus" and "army" and "city:'
Let them say, then, how they mean their expression "one composite nature:' If it
is the same as what the Fathers speak of as the "twofold" and "double'' nature,
there is no room for the term "one" to be applied to the composite nature, since
it cannot be applied to the twofold nature; furthermore, their quarrel with the
expression «two natures'' is vain, for they, too, have taken a word with singular
meaning in a plural sense. But if they think the meaning is singular, just as it has
a singular verbal form, then the same thing is signified, in their eyes, by a
"simple" and a "composite" nature, and the word "composite" is superfluous; for
the same idea is given to them by the [concept of the Jsimple and the composite
nature. And if neither of these explanations is true, then they are fabricating a
bastardized and confused "single nature from two natures;' such as is recognized
in the nature of mules and the like, and like the tales of hybrid and self-
contradictory beasts spun out by the Greeks.

16. If speaking about"one nature of God the Word, made flesh;' is the opposite
of speaking about two [natures] united, then one of two conclusions is
necessary: either that the flesh is not this by nature, and does not have the
nature of flesh, or that it is [flesh by nature J but is not called what it is. Let the
sages choose, then, which kind of impiety they prefer: either that this nature is
not flesh, or that the flesh is not called a nature.

17. The "one nature of the Word, made flesh;' has three [possible] meanings:
either it is said by way of paradox, meaning that even though it is "made flesh"
it is still only the one reality-in other words still without a body-just as a
bronze statue has one nature of bronze, made into a shape; or [it is meant] as a
change of essence, equivalent to "one nature of the Word turned into flesh;' as
one might speak of one nature of water turned to stone; or [it is meant to say]
that the nature of the Word, being one, is not considered alone, by itself, but
along with flesh. Now if
 322 'EIIAIIOPHMATA 'YIIO®ETIKA TE KAI'OPilJTIKA
I I
Tar; TTPWTUS' EVVOlUS' TOVTO l\Eyovatv, UVTO
' I .... \ I ' 'B EV ' ..
aVTOlS TY)S aae Etar; 0
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0/\
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roV A6yov q;Vair;, rij cpVaei T~S aapKDs, rfl µeTd ToV A6yov oVarh µ{a rfj
s cp-Vaei EaTiv, ~ 7TWr; µ~ oi5aa µ{a Tij cpVaei, cpVais µ,{a AexB~aeTat; [1908 A]
L'I}' Td Kvp{wr; d,\,\~Aois dvTtKe{µeva OA.7Jv r~v d7T6cpaaiv KaB' OAYJr; Tijr;
Karacpdaews dvriaTpEcpovaiv, ofov rfJ AeyoVan Karacp&aei "IIaDA.os
d7T6aroA6s EaTiv" ~ AEyovaa drr6cpaais "llaVAos d7T6arot\os oVK Eariv."
" ~\ t I ,.,, ~I I I I ) I ) I I I
Ovrw oe Kai rats ova cpvaeaiv YJ µia cpvais avriKeirat· Et yap µia cpvais
10 Eariv 0 XplaTDs, oV OVo, Kai el OVo, oV µ,la. El 8€ µ{av AiyovTES, CiAA.o Tl
7rpoaTi8€aatv, oVKiTt aVrols dvTt<paTtKWs Aiyerat d.\.;\' €Tepolws Ka/.
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15 dv8pw7T{v77s cpVaews oVros). IIWs Tofvvv TDv Opov T?]s <pVaews AE'yovres,
T~V KA?}atv aVT?]S 7rapatroiJvTat; "H 7TWS T~V KA?}atv EKaTipas cpVaEws
,
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6-28: Euth. Zig., Pan. XVI (PG 130, 1069 D3-1072 B6) 10-15: cp. Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae. 68 (ed.
Kotter 4.132)

VO ACD 2 Ei'n·vxoVs A 4 oVan: ar;µaa{q. 0 µ{a om. 0 5 µ~ oVaa µ{a:

µ.£a oVaa C oVa~: oVa{a 0 µ{a om. D; ante r:pVais transp. AC 9 Kal om CD, Euth.
r:pvais 2: r:pvaiv D
1
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7TapaiToiivTai om. ACD, Euth. Zig. 18 aVTols: €av7ols ACD, Euth. Zig. ~: 1<al ACD,
Euth. Zig. 19 o:pVaEi om. 0 20 Toil lla7p0s ante o:pVais transp. ACD, Euth.
Zig. r:p-Uais 2 om. ACD, Euth. Zig. 21 Kal aV7ol om. ACD. Euth. Zig. 23 ante
XpiaToil add. 7oil ACD, Euth. Zig. 24 Ef 0>.wv ACD, Euth. Zig. Kai ... ~µlv om. Euth.
Zig. post ~µlv add. Oµ,ooVaiov ACD 25 ToilTo post Oµoova£6T1)TCL transp. ACD
26 TO: T0v 0 ante Xpia'l"oii add. Toil ACD, Euth. Zig. 27 r:lvai post IIaTpi transp. 0
OE post ~µiav transp.
 Epilyseis 323

they use this phrase according to the first [two] senses, the refutation of their
impiety comes from their own words; for along withApollinarius and Eutyches,
they have done away with the Incarnation. But if they [use it] according to the
last sense, why is the nature of the Word, which is associated with flesh, one in
nature with the nature of the flesh which is associated with the Word, and why
are they called one nature when they are not one in nature?

18. Things which are properly contradictory oppose a complete negation to a

complete affirmation, as when the negative sentence, "Paul is not an apostle;'
denies the affirmative sentence, "Paul is an apostle:' So also the "one nature" is
opposed to the "two natures;" for if Christ is one nature, he is not two, and if
two, he is not one. But if they say"one;' and then add something else, they are no
longer speaking by way of contradiction but by way of variation and circumlo-
cution, and from the noun and the definition [they are using] there proceeds a
confession of the two natures-from the noun, "nature of the Word;' and from
the definition of"flesh animated by a rational, intelligent soul" (for this is the
definition of human nature). Wby, then, do they assert the definition of nature
but refuse the name of it? Or why do they offer the name of each nature but
refuse the number? Let them tell us, though they are unable to perceive what
helps their case and what opposes it!

B 19. The simple nature is not of one essence with the composite nature. If the
nature of the Father is simple, and the nature of Christ is composite, then the
nature of Christ will not be of one essence with the nature of the Father. But
they themselves pretend to hold that Christ is of one essence with the Father,
and that the same Christ is also of one essence with us. Let them tell us, then, if
it is possible for what they call the one, composite nature of Christ to be
completely of one substance with the Father and completely so also with us,
and if this does not lift us up to being of one substance with the Father. If they
should say that the one nature of Christ is not in its entirety of one substance
with the Father and with us, it remains for half of the one nature to be of one
substance with the Father and half to be of one substance with us; and what else
is this but to divide
 324 'EJIAIIOPHMATA 'YIIO®ETIKA TE KAI'OPIL:TIKA

~v aVTol /\Eyoval µ{av XpiaToV qJVatv Ei's TE Oµoovai6r71ra Kal Els

~ I I ' I "' \ I ' " \

, ,e , T"
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15 Y]' TOV'X ptaTOV ·eEOTY]S' T'TJ
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lOlOTYjTES'• Et'<:::'<:::'
OE OVO
[1909 A] Kai KaT' aVToVs f-LETd T~V Evwaiv al l8i6TYJTES', 8Vo O.pa Kai f-LETd
I I
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20 TYJV EVWGlV Ta WV at lOlOTYJTES'- fil\l\a f-LYJV ovo lOlOTY]TUS' l\EYOVTES', rpvatKUS'
TaVTas AEyovai.AEyETwaav TDlvvv El f-L~ al 8Vo cpvaiKal l8i6TYJTES rpVaEwv
<:;: I ' l <:;: I J <:;: I I <:;: I I l <:;: I I I I ti
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AEyovaiv, dEl &pa al 8Vo rpVaEis, ETTEL Kal dEl OVo al ToVTwv rpvau<ai
l8t6T1}TES'.
25 Ky' 'H 8tarpopd 8tarpEp6vTWV 7TdVTWS' 8iacpopU· al 8€ avaTaTtKaL
<:;: I I
oiarpopat Ta OVGlWOWS' oiarpEpOVTa oiaKptvovaiv.
' "'... <:;: I <:;: I A EYETwaav TOtVVV Et f-LY]
I I ' I

8iacpopdv

1-9' Euth. Zig., Pan. XVI (PG I 30, 1072 B6-C5)

VO ACD usque ad 1. 7 (cpVaEt SE); deinde lacuna in O 1 Els 2 om. V

2 7TOOTYJµ6pta: 11pds r'fj µolpq, A; 110AAoarYJµ6pta D; 7TOOT'1]µ6ptov V" 2-3 r~v ... 0

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ACD a[om.ACD 25 11dvrws:€aTiACD 8E:ydpV
 Epilyseis 325

what they call the one nature of Christ into a similar substance and a different
substance, and into fractions of the elements that help each other fill up the one
composite nature? It belongs to the blasphemy of Apollinarius and the madness
of Arius to deny the perfection of Christ's divinity and of his humanity.

20. If even they say that the one Christ is God and man, also after the union,
and is both by nature, why is not the one Christ two natures also after the union,
since God and man are never the same in nature, nor is he ever God by the same
nature by which he is man?

21. If in saying Christ is doubly consubstantial, even after the union, they say
he is consubstantial with two different beings-namely, with the Father and
with us, and if the Father and we are never consubstantial, then neither will that
which is consubstantial with us ever be consubstantial with what is con-
substantial with the Father. But if consubstantial things are and are said to be of
one nature, yet Christ's divinity, even in their view, is not consubstantial with his
humanity; and things of a different substance belong to another, different
nature; then things which differ in nature are clearly also two natures.

22. Properties are not properties of themselves, but of things; and if even they
agree that there are two [sets of] properties after the union, then the things of
which these are properties will be two, even after the union. But when they
speak of two [sets of] properties, they say they are "natural:' Let them explain,
then, whether the two [sets of] natural properties are the properties of two
natures; and if they confess two [sets of] natural properties even after the union,
then there remain two natures, since the natural properties of them remain
twofold.

23. Surely a difference is a difference between things that differ. And constitutive
differences distinguish between things that differ in essence. Let them tell us,
then, if when they speak of the difference
 326 'EIIAIIOPHMATA 'YIIO@ETIKA TE KAI'OPII:TIKA

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20 rijS" aapKOs; OiaKp{vETat, 11Ws; ~ lfAAos; Earat 0 AOyos; d110 T~S' aapKOs; ~ Ws
" , , , , ... , , E' '<'' , , .... ''<' ,
v11oaraatS' aTT aVTYJS' acpopta 8YJOETat; /, OE ov TaVT'[j TTJ lOlOTYJTl
' ',\,\ > I ,.. I ~ I ~ ,\ I " ,..,, I )<;;' I
oiaaTE ETal a7TO TYJS' aapKOS', ETEpq. - OYJ OVO'Tl TTJ T'l'JS' cpvaEWS' lUlOTYJTl,
" 'Tlp
YJTlS' II ' avvaTTTOVaa,
aTpt I ,..,,
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x "
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TYJV aapKa, WG?TEP aµE El TTJ avva1TTOVG7J avTOV <pVGlKTJ lUlOT77Tl Tlp
IIaTpi rO Otdcpopov Exet 7rp0S' T~V adpKa· Kai Wa7TEp ?TpOS' T0v IIaT<lpa

6-7 TaVT1)V ... l'Slov: cf. Basilius, Ep. 236, adAmphilochium, 6 (ed. Y. Courtonne III, 53, ll.1-2;
PG 32, 884 AS-9).

6-16' Euth. Zig., Pan. XVI (PG 130, 1072 C6-DS)

V ACD; ab 1. 26 (dµi,\1a) etiam 0 2 r:pVatws C 3 cpaaI: ,\iyoval ACD SVo

... ,?iar:p6povs: r:pVatwv_llpa, S:acpopdv ACD 3 ante µerd -r0v Evwalv add. aV-rol ACD
6 EXEW D 9 1<al -ravTD1'1)1'a om. A 11 0 A6yos: O,\ws CD, Euth. Zig. 7ro7'E
ante µ{a r:pVais (L 10) transp. ACD, Euth. Zig. 13-14 tl ... A6yov: tl SE µ7]SE ~ ad pg 7rp0s
TDv A6yov µ7]SE 0 A6yos 1Tp0sT0v adpKaACD,Euth. Zig. 14 f-LETagv ... µiaov om. cwrr,
Buth. Zig. aar:pWs ACacD 15 EK ToV d.KoAoVOov om. ACD, Buth. Zig. 20 ante
ll,\,\05 add. yrlpACD 23 aVTDv 8LaaTi,\Atc d:rroSlaaTiA,\ti aVTDv ACD 24 EaTl
om.ACD ToVom.V"',ACD
 Epilyseis 327

between godhead and manhood, they mean a natural difference between them,
even after the union; and if they mean a natural difference, surely they mean a
difference of natures. And if they mean that, then even they mean two different
natures after the union, since two natures with a natural difference surely are
two natures.

24. If, according to true reasoning and the holy Fathers, essence has the same
difference from hypostasis that the common has from the proper, then the one
nature of the Word will not be called one nature along with the flesh, but along
with the Father; for he shares with him unity and sameness of nature. But ifhe
is and is called one nature with the Father, it is obvious that he will never be
called one nature with the flesh; and if the Word is not called one nature with
the flesh, it is obvious that the flesh will never be called one nature with him.
And if neither the Word is called one nature with the flesh, nor the flesh with
the Word, and there is no middle term between one and two, it is clear that the
denial of the one nature [of both] brings in, as its consequence, the confession
of the two natures.

25. If the hypostasis of the Logos defines his proper distinction from the Father,
and if by this property which distinguishes him from the Father, which is
the hypostasis, he is another individual than the Father, but is not distin-
guished from the flesh by this same property, how will the Word be a different
individual from the flesh, or be distinguished from it as hypostasis? But ifhe is
not distinguished from the flesh by this property, clearly it is by another: by the
property of nature, which joins him to the Father but distinguishes him from
the flesh. From this it is clear how we speak of two natures in Christ, but one
hypo stasis; for by the distinguishing characteristic which divides him from the
Father, he is joined to the flesh, just as by the natural property which joins him
to the Father he experiences difference from the flesh; and as he is one nature
with the Father
 328 'EIIAIIOPHMATA 'YIIO@ETIKA TE KAI'OPIL:TIKA
1 I ' I "" I I ,... I ' I ti ' I I \
µ,ia cpvais EGTl Ota TTJV TTJS <pVGEWS TUVTOTY)Ta, OVTWS OU µia cpvais 1Tpos
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UTpE1TTOV l0t6T1)TU.
KS
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1Tavra Ta oµ,oovata T<.p TY)S cpvaEWS l\oycp avva1TTETat Kat oia
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s roVro .\E'yovrat f-L{a cpVais, rd SE ErEpooVaia EvWaEt Kai, oV cpVaEt

GVVU1TTEU
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> I " ' I <r I I > • I >I I 'C
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aµcpoiv a1TOTEllEaµ,a· Et oe a TJ cpvais avva1TTEt cpyais µ,ia Aeyerai, ra TIJ
t I I t I \ l I I I J I <I 1:'
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A<xB~a•rni.
10 [1912 Al K'::,Y' K OLVWS
' ""av Bpw1TOS" ovoµa
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15 "XpiaTOV.
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aVrols- 1ToAAax68Ev laTt 7TtaTWaaa8at.

12-13 Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Scholia 1 (ed. P. Pusey 498, ll. 5-7; PG 75, 1369 A3-5), 21 cf. Cyr.
Alex., Frag. in Ep. ad Hebraeos, supra p. 69, Test. 78; Ep. 41, ad Acacium Scythopolitanum (ACO
I, l, 4. 48, 1. 23; PG 77, 220 C9-10) 20-5: cf. Cyrillus Alexandrinas, In Ep. ad Hebraeos Frag. (vide
CNE, Flor. 78;p. 254 supra).

4-28' Euth. Zig., Pan. XVI (PG 130, 1072 D6-1073 Bl2)
d.vacpopd.v ExEi) cp. Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae. 58.1-3 (ed. Kotter 4.130)

VO ACD 2 Kal om. A~D • \ 7, µ{a ai:,te rpVais 2 transp. ACD 10 OµoAoyEZTal v•c
12 T0vom.D 14 OVTO..VTOV:av(?)TOVTOVV"" TEOm.V 16 µerriyETaiO,ACD
18 A€y71TE Euth. Zig. 21 xiµci.ppois O; XEiµrippo1s A oVv om. 0
€vTaiJ8a: EKEZ Euth. Zig. 22 oV om. 0 xiµrippwv O; XElfLrippwv A 24 Kai
€vTaii8a ACD, Euth. Zig. 25 aiiToZs om. ACD, Euth. Zig. 26 11apd. om. VO
TE om. C, Euth. Zig. post Kal.2 add. EK 0 rpVais 0 27 TE Kai AE'yETat om. ACD,
Buth.Zig.
 Epilyseis 329

because of the sameness of nature, so he is not one nature with the flesh, because
of its natural and unchanging character, even in union with the Word.

26. If all beings of the same essence are joined together by the category of
nature, and therefore are called "one nature;' but beings of different essences
tend to be joined by union, not by nature, but union and nature are not the
same, then surely the product of both is not the same.And if what nature joins
is called "one nature;' what is joined by union will be said to be one in hypo stasis,
but not in nature or in essence.

· l912A 27. Everyone generally agrees that the word "man" signifies the nature, and the
words "Paul" or "Peter" the hypostasis: according to the blessed Cyril, "the name
'Christ' does not carry the force of a definition or signify the essence of an
individual;' as [would the name] of"man" or "horse'' or "ox" or everything else
that comes under the same class. Therefore it is not the same thing simply to say
"man" and to say "Christ:' Why, then, do you transfer the analogy of a man,
which expresses the nature, to the person of Christ, when the name of Christ,
according to the master, does not express a nature but a hypostasis? And if you
say that he and the other Fathers used the analogy of a man to express union,
[note that] they do not use simply [the image of] man, but a particular man-
and that is a hypostasis.And yon should know that [Cyril] also describes Christ
by the image of two goats: just as there the analogy refers not to the hypostases
of the goats, but it makes reference to the difference between the living animal
and the sacrificed one, so also here the image is not meant by them [i.e., the
Fathers J to suggest the denial of natures, but the union of person or of the
individual man. And it is possible to prove from many examples taken from
their writings that for the same Fathers, even the individual man is-and is said
to be-from two natures and even is two natures, because he is soul and body.
 330 'EIIAIIOPHMATA 'YIIOl9ETIKA TE KAI'OPLETIKA

KYJ
, T'0 /\EYEtV
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' <;;- /
ovo 1
cpvaewv TOV
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) " )(; r I "\\ I ) ) I >I t ) \
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5
'av 8pW1TDTYJTU YJt f.LYJTYJp· EK TOVTWV OEI WV WS'
I r ) I l " I
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ydp f-l~TE rO 01\ov Ev rols ,_,,_,Epeai, µ~rE rd µEp17 Ev r0 OA<f?, /\e£7Terai, Ws

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' ,... ) ' I '8 I I ,,, I I

aVTijs rijs ToVA6yov 8E6TYJTDS T~v V77aptiv dvaipEl.

[DJ K8
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I 't wpiaµ,Evov
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15
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'1 I >\ I I

'<' " \\I I)\/ I \ I I'\ I I J/ <I I>(:

OlOV TOV 1TOl\l\U Kat 01\tya Kat 1Tl\ElOVa Kat El\UTTOVa Kat El Tl Of-LOlOV, Kat Es
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Kat\ovf-LEVYJS rpwvijs, olov Tijs TDVTo KdKElvo Kai raVra Kai &t\t\o Kai Erepov,
I ) " I(: 1' I "''<: I l ) " I ) > ) " I
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"'
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Ka 8' ETepovs
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' "
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I I I '' I '"'~ I , , '"' I' '' ,... I,,

I I I
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I I .;;:.1 ' I ) 8 I I \ I\

,... <::;
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' \I ' \

AEyErwaav aVroi Tl 8~1TOTE, Kard rrot\t\oVs rp61Tovs rijs rroa6rYJTOS rWv

V1ToKEtf-L€vwv 8Yjt\ovµEvYjs, µ6vYJ ~duds T~V rpof3Epdv aVrols

14-p. 332, 1. 4: cp. Joan, Dam., Ctr. Jae. 77 (ed. Kotter 4,134)

VO ACD 2 d7TO: EK 0 3 oVK EK: oV 0 3-4 Eaov-rai ... airroii: Ea-rat

ACD 4 ante dpxai add. al 0 5 Wv: Wv O; om. CD d7r' A 6 EaTat OA
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µEpwv add, TWv 0 7-8 El ydp ... µEpEai om. CD 8 Ev 1 om. 0 µ,~-re 2 : µ718€ A
9 Kai µ,1]8€: Kai fL1J8Ev O; Kal µ,1]8" ACD 10-12 1'~V 8E6TT)Ta ... 8EwpEiaOat om. C
10 Toii XptaToii ante T0v 8e6T1)Ta transp. 0 T~Vom. 0 14 1Tapla-ra-ra•: avvlaTaTal V
15 dptOµ,oii, olov om. ACD Toii: -rO 0 8Vo: 8evTlpov D Kai €~1}s om. ACD
16 Toii: TD 0 Kai OA!ya om. A 17 8EK1'tKi}s ACD 18 KaAovµiv-qs om. ACD
iiAAa ACD lnpa ACD 19 mi' om. D IK: ITO ACD "PDTOVO<: ITPWTOV OED a
1n:ivTas: a1TaV1'aS ACD 23 doplaTWS v TE: T61'E CD 26 post dpt8µ,0v add.
3v CD µ6vov ante dpiOµ,Ov transp. ACD 27 8ia!pt.atv ACD lnroT!BeTal D
28 ante -rp67Tovs add. To-Vs ACD
 Epilyseis 331
28. To say Christ is "from two natures" suggests either that he is "from" them as
his origins or that he is "from" these united parts. Now if he is from them as
from his origins, his origins will be from hypostases and not from natures, since
his origins are, for his divinity, the Father, and for his humanity, his mother;
coming from these as his causes, it is clear that he is not the same as they are, for
he is neither Father nor mother. But ifhe is, as it were, "from'' parts, why are not
the parts in the whole? Or why is the whole not in the parts? For if neither the
whole is in the parts nor the parts in the whole, it remains, as we have already
said, that either they are nowhere and nothing at all, or that the divinity and
humanity of Christ are [to be] recognized in someone outside of Christ,
and that Christ is [to be] recognized in other things and not in his own divinity
and humanity; and this denies the existence not only of his humanity, but of
the very divinity of the Word.

D 29. The quantity of things does not only consist in definite numbers, like two
or three or four and so on, but also in undefined expressions of measurement,
like "many" and "few" and "more" and "fewer" and whatever resembles them;
and in expressions of comparison, like "more;' "less;' "the same amount" as
something; and in so-called demonstrative terms, like "this;' "that;' "these;'
"another;' different;" and in expressions of order, like "before this;' and "after
that;' and "from the start;' and "afterwards;" and probably in other ways, too. If,
then, they consider all indicative expressions to divide the things being
indicated, the refutation of their absurdity is already at hand; for they themselves
speak of indefinite natures and properties as numerically distinct, as "this and
that;' "one and another;' different from each other, greater and less, equal and
related, before this and after that, original and later. And if they suggest that not
all turns of phrase, but only definite number, and especially the number two
divides, their argument is absurd. For let them explain why on earth, of the
many turns of phrase which express the quantity of subjects, only the number
two introduces the dreadful suspicion
 332 'EllAllOPHMATA 'Yll06JETIKA TE KAI'OPIETIKA
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10 1 Cor. 12.18 10-11 1 Cor. 12.20 Ps. 2U8 (LXX) 11-12 Ps. 21.17
(LXX) 12 Acta 1.18 13-14 (-rp{a ... trvEiJµa) 1 Thes. 5.23; cf. Hehr. 4.12
14-15 Matt. 13.33; cf. Origenes, In Matthaeum, fr. 302: GCS 41, 135 15-16 1 Cor. 6.20
(v.l.) 16-17 Gal.5.17 19-20 Matt.24.41;Luc.17.34f.;cf.Origenes,Comm.Ser.inMatt.
57 (GCS Origenes 11. 131 f.; Origenes 12.200 f.) 20-2 (TO aWµa ... dtroAAVµtva)
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 Epilyseis 333

they have of division, when the truth is something different? For the number
two expresses the idea of two things together, counted but not divided, by the
unitive force of this number, as distinct from saying "one and another" -those
words suggest what is broken into its elements and considered part by part.

30. If every composite expresses a singular meaning, and excludes number

from the objects compounded, then one of two things is necessary: either our
body and the whole man are not compounded, or number cannot be predicated,
in their opinion, either of the body or of the whole man. Let them explain, then,
if such scriptural passages as these do not suggest number in composites: "He
put members, each one of them, in the body;' and "There are many members
but one body;' and "They counted all my bones;' and "They dug my hands and
my feet;' and ''All his entrails poured out:' But in considering both parts together,
the Apostle numbers them as three, body and soul and spirit, and according to
the Savior's parable, "three measures of meal were leavened;" and "Praise God
in your body and in your spirit, which belong to God;' and again, concerning
the same parts, [we read] "These are opposed to each other:' Let them tell us,
then, if words like "these" and "they" and "which are opposed to each other" are
not forms of number; and let them tell us who those "two" on the bed and at the
mill are, of which "one will be taken and one left;' and if the Savior does not
think of man as two parts, body and soul, of which those who plot against us
can kill one, but the other is above plotting, and both can perish in Gehenna, if
they are judged worthy of it. And if we say that the continuous nature of time is
rather united, but that it was then divided by the Lord into a composite of
twelve hours, or again, according to what he said, that the whole
 334 'EJIAIIOPHMATA 'YIIOfiiJETIKA TEKAI'OPLETIKA

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 Epilyseis 335

law hangs together "in these two commandments;' those of love for God and
one's neighbor, perhaps the Lord himself, along with us, will not be able to
escape the charge of division, for dividing the day into twelve hours and the
whole law into two general commandments. In general, it is possible for one
who reads the Scripture and the Fathers industriously to find a varied and
manifold use of number, for simple things and compound, united and distinct,
existent and purely conceptual, even reaching as far as the completely non-
existent. And let us not forget that they try to deceive the simple [into thinking]
that there is some difference between saying "twd' and "both" and "each" and
"either" and "in both" and "through both;" but all of these expressions, and those
like them, mean the same as each other, even if they are slightly different, and
some of them are found in common usage, others among the more highly edu-
cated, just as many other things which are the same are expressed in many parts
of speech. The divine Apostle, after all, expresses the different usage of such
terms for the same things in a variety of ways, when he says: "He who made
both one'' and "that he may form the two in himself;' and then "and he will
reconcile both of them:' So that it is truer to say that neitherin the holy Scripture
nor indeed in the holy Fathers do these terms bring about a different sense
through their different significance, but whatever meaning one of them is
discovered to have, the same is expressed by the different significance of all of
them.

Now we give thanks to God for what we have said, and bring to an end here the
number of our objections; for we are not writing a speech, but we are eager to
offer material and seeds for discussion to those industrious people who seek a
fuller investigation, so that our sophistic friends may know [what we think], if
they are not ready to challenge everything; there are points where they, too,
deserve to be challenged by us!
 TOY }'1YTOY· AOI'O.E B'· llPO.E
TOY.E'ER TQN'HMETEPQN
llPO.EBEMENOY.E TH
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KATE<J>BAPMENH I'NQMH TQN
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}'1<l>BAPTOLJ OKHTQN LJIAAOI'O.E

VO I postTOY'AYTOYadd.'ABBAAEONTIOYO
 By the Same Author:
A Dialogue against those of our Party
who Adhere to the Corrupt Doctrine
of the Aphthartodocetists
(Contra Aphthartodocetas)
 338 IIPOE TOYE jj<f>@APTOLJOKHTOYE

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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 339

In what we said before-speaking with God's help-we destroyed as far as

possible the objections and contrary opinions of "what is falsely called
knowledge;' which the "opposite kinds of docetist" use against us (for I shall
never stop calling them this-it would not be right!) in an attempt to lead the
simple away from the straight path. Now, beginning again, I shall try to unfold
the discussion of another subject and problem, and to examine it carefully. And
may Christ, (who is) God and the Word, and light and life and truth, take the
lead in our discussion, inspiring in us understanding, so that-with the help of
grace and wisdom from above-we will be able to understand well what
contributes to our argument, and to explain it well.
Now if I thought that the struggle which has now developed between
opposing groups remained confined to their own numbers and that it were not
straining to cross over into our party as well, perhaps I would consider the
struggling and contentiousness of these opponents to be a kind of gain; for if
they are attacked and defeated by their own kind, it is no concern of ours, except
in that they are providing us with the mere spectacle of war. We regret only one
thing in all of this: the loss of those who dared, as the saying goes, "to rebel
against the house of David;' who neglectedharmonywith the house ofjeroboam
and failed to preserve even that, but have been split and divided from one
another, against one another, so that it should be possible for the wise to "recog-
nize the tree from its fruit;' as our Savior says. The troublesome spirit who is at
work in them, after all, is shown up most clearly by the many forms of discord
which arise; hatred and delight in battle are, in a way, the by-products of impi-
ety. But now, to our misfortune, the ill-will our enemies have towards each other
has become ours. 0 ignorance! We have become more wretched than those
among them who have reached the second degree of vice, for we cannot even
watch over our household and protect it as well as our enemies can. For even if
the father of both sides of the schisms
 340 IIPOE TOYE Y!<l>IBJAPT0'10KHTOYE

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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 341

knows what must be done, and takes pleasure in open war against the truth,
still we have ourselves made our recognition of the other side a gateway to
ignorance, and have become more ignorant than the enemy.
For Severus and Julian, the two sources of one impious teaching, were
divided against each other-foolishly, as far as their own principles were
concerned, but prudently as far as the truth itself is concerned-and quarreled
over the terms "corruptible" and "incorruptible:' The party of Severus, if I may
speak as a "lover of truth;' made illicit profit from the wickedness of their
opponents; for their current malice towards their fellows has forced them to
confess what no one could have persuaded them to say before. But when they
began to look up towards the rays of the truth, some of our own party used their
looking upwards as a pretext for blindness, became adherents of the weaker
party, and through one expression came to the same position as our enemies:
through the attractiveness of a name, they threw away-with them-the whole
mystery of the Incarnation!
While his party, as I said, were investigating-foolishly, as far as their own
principles are concerned, prudently, as far as the sources of truth are
concerned-whether one ought to say the body which our Lord received from
us and bore for us was corruptible and passible, Severus, however belatedly,
discovered himself and profited from the war against his own faction, being
forced to acknowledge and to proclaim the difference and the properties [of
corruptible and incorruptible]. It would be typical of his brand of wisdom, and
that of his eager followers, to have spoken of the difference and the properties,
but not to predicate them of underlying realities; or, while refusing to confess
two natures, to speak of two properties-corruptible and incorruptible-and
while he previously attacked the distinction of the two, turning everything
upside down until all was hopelessly mingled, at least to respect it here. How
could one fail to wonder at his learning, as he proclaims a sharing [of properties]
in clarion voice, yet not only fails to preserve that from which it is derived, but
even is eager to argue against it? For does he not say that the body is passible by
nature and attribute natural sufferings to it, even after the union? Then let the
sage explain to us whether natural things do not proceed from a nature, just as
artificial things proceed from an art!
We shall store up what we have against him for a longer work, or leave it for
those who have more leisure than we do. But what would you say about those
who constantly proclaim all these things in a clear and loud voice, who
distinguish, in addition, the activity
 342 IIPOI: TOYI: 7!cf>l9APTOLJOKHTOYI:

[BJ 0.AAT}v µEv aapKOs, ETEpav SE 8e6T1JTOS, 7Td8os TE 1TEpi TO aWµa Kal.
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Kal €y1}yEpf1-Evov. IloLos ydp av

9 'EyKpaT{Tal cf. Amphilochius Iconiensis, Contra Haereticos 3 (CCG 3.187, ll.

97-8) Epiphanius,Panarion 47 (GCS, Epiphanius 2.215-19);Theodoretus,Haer. Fab. Comp.1.20
(PG 83.370-1). 11 KaOapo{, cf. Amphilochius, Contr. Haer. 18 (CCG 3.201, l. 705);
Epiphanius, Pan. 59 (GCS, Epiph. 2.363-79); Theodoretus, Haer. Fab. Comp. 3.5 (PG
83.408B). 22 1 Cor.1.21

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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 343

of the flesh from that of the divinity, and who confess suffering in connection
with the body, impassibility in connection with the Word-even if they concede
that in the unity of elements these have a reciprocal relationship and are
predicated of one another in turn, because of the exchange of properties of each
element within the same subject-and then who now, as if deliberately, attack
their own party and espouse the term "incorruptible"? I do not know what I
should say about them-should I admire their firmness or commend their
light-headedness, as they are swept away by one attractive word, in the avid
suscep-tibility of the soul for plausible deceit? We know that others have
suffered in the same way, before this as well as now. Formerly, for instance, some
assented to the deceptions of theEncratites,dragged down by a pretty-sounding
name into the pit of Manes. Others, soiled by the impurity of the so-called
"Cathari;' were corrupted by nothing else than the charming name of that sect.
Many, too-recently and long ago-under an uncountable variety of sectarian
names, have fallen into the pit of Nestorius, because of what is to them the
impassioned appeal of the [notion that] the Word is impassible.
To put it briefly, we know that whole troops of souls have been snatched and
pulled under water as if by some Scylla or opposed Charybdis, because they
stumbled, in their ignorance, over the lowly sayings and notions of Christ our
God, which come from his condescension to our way of life. What else has
maddened the countless tribes of Gentiles, or armed the Jewish squadrons
against us, but what Paul has called "the foolishness of our message"? And who
would not be amazed at the learning of these new know-it-alls, if it were
possible-as they foolishly suggest-that all the celebrated martyrs and all the
confessors could have received the crown of piety without their trials, simply by
these two words, if they had ever managed to learn them? But those who
remained without a share in their great wisdom, went their way as by-products
of deceit, not as pillars of courage for life! For none, I think, of the bitterest and
most hostile persecutors of past times, would have exacted any punishment
from Christians, if in the dock they had agreed that he was only a man who was
begotten of a Virgin, and crucified and buried and raised. Why would they
 344 IIPOE TOYE 'A<NEJAPTOLJOKHTOYE

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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 345

have harbored ill-feelings at the proclamation that a man had risen? They did
not take umbrage at any of the others who were reported-whether fictionally
or truly-to have been brought back to life,manythough they were: nor [would
they] if, according to these representatives of a new wisdom, the very body of
Christ were impassible and unchangeable and invariable. And it depends on
this same whim whether they call it, blasphemously, invisible or unpalpable or
untouchable, without quality or quantity, or-in sum-bodiless. All of these
things are included in this wonderful predicate of"incorruptibility."
For what absurdity is it that gives Christ some divine names and deprives
him of others? That removes a good part of the dignity and honor, as they so
dishonorably conceive it, from his super-essential and supernatural and
unbodily body? Which of the unbelievers would chide us, if we were to say that
the Lord's body was not naturally seen, did not [naturally] take food and drink,
and sleep, and suffer, and [experience] all the other things in which he was not
ashamed to undergo human weakness, without sin? For it is obvious, I suppose,
to everyone that all his many experiences of this kind occurred by the law of the
miraculous, not by reason of nature! But the great multitude of the Jews would
not have raged so madly, if some argument had shown them that the body they
crucified, that accepted suffering and was buried by his friends, was not like us
in all things, not a truly human nature. For siuce the holy Scripture is full of
many revelations of God, one can see that our God's providence for us has
taken upon itself human shapes and concerns, human activities and language,
according to what is best for those at whom it is directed; nevertheless, none of
this ever led them to form human conceptions of God, even if he acted towards
them in a human way. And their own shameless acts proved to the Jews that the
Lord is a man who can suffer like all of us, even though his miracles did not
prove [to them] that he is also God, exalted above all by the sublimity of his
nature.
So the impassibility of the only-begotten Word, which the atheists [i.e., the
Severans] urge against Christ, and the incorruptibility of his flesh, which these
present sophists urge against our salvation, can themselves be recognized now
as truly passible, truly corruptible notions; for the former fails to malce him
who is above us to be one of us, and the latter does not allow him who is one of
us to remain like us until the time of healing demands him back, the reasonable
and orderly ascent
 346 IIPOE TOYE Jl<J>IBAPTOLlOKHTOYE

roV 1-jµ,erEpov 7Tp0s rO V7T€p TjµJis dv6.j3aa{s TE Kal dvdaraais.11Ws ydp 8~

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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 347

and resurrection of what is ours to what is above us. How, indeed, shall we share
in the likeness of God, if we do not snffer with him who suffered? And how did
he suffer, if he did not suffer like us? But he did not suffer like us, if he did not
remain like us. And he has never been glorified, if he did not take on, in his flesh,
that which he always has had in the spirit.
1324 Recently, one of those sages filled with this kind of wisdom told me, in
conversation, that it was enough for our salvation that the Lord had become
human.
+"What?" I said to him. "Would not even his will alone have been enough for
our salvation?"
*"Yes:' he said.
+"What, then?'; I said. "Surely he did not save [us] by willing alone?"
*"He did not want to use his authority towards us;' he said, "but rather he
preferred also to use his ldndliness and justice. The one fits in with a dictator's
coercion, the other with a father's care; the one would be a matter of force alone,
the other of willing condescension; the one would only be his doing, while the
other involves us as well. From which it follows that God does not simply act by
willing, but also does those things which would persuade and fill with remorse
the one being saved:'
+ "Excellent, my friend;' I said. "This, it seems to me, is the way God's new
kind of generosity towards us began, after the many varied ways in which his
providence towards humanity had showed itself before: it was the only
remaining remedy to save us. I could not imagine a more effective means of
converting us to a better life than the Incarnation in the flesh. Here the only
wise healer of our sonls received hnman sufferings into himself, and so cured in
himself the sickness of all:'

* "It is not allowed, surely;' he said, "for those who think rightly to profess
anything else than that the wonderful and great mystery of the divine
Incarnation is completely sufficient for our full salvation:'
+"I would not wish, myself, to affirm anything else bnt that this is so;' I said.
"But I would like very much to understand the manner of his becoming flesh
more clearly, as far as the busy inquiry of the mind may reveal if'
*"Examine it with me;' he said, "if you are willing."
+"Well;' I said, "since it was right that God not only will, but do something for
us, surely it was also necessary that what he should do be such as not to surpass
the bounds of wisdom:'
 348 IIPOE TOYE :4<P@APTOLJOKHTOYE
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 349

* "You are right;' he said, "since nothing could be more fitting; for to
accomplish completely what he was eager to do, he needed [to act by] such a
method, and not this way [=by departing from wisdom]:'
D +"You speak rightly in all of this, my friend;' I said. "But this is worth a great
deal of reflection. For if the Lord had united only flesh to himself, would not
our salvation have been in danger, in the greatest degree?"
*"Surely:·
+ "The soul, after all;' I said, "in my opinion, is most in need of purification,
and was taken up for this reason: because being the first [element] to be affected
by passion, it was also the first to be condemned:'
325A *"You speak God's truth;' he said.
+"He assumed, then, in a substantial way, the whole human being, composed
of body and rational, intelligent soul, and so worked the salvation of the whole
human being, purifying like by like:'
*"These are fine and perfect things that you say;' he remarked.
+But I said to him: "Well, then, ifhe took on a soul, did he not take on mine?
And yet ifhe did take mine, and it was not essentially like mine in every respect,
then surely what was saved was something other than my soul:'

*"Obviously;' he said; "for what had to be saved was clearly that soul, which
he was found to be exactly like:'
B + "In the same way;' I said, "if he also took flesh, is it not mine? But if it is
mine, but changed in some way, there would be a difference; and if it couldn't be
affected in the same way and agree in all respects with our bodies, then surely
salvation would have belonged to that kind of flesh which he decided that the
flesh he had united with himself ought to resemble:'
*"Who;' he said, "has reached such a stage of madness, as not to acknowledge
this to be true and to count those who do not agree among the damned?"
+ "Surely those;' I said, "who proclaim that it was impassible and
incorruptible!"
*"We do not say his body was naturally impassible;' he said, "and incorruptible,
but that it became so in its union with God the Word:'
c +"There is no difference;' I said, "between the first [theory] and the second,
but they are equally capable
 350 IIPO:E TOY:E J4<PIBJAPTOLJOKHTOY2
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 351

of doing harm, if [you insist that] the flesh of the Lord really must be free of all
likeness to our body in its ability to experience the passivities ours does:'
*"What makes you say that?" he asked.
+ "Because the object of our investigation is not;' I said, "simply whether it
came to be incorruptible by union or by the constitution of its nature, but
whether or not he preserved the marks of our nature unchanged, except for sin:'
* "He preserved them;' he said, "insofar as its primary composition is
concerned, and its having its origins in the Mother of God, who is our sister by
nature and shares in every characteristic of the human frame:'
D + I said, "Your answer needs a clearer explanation, which will show us what
we are looking for more clearly. For I cannot understand it simply from what
you have just said:'
*"What did I say, then;' he asked, "that was unclear?"
+ "Do you mean;' I said, "that the body of the Virgin was transformed in
substance, and left her own nature behind by the power of the Word, so that a
nature was united to him which was ours yet in a different state from the very
womb; or do you mean that the Virgin remained within the characteristics
of her nature, but that the basic elements [of Christ's humanity]-coming,
I mean, from the blood of the Virgin-were transformed, and so his flesh
became incorruptible."
* "Some;' he said, "hold to the former of these opinions-simple people, I
suppose, who honor the Virgin more than is appropriate; but they fail to foresee
the absurdity that results from this, and [to notice J that if something like this
should happen to the Virgin, she would lose some of her very suitability for
being his mother:'
+ "What you say is very true;' I agreed. "For once incorruptibility were
established, it would not have become capable of childbearing and of giving
physical birth. The coming down of the Spirit did not remove or prevent the
Virgin's ability to beget a child; on the contrary, it led her in a supernatural way
to a conception which was accomplished without human seed. And it seems to
me we should consider this, as well: if, in their view, the Virgin became incor-
ruptible at the coming of the Spirit, she would perhaps have become the root
of incorruptibility for our race, but not the divine shoot who grew from her:'
*"You've made an excellent point;' he said. "For the rest of the Virgin's life, as
it is narrated, doesn't suggest an immediate transformation of her natural state.
The coming of the Spirit upon her produced purity
 352 IIPOL: TOYL: JJ.<PBAPTOLJOKHTOYL:

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30 TTapBEvtKWv [1329 A]€cp7j7rTat aTTAdyxvwv, Kai TD 7rpoa"A.7Jcp8Ev Elr;
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19 Luc. 2.6

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9 Kaipd~; om. 0 1Tp6.ws 0 TO: Td 0 10 avv0i6.aKE~Jai 0 avvoµoAoyoVaTJS V
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om. 0 28 -rijs om. 0 XpiaToV: Kvp{ov 0
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 353

of soul and holiness of body, but did not bring about in her a change of essence
or nature:'

+ ''.And add this to what we have already said;' I remarked. "The Spirit filled
the Virgin with his fertilizing power, so that her nature might have, in a
supernatural way, the power of bearing uncultivated fruit, and a shoot springing
supernaturally from a virginal root:'
*"Excellent, my friend;' he said.
+"Now it is time, then, my good colleague;' I said, "to examine together, in a
friendly and gentle way, what follows from this. For if we agree that the Virgin
always remained the same on the level of nature, and did not change her state
to something else, different from what she had possessed from the beginning,
then did not the pledge of our nature, who came from her, experience the
temporal process of gestation in nature's order and way?"
* "Certainly;' he said.
+"Put together and formed, little by little, in the Virgin's womb;' I said, "he
came by the law of childbirth to realize the complete perfection of an infant, as
one can even hear in the Gospel text, 'The days of her bearing him were fulfilled:
Then a strange miracle, without precedent, in connection with his birth, as with
his first conception: his birth did not destroy her virginity, nor did her virginity
stand in the way of her giving birth:'

*"You speak God's truth;' he said.

+"But;' I said, "just as the conception which took place above our nature was
not totally separate from what is ours, so the birth, which contained an element
of paradox, did not change the nature of him who was born for our sakes, but
both branch and fruit grew up similar to the womb who had borne him:'
*"Now we:' he said, "believe this about the flesh of the Lord: that at the very
beginning of his conception, just as he came into the womb of the Virgin, that
which was assumed was transformed, too, to incorruptibility. For how would it
have been possible for that flesh not to put off its corruptible nature, when it
was joined to the incorruptible word?"
 354 IIPOE TOYE jj<P@APTOiJOKHTOYE
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14 1Cor.15.22

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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 355

+"You rather seem:' I said, "to be forgetting your own words, my friend. For
you agreed before that the Virgin Mother of God remained unchanged, and
that the Creator of time did not refuse to be shaped and dwell in the virgin
womb for the appointed time of human conception. How, then, did he who
accepted to dwell in his mother's bowels and who fulfilled the terms of
childbirth-while the Virgin herself was not superior to us in anything except
holiness-change his mind, as it were, and spurn the nature of his own body,
precisely atthe moment when it concurred unchangeably in every way with the
body of her who bore it?"
*"Everyone;' he said, "would agree with these principles. But in our opinion,
it belongs to right belief to hold that he took a corruptible body from the womb
of the Virgin, and immediately changed it to incorruptibility:'
+ "And where;' I asked, "are the limits and the duration of his sharing our
life-that of which we most stand in need-if he has [simply] exhibited, 'in a
moment and in the twinkling of an eye; the likeness to us which you admit, and
then quickly altered it? We did not need simply this, after all, but that the Lord
should have associated continually with us, and have gone the whole way,
through all the experiences that human nature begins with and progresses
through, until it comes to its proper end:'
* "What would prevent that from happening;' he asked, "even if the union
had made his body impassible?"
+''.And how;' I said to him, "can he have lived with men and women to begin
with, or have accepted suffering for our sakes, if he refused, from the first
moment of union, to be able to suffer like us or to be mortal?"
* "He suffered;' he answered, "but not, surely, by natural necessity, but by
reason of the divine plan, as the Word permitted suffering:'
+ I said that what he had said was no different from a riddle. "For how did he
have a nature that was above suffering, yet allow himself to suffer what belongs
to the nature of flesh, in a way beyond nature? For if the union with the Word
endowed the flesh with impassibility, he would not have taken away what had
once been given and allotted to it. Furthermore, if [the flesh] gained a share in
incorruptibility from its union with the Word, this would be just a step short of
wrongfully daring to split apart the supernatural and wonderful union. For that
which was impassible because of the union would not have been able to suffer,
unless
 356 IIPOL: TOYL: :4</>@APTOLJOKHTOYL:

T~S' EvWaEWS' 77p6TEpov dvatpEBE{aY]s· Wa1TEp oV8E aK6Tos LJ17oaTa{YJ

" I "' ' I " 1y ( ,.. I ' , \ "' I l ,...
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l ,... I

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Probatio calami, ut videtur, in calce 0, f. 113v (EM), ad 8-9: Tij> EvTiµoT6:rq.i EvyEvEaT<iTtp (?);
cf. p. 144 infra.

28 cf. Athanasius, Delncarnatione 21.7 (ed. C. Kannengiesser, SC 199344,11. 42-4; PG 25, 133
C4-7); ibid. 44.8 (ed Kannengiesser, 428, ll. 53-6; PG 25, 176 Cl-5)

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25 EaxYJKEV 0 28 EKWAvKEv O
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 357

the union had first been abolished, just as there would be no darkness, if the
source and cause of light did not withdraw. To put it simply, nothing which
proceeds from a sustaining cause can remain in its effects, unless the cause itself
is present. And consider this: if he endured being joined to one who suffers, he
would have endured being joined to a passible bodY:'
* "What?" he said to us; "did the flesh suffer, not because of the will of the
Word, but because it was subject to the law of the flesh?"
+ "Who would dare to say;' I said in reply, "that any natural occurrences
should happen to his flesh without the consent of the Logos, and not rather that
he permitted a nature which was naturally equipped to suffer to undergo, with-
out sin, what was natural to it? For it was not naturally superior to suffering, and
only became able to suffer because of the Word. Just the opposite: there are
times when it rose above its natural sufferings, when the Word afforded to it the
power to overcome sufferings, as often happened. As a result, the natural union
of the Word to flesh was inseparable, completely indivisible; but freedom from
suffering was not always accessible to his body. For he did not have his
impassibility from the union, but from the will of him who was united and who
occasionally allowed this for some good purpose. If this were not true, we
would have to profess one of two things: either that he simply never suffered at
all, but was naturally impassible because of the union, or that when he suffered
he was totally cut off from the union:'
* "If, then;' he said, "according to your argument the flesh had a passible
nature and [therefore] suffered other things and even death because of it, our
reason for boasting, which we had from that humanity because it suffered for
us, will pass away and perish:'
+ "There are two ways;' I said, "in which we speak about the Lord's flesh
suffering for our sake, my friend: first, that suffering occurred in its case with
the permission of the Word (for he could have prevented it, but did not,
according to the great Athanasius); and
 358 JIPOJ: TOYJ: A<P<iiJAPTOJOKHTOYJ:
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 359

second, that because it was revealed to be above all sin it did not have to die on
its own account-since death entered first of all because of sin, and has per-
vaded all of human nature 'because all have sinned; according to Paul. For there
is not, and has never been at any age, a human soul clean of voluntary or
involuntary sin, but even the souls of the saints, I should say, have surely
admitted some small stain of sin, if not in action, at least in thought. And this
can be clearly heard in our Lord's teaching, where he says: 'The ruler of this
world is coming, and in me he has nothing: For in saying 'in me' and 'nothing;
he has explicitly shown that he alone remained free of all sin, even sin of the
mind. Therefore the punishment for sin, finding no ground in him, stood still
and was circumscribed, and from then on withdrew from those under its
sentence. For death died, when it tasted of sinless flesh. But to think that a
flesh that was naturally impassible and immortal voluntarily admitted what
did not belong to its nature, first of all ignores the fact that willing and not
willing is not proper to flesh, but to the rational soul, in which the independence
of the will and its inclination to both sides is discovered; and secondly, [people
who think this] make the flesh blameworthy, wishing what is contrary to nature,
and choosing what it is not made to choose; and this is the ultimate definition
of sin.

"And let us not leave this unmentioned, that of the three causes we discern,
from which every activity is produced-one kind of activity is that which
comes from a natural power, one from the deviation from natural habit, and the
third is observed in ascent and progress towards the better-of these, one is,
and is called, natural, one preternatural, and the third supernatural. The
preternatural, by its very name, is an aberration from natural habits and powers,
and damages both the substance itself and its natural activities; the natural is
produced from unimpeded causal operation, relying upon nature; the super-
natural leads upward and elevates, and strengthens [the subject] for more
perfect things-things which it could not achieve if it remained within its
natural functions. But the supernatural does not abrogate the natural, but leads
it onwards and sets it in motion to be able both to carry out its own functions,
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 361

and to accept in addition the power to do what is above it:'

*"Clarify what you are saying with a homely example; for my mind has not
yet grasped it:'
+"Consider it this way;' I said." [It is J just as one finds, among things made
by human skills, that art changes what is made, and brings the natural lack of
form in the underlying material to a more beautiful shape and condition, call-
ing it forth to greater usefulness. For art bestows what nature did not have. So
flutes and lyres and instruments like them are forced by art to make music; so,
too, the plastic arts change gold and other materials into ten thousand kinds of
beasts, and even to human shapes; and the mechanical arts, again, contrive
astronomical spheres and sundials and the like. It would be a long task to
enumerate the kinds of things to which the creative reason adds the beauty
and usefulness of art, while nature remains within its boundaries and is not at
all injured. And in the same way, if we may take lowly things, bearing a distant
echo of the truth, as an example of divine and lofty things, you may think of
the flesh of the Lord: the laws of its nature remained uninjured, even after the
supernatural and wonderful union, yet it received what was above its nature,
so that neither was divided from the other or got in the other's way. For there
is no place for what is above nature, if nature does not act naturally. And the
miracle would cease to be a miracle, if nature were changed to what is above
nature. Any love of glory which does violence to the truth becomes pride:'

*"That is what I think, too;' he said; "but I see it this way: that the sufferings
were experienced by the Lord's flesh by way of a miracle, while his lack of
suffering and indestructibility rested on unfailing laws of nature:'
+''.And where;' I said, "do you get this from, my friend? Who is the oracle who
suggested this strange wisdom to you? Don't you know that a law of nature is
not what is rare, but what is constant, or at least what is most often observed and
what endures? For the Lord dwelt among us in the flesh thirty-three whole
years, and glorified humanity by not deviating at all from what is ours, eating
and drinking and sleeping and
 362 IIPOE TOYE 'A<Pfi!APTOLJOKHTOYE
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 363

naturally accepting all the other things that prove the truth of the body he took.
And he began to work miracles when he was thirty years old, not before. For no
one should propose that the Lord's actions as a child, coming out of a child's
mind, were miraculous; no: that age offers both the perfect test of virtue and the
perfect moment for teaching, when he proclaimed what is, for us, truly the
Good News, and added credibility to his inspired teachings by sealing his words
with the marvelous proof of miracles.
"And even then, he appeared still to need the natural and innocent things of
the body-so much so that he had the reputation for being a 'glutton and a
drinker; fulfilling the measure of his needs just as we do. And what do you say
about the fact that he always appeared in our form, associating with the crowds
and not differing from the mass of people in appearance at all? For "the crowd
pressed upon him;' as Peter said. And he who betrayed him gave the sign, by
which he would be recognized to those who wished to kill God, because-as
one of our own has remarked-of the external similarity of the Lord to his
disciples. These things happened in a kind of natural order and sequence, from
the first moment of his birth up to his ascent onto the cross and his three-day
burial; but to reveal the divinity which had not yet been shown to the
crowds, he began to work new, miraculous signs concerning his body-rare
occurrences, in relation to the whole course [of his life]-to show, as I say, his
own divinity, while not abrogating the reality of his body. So he walked on the
sea without sinking, and was transfigured on the mountain, and before this
he remained without food for forty whole days, and forgot completely about
natural necessities; he sprang forth from a virgin's womb, while the flower
of her virginity was preserved intact. He worked these wonders to prove the
treasure [he possessed], not to destroy or transform what he had taken in
addition. To put it in a nutshell, he performed indescribable miracles as proof
of the divinity which overshadowed him; but his sufferings, and before them
his conception and birth and infancy, his growing in age, and each of the other
things which occurred by the law of nature in his bodily life, showed him to be
a true human being, of the same substance as we are. But let me add something
which almost escaped my mind:'
*"Say it, by all means;' he said.
 364 IIPOI: TOYI: 'A<P®APTOLJOKHTOYI:

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) •I
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18 Phil.3.19

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19 Kal. 1 Om. Q 20 U7T07TTUJaEt: EK7TTUJ0Et Q 22 0~ Oill. Q 24 Tai:s Offi, V
27 0 -rt 1TOTE om. 0 28 -rd ToidOE: TD Toi08c 0 29 yivoµ,Ev17s ante It aV-rWv
transp. 0 32 Kai. Ev: Kllv 0
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 365

+"It strikes me;' I said, "as right, and as something that would seem religious
truth to all, that just as the Lord of all, when he shared what was his with the
flesh, remained undiminished in himself and steadfastly retained the position
that is his by nature, so too his humanity, remaining in its own natural bounds
and holding on to its natural powers and activities, and not departing from our
common, innocent passions, and [so] in its very being laying down the
definition of human perfection, shared all the riches which came from the
Word-or rather, having the very fount of riches in the Word, it poured forth
from itself all that the Word possesses, because of the Word. Surely we do not
imagine we are saying something great aboutthe flesh of the Lord, by attributing
to it what does it no honor and removes honor from us? For it is no glory for the
Word to deprive his flesh of our characteristics, while it remains among us; nor
does it give glory to his humanity, which is akin to us, to treat its passibility like
ours with contempt, unless we are to fall away from the ideal of imitating it. It is
also no great thing to add to the flesh of the Lord things which will exist in just
and unjust alike after the resurrection-I mean immortality and incorruptibility,
and before them the quality of not hungering or thirsting or needing sleep. For
it is possible to say truly, on this point, that his glory is in the shame of those
who, by their concern for honor, dishonor both us and the flesh of the Lord-
him by depriving his flesh of our characteristics, and us by depriving us of what
we have from his flesh. For that flesh that gives glory by suffering will not share
its glory, if it does not suffer with us:'
* "Look;' he said: "even now, though you haven't intended it, you have
distinguished the corruptible from the passible. For in the realm of punishment,
the bodies of sinners suffer along with their souls, but even when they suffer
they are not subject to death or decay; from this, it is obvious that the corruptible
is not the same as the passible, if they also suffer but are not destroyed:'
+ "But, my friend;' I said, "I do not say that every suffering whatsoever
corrupts the sufferer, but only certain kinds, in certain people. I would not say,
then, that it is proper to the punishments of Hades, and the painful sensations
that come from them, to corruptthe nature that undergoes them; if! may speak
boldly, pain even contributes something towards the lasting endurance of those
being punished. One can see this same thing happening in
 366 IIPOE TOYE J!<PfiJAPTOiJOKHTOYE
>
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25 Tols Bp~vois, T6v TWv Bp~vwv Avri]pa rrpoavappTJTlKWs Vrrocpa{vwv,
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Tq.>'
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30 PTJf.Ld.TwV dKoAov8{a T0v KVpiov ~µlv voElv VnoT{BETat [C]Oid ToV if;aAµoV
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10 Hebr. 2.14 18 Ps. 15.10 (LXX); Acta 2.27 26-7 Lam. 4.20 (LXX)
28 Ps. 29.10 (LXX); cf. Methodius, Frag. 1 in Job, GCS 27, 511,ll. 6-7

VO 1 dva'fj V 3 8iaKaeZ: BdKEl els 0 9 ante xwplaµOv add. Kal v

Wv11ep:~v1TepO 12 Eip71postToD-rwvtransp.O 16 Triarl_ovV 17 8eoKp{rq>:
fort. eeoKADrq> 18 rl1TOCfl1)Vaµdvois 0 Y8ev v 22 TaDTl)V ... 8laadcp71aov,
una cum L 23, Aphthartodoceto attribuit V 23 A€yels om. 0 Bl€gie 0
25 1Tpoavavripp1)Tl1<.Ws 0 27 80 om. 0 29 KaTa{3aJveiv V 32 IIdrpos:
revera Paulus
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 367

medical drugs: they seethe up and warm the nature, stimulating it in its depths,
and do not allow it to waste away in numbness, but they preserve it by pain and
bring it to firmness and density by irritation. Bnt the human, natural sufferings
of the body, which the Lord accepted, were such as to waste the flesh, to weary
and distress it, and in the end to break it down, which we know is what happened
on the cross. And corruption follows upon dissolution, as far as nature is
concerned. Human sufferings, then, were able to cause pain to his nature, to do
violence to its unity, and in the end to bring about separation and subject it to
decay; in all of these things the Lord 'shared, just like us; according to the great
doctrine of the Apostle:'

* "What else;' he said, "are you trying to argue and prove by what you have
said, except that since Christ is passible-precisely by his bodily nature, not by
the divine will-he is also necessarily corruptible? It doesn't escape me that this
is what you're building up to! But we would never accept that, not even if you
say countless things beyond what you have said already. We must rather believe
the leader of the apostles, Peter, and also the inspired king and chief prophet
David, when they insist that his flesh 'did not see corruption:"
+ "Since you are departing from human arguments and persuasion;' I said,
"however belatedly, and are taking refuge in the holy Scriptures, we, too, can
remember a prophetic saying which seems to say the opposite to yours; explain
that to us now, I beg you:'
*"Tell me just which one you mean;' he said.
+ "That saying of the inspired Jeremiah;' I said to him in reply, "which he
utters in the Lamentations, when he shows by prophetic proclamation the one
who will save us from lamentation: 'Christ the Lord; he says, 'was included in
our corruption: And one can find the same thought expressed by the prophet
speaking in the person of the Lord, when he says, 'What benefit is there in my
blood, in my going down to corruption?' For the inscription of the psalm, and
the whole sequence of its sayings, urges us to think of the Lord as mystically
prefigured by the psalm, according to the explanation of the theologians. But
even Peter himself appears on the scene,
 368 IIPOE TOYE J4<P61APTOLJOKHTOYE
,. , ,. , \'
T'{J TDV .:;.,WTYJPDS
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l\Eywv
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ElpYJKEV. ltp' oVv oVK ofEt ra-Dra rols 7Tapd aoiJ 1TpoEVYJVEyµ,Evois
' ,... I 1y
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,... I , ' I I ' I
30
1TaVTU7TUOLV.

1-2 Actal3.34;cf.2.3lf. 18-19 Ps.15.10 (LXX)

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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 369
spealdngvery seriously to those who refuse to believe in the resurrection of the
Savior and saying that [God] 'raised him so that he would never return to
corruption'; and this 'never returning to corruption' shows that the one of
whom he says these things was not invulnerable to decay. Don't you think that
this is contrary to what you argued before, and that it involves us in the bonds
of still greater perplexity?"
* "In truth;' he said, "this is full of obscurity, unless it can find someone to
interpret and straighten out the seeming discrepancy in these texts, with an eye
towards the truth:'
D + "Come on, then, my excellent fellow;' I said: "you open up the darkened
meaning of these texts accurately and reveal the truth to us, whether you have
it on your own or have borrowed it from someone else."
* "You don't seem to have found a good or plausible reason;' he said, "for
wrapping the truth in greater obscurity by your contradictory texts, so that the
difliculty leads to ambiguity and the ambiguity quietly smuggles in the confession
of falsehood.As for me, whether some argument explains the confusion between
the texts or not, I will not abandon my own opinion, since the inspired Scripture
cries out in clear terms that his soul was not abandoned to Hades, and that his
flesh did not see corruption:'

+ "Was it as one naturally capable of corruption;' I said to him, "that he did

not see corruption? Tell me if this is not right:'
*''As one not capable of it;' he said, right away and with no reservations.
+ "Well;' I said, "surely you must affirm this same thing about his soul; for
the prophet gave thanks for both together, in the person of the Savior, when
he said that his soul would not be abandoned to Hades, nor his body see
corruption:'
*"Indeed;' he said, "I would say the same about the soul of the Lord, because
it was not naturally suited to remain in Hades:'
+"Well;' I said, "do we not concede that his soul descended to Hades?"
* He replied, "I would not deny that, but he was not at all capable of being
held there:'
 370 IIPOE TOYE 'A<P@APTOiJOKHTOYE

+ IIapai\AdTTEt yoVv, l<:p71v, TWv 0µ,ErEpwv t/JvxWv KaTd T~v rpVatv ~To{}
Kvp{ov l/Jvx~;
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) I I I > I

> ,... " > I I t "' >;'~ ,... I ( I \ ' I

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1

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* OV-rws Exe iv Kat aVTDs olµ,ai.
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20 otatpEtS, KaTa TO l\Oytov, U1TOOlOOVS TrJ aapKl µ,ev Ta TYJS <:pvae:ws, Ta oe:
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16 cf. Gen. 4.7 23-4 Lam. 4.20 (LXX) 24 Ps. 29.10 (LXX) 25-6 Ps.
15.10 (LXX) 29-30 (drrapx~ ... <pDpaµa) cf. Rom. 11.16; 1 Cor. 5.6-7; Gal.
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 371

+"Does the soul of the Lord differ in nature from our souls?" I asked.

*"It is not that it differs;' he said, "but that when it was united with the Lord
it became superior to the power of Hades to retain it, and stronger [than
Hades]:'
+"So then;' I said, "it was not through its nature (for he had a like nature to
all other souls) but through the divinity of the Word, with which he descended
into Hades, that he was not only exempt from being retained there, but even
broke the bonds of those who were detained there, and who believed in him:'
*"So it was;' he said.
+"We can make similar conclusions;' I said, "about the flesh of the Lord:
namely, that as far as the likeness of nature between his flesh and the bodies of
all other men and women is concerned, as he died, so he was capable of corrup-
tion; but the fact that he was not corrupted is a sign not of a change in nature
but of the almighty, effective power of the divine influence-just as his walking
on the sea was not a revelation of the nature of his body, but a sign of his divi-
nity. So that dying is proper to the nature of the body, but not being corrupted
indicates the power of the divinity:'
*"I think this is true myself;' [he said].
+ "Why on earth;' I said to him, "do you 'draw straight and not also cut
straight; as the saying runs, by attributing the characteristics of nature to the
flesh, but what is above nature to the ineffable and supernatural power of the
Word? For in this way you will have solved the discrepancy of these texts we
have seen and strike the truth itself, by saying that he was in his natural
constitution 'involved in our corruption' and that he 'descended into corruption:
by being born in places and circumstances that cause corruption, but that he
'did not see corruption; because the Word prevented him from experiencing
this, in order that incorruption, along with other blessings, might be the choice
gift of the grace of resurrection. Incorruption began with him and in him, after
all, but was extended and will be extended to the whole of the human mass,
since he, being its first fruit, has fermented the whole mass into himself'
*"That Christ suffered;' he said, "we hear from the testimony of holy Scripture,
and that Christ is passible in his flesh, the lofty thoughts of Paul
 372 llPOL: TOYL: :4<PIBJAPTOLJOKHTOYL:
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 373

tell us. But no passage of Scripture so clearly hands on to us that Christ was
corruptible, in so many words; nor does his being 'involved in corruption;
surely, mean this:'
+"Well, then;' I said to him, "does the Scripture say only that he suffered, or
also that he was begotten of the Virgin, according to the flesh?"
* "This, too;' he said, "is part of what we confess. For how else could we
understand the phrase, 'The Book of the Ancestry of Jesus Christ'?"
+ "Well, then;' I said, "in addition to his having suffered, you agree that his
birth is proclaimed by the Scriptures?"
*"I agree:' he said.
+"What else? Do we not also learn of his bodily growth from the Scripture?"
I said.
* "Surely;' he said.
+''.And do you think;' I said to him, "that what those outside our community
call 'alteration' stems from the ability to suffer, or not?"
*"Where do we find that in the Scripture?"
+ "We are guided;' I said, "by the Savior's own words when he says openly,
'The spirit is willing, but the flesh is weak;' and again the divine Apostle says of
him, 'If he was crucified from weakness, yet he lives from the power of God:
What else is weakness but an alteration and change of a habitual power?
And the great Isaiah says, '.A man living in suffering, and knowing how to bear
weakness;' and a little later on, 'We saw him, and he did not possess form or
glory; but his form was dishonorable, lacking in comparison with the children
of men and women: Is it possible to call this deficiency and weakness anything
else than alteration arising from suffering, which the body undergoes, becoming
pale and no longer preserving the color which naturally blooms on the body, all
because the warmth has withdrawn to the innermost depths and because its
appearance has become cool and changed from color to pallor, because of the
contraction of the blood-supply?"
*"You speak correctly;' he said; "and you seem to me, in all this, to be imitating
the great Basil, when he gives a physiological description of the passive
experiences of the bodY:'
 374 IIPOL: TOYE )'1<1>61APTOLJOKHTOY2
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 375

+ "Nothing else of what I said is my own, either;' I said; "but I have taken
everything from the Fathers. But if you wish, let us examine what follows:'
*"What?" he said.
+"If [his] birth;' I said, "and growth and alteration are clearly given in holy
Scripture, let us examine the other things which are connected with them, to
see if we can find them, too, in the divine writings:'
* "I understand what you are working up to;' he said; "for having reached
agreement on the Lord's power of movement from place to place, you are now
trying to prove something about [his] diminution and corruption-which is
not, in my opinion, a correct conclusion:'
+"You are right;' I said, "for you spot our weakness; but when we support the
truth, it supports us against the powers that seek to overwhelm her. Do you
think that hungering and thirsting are an appetite for food and drink?"
* "I think so;' he said.
+"Do you not assume that appetites happen to be for things that are lacking?"
I asked.
*"Yes. For what else is an appetite, but the desire for something missing, to fill
up what has been depleted?"
+ "You have defined appetite very well. For the great Basil says that the
Lord was hungry, when solid food evaporated in his body. And you know
clearly what follows from this. For we say that the respite of sleep is nothing
else than the relaxation of the perceptive spirit, just as exertion is the tension
of the muscles and nerves. Natural powers are diminished and used up in
these parts of the body, and need sleep to reacquire the vital and perceptive
powers, and relaxation, so that the sinews of the feet or the hands or of the
whole body may be loosened, when the body is worn out from walking
or from the strain connected with other kinds of work. Nature seeks after
food and drink, when the solid and liquid elements, from which we are
composed, are dissipated and need replenishment of what has been spent and
has flowed awaY:'
*"It is so in our bodies, my friend;' he said; "but these things do not hold for
the flesh of the Lord:'
 376 JIPOJ:: TOYJ:: 'A<P@APTOLJOKHTOYJ::

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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 377

+"But if these things do not hold;' I said to him, "also for the flesh of the Lord,
and in the same way, I would say confidently that he was not born [human] at
all. For imagine him in a different way from us: you wouldn't say he was ever
purely a fantasy, would you?"
* "! would never be so insane;' he said; "these things were truly his qualities,
but at the consent of the Word, who imposed it upon his flesh:'
+"You speak rightly;' I said to him;"for if one were to say or to think anything
else than that natural passibilities were experienced by his flesh with the
permission of the Word, one [still] could not hit upon a superior form of
change:'
*"So we believe, too;' he said; "for God is incomprehensible to human beings,
if he wishes to be:'
+"If you grant, then, my good man;' I said, "birth and alteration and growth
and physical motion to the body of the Lord, tell me what prevents you from
granting it the rest of what follows?"
1348A *"You mean;' he said, "according to your argument, that he was corrupted?"
+"Not at all;' I answered him.
*"What do you mean?" he said.
+"That would be irreverent;' I said.
*"Why?" he said.
+"For the reason;' I said, "that he had to taste of our sufferings, even as far as
the very experience of death, yet not actually take part in corruption, but as he
possessed in all things both what is ours and what is above us, so also in death.
For dying belongs to us, and is the cure of our mortality; but not being corrupted
belongs to the superior power of the Word, who prevented the experience [of
corruption], not at all permitting the flesh to be corrupted, so that this might
also be transferred from his flesh to us, and become the cause of our incorruption.
For non-corruption is proper to his unconquerable power, and happened in
virtue of a miracle, not by the law of nature:'
* "But;' he said, "the Lord is also called 'the new Adam: How could he be
called this, if he had not borue the body of the first man? The first man was
incorruptible before the fall; therefore the body of the Lord, too, was incorrup-
tible, for it always remained sinless:'
+"Whether the body of the first man;' I said, "happened to be incorruptible
or not, I for one will not say, as long as they feel no shame in not attributing the
immortality of the first man
 •
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 379

to the Lord, too. For surely they will concede that he died, unless they are
ready to bear the whole charge of making him a fantasy. I would maintain
very boldly that the Lord took on the same kind of body, not only as the first
man's, but also as ours-for he did not come for his sake only, but also for
ours. Since the sickness is common, it would be very illogical to resemble one
but differ from all the others, who need his similarity in all things, for the sake
of their healing.

"And how, my friend, did the body of the first man get to be incorruptible at
all? For it did not have immortality as part of its constitution; much less, then,
did it have incorruptibility, since I assume it would not have needed the tree of
life-of whose use sin deprived it, as the Fathers tell us, because humanity
would have become immortal by partaking of its life-giving fruit. But now is
not the time to discuss these things, since Adam's constitution is not a matter of
dogma. What lies before our investigation now is that the Lord hypostatically
united such flesh to himself, as the condemned [Adam] was seen to have after
the fall, and as we all [have] who come from the same mass. For he did not come
to save a sinless Adam, that he [i.e., Adam] might become like him, but the one
who had sinned and fallen, that by suffering with him he might raise him up
with himself. How else did he pay the debt for us, or revoke our downfall, or
become a paradigm of virtue and present to all the definition of the best way of
behavior in himself, the most perfect life?"
*"And how;' he said, "could anyone imitate the life of the Lord?"
1349A +"The unchanging likeness;' I said, "of the Lord's flesh to ours, make possible
our imitation of him, so that it is possible for Paul and his adherents to say,
'Become imitators of me, as I am of Christ; and for the Lord himself to say,
'Learn from me, for I am gentle and humble of heart: Nor indeed would death,
having died through the Lord's death, ever have kept its distance from the rest
of us, if it had not attacked one completely like him who long ago succumbed
to it; once it happened to taste of him, its 'teeth were so much set on edge; as the
saying goes, that it never
 380 IIPOE TOYE i!<J>@APTOLiOKHTOYE
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 381

dared to seize those who resembled him, and vomited forth those whom it
had digested before. For the action of a drug, I think, clearly demonstrates its
nature: and it was those of a completely like nature whom he forced the
devourer to vomit forth. How could the law of combat have been observed in
the contest which was undertaken, if the nature being tested was not naturally
similar to him who fell? For to fight contrary to the laws of the match is not
to conquer but to abuse; and the law of the match is to throw him who
formerly won, through him who formerly fell, and so to label the former
victory defeat.
"And how are we to imitate him who possessed the summit of virtue
proportionate to the very difference of his instrument, if we are required to be
like the incorruptible in a passible and corruptible body? This would seem to be
similar to someone's being required by law to carry out the metalworker's art
with carpenters' tools! For if this were the case, our failure to imitate God would
be completely blameless. The model would not be a near one, and as a result
those who imitated it would surpass the master, having lived and struggled in a
weaker nature. I will not even mention the fact that one cannot find the laws of
practical human virtue in an incorruptible body, which, because it is above
human passions, does not have hunger and therefore needs no temperance, has
no labor and therefore needs no patience, has no pride and therefore needs no
humility, nor is anything else like this a trouble for it-lest we waste time
prolonging such details. It is no great assertion to say that it is impossible to find
a demonstration of virtue in a nature which is incorruptible and lacking
nothing. For there is no struggle for a nature which cannot suffer; and if there
is no struggle, there is no victory; and if no victory, there are no crowns. This is
the magnitude of silliness to which the fine concept of incorruptibility has led
you!"
*"It would completely upset the great mystery of the union;' he said, "if the
Word did not bestow the gift of incorruptibility on his own body from the
beginning, but, in the same way as [he gives it] to us, stored incorruptibility up
for later:'
+"It would be worthy of greater reverence;' I said, "to say that the exaltation
of the Lord and his being seated at [God's] right hand
 0

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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 383

happened after some time, but not from the first moment of union; for to me, at
least, it would be wrong to magnify his praise any other waY:'
* "Well;' he said, "if this is how it happened, there is no further benefit for
,,
us.
+"Why is that?" I asked.
*"Because;' he said, "we too are [then] not graced in this way, nor is the
Kingdom of heaven given to us directly with the first moment of birth, either
our natural birth or the birth of baptism:'
+ "Let me;' I said, "have my share in the mystery of incorruptibility in this
way. For what need would there be for him to continue to share our life, if we
possessed, through him, the perfection of the whole mystery at the moment of
our creation? For if this is not so [i.e. that he continued to share our life], then
we find that the whole dispensation of grace did not take place for our sakes,
but only the beginning of the mystery:'
*"Why do you say that?" he asked. "I do not understand what you have said:'
+ "Because according to your arguments;' I said, "he will have been made
flesh for our sakes, and for the incorruptibility resulting for us from that, but I
don't know what purpose will have been served by his having shared our
sufferings and having risen. If his aim was to raise up him who had fallen and
redeem him from death, and to call him to life and renewal and adorn him with
an incorruptible body, these things would not have happened for us any other
way, if the Lord had not exhibited each of these in his own flesh. But this way,
according to you, everything has been accomplished by the Lord from the first
moment of union, when he changed his body into incorruptibility; therefore
from the very first beginning of the mystery we have the whole of the mystery,
and the rest of the divine plan after that is superfluous. Just as if complete health
were to be afforded the sick through the first dose of medicine, all the efforts
expended after this by the surgeons against the malady, which had been
overcome at once, would be superfluous; in the same way, if from the union
with the flesh he had implanted in us the gift of incorruptibility, all the rest of
the course of the mystery would be superfluous.
"But I think you are allowing this to happen, unaware that the principle by
which the body is formed is one thing, and the manner of union another, and
that the one occurred for him from the presence and indwelling of the Spirit,
who formed the body as creator, while the other was due not to the activity of
the Word, but
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 385

to the complete and essential union of the Word with him. For the power of the
Spirit provided fertility to the Virgin, as one of our party said very elegantly, and
the formation of his body was achieved by the Holy Spirit, through his creative
activity, while the material of its substance was taken from the Mother of God.
But the Word dwelt in the temple made for him by the Spirit from the beginning
of its formation, not waiting-as someone once rightly put it-for the
completion of the temple; but being joined to it in the workshop of nature at the
first beginning of the ineffable work of God, he built the whole edifice up
around himself. He did not enter from outside into a body already made, but
formed it around himself, and so bore our image.

"One cannot, then, recognize the peculiar character of his body from its
union with the Word, but from the power of the Spirit, which shaped and
formed it, apart from the organs that engender nature; but his sinlessness and
all his holiness, his complete union and identification with the whole
[personality] of the one who assumed him, and his being and being called one
Son, and exhibiting the glorious signs of a Son's peculiar character: these things
his organic union with the Word accomplished-things which are unalterably
blessed, because the union is inseparable. So that we recognize the subsistence
and character of his body from the action of the Spirit, but we know the union
not from the simple activity of the Word, so much as from the substantial
identification [of the body] with the Word himself:'

All this is what we said to the one who recently met us, in the attempt to solve,
as far as we could, difficulties which seemed to him insuperable. We ask those
who read through this little treatise of ours to turn to the sacred works of the
Fathers, from which we too took our start in writing these things, and excerpts
from which we now append, in support of what we have said. And may the Lord
grant to both parties, who search and question in their love of truth and in
compliance with his will, to find the truth as it is shown them, [the truth] which
is "Christ, the God over all;' to whom be glory and power for all ages. Amen.
 •
386 IIPOE TOYE J4<1>8APTOtJOKHTOYE

IIPOOIMI ON TQN XPHEEQN

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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 387

Preface to the Excerpts

Since, by the grace of Christ, we have solved the most plausible of the
propositions, as well as we could, and we have promised, too, to add a level of
conviction to what we have said by the witness of the ancients, receive now
from that source this harmonious and skillful swarm of witnesses, humming
the tune of truth. And if anyone dares to trample on his own conscience and
reject the witnesses we put forward, offering others by the same authors which,
he thinks, conflict with them, we have this to say to him, first of all: by bringing
the Fathers onto a collision course and trying to make them contradict each
other, he has openly declared war on them; he does not overturn our arguments,
any more than he strengthens his own. Next we want to say this: that the true
Fathers of the Church, those who have received the word of graced teaching in
the same Spirit, neither differ from each other nor indeed from themselves. For
it is no great thing to say that they do not differ on other issues, and least of all
in this problem which is now under discussion, even if it seems so to those who
have swallowed the unmixed draft of ignorance whole, and who dare to transfer
the giddiness of their own drunkenness to the solid and sober structure of
traditional truth. For we must believe that "it is not they who spoke, but the
Spirit of their Father speaking in them" (Matt. 10.20); those who are not of this
sort are worthy to be called false teachers, because they fight and quarrel among
themselves, and can be accused of not having the spirit of peace, but the
opposite spirit, who loves discord.
How shall we find the same authors, someone may ask, saying that his body
is both corruptible and incorruptible? I would say that this is only possible in
one of two ways: they tend to equate "incorruptible:' according to the usage of
Scripture, with "sinless" and "pure" and "free from every stain of evil"; and
secondly, they tended to call the same being both corruptible and incorruptible,
without making distinctions or being careful about temporal sequence, but
when they called him corruptible they were looking towards the time of his
incarnation in the flesh, and when they called him incorruptible, to the time
beginning from the resurrection and continuing endlessly thereafter. If anyone
should say that, by the foretaste of incorruptibility, the [body of Christ] already
possessed the incorruptibility
 388 IIPOE TOYE 'A<P@APTOiJOKHTOYE

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[1] Ps.-Dionysius Areopagita, De Divinis Nominibus IV, 25 (ed. B. R. Suchla: Corpus

Dionysiacum 1 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1990), 173, ll. 6-7; PG 3, 728 B8-10)
[2] Justinus (?),Frag. 5, hie primo ex integro inventum (ed. J.C. Th. Otto, Corp. Apol. III, 256;
PG 6, 1596 Cl-1597 A9). Cf. etiam: IL 13-16 (77.-\daas ... Jvav-rlas): Joan. Dam. (?),Sacra
Parallela I, 9 (PG 95, 1112 Cl-5; cf. etiam K. Holl, Fragmente vorniciinische J(irchenviiter aus den
Sacra Parallela: TU XV,2 (1899), 51-2,no. l 18); ll.16-21 (oVTw ... BlaT17poVaa): Joan. Caes.,Adv.
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 Contra Aphthartodocetas 389
of the Word, by which-though he has a corruptible nature-he had not been
delivered to corruption, I would not disagree. That this is true, the testimonies
of the Fathers below will show: not inarticulately or confusedly, but very clearly
and accurately distinguishing for us the times at which they said the body of the
Lord was passible and corruptible, and [showing] that after the resurrection we
have all been enriched with the reality and the name of incorruptibility in him.

1. BY DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE,

A CONTEMPORARY OF THE APOSTLES,
FROM HIS WORK ON THE DIVINE NAMES

Corruption is weakness of nature, and a failnre of natural states and activities

and powers.

2. BY JUSTIN, A PHILOSOPHER AND MARTYR,

FROM HIS TREATISE AGAINST THE GREEKS

When God formed the human person in the beginning, he let all that belonged
to his nature depend on his choice, and put him to the test by a single command;
by keeping this, God brought it about that he would share in the lot of
immortality, but by transgressing it he would have the opposite fate. So when
man came into being, and immediately turned his sights toward transgression,
he naturally became subject to corruption; and when corruption was added to
his nature, it was necessary for the One who willed to save him to make the
corrupting substance disappear. This could not come about in any other way
but that what is life by natnre should be woven into the one who had received
corruption, causing corruption to vanish and preserving that which had
received it immortal, from then on. For this reason, it was necessary for the
Word to come to be in a body, that he might free it from death and from our
natural corruption.
 390 IIPOE TOYE 'A<P61APTOLJOKHTOYE

E 'l yap,
\ ws
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I I I 8avarov I ' "
TJf-tWV U7TEKWl\VGEV, av
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I
7TpOGTJEl I
fLEV "'I
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[3] 'A61ANAEIOY'EIIIEKOIIOY· 'EK TOY

5 KATA 'AIIOAINAPIOY B'AOI'OY
'Ev OE Tfj KaB' ~µUs yevoµEvv Ev aV1ip µopcpfJ rOv ~µErepov EKel Ou£ypacpe
8aVaTOV, tva EV UVTTJ
> " > I'C ""' I ' I ' " ' I
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,/, \ > J "'\ > 8 " ' \' ' \;' I " >I
'f'VXYJV, EK 1acpov OE awµa E1TlUElKVVfLEVOS, 01TWS av EV avaTq? KQTQl\VGIJ
rOv 8civa1ov Ev E7Tt0e£gei l/Jvx~s. Ev 8€ rip 16.rpcp Karapy~av r~v cpOopdv Ev
10
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lrriOEtKvVµevos, Ev µopcpfJ 1fJ Ka8' ~µiis T~V ~µerEpav OSeVaas OOOv.

[4] TOY 'AYTOY. 'EK TOY IIEPI 'ENAN61PQIIHEEQE AOI'OY

IIdaxov µ,Ev ydp TO aWµ,a 8td T~V TWv awµ,dTwv cpVatv d7T,8vnaKEV· EiXE
~\ " ' 8 I I
OE TYJS acp apatas TYJV 1TtaTlV EK TOV avvotKYJGaVTOS aVTq_J .t.lOyov.
O'v yap
I ' ' ,.. I ' ,.. A I

15
> 8 I " I ' ,.. A I ' \ \ ' _,1;
a7To VYJGKOVTOS TOV awµ,aTOS EVEKpOVTO Kat 0 .11oyos, al\/\ .,v fLEV avros
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OE Tq_J awµ,art fLUl\l\OV EKWl\VEV U7T aVTOV TYJV KaTa cpvatv TWV awµ,aTWV
1' « ' I:' I I 'I:' ,..
cp 8opav·
I I I ,.. \ ' I I t.1
Tl <p7JGl Kat TO 1TVEvµ,a 7Tpos aVTOV, ov OWGEtS TOV oatov aov lOElV
8wrp8opav:'

[4] 18-19 Ps.15.10 (LXX)

[3] Athanasius (?), Contra Apollinarem II, 17 (PG 26, 1161 BS-Cl). Cf. etiam: Niceph.,
Antirrh. fV, 66, Test. 3 (480, l. 22); 11. 8-11 (07rws ... 086v): Joan. Caes., Adv. Aphthart. II, Test. 2
(71, ll. 97-72, l. 101)
[4] Athanasius, De Incarnatione 24, recensio brevior (ed. C. Kannengiesser, SC 199, 353, in
apparatu). Cf. etiam, Thdt.,Eran. III, Test. 35 (238,ll.17-23); Niceph.,Antirrh. IV, 66, Test.3 (480,
1.19); Vat. Gr.1431, Flor. II, Test. 62 (47, II. 1-6; l);"Sermo maior de fide;' Test. 86 (33, ll. 7-15; !);
11.13-14 (7Tdaxov ... J16yov):ibid., Test.10 (7,11.1-3)

VO [3] 4 'EIIIEKOIIOY om. 0 6 post yEvoµlvn add.~ V 8 ante tflvx~v

add. r~v 0 ante aWµa add. rO 0 c':i:v om. Athan. Civ Ev om. Joan. Caes. 9 E-v1
om. 0 E1Tl8Ettn v•< Karapy~crEl 0 10 ante aWµa-ros add. roiJ 0, Niceph.
[4] 12 AOI'OY om. V 13 8id: Kard Athan., Sermo, Thdt., Vat. Gr.1431 d7TIBvnaKEV:
r!1TaaxEv Sermo Test.10 14 1T{cr-riv: i:piiaiv Sermo Test.10 15 Kal 0 A6yos om. Vat.
Gr. 1431; Kal om. 0, Thdt. cod. J 16 d1Ta8~s Kai O.rp&apTos Athan., Sermo, Thdt., Vat. Gr.
1431 17 µfiAAov ante T0 crWµari transp. Thdt. Vat. Gr. 1431 8lEKWAvEv Athan., Sermo,
Thdt., Vat. Gr. 1431
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 391

For if, as you say, he had warded death off from us simply by a command, death
would no longer approach because of [God's] will, but we would none the less
still be corruptible, bearing about corruption within ourselves.

3. BY ATHANASIUS THE BISHOP,

FROM HIS SECOND BOOK AGAINST APOLLINARIUS

In the form like ours which he made his own, he there cancelled out our death,
so that he might also prepare in it the resurrection which lies above us. He
brought his soul to light from Hades, his body from the tomb, so that in death
he might destroy death by revealing his soul, and in the tomb he might conquer
the corruption of bodily burial. Revealing immortality and incorruptibility
from Hades and from the tomb, he walked our way in a form like ours.

4. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

WORK ON THE INCARNATION

The body [of Christ], after suffering, died because of the nature of bodies. But it
had the assurance of incorruptibility, from the Word which dwelt within it. For
the Word did not experience mortality when the body died, but it was
incorruptible in itself and free from suffering and death, since it existed, after
all, as the Word of God; but being joined to the body, it warded off from it,
rather, the corruption which is natural to bodies. So the Spirit says to him, "You
will not allow your holy one to see corruption" (Ps 15.10).
 •
392 IIPOE TOYE :4.<PfEJAPTOLJOKHTOYE

[5] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK TOY :4.YTOY AOI'OY

"O flEv rva OEtxOfi VEKpov TO awµa, Kat µ{av V7TEfJ-EtVE µ €arJV 0 A6yos, Kat
TPLTaLov TOVTO 7Taatv EOEtgEv acpOapTOV. "EvEKa µ €.v oi5v' TOV OEtxO.ryvai TOV
BavaTOV EV T(j> awµan, TPLTaLov av€an;aE TOVTO· rva OE µry, E7Tt 7TOAu
5 OtaµE'lvav Kat cp0ap€.v TEAEOV, vaTEpov avaaT~aas amaTr;Bfj, WS OUK aUTO
d,\A' ETEpov awµa cp€pwv-EµEAAE yap av TLS Kat'Ota TOV xpovov aman'lv
T(j> cpaivo1dvq;, Kat EmAavOavwOai Twv yr:voµ€vwv-oia TOvTo ou 7TAE{w
Twv Tpiwv ~µEpwv ~v€axETo.

{6] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EKTHE IIPOE'EIIIKTHTON

10 AUTO 8€. TO awµa. cpVatv €xov Ovr;Tryv. V7TEp Tryv EaVTOV cpvaw av€aTr;, Ota
TOV EV auT(j> A6yov, Kat 7TE7TaVTat µ€.v T.rys KaTa cpvaw cpOopas, EVOvaaµEvov
8€ TOV V1TEp av0pw7TOV oupavwv A6yov, y€yovEV acpOapTOV.

[7] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EKTOY KATA 'EJLJQAQN AOI'OY

VE , , , , , tit
an tJ-EV yap KaTa cpvaiv 0VTJTOS 0 av8pW1TOS, aTE or; Es OVK OVTWV
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15 yEyovw s· oia oE TTJV 7rpos Tov ovTa oµowTr;Ta, r;v E t Ecpv11aTTE om T'YJS 7Tpos
\ fu) \ I
TOV 6EOV KaTavor;aEWS, 11
r;µ /3\l\VVEV av TTJV KaTa cpvaiv
I
1\
cp {} opav
\ \
Kal\ EfJ-ElVEV
\ >I

acpOapTOS.

[5] Athanasius, ibid. 26 (ed. C. Kannengiesser, SC 199, 360, 11.19-27; PG 25, 141 Al3- B8). Cf.
etiam: Niceph ., Antirrh. rv, 66, Test. 3 (480, 11. 25- 6); Sev. Ant., Antijul. I, 3 (157, II. 20- 8; tr. 122,
11. 5-15; i); Ps.-Leont. Byz., Flor. de Corr. et Incorr. v; 22 (f. 34'; t);"Sermo maior de fide;' Test. 87
(34, l. l; cf. H. Nordberg, Athanasiana I (Helsinki, 1962), 64, 11. 7- 13; !)
[6] Athanasius, Epistola ad Epictetum 10 (PG 26, 1068 AS-9). Cf. etiam: Niceph., Antirrh. IV,
66, Test. 3 (480, l. 28); Thdt., Eran. III, Test. 26(285, 11. 24- 7; t); Ps.-Leont. Byz., Flor. de Corr. et
Incorr. V, 26 (f. 35'; t); 11. 9-10 (aiho .. . A 6yov): Vat. Gr.1431, Flor. II, Test. 9(34, 11. 1- 2)
[7] Athanasius, De Incarnatione 4 (ed. C. Kannengiesser, SC 199, 278, IL 30- 4; PG 25, 104
C3-8). Cf. etiam, Sev. Ant., Antijul. I (30, ll. 12-16; tr. 22, 11. 29-33; .!.); ibid. (291, 11. 4-8; tr. 224,
11. 19-23; ! }; Ps.-Leont. Byz., Flor. de Corr. et Incorr. III, 2 (f. 27v; J.)

VO [SJ 2 V'TTE/J.,ELJJE ante Kai µ,foy transp. Ps.-Leont. Byz. 3 -rofJ-ro ante -rpt-ra'Lov
transp. Sermo; om. Athan. cod. D 5 oiaµ,dvn Sermo amC1T1J6fi: 0La'TTLC1TT/6fi
Niceph. 8 -rwv om. V
[6] 9 TH£: TQN V 10 €av-rou: av-rofJ Thdt., Vat. Gr. 1431 11 q;6opa<;:
0Laq;6opa<; v 12 V'TT~P O.v6pw7TOV ovpavLOv: V'TTEpovpcfvLOV Niceph. ovpavLOV om. Ath .•
Thdt. , Ps. -Leont. Byz.
[7] 14 yd.p Ka-rd. q;6crwom.Ps.-Leont.Byz. 6V1JTO<; 0 av6pW7TO<;: av8pw7To<; Bv'YjTO<; Athan.
o
recensio longior (txt. recensio brevior); O.v6pw1To<; Ov'YJTO<; Ps.-Leont. Byz. 15 post T~v
add. O'~V Sev.Ant. 14 OJJ.,OLOT'Y}Ta: oµ,o{wcrtv Ps.-Leont. Byz. 16 TOii G>EoV: aVTOV Athan.
rec. long. (txt. rec. brev.) lµ,EvEv v; Athan. rec. brev.
•
Contra Aphthartodocetas 393

5. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SAME WORK

So, in order to show his body was dead, the Word remained a day [in the tomb]
in between, and on the third day showed his body incorruptible to all. In order
then, that death might be revealed in his body, he raised it on the third day; but
lest he should cause unbelief if he raised it later than this, remaining [in the
tomb] longer and becoming completely corrupted, [and acting] as if he then
had not this body but another one-for someone might well mistrust what they
saw because of the lapse of time, and miss what had happened-for this reason
he did not remain longer than the three days.

6. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM

HIS LETTER TO EPICTETUS

But the body itself, which had a mortal nature, rose in a way above its own
nature because the Word was in it, and was released from its natural process of
decay; rather, having put on the heavenly Word, which is above humanity, it
became incorruptible.

7. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

TREATISE AGAINST IDOLS

The human person is by nature mortal, because he has come to be from what is
not; but because of its likeness to the one who is, if it preserved this through
knowledge of God, it would blunt the effect of natural corruption and remain
incorruptible.
 •
394 IIPO.E TOYE :4.<P@APTOLJOKHTOY.E

[8] TOY :4.YTOY. 'EK TOY :4.YTOY AOI'OY

E LOE 1Tapaf3 ULT) Gav KaL aTpaq;evTES yevoLVTO q;aVl\OL, ywwaKOLEV EaVTOVS
> <;:I I I I I A\ I r \

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1Tapa8E{a<p ~wijs.

5 [9} TOY :4.I'IOY BA.EIAEIOY· 'EK TOY

IIEPI'EYXAPI.ETIA.E AOI'OY
'fJs oi5v KaTE8€garo r~v1TEZvav oKvpws, rijs arepEas Tpoq;ijs Ota1TVEva8E{a'Y)s
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A ' A

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cpvaEws E1TaKoAov8ouvTa avµ1TTWfLaTa 8Exoµ€vov, ovTw Kai TO 86.Kpvov
1Tpoa-ljKaTo, TO cpvaLKov Tfj aapKI. avµ1Trwµa Emy{vea8ai avyxwpwv.

[10} TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK THE IIPOE

EQZOIIOAITAE 'EIII.ETOAHE
15 EapKos µ€v i'8Lov TO TeµveaBaL Kat µet0va8ai Kai OLaAveaBai, Kai 1TaALv
I ) , /, I I A e I ' <;:
aapKos Eµ.,,vxov ro K01Tova aL Kat oovvrya at Kai 1TELV'lJ KaL oL'fTJ
A e I I I <;: '. /,

[8) Athanasius, ibid. 3 (ed. C. Kannengiesser, SC 199, 274, 11. 35-8; PG 25, 103 C7- 10)
(9) Basilius, Hom ilia de Gratiarum Actione 5 (PG 31, 228 Cl 4-229 Al). Cf. etiam: Vat. Gr.1431,
Flor. II, 27(37,11.1-6); Sev. Ant.,Antijul. I. 3 (134, IJ. 3-8; tr.103,11. 23-30); Ps.-Leont. Byz., Flor. de
Corr. et Incorr. V, 47 (f. 37v); Sev. Ant., Ctr. Gram. III, 31 (121, l.26-122, l. 4; tr. 88,11.14-20; t); Syn.
Lat. (130.11.13-19; apud excerptum c. Theodora Faranitano); Flor Vat. 1455, Test.15; Gelasius, De
Duab. Nat., Test. 51 (555; J. ); 11. 7-11 (ws 0011 ... 8Exo1.dvov): Joan. Caes., Adv. Aphthart. III, 5 (76,
I. 234-77, 1. 240); Thdt., Eran. II, Test. 38(166,11. 6-11; ! ). Cf. etiam periphrasim in Syn Sel. Ctes.
(326-327)
(10) Basilius, Ep. 261, ad Sozopolitanos, 3 (ed. Y. Courtonne III, 117-18; PG 32, 972 A8-B ll).
Cf. etiam. Sev. Ant., Antijul. II A (137, l. 18-138, l. 2; tr. 115, 11. 5-21; t }; ibid. II B (278, ll. 2-15; tr.
244, 11. 13-29; i); Ps.- Leont. Byz., Flor. de Corr. et Incorr. V, 46

VO [8) 1 TOY 'AYTOY om. 0 2 -rrapa~arEv Athan. (txt. cod. D) 3 Ka"Ta

cpvaiv €11 r0 8av6.Tcp: €11 8ava"Tq> Ka"Ta cpvaiv Athan. (txt. cod. D) µ€v€111: µEv Athan.
4 -rrapaSEfoq> 'w~s: -rrapaSdaou 'wfi V; -rrapaSEfoq> '~v Athan.
[9) 6 AOI'OY om. 0 7 ws: wa-rrEp Joan. Caes. post Kvpws add. ~µwv Sev. Ant.
Antijul. 8 aiho/ om. Joan. Caes. ante S{i/Jav add. n)v Basil. Thdt., Joan. Caes. Kal
Stcpav . . . d.va>.w8da71s ~s om. Gelasius post awµan add. atiToii 0 , Syn. Lat.
d.va>.w8da71s post awµa"TL transp. 0, Syn. Lat. 9 EK om. Vat. Gr. 1431 EK ~s
oSomopfos: Sia "Ta>.amwp{as Joan. Caes. v-rrEp"Ta8€nwv om. Joan. Caes.
10 Saµa,oµ€vris: '""''0µ€1171s Thdt. T~s'- om. Basil., Joan. Caes., Ps.-Leont. Byz.
11 €-rraKo>.ov8oiina: -rrapaKo>.ov8oiiv"Ta Joan. Caes. 12 avµ-rr"Twµa post €my{vw8a1
transp. Basil., Thdt., Vat. Gr. 1431, Ps.-Leant. Byz. em
yEv€a8ai V
[10] 15 postµ.Evadd.oVvBasil.,Ps.-Leont.Byz. Kat 1... Kal2: rO ... .,.Q Ps.-Leont.Byz. Kat3
om. V 16 TrEtv~v Basil., Ps. -Leant. Byz. 811p~v Basil., Ps. -Leant. Byz.
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 395

8. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE SAME WORK

But if they should transgress [the command], and turn away and become
degraded, they would know that they must undergo natural corruption in
death, and.no longer remain in the Paradise oflife.

9. BY ST BASIL, FROM HIS ORATION ON GIVING THANKS

That the Lord accepted hunger, when his solid nourishment was digested, and
let thirst affect him when the moisture in his body was consumed, and grew
tired when his muscles and nerves were overstrained by travel, not because his
Godhead was overmastered by his toil but because his body accepted the
characteristic signs that followed on its nature, so he accepted the need to weep,
permitting this natural manifestation to affect his flesh.

10. BY THE SAME AUTHOR,

FROM HIS LETTER TO THE CITIZENS OF SOZOPOLIS

It is a characteristic of flesh to be divided and lessened and destroyed, and again

of ensouled flesh to labor and suffer pain and be worn down by hunger and
thirst
 396 IIPOI: TOYE i!cf>fiJAPTOLJOKHTOYI:
I <I " fl ,/, " ~ I I I ,\ I I '~ I
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Kai cppovT{de:s Kal Oaa TotaVTa.
T OVTWV TaI f-LEV
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l) '°' \;' I I[< l A I \
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, "ODuEv cpatve:rai
, 'o KIvpios Ta µ,e:v rpvaiKa 1TCLUYJ {J I I I I

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,

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EvavupW7TYJGEWS, Ta OE U7TO KaKtas 7Tau77, oaa TO Kauapov TYJS sWYJS l)f-LWV
> I -;"\;' t > I(:: >! " > I . £l I > I
E7TtpV1TCLlVElV OlOEV, WS CLVCLs lQ OVTQ TY)S axpaVTOV UEOTYJTOS CL7TWGCLf.1-EVOS.
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[11} I'PHI'OPIOY'EIIII:KOIIOY NAZIANZOY·

'EK TOY'EII: TO I'ENEl9AION AOI'OY
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[10] 9 Rom. 8.3

[10] (cont.) (ff. 37r-v; i); Flor. Vat.1455, Test.16; ll. 5-8 (08Ev ... d7TwadµEvos): Sev. Ant.,
Antijul. II A (57, II. 12-16; tr. 48, ll. 32-6); ll. 5-9 (oOEV ... a0aprias),ibid. II B (274, ll. 12-17;
tr. 241, ll. 3-8); 11. 5-12 (00EJI ... €7To{71aEJ1): Doctr. Patr. 11, VI (68, 1. 9); Niceph., Antirrh. II,
Test. 26(355,11. 3-4); ll. 5-12 (rpa{vETat ... €7To{7JaEJ1): Flor. Marc. 573 (ff. 32•-v)
[11] Gregorius Nazianzenus, Oratio 38.15 (ed. C. Moreschini,SC 358, 138, 15,ll. l-3; PG 36, 328
Cll-14). Cf. etiam Thdt., Eran. II, Test. 45 (168, II. 2-4); Leo, Tomus I, Test. 5 (II, l, l, 22, ll. 5-7);
Tomus II, Test. 13 (II, 4, 124, ll. 28-30); Joan. Caes Apol. Cone. Chalc., Frag.105 (42, 1031-4); Sev.
Ant., Ctr. Gram. III, 37 (233, ll. 22-4; tr.171, ll. 28-30 ); Ad Serg. II (115, ll. 22-4; tr.86,ll. 24-6); Leon!.
Byz., CNE, Test. 24 (supra, p.43);De Sect IX, Test. 2; Flor. Vat.1455, Test. 19; Doctr. Patr. 7,X (52,
1.2; I); 1. 15 (drrcara.\~ ... ~v):

VO [10 cont.] 3 ToVTwv: ctv Basil., Ps.-Leont. Byz. post ToVTwv add. ydp 0
4 [8va]aJ1dywyoJ1: Svad:ywyov 0, dvdywyov (recte) Basil., Sev. Ant., Ps.-Leont. Byz.
5 l7TEtaay6µEvov 0 6 1Tapa8EgdµEJ1os: 1Tapa8Ex6f.LEJIOS Basil codd. plurimi;
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Antijul. 57 et 274 8 €7Ttpv1Ta{J1EtJ1 oi8Ev: E1rtppv1Tal11Et, TaiJTa Basil., Ps.-Leont. Byz., Flor.
Marc. 573; KaTappv1Ta{vEt, TaiJTa Doctr. Patr., Niceph. OvTa om. Basil., Doctr. Patr., Niceph.,
Ps.-Leont. Byz., Flor. Marc. 573 9 yEyEv~a8at ante aapKos transp. Basil., Ps.-Leont. Byz.;
ante Ev Oµou.tlµaTt transp. Doctr. Patr., Niceph; om. Doctr. Patr. cod. B 9-11 oV ydp ...
O.µapT{as om. Basil. codd. LCPcorr, Sev. Ant., Doctr. Patr., Ps.-Leont. Byz. 10 JJ1 om. V
12 1Ta8WJ1: 1Ta&71µdTw11 V
[11] 13 ante I'PHI'OPIOYadd. TOY i!I'IOYO 13 'EJIIEKOJIOY NAZIANZOY:
TOY BE0110I'OYO 15 8t1TAoiJs ... E1TEi: 8i1TA~ ydp ~JI~ cpVa1s aVToiJ (Jv aVT0: Leo,
Tomus I), rlµEAn Toi €J1TEiJ8EJ1 Tbdt. (sed txt. cod. P; 8t1rAoVs ydp ~JI, dµEAEl Tot ivTEiJBEv cod. J)
Leo, Joan. Caes .
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 397

and sleep; and grief and dismay and worries and all such thiugs are characteristic
of a soul that makes use of a body.
Some of these things are natural, necessary features in any living being;
others are the result of a bad choice, and are results of the unmanageable
character of our way oflife, our lack of training in virtue. From this it seems that
the Lord accepted natural passibilities as a way of confirming that he had truly,
and not simply in appearance, become human; but the passibilities that result
from evil, insofar as they customarily stain the purity of our life, he rejected as
unworthy of the spotless Godhead. For this reason Scripture says he came to be
"in the likeness of sinful flesh" (Rom. 8.3); it does not say, "in the lilceness of
flesh;' as these people think, but "in the likeness of sinful flesh;' to show that he
took on our flesh with the possibilities that befit it, but he did not commit sin.

11. BY GREGORY, BISHOP OF NAZIANZUS;

FROM HIS ORATION ON THE NATIVITY

He was sent, but as a human being; for he was twofold. So, too, he labored
 •
398 IIPOE TOYE :4.<P@APTO.t10KHTOYE
\ ' I ' ' ~ 11 / \ J
KaL ETTELVYJUEV KaL EoL..,,YJUEV Kat YJYWVLaUEV KaL EoaKpvaEV, av pw1TLVOV
1
I \ JS:- I ) 8 I

awµ,aTOS VOf.1-<tJ·

[12] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK TOY'EIE TA <PQTA AOI'OY

E L> µ,Ev
\ 1' > I <I _,1; \ \
OTTEP •1µ,Ev, KaL TYJV EVTO YJV HpvAasafLEV, Eytvoµ,E a
ovv Eµ,ELvaµ,Ev
> ,\ \ > \ ) C > I 8
5 av 07T€p OUK ~µ,Ev, T<j> gvA<p TijS (,w7js 7Tpoud8.6vTES jJ-ETa TO giJ,\ov Tijs
yvwUEWS· KaL TL YEYOVOTES; a1Ta8avana8€vTES KaL 8E<j> TTAYJGLaaaVTES.

{13] I'PHI'OPIOY'EIIIEKOIIOY NYEHE·

'EK TOY KAT''EYNOMIOY AOI'OY I"
OvTW KaL T7jS aA1]8tv7js (,w7js T7jS EYKELfLEV1JS Tfj aapKL f.1-ETa TO TTa8os
\C ''~I \C \J\ \/; '8''~
10 7rpos EaVTYJV avaopaµ,ovaYJS, Kat 1J TTEPL aVTYJV aaps avvETTYJP 1J• V7TO T'YJS
8Ei.Kijs d8avau{as UTTO Tijs cp8opas auvavwa8Etaa ETTL TO acp8apTOV.

{14] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK TOY KATA 'EYNOMIO Y AOI'OY <!'1

\ \ >!~
I
T 0 yap 1TaVTWV LOLOV, > ) \ ) '8 I
KaL E'TT €K€LV1JS TYJS aapKOS WfLOl\OYYJ 1]• OTL apT<p
"' \ C' \ fl >I

KaKEtVO TO awµ,a OLEKpaTEVrO, TO OE awµ,a Tfi EVOLK~GEL TOV @EOV 116yov

15 TTpos T~V 8EL°K~V dgtav fLETE'TTOL~8YJ.

[11 cont.] Joan. Caes.,Apol. Cone. Chalc., Test. 58 (24, 550- 1); Sev. Ant.,Ad Neph. I (2,11. 29-30;
tr. 2, 11. 21- 2);Ad Neph. II (42, 11. 17-18; tr. 31, ll. 28- 9); Leont. Jer., Ctr. Mon., Test. 22 (1821 B13-
14); Doctr. Patr. 4, IV (30, I. 7); 11. 2-4 (E7TEt ... v6µ,o/) : Sev. Ant., Antijul. I (133, l. 16; tr. 103,
11. 10-12); p. 396, 1. 15-p. 398, I. 2 (Kat [€7Tdv17aEv] ... v6µ,(f)): Anast. Sin., Hod. X, 2.5.51- 3 (173)
[12] Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orat. 44, In Novam Dominicam 4 (PG 36, 612 Al4- B3)
[13] Gregorius Nyssenus, Contra Eunomium III, 3, 67 (ed. W. Jaeger II, 132, ll. 3-7; PG 45, 708
A7-1 l). Cf. etiam: Sev.Ant.,Antijul. II A (18,11. 24- 7; tr.14, 11. 26-9; t)
[14] Gregorius Nyssenus, Oratio Catechetica Magna 37, 9 (ed. E. Miihlenberg, GNO III/4, 96,
IL 18-22; PG 45, 96 D4-8). Cf. etiam: Euth. Zig., Pan. XXV (1264 C l0-14; !); Theor., Disp. II
(261 B6- 10; !).

VO [1 1 cont.] 1 Kat E1Tdv17afll om. De Sect.; €1TdvaaE Anast. Sin. Kat ~ywv{aaEv om.
De Sect., Anast. Sin. dv8pw1Tdov v 1- 2 dv8pw1T{vov awµ,a TOS v6µ,o/: v6µ,(f) <f>VUEWS
0, Greg. Naz. cod. Colb. 2696, Leont. Byz. CNE,Anast. Sin.; v6µCf> awµ,a.Tos Greg. Naz. codd. cett.,
Thdt. codd. SD, Sev. Ant., Doctr. Patr.
(12] 3 'EI.E TA <l>QTA AOI'OY: 'EI.E NEAN KYPIAKHN (recte) V"'" (.E3)
4 €yEV6µ,E8a. Greg. Naz.
(13] 7 ante I'PHI'OPIOY add. TOY 'AI'IOY 0 8 I" ante AOI'OY transp. 0
9 ante rfl aa.pK/ add. Ev V 9-10 1T pos fovr~v ante µEra ro m18os transp. Greg. Nyss.
11 avvwa8£i:aa 0
[14] 12 KATA 'EYNOMIOY AOI'OY<b':LJEKATOY AOI'OY KATA 'EYNOMIOYO;<l>'
om. V 15 dtla.v: Mta.v 0
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 399

and felt hunger and thirst and struggled and wept, according to the law of a
human body.

12. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

ORATION ON THE LIGHTS

If, then, we had remained what we were, and had kept the command, we would
have become what we were not, approacWng the tree of life after the tree of
knowledge. And what would we have become? We would have been made
immortal, and have drawn close to God!

13. BY GREGORY, BISHOP OF NYSSA,

FROM HIS TREATISE AGAINST EUNOMIUS, BOOK 3

So, after the Passion, the true life which lay embedded in the flesh returned to
itself, and the flesh that surrounded it was raised along with it, having been
lifted up from corruption to incorruptibility by the immortality that belongs to
God.

14. BY THE SAME AUTHOR,

FROM HIS TREATISE AGAINST EUNOMIUS, BOOK 10

What is proper to all is confessed in the case of that flesh, too; for that body also
was maintained by bread, but the body was transformed into divine dignity by
the indwelling of God the Word.
 400 IIPOX: TOYX: 'A<l>BAPTOLJOKHTOYX:

{15} TOY'OX:IOY 'AMBPOX:IOY· 'EK TOY

KATA'AIIOAINAPIOY AOI'OY
El f.1/Y)Oaµ,Ws lrrtytvWaKELS rO 1Ta8rrr0v, dvEaKEVaaas- roV 8Ea7T6Tov rO
EVaE{3€s,T~V aWTYJp{av ~pvTjaw T~v a~v· DBEv licppovas 0El TOVTovs~yElaBai.

5 [16] TOY 'AYTOY. IIPOX: I'PATIANON

ydp aapKOs da8EvEta, Kal Cf,\Ao TD T~S BE6Tr;r6s Eartv d:tOtov· Kal
'A,\,\1}
aapKds µ,Ev d B&vaTos, ri}s 0€ OvvdµEws rd d8d..varov. El OE YE roVro
7TE7TOlYJKEV
' YJ' 8EDTYJS. WUTE /LYJ
I ., " I '"' ,.., I '
lOElV TYJV aapKa Utacp opav, V1TOKElf-lEVYJV
'>:: 8 I >) • I

"' \ I
OYjl\OVOTl T'[) Ka Ta cpvatv
"' I I
cp e " " '
opq., 1TWS QVTYJ TEll.EVTQV
I \ "
YJ e• I
EOTYJS 71ovvaro;
'"'I

10 {17} TOY'OX:IOY1QANNOY'EIIIX:KOIIOY
KQNX:TANTINOYIIOAEQJ::. 'EIX: TO "LJOSAX:ON
ME X:Y, IIATEP, IIAPA X:EAYT!J"
T ll ovv
,.. ' "8 ' IIEpt T'Y)S OlKOVDµtas 0
EVTUV a cpYJGlV;
I "' ' ' • \ I '
11.oyos-, E7TEL OV1TW OEVOsaaro
I ,, '>:: '>::I c
,.., \
TYJS aapKDS YJ cpvais, OVTE
r I >I } 8 I
acp apaias
}
Q7TOl\UVaaaa OVTE
\I >I "8'
TOV povov
15 Koivwv~aaaa roll {3aaiA.iKoV.

[16] 8 cf. Ps.15.10 (LXX)

[15] Ambrosius, De Incarnationis Dominicae Sacramento 5, 44 (ed. 0. Faller, CSEL 79, 246,
ll. 104-6; PL 16, 864 D9-865 Al). Cf. etiam Flor. Len. 131, Test. 107 (f. 22')
[16] Ambrosius, De Fide ad Gratianum III, 3, 21 (ed. 0. Faller, CSEL 78, 116,ll. 53-7; PL 16, 594
Al0-15). Cf. etiam Joan. Caes.,Adv. Aphthart. II, 6(72,11. 117-21); Flor. Len. 131, Test. 106 (f. 22')
[17] Joannes Chrysostomus,Homilia 80 in Joannem, 2 (PG 59, 435,11. 52-5).Cf. etiam: Flor.Len.
131, Test. 100 (f. 22'); Joan. Caes., Adv. Aphthart. II, 11 (73, ll. 146-9; I); Sev. Ant., Antijul. I (43,
ll. 6-10; tr. 32, ll.14-17; !); ibid. (295, ll. 5-8; tr. 227,ll. 24-27; t); ll. 13-15 (Jnci ... ~aa,Ao<ov); ibid.
(50,11.18-20; tr. 38, ll. 6-8); ibid. (70, ll. 1-2; tr. 53,11.16-18)

VO [15] 1 'OEIOY; 'AI'IOY 0 2 AOI'OY om. V 3 p~st Tra871TOv ad~. T?

Kai TD d1Ta8Js Flor. Len. 131 4 ante awT71p{av add. a~v V T1}V a11v om. V 8fl:
8~V"'
[16] 5 ante IIPOE add. 'EK THE V 6 TD om. 0 EaTiv om. Joan. Caes.
7 8vwlµEws: 8E6T17Tos Flor. Len. 131 YE om. Joan. Caes. 8-9 ii7ToKElf.LEV7JV ••• rp8op~
om. Flor.Len.131 9 Tfj om. O,Joan. Caes.
[17] 10 'OEIOY; 'ATIOY 0 12 EY om. V 13 ante E7TEi add. 1cal Flor. Len.
131 8E80£aa8alFlor.Len.131
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 401

15. BY ST AMBROSE, FROM HIS TREATISE

AGAINST APOLLINARIUS

If you do not recognize his ability to suffer at all, thus destroying pious
understanding of the Lord, you are denying your own salvation. So we must
consider these people to be unreasonable.

16. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, TO GRATIAN

Weakness of the flesh is one thing, the eternity of the Godhead another. Death
belongs to the flesh, immortality to [divine] power. If the Godhead had brought
it about that flesh "should not see corruption;' although it obviously was subject
to the corruption that is natural, how could the Godhead itself not have been
able to achieve this [sc. in the case ofjesus]?

17. BY ST JOHN, BISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE;

ON THE TEXT, "GLORIFY ME, FATHER, IN YOUR PRESENCE"

What, then, is he saying here? The passage concerns the Incarnation, since the
nature of the flesh is not yet glorified, has not tasted incorruption, nor shared in
the royal throne.
 •
402 IIPOE TOYE 11<P@APTO.t'JOKHTOYE

[18} TOY 11YTOY· 'EK TOY'EIE TON

'EYAI'I'EAIETHN 'IQANNHN
"Qa1TEp ovv E1Ti Twv KvµaTwv 7TEpt1TaTovvTa ()EwpovvTES 1Tpo Tov aTavpov,
J\/ JI\\ I I )\\I
A At) A I ti \
OU llEYOf-LEV Ullll1JS rpvaEWS TO awµ,a EKELVO a1111a T1JS 1Jf.J.,ETEpas, OVTW f-LETa
5 T~V avaaTaGLV aUTOV opwVTES TOVS TV1TOVS TWV 7},\wv €xovTa, OUK epovµ,n
aUTO rpOapTOV Elvat AOL1TOV· Dta yap TOV µ,aBT)T~V TUVTU E7TEDELKVVTO.

[19] TOY 11YTOY· 'EIE TON 11YTON'EYAI'I'EAIETHN

"Qa7TEp yap TO 7TELV'Yjv OUK EyKAYJµa, ou8€ TO KaeEvDELV, OVTWS ou8€ TO Tijs
I r I()
A) t~\x \ I
1Tapova"f/S i,,WYJS ErptEa at· o oE ptaTOS awµ,a Ka apov avaµapT"f/TOv
A e \ )
10 EiXEV, ouxi DE rpvaLKWV dvayKwV a7T17Uayµ€vov, E7TEL ou8' av awµ,a ~v.

{20} TOY 11 YTOY· 'EK TOY <'EIE TON>

11YTON'EYAI'I'EAIETHN AOI'OY

(18] Joannes Chrysostomus, Homilia 87 in Joannem, 1 (PG 59, 474, 11. 27-32). Cf. etiam: Flor.
Len. 131, Test 101 B, cum 101 A (hie Test. 20), coniunctum (f. 22'); Sev. Ant., Antijul. I (193,
I. 25-194, l. 6; tr.149, II. 27-32; t)
[19] Joannes Chrysostomus, Homilia 67 in Joannem, 2 (PG 59, 371, 11. 56-60). Cf. etiam: Sev.
Ant., Antijul. II B (203, 11.11-15; tr. 174, I. 34-175, I. 4); ibid. I (54, 11. 15-19; tr. 41, ll. 4- 7; i); ibid.
(92, I. 22-93, l. l; tr. 71, 11. 22-6; t); ibid. (228, I. 22- 229, l. 1; tr.177, 11.13-17; i); ibid. (293, 11. 9-13;
tr. 226,ll. 9-13; i); Fac.Herm.,Def. Tr. Cap. IIl,3,29 (85,11.219-23; i);Syn Lat. (288,11.27-9); Cone.
Const. III,Actio X (407 Dl2-E3; i); 11. 8-9 (Wo77Ep ... €cp{w8ai): Doctr. Patr. 18, X (120, l. 6;
t); 11. 8- 9 (o 8E Xpta7dS ... ~v): Sev. Ant., Antijul. I (135, 11. 4-6; tr. 104, 11. 19-21); ibid. II A (66,
11.10- 12; tr. 56,11. 30-1)
[20] Joannes Chrysostomus, Homilia 87 in ]oannem, 2 (PG 59, 475, 11. 5-10). Cf. etiam: Joan.
Caes.,Adv. Aphthart. II, 10 (73, 141-5); Flor.

VO (18] 1-2 'Ell: ... 'IQANNHN: 'Ell: TO KATA 'IQANNHN 'EYAI'I'EAION 0

4 d.AAd: a.\.\11 V; ciU' Et Flor. Len. 131 5 TOLJS om. Flor. Len.131 7WV i].\wv om. 0, Joan.
Chrys., Flor. Len.131 (Pct. Sev. Ant.) lxov'l'as Flor Len. 131 6 aih6v Joan. Chrys., Sev.
Ant. Tw v 1.w.811Twv V " ; Tovs µ.ae11Ta> Sev. Ant. Jm8di<vvTai V; a77E8Eli<vvTo Flor. Len.
131
[19] 7 'Ell: ... 'EYAI'I'EAIETHN: 'EK TOY i4.YTOY'EYAI'I'EAIOYO 8 77ELVEtv
VO; mvEtv (bibere) Fae. Herm. 9 d.vaµ.6.p71/Tov: d.µ.ap71/fJ.6.7wv Joan. Chrys. Sev. Ant,
Fae. Herrn., Sn. Lat., Cone. Const. III 10 8fom. Joan. Chrys. oux18€: ou Syn.Lat., Cone.
Const. Ill ov8': OUK Syn. Lat. ov8' av ~v awµ.a V; ou8€ awµ.a av ~v Cone. Const. III
[20] 11-12 'EK AOI'OY: 'EK TOY 'AYTOY 'EYAI'I'EAll:TOY
('EYAI'I'EAIOY O) AOI'OYVO 13 y' om. Joan. Caes. Tfi €am!p~ Joan. Chrys.,Joan.
Caes. d.mfan1 V 13-14 776..\,v a7Tag om. Joan. Caes. 14 a77£0771 VO p. 402,
I. l 4-p.404, l. 1 i<at 7r6..\,v ... cp6{3ov om. Joan. Caes. TraAtv om. Sev. Ant.
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 403

18 . BY THE SAME AUTHOR,

FROM HIS HOMILIES ON THE EVANGELIST JOHN

Just as when we gaze at him walking on the waves before the cross, we do not
say that that body has another nature, but ours, so after the resurrection, when
we see him bearing the marks of the nails, we do not say his body is still
corruptible. For this was revealed because of the disciple.

19. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, ON THE SAME EVANGELIST

For just as being hungry is not reproach, nor falling asleep, neither is an eager
desire for this present life. Christ had a pure, sinless body, but it was not yet
released from natural necessities, since then it would not have been a body.

20. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

WORK ON THE SAME EVANGELIST

He appeared, then, in the evening and then vanished; then, after eight days, he
appeared once again and again vanished; then after this, he appeared by the sea,
and again
 •
404 llPOI: TOYE J4.<1><9APT0.:10KHTOYI:

7TOl\l\OV
I \ \ A
TOVA ((JOtJOV· TL OE EGTt TO Eq;avEpwaev ; 'EK TOVTOV O'Y}l\OV
IR I "' I ' "" "'A\
I
OTL
" " I
f.tETa
A ,'a ,"' , , ' , ,, I ,
ovx ewpaTo, EL f.t'Y/ avyKaTEl-'YJ> ow TO l\OL7TOV aq; apTOV E vai TO awµa KaL
, , e A ,

O.K'rypaTOV.

[21) TOY'Ol:IOY'E<PPAIM· 'EK TOY llEPI J4.I'AllH£ AOI'OY

5 J4.q;8apa{q. EGTLV ~ avaaTaais-, dt\t\d. Tds ovt\ds OVK ~q;avtaev, L'va YEVWVTaL
µapTvpES" <9Eov, on
EV~PYYJGEV· ov TO q;OapTOV €vv{3ptaas Tfj TWV ovAwv
7Tapaµovij, TOVVavT{ov OE ootaaas Tfj a<p8apa{q., OTL U7TO TOV <p8apTOV
awµaTOS" T~V q;Oopd.v E<pvyaOEVUEV.

[22) KYPIAAOY'Ellll:KOllOY J4.AESANLJPEIA£· 'EK THE

10 'EPMHNEIAI: THI:'EIJ: TON llPO<PHTHN'HJ:A!AN
<;;,I
'E7T€lOYJ OE, <;;, \ I
7TaTYJUaS" TOV q.oYJV, ave{3'LW TPLYJf.tEpos, ELTa TE 8EaTat TYJV
I U<;, ) I
I .. I

>el
av pw7Tov q;vatvI J~,...
EV EaVT<tJ f.tETaµop<pw eA ' 'a<p
naav ELS" 8 apaiavI\\'"'
Kat TYJV TOV
<9rnv Ka£ llaTpos evOoK{av, 7TUUYJS" ~OYJ KaTevpvvoµ€v'Y/v Tfjs yfjs,
I\\ 'Y 8aLTWV
f.tEl\l\OVaaVTE KaTaqJWTL<:.Ea
I A '8 A ' \ 8' ' A I '
€ vwv TYJV 1Tl\'Y} vv KaL T'YJS" µev apxatas
I

15 Kat avvTpoq;ov 7TAaVYJS" a7Toq;oLTav, KaAEZa8ai OE 7Tpos E7T{yvwaiv avTov TE

KaL,TOVAnaTpos, , a1TO
, f3 EfJl\'Y}KE
'R' , E7TL
TOV , , TO, 1Ta ELV 1TOVOV. e A ,

{23} TOY J4.YTOY· 'EK TOY <9Hl:AYPOY

'E7TELOYJ
"' , OE , Kat, <peapTOV
"', 8VYJTOV , aVEl\a
, ,, f3 E awµa Kal TOlS" TOLOVTO LS" 1Ta'8 EGLV
A , A ,

V7TOKE{µevov, avayKa{ws f.tETa TfjS" aa pKOS" KaL Ta avTfjS" toL07TOL€tTal

[20] 1 Joan. 21.1

(20 cont.] Len. 131, Test. 101 A, cum 101 B (hie Text. 18) coniunctum (f. 22'); Sev. Ant.,
Antijul. I (194, LL 8- 13; tr. 149, l. 35-150, l. 3; t); ibid. II A (146, ll. 21-5; tr. 123, ll. 17-21; i )
(21) Ephraem Syrus (?), fragmentum primo apud Joannem Caesariensem,Adv. Aphthart. II, 7
(72, l. 122-73, 1. 126), inventum. Cf. etian\: Niceph ., Antirrh. Ill, Test. 78 (370, l. 6); Antirrh. IV, 72,
Test.40 (468, ll. 18-19); Flor. Len.131, Test. 102 (22' )
(22) Cyrillus Alexandrinus, In Isaiam V. 1 (PG 70, 1188 B5-12)
[23] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Thesaurus de sancta et consubstantiali Trinitate 24 (PG 75, 396
C ll-15). Cf. etiam: Flor. Len. 131, Test. 103 (f. 22'); Sev. Ant., Antijul. I (233, IL 7- 11; tr. 180,
11. 24-7; J. ); ibid. (287, ll.17-20, tr. 221, 11. 23-7; J. ); ibid. II A (85, 11.1-4; tr. 71,11.13- 16; J. ); Phil., Test.
221 (351,11. 25-9; tr. 287, 11. 2- 6; t); Antijul. III (120, ll.11-15; tr. 99, 1. 36-100, I. 3; t )

VO [20) 2 dYai ante AOL1TDV transp. 0

[21] 5 arp8apala. Joan. Caes. (ed. Richard) ~ om. Flor. Len. 131 6 rp8aprov:
arp6aprov 0 7 8./ om. 0 TOV Om. Flor. Len. 131
[22] 9 KYPIAAOY . . . )JAESANLJPEIA.E: TOY MAKAPIOY KYPIAAOY 0
11 ~811Y: 6aYaTOV 0 14 TE: 8€ 0 15 1TpOS: Els 0
[23] 18 8€: yap Cyr., Sev. Ant. a1TEAa/3E Cyr. row&rois om. Sev. Ant.
•
Contra Aphthartodocetas 405

accompanied by great wonder. What does "he appeared" mean? From this it is
clear that he would not have been seen ifhe had not permitted it, because from
now on his body was incorruptible and undefiled.

21. BY ST EPHRAEM, FROM HIS SERMON ON LOVE

The resurrection took place in incorruption, but it did not make the wounds
disappear, that they might become witnesses that God was active. By enduring
the wounds, he did not show contempt for the corruptible [body]; rather, by
glorifying it with incorruptibility, [he revealed] that he had banished corruption
from the corruptible body.

22. BY CYRIL, BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA,

FROM HIS INTERPRETATION OF THE P ROP HET ISAIAH

After trampling down Hades, he came back to life again in three days; then he
contemplated human nature transformed to incorruptibility in himself, and
the favor of God the Father, spread out already over the earth, preparing to
become the light of the nations in its fullness and to turn [humanity] away from
the ancient error that had grown along with it, calling it to know him and his
Father. So he drove away the sorrow that comes along with suffering.

23. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM THE THESAURUS

Since he took up a mortal and corruptible body, one subject to passibilities of

this kind, he necessarily made its weaknesses his own
 •
406 IIPOE TOYE J4<P<9AP TOLJOKHTOYE

{24} TOY JAYTOY· 'EK TOY A' TO MOY

TOY'EIE TON MAT<9AION
Ilwc; ovv d7T€(}avEv, d(}cfvaToc; WV, rva Kat eyep{}fJ KaL VEKpwan 'TOV (}cfvaTOv,
5 Ei µ,~ 7Tpoa€,\a{3E awµ,a 'TO 'TOLc; TOV eavaTOU v6µ,o.tc; V7TOKELjJ,EVOv; ~H 7TWc;
"I\ I\ ' () \ ) C. \ \ > """ \ t > > .-. I \
av Ka'TEl\UaE T71V rp opav, E!)E/\WV auT71c; 'TO UTT aU'T!l 7Tpa'T'TOV TE Kat
I I ' I >I\ f3 I (} I (} I I > > ~I > I
KELjJ,EVOV yevoc;, Et µ:r1 Ella E 'TO rp ELpEa at 7TErpUKOS Kat Etc; LO Lav Eµ,oprpw aE
'w~v;

[25] TOY JAYTOY· 'EK THE IIPOE EOYKENEON'EllIETOAHE

I~\ I >I .J: I >I I \ ~ (} ' \ I > I
10 M ETa OE 'TT}V avaaTaatv .,v µ,ev aU'TO 'TO awµ,a 'TO 7TllTJV OUKE'TL
7TE7TOV oc;,
'Tele; dv(}pw7T{vac; da(}EvE{ac; exov EV €auTCti · ov yap ETL 1TE{v77c; ~ K07TOU ~
ETEpou 'TLVO c; TWV 'TOLOV'TWV OEKTLKOV ElvaL rpaµ,ev av'To, d,\,\d AOL7TOV
"(} I' I A I >\\\
arp apTov· Kat ouxt TOU'TO µ,ovov, a1111a Kat .,,worrotov.
1y I z WTJS yap
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~ A I

EG'TL, TOU'TEG'TL Tov Movoyevovc;.

15 [26} TOY JAYTOY. 'EK TOY TOMOY S''

THE IIPOE'EBPAIOYE'EllIETOAHE
'Erp.ryKE µ,ev yap TO LOLOV awµ,a 7Ta(}eZv TOV (}cfva'TOV OLKOVOjJ,LKWc;, "rva Kat
VEKpwv Kat 'WVTWV KUptevan·" E1TEL0~ 8€ awµ,a 'w~c; ~v, dvE{3{w
7Tapaxp~µ,a, vevLKTJKOS T~v g;{}opav· Twv ovTw 8€ aerrTwv T~v KaTopewatv
' I \ '\ \ \ ~ AA I ~ I I ' f3 I
20 ou rpuGEL aapKoc; a1111a 'T!/ 'TOU oyou ouvaµ,EL rrpoaveµ,ovTEc;, EUaE 77awµ,Ev.

(26] 17-18 Rom.14.9

[24] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, In Matthaeum I: fragmentum primo apud Joannem Caesariensem,

Adv. Aphthart. II, 19 (75, 11. 198-202), inventum. Cf. etiam: Flor. Len. 131, Text. 104 (f.22')
[25] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Ep. I ad Succensum, 10 (ACO I, l, 6, 155, I. 27-156, I. 4; PG 77, 236
B7-13). Cf. etiam: Flor. Cyr., Test.46 (127,1.22-128, I. 2; !); Sev.Ant., Phil., Test.46 (29, l. 23-30,l. 3;
tr. 23, ll. 21-8; ! ); 11. 10-11 (µ.€-ra ... €au-rep): Niceph., Antirrh. IV, 66, Test 6 (484, L 30);
ll. 10-1 3 (µ.€-ra .. . swo7Tot6v): Joan. Caes.,Adv. Aphthart. II, 20 (76, ll. 203- 7)
[26] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, In Ep. ad Hebraeos: fragmentum hie primo inventum

o
VO (23] 1 post aihos add. A6yos- Sev.Ant.Antijul. I (233)
(24] 2- 3 'EK TOY ... MATBAION: 'EK T!JN 'EIE TO KATA MAT@AION 0
4 l8Ep8fi Flor. Len. 131 5 -roiJ om. Flor. Len . 131 v6µ.o is ante tnrOKEl!J-t'vov transp. V
6 av-rijs- om. Joan. Caes. 7 K€{µ.<£vov: tnroKdµ.EVOV Joan. Caes. 7- 8 KO.t ... sw'l}v
om. Joan. Caes. 7 l8La.v: &t8wv 0
[25] 10 8€ om. Niceph. post 8€ add. YE Cyr., Flor. Cyr. 11 lxwv Cyr. 12 Tw v
... avTo: -rotoiJTov Joan. Caes. 13 post 1L\Ad. add. yap Cyr. (txt. cod. V), Flor. Cyr. cod. S
(26] 15 S'' om.V 18 l}vom.V 19 8£om.V
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 407

along with the flesh, and when it endured these things he himself is said to
endure them.

24. BY THE SAME AUTHOR,

FROM THE FIRST BOOK OF HIS
COMMENTARY ON MATTHEW

Being immortal, how, then, did he die, in order to be raised and to put death to
death, if he had not taken on a body which was subject to the laws of death? Or
how could he have driven out corruption, removing from it the whole range of
activities and passivities within its sphere, if he had not taken on what was
naturally corruptible and transformed it to his own life?

25. BY THE SAME AUTHOR, FROM HIS

LETTER TO SUCCENSUS

After the resurrection, it was the very body which had suffered, except that it no
longer had human weaknesses within itself. We say that it no longer was able to
undergo hunger or fatigue or anything else of this sort, but from now on was
incorruptible-and not only that, but life-giving. For it is the body of life-that
is, of the Only-begotten.

26. BY THE SAME AUTHOR;

FROM THE SIXTH BOOK ON THE LETTER TO THE HEBREWS

For he permitted his own body to suffer death as part of the divine plan, "so that
he might be Lord of the dead and the living:' Since it was the body of life, he
raised it immediately, having won victory over corruption. And let us show
reverence by attributing the accomplishment of these august mysteries not to
the nature of flesh, but to the power of the Word.
 408 IIPOJ: TOYJ: Jl<PfiiJAPTOiJOKHTOYE

[27] TOY 1:1.I'IOY I'PHI'OPIOY TOY fiiJEOAOI'OY·

'EK TOY'EIE TA <JJQTA AOI'OY
'E7ret80 KaBapdv aVToV T0v fJe6T71Ta cpEpeiv oV T~S Ev yevEaet Kai cpBop~
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) 'f" I ) (3 \ I " I I "'

20 ~µ,erEpwv EVp~aEt J\6ywv.

Probatio calami, ut videtur,in calce O,f.151 v (EIB) post conclusionem Leontii: T<ji EvTtµoTdTq>
Eiiy[EvEaTdTcµ] (?);cf. p.118 supra

[27] Gregorius Nazianzenus, Orat. 39, In sancta lumina, 13 (SC 358.178-80; PG 36, 349 A7-
BS). Cf. etiam: ll. 3-7 (E1TEi00 dOO:vaTov): Niceph., Antirrh. III, Test. 5 (344, 11. 7-14);
11. 4-7 (Otd TOVTo ... aeavaTov): Sev. Ant., Antijul. II A (19, II. 23-7; tr. 15, I I. 16-22);
ll. 4-11 (0£d TOVTo ... 8avaTw8EvTos): Sev. Ant., Ctr. Gram. III, 41 (301, ll. 1-13; tr. 222,
ll. 7-16)

VO [27] 3 yEvv~aEi Niceph. 6 7TO:a77s V 10 dvaaWa'Y]Tal: dvavEWO'Y}TaL

Sev. Ant. Conclusio Leontii: 12 <AEONTIQY, supplevi OiacpavWv: 8iacp6pwv 0
13 o[om.V 15 µE-vom.O T'V 17 &/..778E{ar; ante aVTolr; transp. 0
 Contra Aphthartodocetas 409

27. BY ST GREGORY THE THEOLOGIAN,

FROM HIS ORATION ON THE LIGHTS

Since it was not possible for the nature that belongs to becoming and corruption
to sustain his Godhead in a pure state, for this reason what was unmixed
became mixed: not only [was] God [mingled] with becoming, nor mind with
flesh, nor the timeless with time, nor the uncircumscribed with measure, but
also begetting with virginity, and dishonor with what is above all honor, and the
impassible with suffering, and the deathless with the corruptible. For since the
deviser of evil thought he could not be overcome, and lured us with the hope of
divinity, he himself was deceived by the screen of flesh, and as he had assaulted
Adam, so he might fall before God. So the new Adam might save the old, and
the condemnation of flesh might be destroyed, death being put to death in the
flesh.

<Leontius:> Since this is the unanimous teaching of the illustrious Fathers of

the Church, surely those who are filled with the same Spirit as they are will be
found to agree with them completely. We did not want to set out all the
testimonies of all authors, even if that were possible; but in order not to make
the reader shrink back at their sheer number, we have striven to offer only a few
texts, from certain authors, which contain the form and measure of the truth
that is in them all; and we send the diligent reader on to their complete works,
in which he will surely find the accurate version of what has been held long
before what we ourselves have written.
 •

TOY J4YTOY·
AOI'OE I''·
THE J4110PPHTOY KAI
J4PXOEILJEETEPAE
TQN NEETOPIANQN J4EEBEIAE,
KAI TQN TAYTHE IIATEPQN,
<PQPA KAI @PIAMBOE

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:4.YTHI:O 7 <l>OPA OP post @PIAMBOI:add. AOI'OI: I" 0
 By the Same Author:
An Unmasking and a Triumphant
Defeat of the Unspeakable and
Fundamental Impiety of the Nestorians,
and of the Fathers of this [Heresy]
(Book III. Deprehensio et
Triumphus super Nestorianos)
 412 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 413

As I add this third book to the two that have preceded it, as a thank-offering to
God and a monument and triumph against the faithless, I should like to pray
the Lord to be with us now, too, as a support to our mind, and to direct our
words with his Word, in the grace that is moved by the Spirit. For if we have
undertaken all other things with God's help, and especially this project in hand,
his help will be itself a sufficient reward for our labors, and a guarantee of
benefit for those about whom and for whose sake these words [are written]-if
not a benefit worthy of his dignity, at least one proportionate to our power. For
us, this present task has another justification as well; for we are paying an old
debt, of all debts most deserving of payment: one which ought to have been
paid off long ago, but which-because of our great and deep poverty-is only
now beginning to be paid off, in a small and unworthy way.
For those against whom I said just now I had chosen to raise a monument to
God, and to surround with a triumphal procession, because they no longer
store up their iniquity in hiding and deceive the masses with things unseen and
unknown, but are visible from afar, and so become a warning for us and a signal
to flee-there was a time when I myself formed part of their company. They
captivated both my time and my reason then, young as I was, and they left no
instrument of wickedness untried, to achieve this purpose; for I prized accuracy
of doctrine, and once I had tasted it with the tip of my finger-as the saying
goes-I became avid and omitted nothing that might curb my eagerness. They
took hold of me, like a blind man groping after his way, and tried to pull me
down into the pit of their own wickedness. But some kind of grace appeared to
me from above and snatched me from between their teeth, where I had already
become a ready victim;
 414 llPOL: TOYE NEL:TOPIANOYL:

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 415

it filled me with a burning desire for virtue, a longing worthy of a solitary life
[undertaken] for its sake. How could he who led Israel in the desert fail to be my
companion, too, on my exodus? And when carrying me, he did not let me go,
until he put me into the hands of godly men, who not only cleansed the eye of
my soul from all that rheumy matter, but filled it with holy light, cleansing my
hands and my internal organs with the books of holy and wise men, from whom
they themselves had drawn truth and the rest of the virtues.
Would I not, then, justly incur the charge of the ultimate impiety before
right-minded people, if I dared to commit these events totally to silence? May
God and each God-loving person pardon the fact that I did not compose this
work of thanks at the very beginning, or at that very moment when, so to speak,
I was found worthy to see the light. I restrained my words, not through
ingratitude but out of fear, because I did not want to seem to make my gratitude
for these things the occasion of a rash broadside. But now, since there is a just
cause, and one which will not allow us to be silent, spurring us on, I have taken
pains to acquit myself of both need and desire. I should be more credible than
anyone, as far as the confirmation of what I shall say and the shaming of the
godless is concerned, if they were only willing [to listen]: experience, as they
say, is more reliable than words. May Christ and his Father come forward as
witnesses that I am not going to say these things out of spite towards anyone, or
out of favor towards others. First of all, I pity them [=the Nestorians ]; secondly,
I always lament the number of those who have been deceived [by them]; and
thirdly, I have endeavored to prepare this work as a preventive help, like a
protective medication for those who have not yet succumbed. Besides, I am
afraid of the judgment, if the disease had not made us more able to sympathize
[with other sufferers]. If for nothing else, [I write this] to produce one fruit for
him who redeemed and saved [us]: the protection of others.And may they [the
Nestorians] not be resentful at us, if I have dared to speak out what they
themselves have not shrunk from thinking.
Corne, then: let us wheel out on center-stage their argnments against the
truth; which they use against those who unfortunately are beginning to be
caught in their lethal snares.
 416 IIPOZ TOYZ NEZTOPIANOYZ

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 Deprehensio et Triumph us super Nestorianos 417

1. Their first act of wickedness worth mentioning is this: that though they do
not accept any of the holy, God-given doctors of the Church at all, except for
Theodore and Diodore, they pretend in words not to accept the first springs of
their impiety [i.e. Paul of Samosata and Nestorius].
2. Then they hold out the great and well-attended Synod [Chalcedon], even
before any other bait, to the simple, even though they do not think according to
it (for I do not know if they yield first place in thinking against it to anyone
else!), but they slip it on as a pious mask for their drama, and at the beginning
of the charade they escape unnoticed. Once they have persuaded [their hearers]
that they do accept the synod or they meet someone who does, they cross-
examine him as to which of the Fathers he habitually and by preference studies.
Then if perchance the one questioned should say the great "eye of the Church"
John [Chrysostom], or the two great stars (I mean the Cappadocians), or the
bright dawn-star Athanasius, theyimmediately alter their faces (for they cannot
endure even the mention of these names), but nevertheless-so that the quarry
might not be terrified at first meeting and so wander away-they say, "These
Fathers are excellent too, but no better than ours:' And if their names are
requested, they say, "Read [them] first, and then you will learn who they are and
when they lived-these men;' they say, "of whom you, poor fellow, have never
heard!"
3. Promising other gifts and forms of assistance, even access to the emperor,
if one should need it, and the first rank in magistracies and contact with learned
members of their company (Oh, the extent to which the wicked will go!), they
do not stop until the victim falls before them, either through ignorance or
poverty or flattery, or any other of the things that can trap those who do not
guard their hearts with every precaution.
4. Then when they have taken him in hand and made him obedient in the
way they wish, if the victim is a monk they turn him towards Greek literature,
if he is considered apt for it; and
 418 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE
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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 419

they make much ridicule of the simplicity of monastic life, and urge that fasting
and watching and solitude are worth nothing (for they calumniate the life of
practical virtue, and are disgusted even with the name of it), and urge him to
change his habit, as something which stands in the way of this world's wisdom;
and they promise to enroll him in the clergy or help him along in some other
way, if only he becomes a participant in their impiety. But ifhe is a layman, they
promise him gifts that suit his station, not speaking the truth (for that, to them,
is the real bliss of wickedness), but still leading him astray with hopes, and [so]
they force him to gape at them in amazement.If my indictment on these charges
has been brief, it is because time is pressing.
5. Having recalled one or the other fact about them, I turn now to the great
teacher of their foolishness. For since they see day by day the growing and
justified hatred of their godless teachings and of the originator of their impiety
among the faithful, they contrive a bitter blow against their way oflife. For they
say tons, in a kind of stage drama,''.Awaywith Nestorius! He who was his father
shall be father of the same teachings:' And when they have agreed on this
among themselves, and have made what they think is the best plan in this way,
they offer the faithful Theodore in his place.
6. Although I would like to pass over a point yet more remarkable than
these, I may not do so. They imitate the villainies of the Manicheans (for they
cannot live any other way), and just as they [are divided] into the so-called
"elect" and the "indifferent;' so these divide themselves into the party which
admires Nestorius and highly values communion with him, and those who
anathematize him and pretend to be in communion with the Church. The ruler
of all that is hidden will bear witness that this has not been fabricated by me.
For when a friend of mine was pressed by them both to be in communion with
them and to be admitted into the clergy of the [Orthodox] Church, and they
saw he was reluctant to do such a fearful and bold thing, they said: "What harm
can there be, if you use the Church as your Praetorium and the clergy as your
army, but share our faith and welcome communion with us?" When he
continued to be in doubt about this, and said it was impossible
 420 llPO:E TOY:E NE:ETOPIANOY:E

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 421

to be in communion both witb them and with the Church, they said, "You
mustn't be dissatisfied with this sort of arrangement. Does tbe bread which is
offered as a symbol of the body of Christ obtain any greater blessing than the
bread sold in the market, or tbe loaves that the Philomarianites offer in Mary's
name?"
7. Now it is time to recount the praises of their "great teacher Theodore": for
that is what they say he is, whom the great john, after he [Theodore] had fallen
away from his commitment and forsworn his profession, tried to draw up from
the pit oflawlessness where he had fallen by two letters, like strong, long ropes.
8. They say that he was only eighteen years old, and no more, when he began
his drunken insults of the holy Scriptures; for I would not refer to his
interpretations composed about the sacred Scriptures in any other way.
9. Similarly, they say that when he wanted to capture Tarsus, the "eye of
Cilicia;' after Diodorus, who had been the leader and father of his evils and
impiety, had departed tbis life, it was Theophilus of Alexandria who prevented
him from [achieving] this daring act; for those who were about to live under his
tyranny had sent an embassy to him.
10. This villain, when he was expounding the Scriptures in the renowned
Church of tbat city once called after Antiochus, but now after God, dared-
among many other things-to attack the title "Theotokos"; as a result, he stirred
up the whole populace against himself.
11. In all his misconceived exposition of the holy Scriptures, this defiled
creature did not stop mocking and disparaging the labors of those holy doctors
who had toiled over them. "I would seem to be in a ridiculous state;' as the great
Basil said, "if I tried to correct a murderer with a slap in tbe face:' But come,
change course, sing the praises of the inner world, and cast an eye on what is
unmentionable to them [i.e., the Antiochene party] and inaccessible to the
masses; I mean their inner chamber of irreverence. I shall not "dance secrets
out;' as they say, but I shall reveal the execrable teachings of godlessness. Let no
one blame us for what we say, for we are not the originators of the evil you are
about to hear,
 422 IIPOJ; TOYJ; NEJ:TOPIANOYJ;

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 423

nor have we given cause for what will be said; for many books tell of their
godless mysteries, although I myself would pray to God that such mysteries of
impiety as these be covered with silence and darkness. But now I have set myself
to relate these things, not to make you disciples of evil, but to deliver you from
terrors, that I may set them headlong in flight and cry out loudly to all: "Flee, all
of you, flee, flee far from the cliffs and the pits-flee the books of godless
teaching, defiled with every heresy!"
12. This "wise and great Theodore;' as his admirers call him, since it means
little to him to struggle against men, attempts and dares [an attack] on the glory
of the Spirit, understanding all the exalted writings of the inspired sacred
writers in a lowly way, and separating them from the providentially assigned
number of the sacred books.
13. The great servant of God and the living, eternally famous monument of
courage, Job, he has scrubbed clean of about twenty thousand lines, and crossed
out the writing of the Spirit about him, which the great James confirms in his
catholic Epistle when he says, "You have heard of the patience of Job, and have
seen the purpose of the Lord:' For we have not heard of his patience or learned
of his end, except from the book about him.
14. For this same reason, I think, he bans the epistle of the great James and
the rest of the other catholic epistles. For it was not enough for him to fight
against the Old Testament, in imitation of Marcion's impiety, but he had to fight
also against the New, so that his struggle with the Spirit, our Advocate, might be
more notable still.
15. Completely rejecting the inscriptions of the holy hymns and psalms and
odes, he attributes them all-in Jewish fashion-to the circles around
Zerubbabel and Hezekiah, allowing the Lord only three.
16. Even the Canticle of Canticles, the holiest of holy songs, praised by all
godly men and all Christians,
 4

424 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

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q

Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 425

recognized by the churches throughout the inhabited world, admired even by

the Jews, the "enemies of the cross of Christ" -[even this] he has seized on in
his adulterous thought and language, bold and boundlessly daring as he is, and
excised from the holy books.
17. And what would the inventor and father of wickedness, who acts in him,
not do? Adding crime to crime, he has similarly thrown out the first and second
books of Paraleipomenon, and the book of Ezra, in addition to the aforesaid
books.
18. Well, then, does he attack the holy Scriptures and destroy the good
reputation of the most celebrated achievements of the Spirit, but hold back
from secondary things and leave the fight and the victory in such things to
others? Not a bit! For since, as he thinks, his struggle against the inspired
Scriptures is finished and over, he begins a second contest, equal to the first; and
so that he should not tire himself by attacking the details one by one, he takes a
stand against the first teaching of Christianity and writes off the God-given
Symbol of the reborn-I mean the creed ofNicaea; he does not simply mutilate
it, but does away with it totally and utterly, offering another one in its place,
taking no account of the venerable luminaries [who composed it] ,nor shrinking
from the daring of such an attack. He proposes, as I say, another Symbol of
Faith-rather, of unbelief!-writing, after belief in God the Father and the
Only-begotten Son and the Holy Spirit, that he believes "also in the Lord Jesus
Christ:' [Thus] he introduces a fourth person into the Holy Trinity and divides
the characteristics of our one Christ and God into two persons, and attributes
divine actions and supernatural birth to the true God, while attributing human
things and things befitting a man, and first of all birth from the Virgin, to Christ
as a separate individual.
19. He dares another outrage, too, which does not take second place to those
we have mentioned. For he has improvised a Eucharistic prayer, different from
the one handed down to the churches from the Fathers, neither respecting the
anaphora of the Apostles nor considering that of the great Basil, which is
written in the same Spirit, as worthy of account. With this anaphora of
blasphemies (not of prayers, after all!), he has carried out the sacraments of
initiation. Well, is it worth
 426 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE
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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 427

waiting for any other Antichrist, who so hates the interests of Christ and tries to
overthrow them? I don't think so. He is sufficient, I say, to fulfill that person's
place and role in every way.
20. Hear the other things about him, which it is neither good nor desirable
to hear. The judgment of God, proclaimed in all the holy Scriptures, which even
those who .are far from the divine wisdom of the Christians have heard of-the
single act of establishing those who stand and raising up those who have fallen,
the medicine of sinners and the just end and complete requital of the devil,
which neither the devil nor the demons dared to deny; saying to the Savior,
"What is there between us and you, Jesus, Son of God? Have you come before
the time to torture us?" Gehenna and darkness and the gnashing of teeth, and
all the things which are threatened and prepared for the wicked and sinners-
these the wretch scoffs at, not expecting it for himself, and telling the rest not to
fear a terror which is, as he alone supposes, a mere threat.Alas! Alas! Experience
will teach him, since the threat has not struck him with terror, and since the
impious, truly fearless one who laughs at the fiery earthquake-from whose
face, like the devil's, God's judgments are removed-has dared to put these
things in writing.
21. These are the reasons, you wretch, why those who belong to your faction
love you! You have prepared for them this drug that destroys the fear of God-
truly a bitter medicine, worthy of tears. This is the impiety of Eunomius which
you emulate; reports about him seemed unbelievable until (as never should
have happened!) these things were set out in your books. And your teaching has
even outdone Eunomius, who taught that we should give place to the passions
but not trouble the mind with practical things.
22. Your disciple was Barsaumas, who led the Persian kingdom astray with
the teachings of godlessness and the promiscuity of his life, legislating that no
member of the clergy, to say nothing of the laity, need abstain from illegitimate
sexual union or polygamy; for he held orgies and drinking-bouts to be gifts of
God.
 428 IIPOE TOYE NKETOPIANOYE

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 429

23. In translatingyourworks into the language and tongue of the Chaldaeans

and Armenians, the members of your own brotherhood have handed on to the
pagans a heresy more godless than that of Arius; for the members of Arius's
coterie endeavored to achieve this, too, except that each party made converts
to its own brand of irreligion, one group the western barbarians and the other
the eastern.ers.
24. Is this a small matter for you? Then add, I pray you, [your notion of] the
fabricated sin of Adam, which he received from God's hands, so that the world
might come to have a plausible cause for belonging to him: the unjust
condemnation and exile of one who had not sinned, but had been falsely
accused. In your eyes, it was not because of this root of evil, and the rest of the
impiety and wickeduess of the men who followed, that Christ came, as the good
shepherd, to save and lead back Adam-the wandering sheep who had become
separated from the pasture of the hundred.
25. Add, if you wish, the angels, created along with your darkness. For the
sacred Psalmist does not count, for you, as an adequate exponent of their nature,
when he strikes his lyre for God, in the Spirit, [and says], "who makes his angels
spirits, and his ministers flames of fire:' For "makes;' which is a word in the
present tense, in the scriptural idiom signifies the past, as he immediately shows
by adding, "who establishes the earth" -that is, "who established:' Nor indeed
do the other appearances of angels in the Scriptures put you to shame, where
they appear as light and flash forth lightning.
26. Add also the essential darkness of the Manichees, according to you the
first [being] of visible creation, which either exists alongside God without
beginning, or comes forth from God.
27. And add this piece of foolish wisdom: saying that the devil's Antichrist
will not be punished, but will be destroyed and dissolved into non-being, so
that good for souls may come from evil, the fear of God, which they would not
have had from any other source (for you have abolished the judgment!)-not
from the enjoyment of good things, nor from their natural and ineffable longing
for God, but only from the complete destruction of the Antichrist, and from his
dissolution into non-being.
 430 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE
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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 431

28. Admit, too, on the subject of creation and providence, [that you hold
that] not everything that is is from God, bnt that many useless things are
produced as by-products and secondary accidents of what exists-not coming
to be through God's will, but following unhindered on the nature of things.
Time would slip by us unnoticed, if we were to glean "the grapes of your
Sodomite vine" one by one!
29. Do you never tire of revelling in impiety, 0 nature most productive of
evils? You do not conceive of God as being essential good, or as beingthe spring
and source of everything beautiful and good, providing for them in an essential
way. Tell us, from what source is goodness provided to him? For according to
you, he is not goodness itself. What, then, is its origin? You, at least, are the
source of such evils as these, and yield little or nothing to the pretentious talk of
Marcion and his "principles:'
30. Our argument has come to the very crowning point of your impieties.
From what source do you contrive this man who has become the counterpart
of the Trinity, so that he is its living idol, comparable to the limitless life of all
beings, and whom you offer to be worshipped in the Trinity's place by all visible
and invisible creation, now and forever? Has not Moses's legislation persuaded
you, when he lays down that "the Lord your God you shall worship, and him
only serve"? Does not the Savior cast this in the tempter's teeth?
31. You fabricate, as I said, [the idea] that Christ was created by the Trinity
itself as a kind of holy, living idol, falsely alleging that the Trinity is teaching the
worship of a creature. This is nothing else than the old infidelity, by which
humanity came to fall away from God and to serve a creature instead of the
creator-if you are not in fact contriving here something much worse than that.
For you are not teaching that only men are affected by this, but all the creation
which has been brought into existence by the Trinity, next in rank after the
Trinity. You proclaim that [creation] should worship forever not God become
man, but a man honored with the title of God-0 you
 432 llPOJ: TOYE NEJ:TOPIANOYJ:

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 433

herald of this wicked gospel- and that by the offering of all beings' worship to
your Christ, his honor will be transferred to the Trinity, as that of an image [is
transferred] to a king. I would like to ask you: Christ himself, how and whom
do you say he worships? If he is worshipping himself, that is ridiculous; if the
Trinity, by what mediator? For no one can be his own mediator. Or does he
alone, of all creatures, have the privilege of worshipping no one, since he alone
does not have the mediator you propose? And what is the definition of an
enemy of God, but what you give to Christ: claiming that he alone is honored,
but does not honor the one who has so honored him?
32. What a gem you are! You fasten a solemn and gracious birth and
upbringing on this man, like that of a prophet or even a little better: for [you
say], God the Word, in his foreknowledge, willingly availed himself of the union
during [Jesus's] very formation in the womb, knowing that his resolution
towards the good would be unshakeable.
33. You cover him in a mist of ignorance, so that he knows nothing except
what pleased the Logos, who was united to him in dignity. What? In alleging
that he is filled with ignorance, do you not also suggest he is filled with sin? For
the latter comes from the former, as a river flows from a spring. Or perhaps you
hold that ignorance is to his advantage, since most of the time what is done
wrongfully out of ignorance is judged worthy ofleniency, if it is not too blatant.
You say he is so ignorant, that even when he was tempted he did not know who
it was who was tempting him; and you do not allow that the Lord himself, to say
nothing of the saints, was pure from sinfulness of thought-although you do
not consider this to be a sin.
34. You do not shrink from teaching that he was more troubled by
psychological passions than by the physical kind, stating clearly, "He mastered
these pleasures by stronger reasoning:'
35. You posit that he was purified little by little through progress in virtue,
and became each day more suited to receive the good gifts which were to be his,
as a man, from God.
36. You baptize him, so that from then on (for surely not before!) he was
made perfect, according to the virtue of the Law, and could be called "the perfect
Christ;' and lay hold of the Gospel
 434 IIPOI: TOYI: NE2TOPIANOY2
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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 435

way of life and fulfill it. Why do you not also say that his time, for this reason,
was cut short? For he might grow tired because of its length, and therefore
found the short way to salvation: the cross!
37. You raise him up on this [cross] as one unwilling, to die on his own
behalf, and nonetheless for the whole world, since the glory of his ascension
and his enthronement at God's right hand will not come to him in any other
way, ifhe has not been perfected by martyrdom. I do not know"who, from what
race of men;' is, according to you, capable of undertaking such a great thing, so
great and outstanding an accomplishment of grace, exceeding not only human
nature but that of all creation.
38. He feared death, not in that he took our form on himself and destroyed
our fear in himself, but fleeing from it himself headlong; and he would never
willingly have accepted to undergo it, if he had not received such a long and
wordy exhortation as you give, which you have contrived and attribute to the
angel. For you do not hesitate to calumniate angels, in that you take the divine
hymn of the angel, the victory song which he sang to Christ as God, as he stood
on the verge of this wonderful and supernatural display of fear-true and
genuine fear, of one face to face with death-ready to free [man] from man's
bitter tyrant; and you babble that it was spoken by the angel to a timid, cowardly,
completely self-centered Savior, in the manner of persuasion or encouragement.
For the phrase, ''.An angel of the Lord appeared, comforting him;' means he was
praising him and speaking on behalf of God, according to various Fathers,
especially the Old Man of Cyprus-I mean the great Epiphanius; and as a
support for this theory they produced the saying in the great ode of the divinely
wise Moses, ''.And let all the angels of God comfort him:' But in your impious
interpretation, he needed the long speech of the angel, who strove to raise up
the soul of Christ, prostrate and cast down in grief, from the fear of death.
 436 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 437

For he was in mortal danger, which shook everything inside him.

Do you say all this is lies? I would give a great deal for it to be so. But now
your marvelous and renowned attacks on the incarnation of God the Word,
and the fictitious wars you make on opposing heretics, which are actually wars
on the truth-though when you started battle against her and realized that the
feat is impossible, you entitled your war against her as a war against heretics-
as well as your ravings against the Magians, all proclaim this, as do the rest of
your misinterpretations of the Scriptures. There is no place where the fruits of
these wonderful labors of yours are not common talk; they began with Paul of
Samosata, came down through the intervening generations to Diodore (who
was your leader in these outrages), and were so cultivated by you, and developed
to such a size, that your abundant river overshadows its godless spring.
39. Then came your aqueduct, your narrow pipe, which could not receive
the whole flow of your impiety: Nestorius. And even if he could receive it, still
he didn't dare to pour forth the floods of your blasphemies for all-not through
weakness of will (I am trying to make excuses for him!), but because there were
too many of them to flow freely! For you associated with impiety in a leisurely
way, and drank the full stream of it; but he, when he lifted up one piece of dung
from your sewer, brought it outinto public, and spoke only the word "Theotokos;'
cleverly taldng a stand on to the first principle of the truth, and in the first
begetting of our God in the flesh destroying all the rest of the mystery which
follows. Nevertheless, he was caught and paid the ultimate penalty, being driven
out of the holy gathering with the impious theories he had cultivated from you;
he paid the due fine for your doctrines. This is sufficient to present the whole
impiety of the man, "showing the lion;' as they say, "by his claw:' But if anyone
does not believe this (for they are really unworthy of belief), I do not blame
them, for such a feeling is most justified: not doubting such evils, after all,
suggests that the person who is too ready to believe is not without a share in
them! For if one is ready to agree,
 438 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPJANOYE

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6-8 (-rclv µ,f.ya.v ... auna.yµ,cf-rwv): cf. Basilius, Ep. 135,Diodoro Presbytero, 1 (ed. Y Courtonne,
II, 49; PG 32, 572 B) 9 (<i,\Aous ... mhou): cf. Joannes Chrysostomus, In laudem Diodori
Episcopi (PG 52, 761-6): Theodoretus, Hist. eccl. 4.25.3-4 (GCS 44 [19], 263, 1. 20-264, I. 5;
PG 82, 1184 C5-ll) 12 (egL-r~pLov): Gregorius Thaurnaturgus, Prosphoneticus (ed. H.
Crouzel,SC 148, 94-182 PG 10, 1052-1104) 14-17 (µ,upfos .. . 1Tp6µ,a.xo1): cf.Apollinarius,
Ep. ad Sarapionem: APA 1, 3: infra p. 528, LI. 2- 6 (ed. H. Lietzmann, frag. 159, 253, I. 18-254, I. 3);
Ep. ad Episcopos Diocaesarienses: APA 3: infra p. 560, LI. 5- 8 (ed. H. Lietzmann, 255,
LI. 21-5) 22 (L171µ,av): 2 Tim.4.10; cp. Col.4.14; Phlm. 24

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 439

he is ready to experience. But for us, the experience we gathered from his books
and heard from those who admired him will not allow us to disbelieve, even if
we would like to. How could I not believe, who have run the risk of having the
experience of this evil myself?
40. They also- not wise, except in doing evil- since they cannot defend
these things, point out to us that the great Basil corresponded with Diodorus
and accepted one of his treatises on the Trinity-for they have nothing to say
about the Incarnation-and they also smuggle in certain other Fathers who
either wrote [to him] or remembered him.
41. They do not admire Origen just because Gregory, named for the wonders
he worked, when he composed his farewell address, went through countless
meanderings of praise for him. And why do I mention Origen? Apollinarius,
who fell from the truth in the opposite way, boasts that countless letters were
written to him by the great Athanasius and Sarapion, and by other bright lights
and defenders of the truth who lived at the time. If one picks up a copy of the
whole ecclesiastical history which Timothy, the pupil of Apollinarius, put
together, one would not find any other purpose to the work but to support
Apollinarius by welding together countless letters written back and forth, from
him and to him. The same approach, it seems to me, would probably recommend
Demas to us, since Paul recommended him to the Romans, and would include
Judas in the company of the Apostles, since he often met with the Savior. But let
them take it from us: if they are going to revere any letters written by the Fathers
above the truth, they will be forced to accept not only Theodore and Diodore,
but many others, including those whom they do not wish [to accept].
 •
440 IIPO.E TOYE NE.ETOPIANOY.E

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12) 4 (cl fh6rpo pos Cl.v8pw7To<;): cp. ~ 8e6rpopa<; a&.pg: Basilius, Hom. in Ps. 59, 4 (PG 29,
468 A15); De Spir. Sanct. (ed. C. F.H.Johnston, 31,1.12; PG 32,85 C7); Ep.261 ,2 (ed. Y. Courtonne,
III, 116,l. 7; P 32, 969 C3);Basilius (?),In Isaiam 2.3 PG 30, 241 A7-8);cf.etiam Theodoretus,apud
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5 ('9e6s ... opwµhou 0£): Gregorius Nazianzenus, O rat. 30.8 (SC 250, 240; PG 36, 113 A 11; cf.
supra, 43: CNE Flor., Test. 25, 11. 2-3) 6 (Kai ... .dea7T6n7s): cf. Gregorius Nyssenus, Contra
Eunomium III,3,66 (ed. W Jaeger, II, 131,11. 8-10; PG 45, 705 C13-14; cf.supra,46: CNEFlor, Test.
29, 11. 3-5) 8 (d.v€>.afk): e.g., Greg. Nyss., Ctr. Eun. III,4 (ed. W Jaeger, II, 155, l. 20; PG 45,
733 Bl2); Ps.-Justinus, Cohortatio ad Graecos 38 (PG 6, 309 B9) (7Tpoae{A'f/rpe): cf. Greg. Naz.,
Orat. 39.13 (SC 358, 176); Ep. 101, ad Cledonium, 1 (ed. P. Gallay, SC 208, 42,l.4; PG 37 177 Bl 2);
Isidorus Pelusiota, Ep. I, 323 (PG 78, 369 B6-7); Cyrillus Alexandrinus,InJoan. 8 (ed. P. Pusey, II,
318, 11. 9-10; PG 74, 89 D2) Hom. Pasch. 1.6 (PG 77, 424 D2) (EveotlaaTO): cf. Hippolytus, De
Christo et Antichristo 4 (GCS 12, 6, l. 2 infra; PG 10, 732 B4); Athanasius, De Incarn. 44 (ed. C.
Kannengiesser, 428, L 36; PG 25, 176 A13); ibid. (ed. C. Kannengiesser, 428, 1. 57; PG 25, 176 C6);
Ctr. Arian. II, 9 (PG 26, 165 A12-13) 8-9 (OL7TAous ydp '?v): Greg. Naz., Orat. 38.15 (SC
358, 138; cf. supra, 43: CNB Flor., Test. 24,l. 2); cp. Orat. 30, 8 (SC 250, 240-242; cf. supra, 43-4: CNE
Flor., Test 25, 11. 4-5) 10 ({moar&.aei<;): c£ Cyr. Alex., Scholia 11 (ACO I, 1, 5, 227, L 11; PG
75,1381Bl );Apo!. ctr. Thdt.3 (ACO l,l ,6,119,ll.19,20et 120,1.l; PG 76,408B4et13) 11 (r6 v
... av0pw7Tov): cp. Cyr. Alex., Thes. 21 (PG 75, 361 D4) (r6v ... va6v): e.g., Cyr.Alex., DeAdor.
In Spir. et Ver. 9 (PG 68, 637 A9; cf.supra, 69 CNEFlor., Test80,I. 3); In Joan. I, 9 (ed. P.Pusey,I, 141,
1. 2; PG 73, 161 Bl3- 14; cf. supra, 72: CNE Flor., Test. 84, 11. 11- 12) 11 (Kpo.aiv): cf. Greg.
Naz., Orat. 38.13 (SC 358, 134); Carm. II, 1, 1. 612 (PG 37, 1071 A8); Nemesius, De Nat. Hom. 3
(PG40,601 B4); Cyr.Alex., Ctr. Nest. 1.3 (ACO I,1,6,22,l. 7;PG 76,33 B7) 12 (d.vaKpaatv):
cf. Greg. Nyss., Orat. Cat. 11 (GNO III/ 4, 39; PG 45,44 B2); Ctr. Eun. III, 3 (ed. W.Jaeger, Il, 123,11.
17-19; PG45, 697 B 12); ibid. (ed. W.Jaeger, 124, l. 5; PG 45,697 Cl3); ibid. III, 4(ed.W.Jaeger,152,
I. 5; PG 45, 729 C3); Ep. 3 (PG 46, 1020 C6); Hom. in Cant. 4 (ed. H. Langerbeck, Jaeger VI, 108, L
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•
Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 441

42. And this point of theirs is similar: they say, "In the points on which you call
Theodore or Diodore to task, we find the rest of the Fathers guilty, too:' And
they produce for us Sarapion saying, "God put on the man;' and Basil saying,
"The god-bearing man;' and each of the Gregories- the one saying, "He is said
to be God, not of the Word, but of him who is seen:' and the other saying, "And
the stripes belong to the servant, concerning whom he is Lord"; and with their
nails they scratch off similar little sayings from the rest of the Fathers for us,
such as "he took up;' and "he assumed;' and "he put on:' and "he was twofold;'
and phrases like these which express a difference between the essentially united
natures of Christ. Above all, [they point to] Cyril's references to "hypostases"
and "the man from Mary" and "the temple from the Virgin:' But they do not
hear these same Fathers speaking of "mixture" and "commingling'',
 442 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

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705 ClS; cf. supra, 46: CNEFlor., Test.29,l. 5) (&Ewatv): cf. Greg.Naz., Orat. 25.16 (PG 35, 1221
B6); Oral. 39.16 (PG 36, 353 B6) (aTµ.a ®rnii) cf. Ignatius, Eph. 1.1 (ed. F. X. Funk-
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7 (ed.). C. Th. Otto, Corp. Apo!. 9, 416; =Frag. 8, PG 5, 1221 Bl9); Greg. Naz., Ora!. 30, 1 (ed. A.).
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D4-8) 2 (8Ev-rEpav ... yEvvriaiv): cf. Cyr. Alex., Ep. 2 ad Nest., 4 (ACO I, l, 1, 27, ll. 5-12;
PG 77, 45 C9-D3); Justinianus, De Reeta Fide,Anath. 2 (ed. E. Schwartz, 90, 11. 19-23; PG 86, 1013
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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 443
"organic union" and "divinization;' "the blood of God" and his cross and his
suffering and his death, and more important than these, "the second begetting
of the Word according to the flesh:' And why need I mention the union in
essence and essential union, the one hypostasis of two natures, than which
nothing could be more unitive or organically one?
First of all, we must consider this: that our controversy is not about
expressions, but about the manner (of existence] of the whole mystery of Christ.
We cannot simply accept or reject this [sc. our understanding of the mystery of
Christ] on the basis of this or that formula or certain expressions, but from the
basic principles. For every heresy breaks away over them, since beyond the
principles everyone agrees with everyone else on terminology, so that they
make even the phrases of the Scriptures their own, but adapt them to their own
purpose. What are the principles behind our terminology? Clearly a manner of
union
 444 llPOI: TOYI: NEI:TOPIANOYI:
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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 445

which has come to exist essentially, not relatively, so that the Word is in a
complete humanity- as the "inner man" coexists in us, according to the
Apostle- and contributes to the definition of the whole [Christ] after the
union, as the Fathers who condemned the Samosatean made clear. But we pay
no attention to those who take a stand against the truth in direct opposition to
us, proposing interpretations which, they think, suit them, so that we should
proclaim with them mere seeming and imaginary [humanity] or a change and
a confusion [of natures]; nor do we propose your own theory, as you have
thought it up-defending an imaginary divinity, or your vain hope in a mere
man, as if these ideas came from the Fathers. As I have said, our battle is not
about formulas, but about the things themselves, and their union and organic
relationship to each other; the Fathers thought this had happened in an essential
way, but you introduce a relational and conceptual version of it, and therefore
are forced to defend the worship of a man. What could be more irreverent than
this? For it belongs to the impiety of Paul and Marcellus, Photin us and Nestorius,
alone to think such things, since they openly define Christ as a mere man, a
notion that each of the divine teachers of the Church individually, and all of
them together, have disowned and denied with unanimous statements of
rejection. Above all, the last Synod [denied this]- the seal of all the holy synods
which preceded it, which took place at Chalcedon-and which fully destroyed
the bulwarks of your irreverence, reconfirming the Symbol of the faith. It
acclaimed with glowing tributes the overthrower of your impiety, that true lion
[sc. Leo] who justly rose up against the crafty fox Eutyches, and who scattered
and annihilated with counter-arguments his concealed impiety, and crowned
Leo with fitting honors.
43. "But those heretics;' they say, "were condemned, while no one had
condemned these [of our party] ~· They achieved this, my good friends, not due
to the fact that they were blameless, in themselves, but due to their taking good
care to escape notice. For they did not dare to exhibit their impiety to many
people,
 446 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE
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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 447
since they knew this would be unsafe for them. Just so, the fact that the heresy
of the Arians was raging at the time, and consuming the Church like a wildfire,
offered opportunity to many-Apollinarius for one, Macedonius for another-
to blaspheme without attracting attention. One could here appropriately use a
medical analogy, and say that when two kinds of pain rack a body, the more
severe obscures the less severe. So Apollinarius grew like an enlarged spleen (to
use the words of your Interpreter, and concede you a point, even in our
argument), acquiring an unnatural size in the run-down state of the whole
body. I can compare your own undertaking to this same image. For the concern
of the Fathers over the most necessary and urgent matters allowed the ancestors
of your impiety to slip by them, especially since they feigned that they were
drawn up fighting the same enemies as the Fathers on the question of the
Trinity; therefore they captivated people's attention, and furthered the
possibility of their own escape by the appearance of unanimity. Evil is hard to
detect, when masked with an expression of benevolence.
44. But in the condemnation made against the unfortunate Nestorius (for he
was indeed unfortunate, since he alone received the death sentence, after being
handed the sword by others, as we say) they, too, have been expelled; for in what
the Scripture calls "the fully taught disciple;' who is "like his master;' they have
reaped [the fruits of] their.own labors. Even so, if one should investigate this
matter, he would find that they stand accused by many others, but especially by
the most zealous opponents of your impiety, Cyril and Proclus: the former
composed a whole work against them (though some dared to compose a
rejoinder, which introduced a larger range of subjects than the original
accusations), while the latter wrote his synodical letter to the Armenians, and
there arranged the blasphemies of Theodore in chapters, to refute his impiety.
And need I mention the holy Rabbula, bishop of Edessa, a man who was, they say,
a prophet? When the enthusiasts for Theodore's wickedness could not endure his
frankness and reproaches, they attacked him, after countless other dangers,
 4

448 IIPO.E TOYL NEI:TOPIANOYI:

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q

Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 449

by trickery, entrusting an insider [Ibas?] with performing the deed.
If, in any case, we manage to persuade you with all of this, and you change
your mind, even at this late hour, honoring the truth before persons, all the
better-thanks be to God! But if not, we will shed tears for you, since you
deserve laments and wailing, but we will let ourselves depend on God. Sharing
in blessed hope, we shall never give up what our Fathers possessed, what they
handed down and passed on to us so very generously, through those who came
after them. And we shall undertake only one thing for ourselves: to keep this
trust of theirs safe from harm, which the holy Church of God continues to keep,
free from subtractions and additions, and will keep in this way until "the great
appearance of our great God and savior Jesus Christ;' to whom be glory and
power for ever. Amen.

PREFACE TO THE FOLLOWING EXCERPTS FROM

THEODORE AND THE OTHER HERETICS

We have taken the trouble to assemble a few samples of the many blasphemies
of Theodore, to demonstrate his completely twisted view in regard to doctrine,
so that from these we may win credence about the rest [of our argument],
proving that we have not made false charges about him or those who think as
he does. Ifit were possible to find all of his writings easily, we would not hesitate
to make him the witness for all the charges we have laid against him. But since
we have been able to find his book against the Incarnation only with difficulty
and great effort and a good deal of planning (for they dare give his works to the
uninitiated only very cautiously), therefore we have been able to collect in this
present [florilegium] only sayings of his from his work against the Incarnation
of the Savior.
 450 ITPOJ: TOYJ: NEJ:TOPIANOYJ:
•
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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 451

And if anyone does not believe this, and is completely at leisure and has the
ambition, let him seek out his vain labors on Genesis, or his book against Job, or
the misinterpretation he wrote of the epistle to the Hebrews, or indeed of those
to the Corinthians and Galatians; his writings against the Magians, and the
unilluminating preface to the sacred Psalms; his work on behalf of Eunomius
against the illustrious Basil (for so I call his defense of [Basil], full of every kind
of accusation); his turbid and blasphemous interpretations of Matthew and
John and even Luke; and his arrogant and daring reproaches against the holy
Apostles and Evangelists themselves, and other works of his, lest I mention
them all. And he will see the abyss of all the impiety of Marcion and Valentinus,
and in addition opinions and undertakings more disgusting and godless than
that source of evil himself-I mean Manes.
We, as we have said, because we have not wished to leave what we have said
against him entirely unsupported, by using (as I say) many schemes and
methods, have only been able to find his treatise against the Incarnation, from
which we have taken the trouble to assemble these excerpts. If God allows it,
and time does not run out on us, we shall make another collection against him,
in which we shall collect at leisure every one of his impieties from his own
words, and show which heretic each of them is related to, on the basis of excerpts
from them. Indeed, we shall show his entire dementia, and his opposition on
every point of doctrine to all the holy Fathers, from their sacred works; and we
shall, in addition, use arguments to refute him. For now, however, I shall be
content with this summary work against him, lest he harm the simple by
completely escaping detection. And may his followers realize that they have
decided to follow a man whose impiety it is difficult for even the most eager
imitator to attain.
 452 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

[1] IBJEOLlQPOY :4IPETIKOY· 'EK TOY KAT'

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10-11 2 Cor. 6.16; cf. Lev. 26.12; Ezek. 37.27; etc.

[1] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, De Incarnatione 7: fragmentum hie primo inventum. Cf.

etiam: p. 454, ll. 9-13 (oVKoVv ... aVTWv): Cone. Const. II, 4, 37, Test. 30a (57, 11. 17-21)

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25 aVToV P 26 y{yvEafJal P EVT)fJEaTdTwv: dATjfJEaTdTwv P
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 453

1. FROM THE HERETIC THEODORE

"ON THE INCARNATION OF OUR SAVIOR
JESUS CHRIST, BOOK 7"

Ifwe learn how [God's] indwelling takes place, we shall also know the manner
[of the Incarnation] and what is the distinguishing characteristic of that
manner [of being]. Now some have argued that the indwelling occurs on the
level of essence, others, on that of activity. Let us examine, therefore, which of
these is true. First, let us try to reach agreement on whether [God] dwells in all
people or not. Well, it is clear that he does not dwell in all; for God promised this
as something special to the saints, or simply to those whom he wishes to have
depend on him. Otherwise, why does he promise, "I shall dwell in them and
walk in their midst, and I will be their God and they shall be my people;' as if he
were about to bestow something special on them, if indeed all people share this
in common? So, then, if he does not dwell in all (for that is clear)-! do not
simply say"not in all beings;' but even "not in all people" -there mnst be some
distinguishing characteristic of indwelling, according to which he is present
only in those in whom he is said to dwell. Now to say that God indwells on the
level of essence is wholly inappropriate. For it is either necessary to restrict his
presence simply to those in whom he is said to dwell, and he will not be present
in all the others, which is amonstrons way to speak of the infinite nature of him
who is present everywhere and circnmscribed by no place; or else, if we do say
that God is present everywhere in virtue of his essence, then he gives to all
[beings] a share of his indwelling too: not simply to human beings, but even to
irrational and lifeless creatures, if indeed we say that he accomplishes that
indwelling by his essence. Both of these ways of speaking are clearly unfitting:
for to say that God dwells in all creatures will be readily admitted to be
untenable, and to circumscribe his essence is inappropriate, or indeed irreverent.
Therefore it would be silly indeed to say that the indwelling takes place by
essence.
 •
454 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

T o\ o avTo
~> ) \ )/ )/ \ ' \ ""' )
av ns EL1TOL Kat E1Tl TYJS EvEpyEias.
"'H \ )
yap avayKYJ 1Ta1uv avTCp
I I I \ ) "'

\ > I I I I \ ,.... I t """' f \ I

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. . , \ ' . . '
rraaLV avTOV EVOLKELV Epovµ,Ev.
. . . O' . . )/ ' I \I )/
VKOVV OVTE avaL<f 11EyELv OVTE f.J-'YJV
\

evEpyE{Cf ofov TE 1TOLE'La8aL Tov '9Eov T~v Evo{KYJaLv.

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20 TTEPL 1TOAAOV, TOVTOLS avvEpyELV KaL €rraµvvELV av-r<tJ 8oK'YjTOV. Ov-rw

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A ~ 8' A >ti
TTJ Ola EaEL TWV asLWV TaVTYJS T'YJS EYYVTYJTOS, KaL 7Toppw EV 7Tal\LV TWV
I A ) / I I 8 I\ A

f I I ,, .... I Y' )/ I
aµ,apravov-rwv YLVETaL, OVTE TTJ rpvaEL x_wpL<:,0/J,EVOS OVTE TaVTTJ
7TA'YJaia{TEpov Ka8wraµ,EVos,

15- 17 Ps.146.10- 11 (DOC) 23-5 Ps. 33.19 (LXX) 25-6 Ps. 50.13 (LXX)

VOP 1 Et 7TOL post £vEpy e{as transp. P 2 7TEpiypa<pEtv: 11epiyp6.<pw8m O;

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 455
One might say the same thing about his activity. For it is either necessary, once
again, to circumscribe his activity by these individuals alone; and then where
will our principle be, that God cares providentially for all things and governs
everything and works what is right in all? Or else we will give all beings a share
in his activity- which is right and consistent; for all things owe it to his power
that they e;xist, each of them, and that they act according to their own natures-
and then we will be saying that he dwells in all things. Therefore it is impossible
to say that God realizes his indwelling either by his essence or by his activity.
What, then, remains? What term shall we use, which will be seen to preserve
the proper concerns expressed in this kind of language? Clearly it is correct to
say that the indwelling takes place by his good pleasure. "Good pleasure" means
God's best and most favorable will, which he directs towards those who please
him by striving to depend on him, because he is benevolently disposed towards
them. What this means is normally understood from the Scripture, and is
contained in it. So the blessed David says, "His will is not in the might of the
horse, nor in the legs of a man does he take his pleasure. The Lord takes pleasure
in those who fear him, and in those who hope in his mercy" (Ps. 146.10-11).
David means by this that the Lord does not choose to work with others or wish
to help others, but only those, as he says, "who fear him:' They are the ones he
prizes, and the ones he has decided to help and protect. This is the way, then, one
ought to speak of God's indwelling. For since he is infinite and uncircumscribed
in his nature, he is present to all; but in his good pleasure, he is far from some
and near to others. In the same sense it is said, "The Lord is close to the broken-
hearted, and he will save the lowly in spirit"; and in another place, "Do not cast
me away from your face, and do not take your Holy Spirit from me:' For he is
near, in his attitude, to those worthy of this nearness, and, again, he is far from
sinners: neither separated by nature nor standing nearer by it,
 •
456 flPO.E TOY.E NE.ETOPIANOY.E

TV 8i UXEOEl TijS yvwµ:rys aµ,cp6n:.pa Epya,6µ,Evos . ''Qa7TEp TO{vvv Tij

'~ I ' I \ \ I Ir:;:: \ \ > ,... ' I
EVUOKLfl- Eyyvs TE KaL µ,aKpav YLVETaL-7TpOoY/flOV yap EK TWV ElPYJf-lEVWV
L
0
I \ ')~ I J ti \ \ ~ I
T l 7TOTE cpaµ,Ev TYJV EVUOKLav, TOVTOV YE EVEKEV Kal TYJV OlaVOlav Tijs
I \ I ) \() I ~ ) (.}. I U A ) ~ I
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5 T~V EVOLKYJUlV a7TOTE,\EZ, OUK EV TOVTOlS µiv T~V oua{av 7TEplypacpwv ~ T~V
EVEpyHaV, TWV 8i ,\ol7TWV KEXWPlUfLEVOS, d,\,\d 7TUUl µiv 7Tapwv Tij oua{q.,
,
KEXWPWfLEVOS oE TWV avas lWV TTJ axEaEl TYJS u_ia Eaws.
~' A , c' ~ , A ~ ()' O"VTW yap avT<jJ
, ,
r I \ ' I Ir ti I \ t ' I
f-lEl1;,0VWS TO a7TEplypacpov Olp<;,ETal, OTav cpalVYJTUl 1-lY/ ws avayKTJ TlVL
~ \ I
uovflEVWV Tlp a7TEplypacp<.p TYJS cpvaEws.
A ' I A I E'l µEv yap a?TavTaxov 7Tapwv TT/
I \ ' A I A

10 oua{q., 7Tapijv Kai. TV Eu8oK{q., ETEpws 7Ta,\lv a vayKTJ Sov,\Evwv Evp{aKETO,

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I \ \ I t I '' ) ~\~\ \t/ I ""'
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cpvaEl Kai KEXWPWTaL Jiv E8E"l1.El Tfj yvwµ,n, ou8iv TWV avag{wv a?To TOV
...., \ fu\ \ ) \ I )\ ()' ) .-. \ ) I \ .-.
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·~ I I A Y' ~\ I ' I A ' A \ A
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TOVTOlS avvijv.
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'~ r ' 1
Y/ EVOlKYJOlS YlVETal, TOV avTov TP07Tov
1 ..... 1 .1 1 , , , 1

'~
YJt EVUOKla
I
Kat\ TOVTYJS
' ..... ' I
EVOLKYJUEWS I
TPO?TOV '
aTTEl. "O yapTYJV
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' I
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xapaKTYJp{'El. "Qa1TEp yap 1Taat Tfj oua{q. ?Tapwv, OU 7TUUlV EVOlKELV
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, ,, , A , , , , , , , , , , , , () "c A

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I U\ ' t ..... \

,\aµ,~av6µ,EVOV ~VWUE,

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 457

but realizing both of these in the relationship of his will. As, then, he is near or
far in his good pleasure- for it is quite clear, from what we have said, what we
mean by "good pleasure"; that is why we discussed the meaning of the phrase
with such exactness-so in his good pleasure he accomplishes his indwelling,
not by restricting his essence or activity to some and remaining separate
from the rest, but by being present to all in essence and being separate from
the unworthy in the relationship of his disposition. For in this way his uncir-
cumscribed ch aracter is preserved more fully, when it is made clear that he is
not held in any kind of constraint, by his natural freedom from circumscription.
For if, being present everywhere in essence, he was present [everywhere] also in
his good pleasure, he would be found, in another sense, to be obeying a kind of
necessity, not determining his presence by his will but by the infinity of his
nature, and having a will which follows nature; but since he is present to all by
nature but withholds himself in will from some, as he pleases, and since the
unworthy derive no advantage from the [natural] presence of God, the
uncircumscribed character of his nature is preserved true and pure. So, then, he
is present to some and separated from others by his good pleasure, just as if he
were separated from the rest and united to these in essence.
In the same manner that the indwelling takes place by his good pleasure, so
his good pleasure alters also the manner of the indwelling. For what brings
about God's indwelling, and what marks him out, who is present everywhere in
virtue of his essence, as dwelling in some very few select ones-I mean his good
pleasure- this surely leaves its mark also on the manner of the indwelling. For
just as he is present to all in essence without being said to dwell in all, but rather
is said to dwell in those to whom he is present by his good pleasure, so surely
the circumstances of indwelling are not the same, but the manner of indwelling
will also correspond to his good pleasure. When, therefore, he is said to dwell in
the Prophets or in the Apostles, or in the just in general, [this means] he is
realizing that indwelling by taking pleasure in the just, by being duly pleased
with them as virtuous.
We do not say, however, that the indwelling in him [sc. Christ] took place in
this way-we would never be so mad-but as "in a Son:' For that is the way he
was pleased to dwell in him. But what does "as in a Son'' mean? It means that he
who dwelt in [Jesus] united to himself the whole of what was assumed,
 458 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYL'

7TapEaKEVaaE SE aVrOv avµµ,ETaaxElv a-VTip 11da1)s rijs Ttµijs ~s aVTbs

' > A y~ I >I I / ~ \ ,... I ' <I f
0 EVOLKWV, LOS WV cpvaEl, P...ETEXEL, ws GVVTEl\ElV µ,ev EtS' EV 7rp0GW7TOV,
I I I l I <I I "'I l ,... ,... ,... l
Kara YE
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I 'CI <::' > > ,... I ,.... l ,.... I l \ ,.... ,..,,
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{2] TOY !4YTOY· 'EK TOY !4YTOY AOI'OY

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> >.:'
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25 aVrOv KatpOv ~ Tfjs 8taKp{aews Eyy{veTal 8Vvaµ..is, TWv µEv raxVTepov

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TTJ yvµvaatq, TOVTO 7TpOaKTWf.LEVWV. 7TEp O'I) Es atpETWS aVTq.J 7Tapa TOVS
\ I >(:! e' '
l\Ol7TDVS D<;VTEpDV'I} KaTaT'l}V KOlVTJV 'l}l\lKlaVTWV av pW7TWV 77poayeyovev,
'1 I I I f\ I ,.. >

elK6Tws Kal KaTd rd dv8pW7TtVa Exetv Tt 7TA.€ov Orpe{A.ovTt,

[2] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum. 11. 11-18 (oVTw ...
EK1TA1]pwcriv): cf. etiam Tim. Ael. (?),Liber contra Syn. Chalc. (103, 11. 26-104, 1. 2)

VOP [1] 2 µ-tT€XElv V 4 Ka7c:pyd(Ecr8al: Epyd(Ecr8al P

[2] 7 post .l1YTOY1 add. 'A_EEBOYE P 12 EavT0: aVT<f) V 13 1Tp0s aVTOv
7Tiicrav: a1Tacrav 11'p0s aVTOv p 14 77p0: 11'p0s 0 EavT<f): aVT0 VP Td om. 0
15 µ€v; 8€ 0 22 Kai ante 770,\,\4J transp. P 27 ToVTo: ToVTwV 0 8~: 8€ P
28 ~AiK{av TWv dv8pW7Twv: TWv Aol7TWv ~AiK{av VO 29 OcpeD\ovToS VO
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 459

and granted that he [Jesus] should share, with himself, in all the honor in which
he who indwelt, being Son by nature, had a share; the result was that he formed
one persona (prosopon) [with Jesus], by reason of his union with him, and
shared with him all his power. So he gave Jesus all that he needed to test and
judge the world by himself and by his presence, even though the difference in
their [i.e. the Lagos's and Jesus's] natural characteristics are clearly understood
to continue.

2. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

As, then, we, too, will be perfectly controlled by the Spirit, in body and soul, in
the age to come, but indeed already have a kind of partial share in it, by which
we are helped by the Spirit not to be forced to follow the calculations of our
natural spirit, so too the Lord, who after this [=the resurrection] had God the
Word perfectly and generally active within him, and was inseparable from Him
in all his operations, even before this [=the resurrection] had him for most of
the time, accomplishing in him most of what was required. Up to the time ofhis
crucifixion Christ was allowed, in his poverty, to live a life of virtue for our sakes
by his own efforts; but he was helped on by the Logos even then, and strengthened
so that he could fulfill completely all that was required.
For right from the beginning, at his formation in the womb, he [Christ]
enjoyed union with him[= the Word]; and when he reached the age at which
the ability to distinguish between good and evil usually is present in human
beings-indeed, even before that age-he showed a much more concentrated,
much quicker power to judge these things than other people. For even in the
rest of us, this power of judgment does not always develop at the same time;
some grasp what is right more quickly, by greater intelligence, while others
attain this over a longer period, by training. But this happened to him, in
comparison with the rest of us, at a significantly earlier age than the common
human norm, since-quite properly-he was bound to have a bit more in
human resources,
 460 IIPO:E TOY:E NE:ETOPIANOY:E

nEp oDOE KaTd T~V KOlV~v cpVatv TWv dv8pd.i1TWV ETETEKTo EK

Oa({J
avvDvaaµoV dv8p6s TE Kai yvvatKOs-, dAA' VTTO T1]s Betas ToV IlveVµaTos
' I '!:' I \ T:T'>' I \ t I ' I "' I \
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I ' D ' A 'oyov EVWUEl,
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ti"' ,...,
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I I

5 TOD BeoV A6yov O.vw8ev aVTOv EvWaavros EavT0. OVTw o~ TDVTWV

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' > ' l I <::'I ,.., I
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e TO\ \ I t \ I,/,
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dvdAoyov SE rfi olKel<t 7Tpo8Eaei Kai T1}v EK ToV BeoV A6yov avvepy{av
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7Tp0 TOV a77TlGf-LaToS, [297] El TE TT)V EV TTJ xaplTl fJ-ETlWV 7TOl\lTElaV fLETa 'I I ) " I I \ I I

'/3 I 1' 'i:'

TO a77Ttaµa.1)s 01) Kat T}f-LlV TOV TV7TOV 77apElXETO, ooos TlS T}fJ-lV E77l TOVTO
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7TEtvWvTa OpWµEv, Kal St1/;WvTa yvwp{l:,wµ,Ev, Kai SeiAiWvTa µavB&voµev,
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SE dya77~aas-· CnaKp{aet ydp Tj EKAoy0 77cfvTWS' Tfl 77p0s- Td xe{pw y{vETat.
llWs oi5v"77piv ~

1-9 (ovSJ ... O<XOf'cvos): cf. etiam Sev. Ant. Phil. (137, ll.11-20; tr.129, ll. 13-22)

19-20 Isa. 7.16 (LXX)

VOP 1-2 oVOE ... yvvaiKdS': "non enim seminis effusio respectu eius facta est" Sev. Ant
(quae verba post yvvaiKOs [2] addere vult Richard, Museon 56 (1943), 59-60) ETET£KTo:
T£T£KTo P 2 avvOvaaµoV: avvovaiaaµoV 0 8£{aS' ToV IlvEVµaTos: ToV 8Efov
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26 EKEiva P 27 TO XEi:pov P
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 461

seeing that he had not been begotten in the ordinary, natural human way, from
the coming-together of a man and a woman, but had been formed by the divine
action of the Spirit. He had, too, an extraordinary attraction towards the good
through his union with God the Word; he was deemed worthy of this by divine
foreknowledge, when God the Word united him to himself from above. So,
because of all of this, he possessed a great abhorrence of evil that was part and
parcel of his power of judgment; and joining himself to the good with limitless
love, receiving also a cooperation given him by God the Word proportionate to
his own striving, he was preserved from ever changing forthe worse, unswerving,
for the rest of his days. This is the way he remained in his own will, and this is
how his own efforts were preserved by the assistance of God the Word.
And he progressed with the greatest ease towards the most perfect virtue,
keeping the law before his baptism and sharing in the life of grace after his
baptism; in this he provided us with a model, setting out for us a way to reach
this end. So, too, after his resurrection and ascension into heaven, he showed
himself worthy of the union in his own state of mind as well. He had assumed
the union before this, in the very moment of his creation, by the good pleasure
of his creator, and he provided afterwards the exact demonstration of what
such a union means, showing no activity separate or divided from God the
Word, but having God the Word in himself, accomplishing all things in union
with himself. So, then, before his crucifixion we see him hungry; we know him
to be thirsty; we learn he was afraid; we discover he was ignorant. At the same
time, he also strove after virtue by expending his own human effort.
And Isaiah the prophet is a witness to what we have said, where he says:
"Therefore before the child knows good from evil, he will refuse to comply with
evil, so that he may choose the good" (Isa. 7.16 [LXX]). Clearly, it is by his own
judgment that he will hate the one and love the other; for choice, surely, grows
out of a judgment of what is wrong. How, then, is this accomplished "before
 'T'

462 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

yvwvai To 1TatMov" TOVTO 8ia1TpaTTETaL; TovT€an, 1Tptv E1T' EKE{VTJS

yEv€aeai Tfjs ~AiK{as Ev fi avvTJ()Es Tots AomoL's dv()pcfJ1ToLs 1ToieZa()at TWv
I ' ~ I >! ' ""' \ I \ 't, I \ \
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[3} TOY .:4YTOY· 'EK TOY .:4YTOY AOI'OY

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25 aVT4J µ,Ei.,,ova TE KaL KovrpoTEpav TTJS apETTJS KaTaaKeva.,,wv TTJV
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[3] 10-11 Luc. 2.52

[3] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo ex integro inventum.

II. 17-26 (8~1.ov ... .IK7Tl.~pwaLv): cf. etiam Tim. Ael. (?),Libercontra Syn. Chalc. (104, 11. 6-15)

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 463

the child knows"? This means: before he reaches the age in which it is usual for
the rest of the human race to make a judgment on what is to be done, since he
had something extra, something outstanding in comparison with the rest of the
human race. For if even among us one often finds children of a tender age who
show much evidence of intelligence, so that onlookers wonder because they
show a personal understanding beyond that normal for their years, surely Jesus
must have exceeded by far all the men and women of his time.

3. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

"Jesus advanced in age and wisdom and grace before God and men" (Luke
2.52). For he advanced in age, as the years went on; in wisdom, by growing in
understanding along with the passing years; in grace, by pursuing virtue
according to his understanding and knowledge, for which reason grace in
God's delight increased within him. And in all these respects he progressed
"before God and men": humans saw his progress, while God did not only see it,
but testified to it and cooperated with what happened in his life. For this is clear:
that he lived up to virtue more exactly and more easily than was possible for the
rest of humanity, inasmuch as God the Word, foreseeing what sort of person he
would be, united him to himself in the very first moment of his formation, and
gave him greater cooperation, from his own resources, towards accomplishing
what is right, bringing these things about in him for the salvation of all. And he
spurred him on to more perfect things, and relieved him, for the most part, of
toil-toil of soul and even of body- and so made it possible for him to lead a
life of greater virtue, with less difficulty.
 464 IIPOl: TOYl: NEl:TOPIANOYl:

[4} TOY .'4YTOY 54IPETIKOY· 'EK TOY .'4YTOY AOI'OY

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ElV. ' yap El\a EV avTOS KaTa' '
TO' av
8pW7TlVOV,
' ''''/3 ''
/3 a1TTta 8ElS\ 7Tp07Epov EV Tq.J"'1opoavn,
"' EV ''8 a OYJ
"\ Kal\ 1Tp0ETV1TOVTO
I ,._ EV
' aVT<.p TO ' >"'I

~µETEpov {36.7TTtaµa, 1j TE ytvoµEvYJ dvayEvvYJats EµapTvpElTo Ti] 1TaTptKfi

<pWVTJ" \ I
l\EYOVTOS, "01" I
VTOS' '
EGTlV 0
'Y'lOS'
I I
µ,ov 0t aya1TYJTOS,
' '
EV qJ1" EVuOKYJGa.
'~I "Kat'
20 TO'IIVEvµ,a
' '8'ov EfLElVEV
Ka TEI\ ,, ' , aVTOV,
E1T ' I Ka 8aI Kat\ YJfLElS'
t ,., '
EV ,.,
TqJ a1TTtaµaTl /3 '
I I ' !\\ ., 'C I \ ' ,..,I ' t ,..
TOVTOV f.LETEXElV EµE/\l\OµEv· 07TEp l\Ol7TOV EsatpETWS aVTq.J 1Tap 7]µas
I ~\"I 1fu11A/ ti I I f'
1TpoayEyOVE, Ula TYJS 1Tpos TOV Ci"EOV L1oyov EvwaEWS' TOVTWV f-LETEXDV'Tt WV
0 KaTd cpVatv Yi6s.

[5] 15 Joan.17.22 19 Matt. 3.17

[4] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hicprimo Graece inventum.11. 2-7 (~vw-ro
... auvl(3aivEv): cf. etiam Tim. Ael. (?),Liber ctr. Syn. Chalc. (104, 1116-19); Sev. Ant., Ctr. Gram.
III, 15 (254, ll. 14-22; tr. 178, 11. 30-6), ll. 2-11 (~vwrn ... avv.!~amv): Sev. Ant., Phil. (156,
ll. 7-20; tr. 128, 11. 16-30)
[5] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid. 8: fragmentum hie prime inventum

VOP [4] 1 5AIPETIKOY: 5AEEBOYE P AOI'OY om. 0 2 post €1<0 add.

A6ycp Tim. Ael., Sev. Ant. 4 Oawv: Oaov VO 6-7 0aqJ7tEp ... avvif3alvEv: '(iuanto
celsior erat unio, quae ipsi iam obtigerat" Sev. Ant., Ctr. Gram. post EgalpE-rov add. Eivai VO
8 dv8pW11ovs iter. 0"" 9 Ev Euv-r0 om. P 10 E-rlpav P 1TapE'£x.E post 1Tav-r0s
transp. P 11avTOs om. Sev.Ant. IIvEVµa-ros om. P 11 aU74J: Eav-rqJ 0
[5] 14 5AIPETIKOY: JAL:EBOYE BEOflf!POY P 15 Tov: To P 17 &: bi' P
18 ytyvoµ,lv71 VO 19 1}V061<.71aa P 20 aDTqJ V 21 f.1-ETIXEtv: 7vyxdvEiV P
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 465

4. BY THE SAME HERETIC: FROM THE SAME BOOK

He who was assumed providentially was united from the beginning to God,
receiving the first effects of the union in his very formation in the womb. judged
worthy of union in advance, he received everything that it was fitting for a man
who was united to the Only-begotten and Lord of all to receive; he was held
worthy of greater gifts than others, simply because the supreme gift of union
was also his. For he was judged worthy, before all the rest of the human race, to
have the Spirit dwelling in him, and he was judged worthy of this in a manner
different from the rest: he received the whole gift of the Spirit in himself, but
granted to others only a partial share in that whole Spirit. And so it was that the
whole Spirit was active in him. What spoke, as far as the utterance of sound was
concerned, was a man, but the power of what was being said was something
great and distinctive.

5. BY THE SAME HERETIC: FROM THE EIGHTH BOOK

''.And the glory which you gave to me I have given to them" (John 17.22). What
is this glory? That of sharing in sonship. For he received this, in his humanity,
first of all when he was baptized in the Jordan, where our baptism was
foreshadowed in him. And the rebirth which was being accomplished was
attested when the voice of the Father said, "This is my beloved Son, in whom I
am well pleased'' (Matt. 3.17). And the Spirit descended and remained on him,
just as we, in baptism, were going to share in it-though this was given to him
in a surpassing way, compared with us, because he shared in what the one who
is Son by nature has, through his union with God the Word.
 466 IIPOL: TOYL: NEL:TOPIANOYL:

[6] TOY J4YTOY· 'EK TOY J4YTOY AOI'OY

IIaVTaxo'8 EV apa
" 07)
~ ",.\ e \
ov WS' 1TEplTTOV fLEV TO TYJS' KpaaEWS' Kal a1TpE1TES' Kai
I I ,.., I I ' \

' 1y e I ,.., I ''>:' ,\' ' , e ,... I

acpapµ,osov, EKaaT7JS' TWV cpvaewv auta vTWS' E<:p EaVTTJS' fLEtvaa17s.
II pOOYj
,, ,\ \:' \ e I ,.., e I
OV OE WS' TO TT)S' EVWOEWS' Ecpapf-LOsOV• OlU yap TUVTT}S' OVVUX ElOat
} I Y ~ I I I e'
5
e / " /
at cpVOElS' EV 1Tp0UW1TOV Ka Ta T7JV EVWOlV U1TETE1u:aav. ;!:J<l'UTE 01TEp 0
1 1 " ' I\ .,n " e K'vptos
}/ .-.}\:'\ \,.., I <«1n )I}\~/}\\\
E1Tl TE TOV avopos KUl T'T]S' yvvatKOS' rp7JOlV, ;:,.:l'fJTE OVKE'Tl ElOl ova, Ul\l\Q
I c':: I,, " " \ e .... ' I I I " e I ,\'
aaps µ.ta, Et7TOtµev av Kat YjfLElS' ElKOTWS' KaTa TOV TYjS' EVWOEWS oyov,
<«tn > I > I >;;::I I ',\,\' ti )> >;;:: \ I " I
;:,<l'OTE OVKETl ELUl uvo 77poaw7Ta a EV, 01]/\0VOTl TWV cpvaewv
8iaKEKpiµEvwv· Wa7TEp ydp EKel oV A.vµatve-rai -rcj) dpt8µ<j) ri}s OvdOos -rd
10 ' \' e
µ,iav l\EYEG at T'r)V I
aapKa-TTpOO'rjl\OV
I I>;: \
yap
I
Ka 0 µta I
EyovTal-OVTW
,\' " e·"
KdvTaiJBa oVA.vµ,a{vETat Ti] TWv cpVaEwv 8tacpopq., ToiJ TTpoaWTTov ~ Evwats.
"O TaV f.J-EV
I
yap
I
TaS
I
cpvaElS
'
oiaKptVWf.LEV,
"' '
TEl\Etav
\ I
T'r)V
I
cpvatv
I
TOV,., OEOU
ful "A'oyou
I I I I\ I I ' I '~ I " ~ I
cpaµ,Ev, Kal TEl\EtOV TO 1Tpoawrrov-ovuE yap a7TpOUW7TOV EUTlV V7TOUTaatv
ElTTElv--rEAElav 8€ Kai -r~v -roO dv8pWTTov cpDatv, Kal -rO TTpOawTTov Oµalws·
15 0-rav µ,iv-rot ETTL -r~v avvdcpEtav dTT{8wµ,Ev, E'v 7Tp0aw7TOV TOTE cpaµ,iv.

[7] TOY J4YTOY· 'EK TOY J4YTOY AOI'OY

TOv aV-rOv 8~ -rpOTTov Kdv-raiJBa l8{av cpaµEv -roV BEoiJ AOyov -r~v oVa{av,
''::'I
lOtav ~\
OE 'e pW1TOV·
Kat T'r)V TOV av I
I >:' I
otaKEKptµEvat
I I
yap at rpvaEtS,
" (\
EV ~\
OE I '

[6] 6-7 Matt.19.6; cf.Gen. 2.24

[6] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum primo hie Graece inventum. Cf etiam: Cod.
B.M. Syr. Add.14669, d.10' (69, 1.19-70, 1.13; !, cwn Test. 7 coniunctwn); ll. 4-9 (.,,p68~!.ov .. .
8iaKEKpiµivwv): Pelagius II, Ep. 3 ad Episc. Histr., 29 (122, 11. 8-11); ll. 4-15 (7rp68YJ,\ov .. .
cpaµ..!v): )ustn., Ctr. Tr. Cap. 52 (60, ll. 14-23); Cone. Const. II, 4, 36, Test. 29 (57, ll. 4-14);
Vigilius, Const. I, 123, Test. 30(264,11. 9-20); ll. 5-15 (WaTE ... cpaµiv): Tim. Ael. (?), Liber ctr.
Syn. Chalc. (104, l.27-105, I. 7; !, cum Test. 7 coniunctum); Coll. Pal. 41, 17 (169, ll.16-23); Cone.
Const. II, 6, 9 (180, ll. 23-31); 11.12-15 ("Ornv ... cpaµ..!v): Theod. bar Koni, Lib. Schol. 9(2,190,
ll. 13-16; t, cum Test 7 coniunctum, licet cum omissionibus); ll. 12-15 (Tds cp{u:JEis ... cpaµiv):
Pelagius II, Ep. 3 ad Episc. Histr., 139 (130, ll. 28-32)
[7] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo Graece inventum. Cf. etiam: Tim.
Ael. (1),Liber ctr. Syn. Chalc. (105, ll.14-24; t, cum Test. 6 coniunctwn); Cod.B.M. Syr.Add. 14669,
ff.10 a-b (70, l. 25-71, I. 10; t, cum Test. 6 coniunctum);

VOP [6] 1 post J4YTOY1 add. l!EEBOYE P 2-3 7TEplTT0v . dcpapµ6l;,ov:

trEptTTDs 0 ,\6yos T~S' KpriaEWS' Kai d7Tp€tr~s Kai dcpapµ6l;.wv BM Add. 14669 3 ante
EKriaTYJS' add. d,\,\d, BM Add. 14669 EKciaT"} V d8ia,\VTws om. P Ecp' EavT~S' om. BM Add.
14669 post µEiv&a"}S' add. Evwals EaTi BM Add.14669 4 7rp6871,\ov ... Ecpripµol;,ov om.
BM Add. 14669 5-6 0 KVptoS' ... rp71atv: "dicatur" cone. Const. II, 4, 36 (txt.: ibid. 6,9)
7-8 E'ttrotµEv ... Ev om. Coll.Pal. 8 Elai: els- 0 7rp6awtra om.BMAdd.14669 ante
cpVaewv add. 8Vo P 10 KafJ' 8 µ{a AiyovTal: trWS' ,\EyovTat BM Add. 14669
12-14 TE,\E{av ... Oµo{ws-: cpVaiv fJElK~V Ev Tfi VtroaTriaEt aVToV EtrtaTriµEfJa Kai cpVaiv
dvfJpwtr{v"}v BM Add.14669, Theod. bar K6nl (post dvfJpw7T{v71v add. Ev Tfj VtroaTriaet aiiToV
Theod. bar K6n1) 13 post Ti,\Eiov add. "sine dubitatione" coll. Pal., Pelagius. obSE: oV
8EZ P laTiv om. P 15 post Ev trp6aw7Tov add. Kal µ{av V7T6aTaatv BM Add. 14669,
Theod. bar KOni ante cpaµEv add. "merito" Coll. Pal.
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 467

6. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

In all respects, then, it is clear that the language of "mixing" is limited and
unsuitable and unfitting, if each of the natures remains indestructibly as it was.
But it is even more clear that the language of"union'' is fitting: for by this means
the natures are brought together and form one persona (prosopon) in the
manner of union. So that what the Lord said about husband and wife, "they are
no longer two but one flesh;' we could properly say, too, about the structure of
the union: "They are no longer two personas but one" -that is, if we distinguish
natures. For as in the case of marriage their being called "one flesh'' is not
harmed by the number two-this is already clear in the way they are said to be
one-so also here, the union of persona is not harmed by the difference in
natures. For when we distinguish the natures, we say that the nature of God the
Word is complete, and his persona is complete-for one cannot speak of a
"hypostasis" without a "persona'' -and the nature of the man is complete, and
so also his persona; but when we consider the connection, then we say there is
one persona.

7. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

In the same way, we say here, too, that the essence of God the Word is one thing,
and that of the man another; for the natures are distinguished, but a single
 468 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE
•
\ I ,,... t I > \ I un ' ,..,{} ti I \
TO rrpoawrrov TTJ EVWUEL Q1TOTEl\OVJ.tEVOV. ~.:GTE KQVTQV a OTQV j,(,EV Tas
givaELs 8iaKp{vELv rrELpwµ,EBa, TEAELov To rrp6awrrov giaµ,€v ETvaL To Tou
avBpwrrov, TEAHOV 8€ Kat TO Tijs BEOT'YJTO<;· OTaV 8€ 7Tp0S T~V EVWULV
> f3 \ l ,J, I rt 1' \ I I I
Q1TO l\E'f'WJ.tEV, TOTE EV ELVQL TO rrpoaW7TOV aµ,giw Ta<; givaELS K'YJPVTTOj.tEV
'JI \

5 UVV'Y}µ,µ,€vws, Tijs TE avOpwrrOT'YJTOS Ti/ BEOT'YJTL T~V rrapd Tijs KT{aEw~

nµ,~v 8Exoµ,€v7Js, Kat Tijs BEOT'YJTOS EV mhfl rravTa E7TLTEAova'Y}s Ta o€ovTa.

[8] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK TOY@ ''AOI'OY

'EvTavea TO{vvv TO "EyEVETO" ov8aµ,ws ETEpws MywOaL 8vvaµ,EVov
t I '' \ \ ~ ,.., C\ ~ \ \
EVP'YJKaµ,Ev 'YJ KQTQ TO UOKELV· 0 U'YJ KQL aVTO l\EYOJ.tEVOV EV TTJ ELCf parpn,
) \ \ I ) "" (} f r ~

10 KQL\ µ,al\LUTQ
I\ ' '
ETTL\ TOV..... K vpwv I ~ ) t I ' ,.., '
UL erEpwv, EV TOLS QVWTEPW aKpL EUTEpov
I ' {3'
'I.' I.'' l: T' ' I.' ".A I
Eowac;aµ,Ev. 0 yap OOKELV 0 oyos aapc,, EYEVETO • TO OE UOKHV, ov KaTaI
A ' l: ' I " I I.'' I.' A ,

TO' µ,'Y}' Hl\'Y}fPEVaL

>\ I
aapKa
'
al\'Y}
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'Y/• U/\/\a
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KaTa' TOI J.t'Y'J YEYEV7Ja aL. "OTaL µ,Ev I

e
A (}

I cc >I\ f3 » \ f ) I I I.' A >\ \ I

yap E/\a EV /\EYT/> ov KaTa TO OOKELV, al\l\a KaTa TO al\'Y} ES /\EYEL· OTav OE
I I J \ I \ I ti I.' \

((' I ,, I \ \ ~ .....
EYEVETO, TOTE KaTa TO UOKELV· ov yap f1-ETE7TOL'YJ 'YJ ELS aapKa.
' \ '(} ' ' IIpoaEKTEOVI

15 ollv T~v 8 Lavoiav TOV EvayyEAWTou· ovTw yap yvwaoµ,EBa Tov AEyoµ,€vov
T~v 8vvaµ,Lv.

[9] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK TOY :4.YTOY AOI'OY

"07TEp yap Ecp' ~µ,wv KaTa T~V EV T07T(t> AEyETaL ax€aLV, TOVTO ETTL TOV @mu
KaTa T~V Tijs yvwµ,'Yjs. '!Js yap cpaµ,Ev egi' ~µ,wv OTL "€v Ti>8E y€yova T<j>

[8] 11 Joan. 1.14 13 (€Aa{3Ev): cf. Phil. 2.7

(7] p. 466, 1. 17-p. 468, I. 4 (-rov auTOV ... KT)pVTTOµ.Ev): Theod. bar Kon:i, Lib. Schol. 9
(2, 190, 11. 21-5; !, cum Test. 6 coniunctum, licet cum omissionibus)
[8] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid. 9: fragmentum hie primo inventum
[9] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum

[7] 1 To om. 0 2 rpvaELs: KpfoEis V" (corr. Torres?) TTELpwµ.dJa: 7Tapwµ.E8a. P

1-3 'TO 7rp6aw7TOV ... 'TOV av8pw7Tov: 'TOV 5.v8pw7TOV ... Tfj 01TOU'TclUEi 0.U'TOU BM Add.
14669 2-4 TIAEioV ... a7Tof3Mi/iwµ.t:v om. Theod. bar Kon.i 2 Efvai ante rpaµ.ev (5)
transp. p 4 a7Tof3M7TWfJ.EV p post 7rp6aw7TOV add. KO.L µ.{a.v 07T6aTa.aiv BM Add.
14669, Theod. bar Kimi 5 avvriµ.µ.€vris 0 TE om. 0
[8] 7 post 'A.YTOY1 add. 'A.ZEBOY.E EJEOLJQPOY P 11 To: T0 P 14 T6n:
TO P; T6 YE 0 15 T?) 8ia.voCq. P da.yyt:Mov P

VOP [9] 17 TOY J4YTOY1 om. V Post 'A.YTOY1 add. 'A..EEBOY.E P

• Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 469

persona is produced by the union. So that here, too, when we attempt to

distinguish the natures, we say that the persona of the man is complete, and that
of the divinity is complete; but when we consider the union, then we proclaim
that both natures, taken together, form one persona, with the humanity
receiving the honor due the divinity from all creation, and the divinity
accomplishing all that is right in the humanity.

8. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE NINTH BOOK

Here, then, we have found that "he became" cannot have been meant in any
other way than referring to appearances; we have shown clearly above that this
is said in the holy Scripture, especially by others with reference to the Lord. In
appearance, after all, "the Word became flesh": appearance not in the sense that
he did not take up true flesh, but in that he did not become it. For when it says
"he took;' it says this not in the sense of appearances but in that of truth; but
when it says "he became;' then it is in the sense of appearances; for he was not
transformed into flesh. We must adhere to the mind of the Evangelist; for thus
we shall understand the meaning of what is said.

9. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

What is said of us about our spatial relationships, is said of God about his
relationships of will. For as we say about ourselves, "I was in this place;' so we
 470 llPO£ TOY£ NE£TOPIA NOY£
I n ti \ ) \ fu\ """ t/ I ) ,.., ~ ) ~ t t/ ) > t ""
T01TqJ, OVTWS Kat E7Tt .:;Eov OTL YEYOVEV EV TqJOE· E7TEto17 01TEp Hp 17µ,wv ~
JJ-ETa{3aats Epya,ETat, TOVTO E1TL TOU @EOU ~ yvwµ,17, U1Tavmxou Tfj f/)VGEt
I
Tvyxavovros.

[301} [10] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK TOY I' AOI'OY

5 '"'Qq;017 OE avT0 ayyEAos cb' ovpavov Evwxv~v aVTOV. Kai. yEvoµ,EVos EV
ay wv{q. EKTEVEGTEpov 1Tpoa17vxETO· Kat EYEVETO 0 :Opws aVTOU WUEt
Q I rt f3 I >> 0 ) ,. . \
) \ > ....,
\ \ \ ,...
(}
poµ,1-'ot atµaTOS KaTa atVOVTES E7Tt T17V y17v. VKOVV TOV µEv aywva, Kat
TOUTov ov Tbv TVXOVTa, q;avEpws {moµEµEv17K0Ta Tbv XpwTbV E1c TWv
elpY'/µivwv µave6.voµEv.

10 [11] TOY :4YTOY· 'EK TOY :4.YTOY AOI'OY

I
IIotav <;'I I "C ) \ (}I I \ I U < > ~ > ~
oE Kat Es Et aKOl\OV tav TO l\EyoµEvov o EK Tov ovpavov KaTa as,
f3 I »
Kat "o
WV EV T0 ovpavciJ;" :4.vatpELTat yap OaTEp<tJ Tb ETEpov, Tb µ,Ev
KaTa{3E{3Y'/KEVat Eg ovpavou T0 elvat EV T0 oupavciJ, Tb OE elvat Tei>
KaTaf3ef3Y'/KEVaL. }4,\,\Q, KaTaf3if3Y'/KE µEv Tfj els TbV av0pw1TOV EVOtK~GEL·
15 EGTL OE EV ovpav0 T0 a1TEptyp6.q;0 TfjS q;vaEWS 1Taat 1Tapwv.

[12] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK TOY :4.YTOY AOI'OY

£K01TWµEv To{vvv T{s 0 avepw1TOS 1TEpt ov EK1TA~TTETat Kat eavµa'EL 0
<;' I [302 J < n A" ~ ~
I
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OTt 017 I
0 mOVOYEVY'/S KaT17st, tWGEV
I >
avTOV 1-'-VYJG (}Y'/Vat
I \
TE Kat
E1TLaKo1T~v 1TOt~aaaeat.

[10) 5- 7 Luc. 22.43-4 [11) 11 Joan. 3.13 [12) 16-p. 175, 1. 1 (T{S ...
-rroiryaaa6o.i): cf. Ps. 8.5 (LX.X)

[10] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid. 10: fragmentum hie primo inventum

[11) Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum
[12) Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo Graece inventum. Cf. etiam: Cyr.
Alex., Ctr. Diodorum et 7heorum 2, apud Cone. Const. II, 5, 9 (77, 11. 27-31); 1. 17-p. 472, 1. 3
(aK01Tw1uv ... e-vll17Aov): Thdt., Ctr. Cyril/um, apud Cone. Const. II, 5, 31 (94, lL8-12);

[9) 1 Kai om. P ante farniJ add. Tov 0 2 ~ om.P

[10) 4 Post .11YTOY' add. J4EEBOYE faEOL1QPOY P
6 d.ywv{q.: d.ywvi V 7 KaTa{3atvovTos yp1e
[11] 10 post }ffTOY' add. .f1J;EBOYE P
Til: TrjJ 0 Tcfi 1: T6 OP O.v6pw1TDV: ovpavov 0
(12) 16 Post J4YTOY1 add. J4EEBOYE P
Thdt., Pelagius
5 ye-v6µ.e-vos: ye-yovti» 0
Kai om. P
13 Tcfi 1: TOVOP; corr. Swete Tc? om. P
17-18 cl 7rpOCf!YJT1JS om. V, Cyr. Alex.,
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 471

say of God that he "came to be here": since what movement brings about in us,
willing brings about in God, who is present by nature everywhere.

10. ;BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE TENTH BOOK

"And an angel appeared from heaven to comfort him. And falling into agony, h e
prayed more intensely; and his sweat became like drops of blood, falling onto
the ground:' So we learn from what is said that Christ clearly endured a struggle,
and this no ordinary one.

11. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

What are the consequences of the phrase, "who came down from heaven" and
of"who is in heaven"? For each is cancelled out by the other: the "coming down
from heaven" by the "being in heaven;' and the "being" by the "coming down:'
But he came down by indwelling in the man; he is in heaven by being present to
all, in the uncircumscribed fullness of his nature.

12. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

Let us, then, examine who the man is, about whom the prophet is amazed and
struck with wonder, that the Only-begotten thinks him worth remembering
and caring for.
 472 IIPOL: TOYL: NEL:TOPIANOYL:
>A\ \ >
.til\I\ OTl
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µ,ev ov
\ >
<1TEpl 1TUVTOS
I I )
av
8pw7TOV>
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Elprrral, EV TOlS' avwTipw
) ,.., )

"' ' " ' <J ~ I ) ~ I I ! I ,.., I I " JJ <;;-

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" I / '(; / 1 , \

f"apTvp{av, JKoeg<.!i,,.e8a.

5 [303] [13] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK TOY JB' AOI'OY

A I ,.., ' ';' "'\!\ '"' ,..,, yt"" ' \ \ > « ' f"»<l~I I
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AEy6µ,Evov d7ToA.VTwS' dµ,rp6TEpa KaTd TaVTOv GY)f.La{vEtv ~8VvaTo,
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Tfj rpvatKfj YEVV?jGEl T~V vi6TY)Ta KEKTYJf.l£vov-f.7TOf.l£VWS' i)~
~ I
10 GVVE7TlOEXDfLEVOV T'l} GYJf.,1,aGLCf Kat TOV Ka Ta al\Yj Etav TY)S' as taS' f.,1,ETEXDVTa
,..,, I I I I '\ '8 " >(:I I

,..,, I ' I t I
T'l} 7TpDS' aVTOV EVWGEl.

[14] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK TOY :4.YTOY AOI'OY

1'A I \ I " > I I ' I ~ I "
.t-ipa 7TaVGOVTal l\Ot7TOV TTJS' avaLGXVVTOV µaxYJS', a7TOUTYJUOVTal OE TY)S'
I 8 \
µaTataS' rptl\OVELKlaS', atoEa EVTES' TWV ElPYJf.,1,EVWV TO 7TpocpaVES';
"JI01\1\0VS'
\ \ \ ,, I >~ I ,..,, ' I I I

\
15 yap, rpYJGlV, VLOVS' ELS'
I « t I > ~I(:
oos > I "r~ ,. , I
av ayayovTa. DOV TOtVVV
' "
EV Tl{? TY)S' VlOTYjTOS'
,..,, 'I

A.6yq; Kal avyKaTaT6.TTWV 0 d7T6GToAos- cpa{vETat T0v dvaA.YjcpBEvTa

,, 8pw7TOV
av ...
TOlS' '' . . .
7TOl\l\OLS', OU' <Ka 8',,
O> Ka 8'' '
oµoiwatv ' '
EKEtVOlS' ,., VlOTYjTOS'
TTJS' ,,
f.,1,ETExwv,dA.Ad [KaB' Oµo{watv] KaB' 0 xdptTl 7TpoaE{A.YjcpE T~V vi6TYjTa, TijS'
BE6TYJTOS' µ6VYJS' T~V rpvatK~V vi6TY)Ta KEKTYJf.,l,Ev17s-. IIp6817A.ov ydp EKElvo,
t ,..,, t /
20 WS' TT)S' VtOTYjTOS' aVT<fJ 1Tapa TOVS' l\Ol7TOVS' av pW1TOVS' 1TpoaEUTl TO
> ,..,, I I \ I > 8 , ' '
'(: /
EsatpETOV, T'l} 1Tp0S' aVTOV EVWGEl· ,..,, 1 > 1 ' I
0"'8 EV I
Kat EV T!J TOV ' " " "Y'lOV"" rpwvn"
,
avVE1TlVOOVf.LEVWS' 1TapaAaµ avETal . .t-11\1\a l\OYD1TOtOVVTal 1Tp0S' Yjµas- OTt '/3' ""'' " ''""
>~I I\ I I ~I I I f I > " >A\\>'~ I I
Et ovo TEl\Eta rpaaKOfLEV, 1TaVTWS' ova Kat TOVS' VtOVS' epovµEV.L-11\1\ lOOV Kat

[13] 6 Hebr.1.1 [14] 14-15 Hebr.2.10

[12 cont.] Pelagius II, Ep. 3 ad Episc. Histr., 96/126, ll. 3-6)
[13] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid. 12: fragmentum hie primo inventum
[14] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentumhic primo Graece inventum.11.13-19 (ilpa
... KEK-r17µiv'Y}s): cf. etiam Cone. Const. II, 4, 55, Test. 46 (62, ll. 2-7); Vigilius, Constitutum I, 164,
Test. 47(275,1.14-276,l. 4);

VOP [12] 1 µEv post dv8pWrrov transp. Swete oV: oVK VOP; corr. Swete <7TEpl
1Tavr0s dv8pW1Tovr suppl. Swete e testimoniis Latinis 3 1TapWµtv VOP
agl01TlUTWTtpov P; tV-rriaTDTEpov VO 4 EKSEtOµt8a 0
[13] 5 TOY llYTOY om. V post llYTOY add. lll:EBQY.i; @EOLIQPOY P
7 a71µa{vtiv: a71µa{vwv VO
[14] 12 post AYTOY' add. Al:EBOYl: P 13 post 8€ add. Aomov VO
17 <KaO' 8> addidi 18 µ£r€xEiv 0 [Ka8' Oµo{waiv] ut diplographiam seclusi
22 avvE1nvooVµ£vos V 11apaAaµf3dvtral: avµrrapaAaµf3dvtTal VO 23 rpdaKoiµ-Ev 0
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 473

That this is not said about every human being has already been shown above;
that it is not about just any chance person is also clear. To bypass all possibilities,
let us accept the most credible source of all, the witness of the Apostles.

13. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE TWELFTH BOOK

For this reason he did not say, "He spoke to us in the Son;' but "in a son;' which,
by being said in this unspecified way, could mean both with the same expression:
first of all indicating the true Son-by "true Son'' I mean him who obtained
sonship by natural begetting-and then also embracing in its meaning the one
who truly shares in his status through union with him.

14. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

Well, will they now stop this shameless wrangling, and refrain from empty
vindictiveness respecting the obvious meaning of what is said? For he says,
"leading many sons to glory:' See, the Apostle is obviously including the
assumed man with everybody else in the category of sonship: not sharing in
sonship in the same way they do, but similar at least, in that he has received
sonship by grace, with the godhead alone possessing natural sonship. For it is
perfectly clear that the special status of sonship is peculiar to him [= Jesus] in
comparison with the rest of the human race, through his union with him [=the
Word]; therefore he [=Jesus] is also understood in our use of the title"Son:'But
they contrive the argument against us that if we speak of two complete beings,
then surely we will be speaking of two sons. But notice:
 474 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

"YlOs" E'tp17Tat Ev Tfl I'pacpfJ KaB' airrO, rijs BE6TTJT05 VrrEtvp71µ,€vYJs,

[304]roZs l\ot7rols dv8pW7Tois avvrerayµ,Evos, Kat oVK ~O'YJ 8Vo cpaµ,€.v roVs
vloVs. Els 8€ 0 Ylds Oµ,ol\oyEITat 8iKa{ws, iTrE{1TEp ~ rWv cpVaewv Oia{pEais
' I ' I\ \:' I I
avayKalWS' OffJEl/\El UlUf1.-EVElV, KUl 77( ,...
TOV 7rp0UW'TT'OV EVWUlS' auiaanaaros
I <! '\:' I

\,
5 <pVl\UTTEa at.
e KI '
at ElPYJKWS
I " \\ I ' I r ,, , II
7TOl\l\OVS' VlOVS ELS oos av ayayovra, E1Tayei
' \:''t.

"rOv dpxYJyOv rijs aWTYJp{as aVrWv Sid Tra071µ,drwv reAeiWaai:' 'OpO.re

,... t.:::l ,... <;;:' \ I
1TWS' g;avepws TOV ~EOV .t1oyov <pYJUl via 7Ta YJfL.UTWV TETEl\ElWKEVal TOV
I A I I e I \ I \

dvaA17rp8€vra UvfJpwTrov, O'v Kai "dpxYJydv r{js awr'Y)p{as" EKUAeaev, Ws

) I 8' " Ir
UVTOV TE 7TpWTOV TUVT7JS: as lW EVTa Kat ere pois UlTlOV KaraaTavra.
I '(; I " I

JO [15} TOY .'AYTOY. 'EKTOY .'AYTOY AOI'OY

"A 1 ,...
17y71atv, I I I '(;I I ,... ' ,... e' "
~ \ "' ) e
fl7TaGl yap TDlS TOlOVTOlS, Ka Ta T1)V Es
otaTE/\OVaiv· av pw1TtVWTEpwv yap DVTWVTWV 11eyoµ,evwv eotKatovv Tavrv
I I >I ,...
TO TOV VlOV Tl EVTES ovoµa
\ / 'C:- I I

' e "' ,. .
KEXPY/a at TTJ rpwvn, 1)VTtva Kat eivai avTq_J T'YJV 7Tpoarr1opiav avvel"aivev·
'I I 1' ' ,... I I IR_

Kal DTt TO "'I77a0Ds'' Ovoµ,a TDD dvaA17cp8,vTos ~v 7rpoa17yop{a, Wa1Tep Kal

15 TWv d7TOGT6Awv TO "fI<fTpos" Kal"IIaiJAos:' ~er Tl TOtoDTo Aey6µevov, oVTw
> \ eII
yevv17atv
TE E1TlKl\1) EV aVTCf! f-tETa TTJV
11ff
) I
TYJV EK 1naptas ~ .•. >
"' I I I )

[16} TOY .'AYTOY· 'EK TOY .'AYTOY AOI'OY

'A,\.\d 77p0s roiJr6 rpaaiv 0Tt rO "'l1)aoDs" Ovoµ,a awr~pa GYJµa{vei· awT~p
~I
oE,
I
<paai, 1TWS av
,... >\ t
0
>f e
av pw7TOS l\EYOlTO;
\' 'E1Tll\E111)GJ.LEVOl
\ \ I 1 ,. .
OTl YJGDVS
<I l\
E/\EYETO
I

20 Kal 0 TOiJ Nav~· Kal T6 a~ BavµaaTDv, oVK &:rr6 TLVOS oVTw KA178els
, , ... , ,,, , , ( , "M .. ,
avvTVXtas e:v TTJ YEVVfJGEt, all/la f.LETovoµ,aa 8ELS v7To TDV wvae:ws.

[14] 17-19 Hebr.2.10

[14 cont.] p. 472, I. 13-p. 474, 1. 5 (clpa ... qivA6.T-rEaeai): Cyr. Alex., Ctr. Diodorum et
Theodorum 10, apud Cone. Const. II, 5(79,11. 9-20)
[15] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum.
[16] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum. Cf. etiam: Cone. Const.
11, 4, 56, Test. 47 (62, ll. 9-13); Vigilius, Constitutum I, 166, Test. 48 (276, ll. 14-19)

VOP [14] 1 anteYldS"add.OP anteI'paqifiadd.eE{q.V KaTVO inrEgnp7Jf1.iV7]S':

Egnp11µ€V7]S' P; V1TEgTJPTJ/J.EvwS' OP 2 Aoi1TolS": 1To>.AolS' 0 oVK ~87]: oVxL OP
3 EfS': El P Wµo>.6y11Tat P 4 d8iaa1TciO'TWS' V 6 post TEAEiWaai add.
TOY MAKAPIOY AEONTIOY P <paai 0
[15] JO post !1YTOY' add. !1EEBOYE EJEOJQPOY P 14 ~" ~ V 15 70
om. P ToioVToV P
[16] 17 post !1YTOY' add. !1IPETIKOY P 18 aWT~pa· aWT~piav OPP
19 i:p71aL(v) VO, Cone. Const. II, Vigilius l1TiAEA7]aµEvov V ante 'J71aoVS' add. 1<aL 0
20 80: YE P 21 yEviaEi V MwVaiwS": MwVaEoS' P; MwaEwS' 0
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 475
he is also referred to simply as "son'' in the Scripture, when [all suggestion of]
divinity is removed and he is included among the rest of men; and we do not
therefore say there are two sons. No, the Son is properly confessed to be one,
since the difference in natures ought necessarily to remain, and the union of
persona ought to be preserved inseparable. And when he says, "leading many
sons to glory", he adds: "to perfect through suffering the pioneer of their
salvation:' See how clearly he says that God the Word perfected the assumed
man through sufferings, the one whom he has called "the pioneer of salvation;'
to establish him as both the first one judged worthy of it and as being the cause
[of it] for others.

15. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

For to all of these, according to our interpretation, they continue to apply the
name of son; for since what is said is put in a more or less human way, they held
it right to use this word [i.e. "Son''], which also happened to be his title. And
[they say] that the name "Jesus" is the name of the assumed man, just like the
names of the Apostles "Peter" or "Paul" or similar names, and it was given to
him as a name after his birth from Mary.

16. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

But they say in reply to this that the name "Jesus" means salvation. And how,
they say, could a man be called savior? They have forgotten that the son of Nun
was also called Jesus, and the remarkable thing was that he was not called this
by some chance at birth, but had his name changed to this by Moses.
 4

476 IIPO.E TOY.E NE.ETOPIANOY.E

A ,.. \
i..JT}llOV ~ ' ( ' '' ' \
OE WS' OUK av aUTO ElVat
e .. ' )av' e7TW7TOV TJVE<JXETO,
E7T
I ' I )/
El7TEp
e Etas
I ~
'l]v
I I I
1TaVTWS' <pVUEWS' UT}µ,avnKOV.

{17} TOY 14.YTOY· 'EK TOY 14.YTOY AOI'OY

"IloAvµ,Epws Kai 7ToAvTpo7Tws 7TaAat ®Eos AaA~aas To'is [305]7TaTpaatv o
5 Ev Tots 1Tpor:p~-rats, E7T' EaxaTwv Twv ~µ,Epwv TouTwv EAaATJaEv ~µ,'iv Ev
, ~,, <PavEpws
Y tl!J. - yap, EVTav
, ~e
a EV Y'tl!J- T'!J- av, e,
, pw7T'!J 11Eywv oEtKVVTat. ', "' ,
[18] TOY 14.YTOY· 'EK TOY 14.YTOY AOI'OY
WUTE ov µ,6vov "Yiov" aVTOV U7TOKaAEL, TOV ernv A6yov ar:pop{aas,
<••• >
aAAa KaL UVVTUTTWV KaTa TOV T~S' viOTTJTOS' Aoyov TOLs AomoL's
10 (J-ETEUXTJKOUt [306] TTJS'
I - VlOTTJTOS'
< >\ >
E/\Ef'XETat· E7TEt7TEp xaptn Kat UVTOS'
I I > \ I I \

fJ-ETEUXTJKE T~S' vi6TTJTOS', ov cpvat1<ws EK Tov IlaTpos yEyEvv71µ,€vos, lxwv

I \ \ \ \ \ ( \ fl "' \ ) \ ( I
fJ-EVTOt 7Tapa TOVS' /\Ot7TOVS' TYJV V7TEPUXTJV, OTl TYJ 1Tp0S' aUTOV EVWUEl
I \ t / rt ~ I '\,... ,.. I 1y
KEKTYJTat TYJV VWTYJTU, 0 OYJ KVptWTEpav aUT'!J TOV 7Tpayµ,aTOS' xapt.,,ETat
I I
TTJV /J,ETOVUtav.

15 [19] TOY :4YTOY· 'EK TOY :4YTOY AOI'OY

"<. . . ) KaL KaAEaEts TO ovoµ,a aVTOV 'ITJUOVV. OVTOS' EUTat µ,€yas, KaL Yios
'Y·'· '
..,,wTOV KllTJ e
\ TJUETat." 'I"'oov- TOtVVV 07TWS' TOV EK Maptas EvayyE11t.,,oµ,EVOS'
I I (/ Ir , I , \ I

TOKETOV, TOV KaTa aapKa Myw, "'I71aovv" µ,€v aVTOV KAYJfJ~vat KEAEUEl,
"Y''wv""'''"Y·'·'
OE 'e' e , ,,
..,,wTOV,, KllYJ YJUEU at 7TpoayopEVEt· EtKOTWS' TO (J-EV TE T}Vat , , e-
20 KEAEvwv ws 1TpOaT}yop{av TOV nKToµ,€vov,

[17] 4-6 Hebr.1.1-2 [19] 16-17 Lue.1.31 - 2

[1 7] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo Graeee inventum. Cf. etiam:
Cyr. Alex., Ctr. Diodorum et Theodorum 2, apud Cone. Const. II, 5, 13 (82, 11. 4-6;.J. )
[18] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum. Cf. etiam: Cone. Const.
II, 4, 57, Test. 48 (62, II. 15-19); Vigilius, Constitutum I, 168, Test. 49(277,11. 5-10)
[19] 111eodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum

VOP [16] 1 post flE{as add. oiKovo1.das P 2 a71µa vnK6v: yvwptanK6v P

[1 7] 3 post1'1YTOY' add.14.IPETIKOY P 5 lax6:rov P 6 yapom.O
[18] 7 post 1'1YTOY' add. 141JEBOYX P 9 -rTjs om. P 12 ?Tapa:
7Tpos P 13 Kvpwdpav V; KvpiwTEpov 0 ante a1hw add. lv O
[19) 15 post .'4YTOY' add. 'A1PETIKOY P 16 a~Toii: avTw V 17 post
To{vvv add. €yvws P EvayyEAt~6µ,Evov P 18 TOKETov: T6Kov· V TOJI om. VO
Myw: Mywv VO ante 'Ir,aoiiv add. KatV 19 rrpoaayopdm V"O
'9
Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 477
It is clear that this could not have been given to a man, if it simply signified
the divine nature.

17. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

"God, who spoke to the fathers through the prophets in a variety of ways and
means, in these last days has spoken to us in a son:' Clearly here "in a son" is
shown to be referring to the man.

18. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

... So that he does not only call him "Son" in order to distinguish him from God
the Word, but he is arguably including him, by the category of sonship, with the
rest of those who share in that sonship; after all, he [= Jesus], too, shares in
sonship by grace, not being begotten from the Father in a natural way, even
though he has, in comparison with the rest of us, the advantage that he acquired
sonship by means of union with him: which grants to him a more authentic
share in the reality of it.

19. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

"... And you shall call his name Jesus. He will be great, and will be called the Son
of the Most High:' See, then, how when he [=Gabriel] announced the birth
from Mary-that is, birth according to the flesh-he ordered that he be called
"Jesus;' but foretold that he would come to be called "Son of the Most High":
rightfully commanding that the one [title] be imposed as the proper name of
the one to be born,
 •
478 IIPOI: TOY.I: NEETOPIANOYI:
'"'\e' e , , "'
TO oE Kl\'Y/ riaEa at 7Tpoayoprnwv, E7TELO'Y/ nµris •1v avµ Ol\OV TO ovoµa, riv -.;;; 'f3\ ,,, "
ft_A '{3 {3 I A I f I
Es 'Y/'> E E awv TOV 7TpayµaTO') 'Y/ Jl-ETOU<Jta.

[20] TOY J4YTOY· 'EK TOY J4YTOY AOtOY

Ll~t\ov 8€ on7TEp Ev TV Twv cpvaEwv StaKplaEt 7TavTwr; ~µZv €mnT~prirnt
'~ /
5 TO' ELOEVat r
wr; r ' a '
0 fl-EV OEO')
A oyor;
1
KaTa\ T'Y/V
' \
cpvatK'Y/V /
YEVV'Y/<lLV yrLO')
' ELVat
~

MyETat, 0 8€ av8pw7TO') 7TOAAqJ YE fl-EL,OVO') OV<l'Y/'> T} Ka'T aVTOV TOV Yfoi}

'C'tar; a7TOl\aVEL,
T'Y/'> as
A , \ I " '
ota '
T'Y/V '
7Tpor; ,
EKELVOV I
avvacpELaV. A

[21] TOY J4YTOY· 'EK TOY II" AOI'OY

"<. .. > or; EcpavEpwBri EV aapKL, EOLKatwBri EV IIvEIJµ,an·" 0EOLKatwa8at EV
10
/
IIVEtJµan \/ ) \
l\Eywv avTOV,
>I f \ A Q_
ELTE wr; 7Tp0 TOV f-'a'Tl'TL<Jµ,aTO')
/ [307]fJ-ETa\ 'T'Y/S A

I {3 ) \It,
I \ I
Tl'p oariKovaris aKpt ELar; TOV voµov cpvl\as avTa, ELTE wr; Kat fJ-ET
EKELVO T'Y/V
>I f \ )) ..-. \

T~r; xaptTOS Tl'OAtn{av, -rfl -roil IlvEvp..a-ror; avvEpy{q., fJ-ETa 'Tl'OAA~r;

\ I f3 IA
71'/\'Y/PW<laVTa TT/'> aKpt ELar;.
)

{22] TOY J4YTOY· 'EK TOY .:4.YTOY AOI'OY

15 Ouoe yap TO {mo TOV 1 wavvov Tl'por; aVTOV ELP'Y/fkEVOV, on "Eyw xpdav €xw
v'Tl'o
' I
aov f3 a'Tl'na B"rivat, Kat' av\ EPXTI
" Tl'por;
I '~ \
µ,E; )) - ovoE TOUTO
......
avatp'Y/aEL
' I
-ro\
\ >I e ~l \ {3 y I <A I \ )
TOV av pw'Tl'OV E vat TOV a7TTL<;,Of1-EVOV. ripµ,oaEL yap avT<f) Kat KaTa TOV
A \ \ \

7~') dv8pw7T6T'Y/TO') t\6yov, E'Tl'EL'Tl'Ep Ka Ta TE av-r~v T~V apET~V Tl'OAA~V EiXE

\ r \ \ 1 I \ \ \ ) ...., ) ,.., ~ ,... I
T'Y/V VTl'Epoxriv Tl'por; wavvriv, Kat ota T'Y/V EVOLKOvaav aUT(fJ T'Y/'> EOT'Y/TO')
e
I , f \ 1 I I ) \ \ \ \ r \ I ) I
20 cpvatv ovx v7TEp wavvriv µovov, aAl\a Kat v7TEp Tl'avTar; av pw'Tl'ovr;, 'Y/O'Y/ oE
>I~ ~ \ e
\ t \ \ I W \ > t, I ~ I > 1y
Kat VTl'Ep T'YJV KTLUtV EXWV TO astwµ,a OLKatwr; Eyvwptc,,ETO.

[21] 9 1Tim.3.16 [22] 15-16 Matt.3.14

[20] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum

[21] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid. 13: fragmentum hie primo Graeee inventum. Cf. etiam:
Cod. B.M. Syr.Add.14669, £ l 7b (80,11.1-8); Cone. Const. II, 4, 62, Test. 53 (63, !L 20-3; i); Vigilius,
Constitutum I, 179, Test. 54 (280,11. 2- 7; i)
[22] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum

VOP [19] 1 11poaayopdwv OP

[20] 1 post l1YTOY' add. J4.l:EBOY1: P ' ' Ka8'
UV'T'OV:
auTo P 7 ri110,\avELv VO
[21) 8 TOY J4YTOY' om. V post l1YTOY' add. 54JPETIKOY @EOL'JQPOY P
9 OEOtKaiwa8ai €v IlvEvµ,an om. 0, Vig. 10 d.Js om. 0 11 Kai om. 0
auvEpyE{Q- V 11-13 7'~11 7'~S xapt'T'OS ... aKpt{3E{as: Tfj 7'0V JlvEVf.L0.7'0S xapt'T'OS Kat
rfi UV'T'OV aKpif3drt 71E11ATJPWEVOV B.M.Add.14669 13 11A7Jpovvra VO
[22] 14 post l1YTOY' add. 14.l:EBOYI: p 15 TOV om. p on: 7'0 p 17 1
ov
om. o yap: oi o
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 479
and prophesying that he would be called by the other, since the name was a
symbol of the honor which his share in the reality would duly secure [for him].

20. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

It is clear that in making a distinction between natures we are preserving, surely,

our insight that God the Word is said to be Son according to natural begetting,
and that the man enjoys the status of son, much greater than what is his own,
because of his identification with him.

21. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE THIRTEENTH BOOK

"Who appeared in the flesh, was justified in the spirit:' Saying that he is "justified
in the spirit" [means] either that before his baptism he kept the law with fitting
exactitude, or else that even after it he continued to fulfill the life of grace, with
the help of the Spirit, with a great deal of exactitude.

22. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

Not even what was said by John to him, the phrase "I need to be baptized by you,
and do you come to me?" -not even this cancels out the fact that the one being
baptized is a human being. For it befits him even in virtue of his humanity, since
in his very virtue he greatly surpassed John; and because of the divine nature
dwelling in him he was justly recognized as having a status not only above John,
but above all human beings and even above creation.
 480 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

[23} TOY .:4YTOY· 'EK TOY .:4YTOY AOI'OY

o
L1to1TEp Kai. Kvpws,{3ovA.6µEVos €v Tfj XP"{'l- T"9s Tpo9"9s To TE KapuptKov
Kat Ef.tqJiA.6ao9ov €mSE{gaa8ai, TOVTO µEv yEV€aOa~ ovK ahEZ (fJYJa{v.
SEtKVVS SE O'TL EAa'T'TOV aunt) /J,EAEi T"9s Tpo9"9s Kat 7TpO'TLfLO'TEpov av'T(p
,. , ) ,. )~\\ \ ) \ «o)VK E7T
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[24} TOY .:4YTOY· 'EK TOY .:4YTOY AOI'OY

Tov'TO yap 0 8iaf3oA.os EG7TovSaaE, 7TEtaat fLEV aV'TOV WS ovSaµws aV'TOV

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, " ,, <:- Ac " , ,a A , , <:- , ,
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' I
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[25} TOY .:4YTOY· 'EK TOY l4YTOY AOI'OY

15 L1io7TEp6 Kvpws, €v Tots Tp{aiv ~TT~aas aihov, ~f"'Zv T~v KaT' avTov v{KYJV
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€SELgEv €avTov ~Sov"9s KpaTovvTa· f.t~ f3aA.wv S€ €avTov KaTw, MtYJs
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I ,.., ,... I ) () """' t. t \ti~ I t \ J \:' \
KpaTYJUas 'TWV 'TOV KOUfLOV aya WV, EoELsEV EaV'TOV OVOEVi 'TOV'TWV V7TEp
J Q_ I t I
20 EVaE,_,Eiar; YJ'T'TWJ-LEVOV.

[23] 5-6 Matt.4.4;cf.Deut.8.3 [24) 9 Matt. 4.3, 6

[23] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum

[24] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie prirno inventurn
[25] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentumhie primo inventum

VOP [23] 1 TOY J::IYTOY' om. V post J::IYTOY' add. i4IPETIKOY P 2 Kai
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'Y
Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 481

23. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

And therefore the Lord, wanting to demonstrate his endurance and his
philosophical character in the face of a lack of food, does not demand that this
occur [i.e. that stones become bread]; and showing that he is less interested in
nourishment, and that nothing is more valuable to him than virtue, he says to
him [Satan]: "Not by bread alone does man live, but by every word coming from
the mouth of God:'

24 . BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

For the devil was eager to persuade him that God took no thought for him; and
therefore he said, "If you are the Son of God, do this;' meaning: "Show by an
action that God cares about you:' And he himself made great promises, so that
he might separate him from God by that suggestion and then win him for
himself by the promises. And in the first temptation he put bread before him,
enticing him with pleasure to follow the temptation.

25. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

Therefore the Lord, who bested him [= Satan] all three times, bestowed the
victory over him on all of us. For by not demanding that there should be bread
from God, he showed himself stronger than pleasure; by not throwing himself
down, he disdained glory, persuading everyone that it meant nothing to him;
and by the third gesture he, who ruled over the world's goods, showed that he
was mastered by none of them as much as he was by reverence [i.e. for God].
 •
482 llPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

[26] TOY J4YTOY· 'EK TOY It1' AOI'OY

\~() 1' f \ /:. () I I \ \ >f () I
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a1Taa17s, TUS OE YEV01JTUS cpvaELs 1TpOaKUVELV E0LKa£ov, d µ,~Ta 'TTEPL aUTOV
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[27] TOY J4YTOY· 'EK TOY J4YTOY AOI'OY

10 TaVTO o~ TOVTD cp~aoµ,Ev OLKaLWS KaL E'TTL TOV Kup{ou, 0Tl1T€p 0 <BIEOS
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I f > ) \ ~ ft," () I ) I \ ~ ~ I
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TOV €vav-r£ou µ,'Laos· OLEcpVAUTTETO OE aVTqJ Ta T?js rrpo8Ea€WS aKEpaia
20 V1TO TTJS ()E{as xapLTOS avw8Ev, TOV emu O'TTOLOS TLS la-raL aKpt{3ws
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TTJ OLKEL'f- EVOLK1JOEL T1JV avvEpytav, V'TTEP T1]S a'TTUVTWV 'Y]µ,wv aw-r17ptas.
"O() , \ , ~ 1' ~ t.
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I
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1TapEaxiJa8at TqJ V7TO TOV Kvp£ov ,\71cp8€vn av8pW1T<tJ.

25 [28] TOY J4YTOY. 'EK TOY IE' l.lOI'OY

"OTav To{vuv €pw-rwatv, "J4v8pw1To-r6Kos ~ 8EoTOKOS ~ Map{a;" AEy€a8w

1Tap' ~µ,wv, "J4µ,cpoTEpa"-To µ,€v Tfj cpvaEL Tov 1Tpayµ,aTos, To OE

[26] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.14: fragmentum hie primo inventum

[27] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum. Cf. etiam: Cone. Const.
II, 4, 63, Test. 54 (64, ll. 2-12); Vigilius, Constitutum J, 182-3, Test. 55 (281, ll. 2-15).
[28] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.15: fragmentum hie primo Graece inventum.

VOP [26] 1 post J4YT0Yadd. J4L'EBOYE @EOLl.QPOY P 4 om. P av

[27] 9 TOY J4YTOY1 om. V post J4YTOY' add. :4.IPETIKOY P
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ov: ov8£ P" 17 1Tpo·r.!BHTOOP avnji: fort. a{mji 20 ns: T~S v TtS om. p
EaTtv V 22 auvEpydav V 24 1Tapaax.fa8at P
[28] 25 postJ4YTOYadd.'AIPETIKOYBEOL1.QPOY P 27 postµ,Elladd.yap Vac
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 483

26. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE

FOURTEENTH BOOK

Hence such great honor was attached to the man, who was found worthy of the
divine indwelling and of sitting at the right hand of the Father and of being
worshipped by all creation. For God would never have simply assumed a man
and united him to himself, bringing it about that he be worshipped by all
creation, without a good reason; nor would he have allowed rational natures to
worship [him], if what had happened to him were not a common benefaction
for all creation.

27. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

We rightly say this same thing about the Lord as well, since God the Word knew
his virtue, and in fact according to this foreknowledge, right from the beginning,
at the first moment of his formation, was pleased to dwell in him and united
him to himself by the relatipnship of will; he gave him a greater measure of
grace, so that the grace given him might be given to all people who come after
him. Therefore [God] preserved undiminished his free choice for the good. We
do not say this, that the man had no free choice [of his own], but that he
preferred the good, or rather that a very great longing for the good and hatred
of evil was characteristic of his faculty of choice. And these habits of choice
were preserved uncontaminated in him from the beginning, by God's grace,
since God knew clearly what sort of man he would be, and in fact provided
great support for him, by the cooperation of his own indwelling, for the sake of
the salvation of all of us. Therefore one would not call it unfair that a gift
excelling that of all [of us] was provided for the man assumed by the Lord.

28. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: PROM THE FIFTEENTH BOOK

When they ask, then, "Is Mary the mother of a human being or the mother of
God?" let it be said, on our authority, "Both"-the one by the nature of his reality,
the other
 484 llPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

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EV atmiJ 8€ WV Ka Ta TTJV ax€atv Tijs yvwµ.17s.

5 {29} TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK TOY :4.YTOY AOI'OY

\ , , , \
lll\EOV yap WXl\ELTO , K, ~ ,, 'r , , ·'· , , , , ,
o vpws Kat YJYWVL<:,ETO 7Tpos Ta 'f'VXLKa 7Ta 017 V7TEp Ta
TOU awµ.aTOS, KaL ;ciJ KpELiiOVL Aoyiaµ.ciJ ids ~oovas EXEtpou;o, 1ijs
~ ~
e Eo1171os O'YJl\ao17
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\ \ I I , A I \ I

{30} TOY :4.YTOY :4.IPETIKOY· 'EK TOY Ll' AOI'OY

10 TQN KATA :4.llOAINAPIOY :4.YT!J I'PA<PENTQN
LlEOWKEvaL ao{ nvas 'TWV ~µ.E1Epwv Eirras ;a OUK av 80B€v1a 7Tapa TLVOS
'TWV 11js EKKA17aiaanKfjS av1€xweai 86t11s Ea7Tov8aKO'TWV. 'E7Tvv0av6µ.d)a
yap El 'TOV @Eov Aoyov oµ.oAoyouat v ave pw1TOV yEyEvijaOai, 17 7TWS· E7T~yayES.
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15 A6yov, WS VfJ-ELS cpa'TE, El µ.ry apa 'TTJV au;ryv vµ.'Lv 7Tpo1Epov voa~aELEV avotav;
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avepw7TOV, KaB' vµ.as, OUK av 7TO'TE ElrrELV avaaxo{µ.EBa.

[31] TOY :4.YTOY· 'EK THE :4.YTHE llPAI'MATEIAE,

AOI'OY I''· 'QE'EK llPOEQllOY TOY XPIETOY
20 "'Eyw J-1-EV, OV opa1E, Ouvaµ.at fJ-EV 7TOLELV ou8Ev Kaia 'TTJV olKE{av cpvatV,

[31 J 20 (.!yw ... ovoMct. Joan. 5.19, 30

[28 cont.] Cf. etiam: Sev. Ant., Phil. (156, ll. 21 - 8; tr. 128, l. 30-129, I. 3); Ctr. Gram. II, 15,
(134, I. 25-135, I. 2; tr. 105, ll. 2-9); Cone. Const. II, 4, 52, Test. 43 (61, 11. 6- 10); Vigilius,
Constituturn I, 156, Test. 44 (272, l. 22-273, I. 4); Cyr. Alex., Ctr. Diodorum et Theodorurn , 2, apud
Cone. Const. II, 5, 11 (80, ll. 9- 13; ! )
(29] Tueodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum. C£ etiam: Cone. Const.
II, 4, 33, Test. 27 (55, ll. 24- 6; J. ); Vigilius, Constituturn I, 115, Test. 28 (262, ll. 2-4; i ); Pelagius II, Ep.
3 ad Episc. Histr., 77 (121, IJ. 35- 7; J.)
[30] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, Contra Apollinarern, 4: fragmentwn hie primo inventum. Cf.
etiam: Justn., Ctr. Tr. Cap., 9 (50,ll.10- 15)

VOP (28] 2 V os:ws

E7Td7T€p: lTTno~ P 4 wv ante 0€ transp. P
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'OYTQl.' AEI'EI V
q

Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 485

by transference. She is the mother of a human being by nature, since he who

was in the womb of Mary, and who came forth from it, was human; but she is
the mother of God, since God was in the human being she bore, not
circumscribed in him in nature, but existing in him by a relationship of will.

29. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

The Lord was more disturbed, and struggled more, with respect to the sufferings
of his soul than those of the body, and he mastered his passions by a superior
faculty of reason, since clearly the divinity was his mediator and helper in
governing them.

30. BY THE SAME HERETIC: FROM THE FOURTH

BOOK OF HIS WRITINGS AGAINST APOLLINARIUS

You say that some of our party have conceded to you what should not have
been conceded by anyone eager to uphold the belief of the Church. For we
inquired whether they confessed that God the Word became human, or what
they said; you asserted, "They conceded [that]:' And who in his right mind
would say that God the Word has become human, as you say, unless indeed he
already suffered from the same mindlessness as you? We would certainly say
that God the Word assumed a human being, but we could never bring ourselves
to say, as you do, that he became human.

31. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME TREATISE,

BOOK 3, AS IF FROM THE PERSON OF CHRIST

"I, whom you see, can do nothing by my own nature,

 •
486 IIPOJ: TOYJ: NEJ:TOPIANOYJ:
,, ,, () ,, , , r , , , , , , , t II , ,, ~ ~

aTE av pW7TOS WV· Epya.,,oµ,ai OE, E7TEL01J EV EfJ-OL fJ-EVWV 0 ar17p a7Tavra
,..,,
7TOLEL.
(( ''E ~ \ \ , I " \ (() ,..
TTEL01J yap EYW TE, (fJ1JaLv, EV Tq.J
II I I
aTpL KaL o
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\ avv
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) <:.'I ) \
5 OVOEV E'TTL TOV
A x 1y A A
ptarov TOVTO voµ,L.,,ELV, aa(/JWS avrov 7TEpL TWV l\OL1TWV
A ) A \ A \ A

\I '()' (((' \ tII

)
11EyovTos av pwrrwv· o ayarrwv µE TOV 11oyov µ,ov TTJP1JaEL, KaL o aT1Jp
,... ,, , I I

) I ) \ \ \ ) \ ) \ I () \ \ ) ) ....,
µ,ov ayarrYJaEL avrov, Kat 7rpos avrov E11EvaoµE .a KaL µov17v 7Tap avrq.J
I "E'Ly ap
7TOL1JaOµ,Ev. \ 1Tap)EKaaTq.J
t I .....
TWV '
TOLOVTWV 0fl TE IIar17p
I
KaLI 0' Y" I
LOS T1JV
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,, \ > \ 1y I ,.. \ \ > I 1
10 aµ(/JW Kara ravrov voµ,i.,,OLVTO fJ.EVELV, TTJS Kara TTJV ovaLaV KOLVWVLas
I t ) \ \ \ ,.. ,.. I
rrpoaLEfJ-EV1JS, ws ELKOS, KaL TTJV 71JS f.1-0VYJS KOLVWVLav;

[32] 'EK THJ: :.4.YTHI: IIPAI'MATEIAJ:, AOI'OY .d'

'"O 7Tpo alwvwv:' (fJ1Ja i,"yey ovEv E7T' EaxaTwv" -
7TaAL v ws TL vwv SESw K6Twv
\ A I
KaL TOVTO llEYOVTWV-OVOEVOS
\ ' <:.'' <:.'
TWV EVaE ELV Ea'TTOVoaKOTWV I I
TaVT1JV A ' f3 A '

15 D. oµ,evov voa-ryaaL T~V avoLaV, waTE TOV 7Tpo aLWVWV EL1TELV E7T' eaxarwv
yEyEv-ryaBaL.

{33} KAI MEB"ETEPA

OvKovv Tots vµ,Erepots E7T6µ,EVoi v6µ,oLs Kai r~v v1To r-rys a-rys d.yxtvo{as
I > I A\\ <:.'I I <:.' t, I
voµ,o () ETOVfJ-EV1JV avTLarpocp17v, µ,a1111ov oE KaraaTpocp17v, oEc;aµ,EvoL,

[31 ) 2 (€v €µ,oi ... 'ITO LEl) cf. Joan. 14.10 Joan. 14.10- 11
6-S (o dyamvv ... 'TTO L~aoµ,E v) Joan.14.23

[31) Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid. 3: fragmentum hie primo inventurn. Cf. etiam: Justn.,
Ctr. Tr. Cap., 11 (SO, 1. 36- 51, I. 5); Cone. Const. II, 4, 16, Test. 10 (4S, 11. 16-25); Vigilius,
Constitutum I, SS- 9, Test. I O(246, 11. 5-17); Pelagius II, Ep. 3 ad Episc. Histr., 73 (120, I. 37-121,
I. 4)
[32] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid. 4: fragmentwn hie primo inventum. Cf. etiam: Justn., Ctr.
Tr. Cap., 14 (51,11.19- 21); Cone. Const. II,4, 14, Test Sa (47, 11.1 7-19; J.,cum Test. 33 coniunctum);
Vigilius, Constitutum I, 31, Test . Sa (244, 11. 2- 5; J., cum Test. 33 coniunctwn)
[33] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid.: fragmenturn hie primo inventum. Cf. etiam: Justn., Ctr. Tr.
Cap., 15 (51,ll. 22- 30); Cone. Const.II, 4, 14, Test.Sb (47, l. 2S-4S,l. 6; i, cum Test. 32 coniunctum);
Vig illus

VOP (31] 3 <9€ov: IlaTpos P S 'TTO L~awµ,Ev Justn. codd. (corr.Schwartz) 7€ om. P
10 Ka'Td 'Tathov: Ka'T' aV'TWV V; Ka'T av'TOV OP (txt.Justn.) voµ,{' OL'TO VO 11 µ,ovij s:
/J.E'T oxljs VOP (txt. Justn.)
[32] 12 ante 'EK add. TOY 'AYTOY .'4.EEBOY.E P AOI'O.E P 14 AEy6VTwv:
Ae'ywv ]ustn. Post ovOe'vos add. av Justn. 15 €,\oµhwv V vo~aai OP
[33) lS ~jLE'T,pOLS OP
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 487

because I am a man; I act, because the Father who abides in me does everything.
For since;' he says, "I am in the Father and the Father in me-since God the
Word, God's Only-begotten, is in me- clearly the Father abides in me with him
and does the works:' There is nothing amazing in thinking this about Christ,
who clearly says about the rest of the human race: "He who loves me keeps my
word, and ,my Father will love him, and we will come and make our dwelling-
place with him:' For if the Father and the Son make their dwelling-place with
everyone of this kind, how is it wonderful if both should be thought to dwell
personally in Christ, the Lord according to the flesh, in the same way, with their
common essence allowing them, it seems, to make also a common dwelling?

32. FROM THE SAME TREATISE, BOOK 4

"He who is before the ages;' he [sc. Apollinarius] says, "has come into being at
the end of the ages" -again, as if some people concede and say this; but no one
who really wants to be reverent would choose to suffer from such madness as
to say that he who is before the ages has come into being at the end of ages.

33. AND LATER ON

Well, then, following your rules and undergoing the "conversion" -more
properly a subversion- your crafty mind ordains,
 488 llPOl: TOYJ; NEl:TOPIANOYJ;
I \;' I I ' ) I I I ~ I \ I >/ \;' /
rpepe DY), 7TaVTa ElS' avrov avyxewµ,ev, Kai p.YJoEµ,ia llDLrrov earw otaKptais,
µ~ fJeoV µoprpijs,µ,~ OoVAov µ,opcpijs· µ,~ vaoV A17rp8€vTos,µ,~ roV EvoiKoiJvTos
Ev rip vaip· fL~ ToV Av8EvT05, µ~ TDD Eye{pavTDS'· µ,~ ToiJ reA.eiwBEvros Ev
1Ta'8 EGL, fLYJ TOV I ,... \ I
TEl\ELWGaVTOS· µ,17I TOV"" fLVYJf.LDVEV EVTOS', 8' 1-LYJ' Toi].
5 µ,v77µ,ovevaavros· fLYJ
I I " )
TOV E1TlUKE<p EVTOS,
8 I I ,...
fLT) TOV E7TlGKE'faµevov·
) ,/, I
fLYJ
\ -
TOiJ
"(3 paxv I ') I\
Tl rrap ayye/\OVS' Y)llaTTWfLEVOV, fLY) TOV EA.aTTWGaVTOS· f-lYJ Toi]
l\ I » I ,... l\ I \

« \;' I(; I ,... ) I » I " I I

00S7J Kat Tlf-lTJ EGTE<pUVWEVOV, /LYJ TOV _GTE<pUVWGaVTOS• fLYJ ToiJ
"Karaardvros i7Ti rd Epya rWv xeipWv roV BEoD:' µ,~ roV Karaar~aavros·
' '\/31 ) \) ~ ,... I "'"'/ I~ I
11-YJ TOV l\Q OVTOS aura EV V1TOTayn, fl/Y) TOV owaavros T'Y}V V1TOTUYYJV.

10 {312] [34] 'EK TOY I''AOI'OY THI; JJ.YTHJ; llPAI'MATEIAJ;

<••• > U/\/\ 0
' \ \> <f
ye £\ I I
C/EOS KQl EK CIEOV KUl oµ,oovalOS Tq_J
) c;i ,.. I ( n aTpl Tq.J fLEV EK TYJS
I ,.. I " I ' "'

,
n ap8EVOV 8' • 8
YEVVYJ EVTl, w avµ,aatE,
I I'
KQl V1TO TOV ayiov
n VEVfLaTOS
, I
KaTa
' ,.,, ( I

Tds 8E£as dva7T/\aa8EvTi I'pacpds, Kal T~v YE aVaTaatv E7Tf, T7js yvvatKe{as
C
<,::- / I > ,.,,
OEsUfLEVip yaaTpos, EVYJV. ws ( ' I ' <,::-I
ElKOS, E7TElO'Y] aµ,a Tip OLU7Tl\Ua YJVUl Kat TO
" " <;;:' \ 8- ' '
15 elvai vaOs t3eoV elA~rpEl. ov µ,~v TDv eeOv yeyevv7]a8ai ~YYJTEov [313]~µ.lv
EK r'9s IIapBEvov, elµ.,~ Cf.pa TaVTdv ~YYJT€ov ~µ,lv TD TE yevvY)8Ev Kai rd Ev
' YEVVYJ 8'EVTl, TOV
Tip I I
vaov KQlI TOV
I '
EV ,..
Tip ,.,, Cl
VUip I
CIEOV A'oyov· ov' fLYJV
I '<;:'' KaTaI
OVOE
TYJV GYJV rpWVYJV a1TorpavTEOV 7TUVTYJ TOV EK T'Y}S n ap8'
\ \ \
EVOV YEVVYJ 8'
J -"'
EVTa CIEOV I I I ' "

1' ,
El Vat EK C/EOV, oµ,oovaiov T(f!
£l ,.,, , , ,.. n aTpl., E'l yap
, , ,, , • , ,
OUK av 8pw1TOS EGTlV, ws rpTJSi
20 dvaAYJcpBels 0
'3e0s OE aapKw8eis, 7TWS 0
yevvYJ8eis EK T7js llapBEvov,
\fu\1>£1"' >I "llaTpl,, TYJS
YEVVYJ 8ELS C/EOS EK CIEOU Kat oµ,oovatos l\EYOlTO av T(f!
_ aapKOS ' \ ( I \I

ovvaµEVYJS TQV'TYJV 7TpOlEG 8ai T'Y}V

ov·~ ' rpwv17v;
I ' 'EGTL µ,ev yap aVOYJTOV TO 'TOV
I I I I JI \ \

l'."IEOV EK TY)S n ap 8'

Cl , • - 8Ql l\EYELV.
EVOV yeyEVVYJG ',
... T,.. , OVOEV ETEpov
OVTO yap " , EGTlV
, ·~,

>\ ) I ) I \ I ;1 lo;,:. ) ,..

YJ EK G7Tepµ,aros avrov l\EYElV LJQVlO, EK TY)S

[33] 6 Ps. 8.6 7 Ps. 8.6 8 Ps. 8.7

[33 cont.] Constitutum I, 53-4, Test. Sb (244, 1.16-245, 17; t, cum Test. 32coniunctum)
[34] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid. 3: fragmentum hie primo inventum. Cf. etiam: Justn., Ctr.
Tr. Cap., 19 (53,11.12-24); Cone. Const.11, 4, 7, Test. I (44,ll. 4-18; t); Vigilius, Constitutum I, 30-1,
Test. I (237,L 7-238,L 18; !); ll.10-13 (aAA' ... IIape.!vov); Pelagius 11,Ep.3 adEpisc. Histr.,67 (120,
ll.11-16;!).

VOP [33] 1 rpEpE 8~ om. P aVTDv: TaVTDv Justn.

Justn. 7 iaTerpavwµ.Evov: OTerpavwBEvTos Justn.
[34] IO ante'EKadd.TOYAYTOYAIPETIKOYP 11 rni'om.V 12 V7TO ...
IIveVµaTos om. P 13 rlvwrrAaaBEvTi: Oia7rAaaBEvTt Justn. 14 TW: TO 0
15 @eoV ante vads transp. Justn. yeyEvija&ai 0 16 T(F: T<{J P 19 JµooVaiov
ante EK transp. P 20 03 om. OP 22 7rpoa{ea&ai V, Justn. 23 T~som.P
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 489

come, let us confuse everything regarding him, and let there be no longer a
distinction between the form of God and the form of a servant; between the
assumed temple and the dweller in the temple; between him who was laid low
and him who raised him; between him who has been made perfect in suffering,
and him who made him perfect; between him who was remembered, and him
who remembered him; between him who was cared for, and him who cared;
between him who was "made a little less than the angels;' and him who made
him thus; between him who was "crowned with glory and honor" (ibid.), and
him who crowned him; between him who was "set over the works of his hands;'
and him who set him there; between him who accepted these things as subjects,
and him who made them subject.

34. FROM THE THIRD BOOK OF THE SAME TREATISE

But he who is God and from God and consubstantial with the Father, my friend,
was, it seems, in him who was born of the Virgin: in him who was formed by
the Holy Spirit, according to the holy Scriptures, and received his existence
in the womb of his mother, since at the moment of his formation he also
received the status of God's temple. We should not, then, think that God was
begotten of the Virgin, unless we wish to consider the begotten and what was in
the begotten, the temple and God the Word who was in the temple, to be the
same; nor should we at all, even at your urging, proclaim that he who was born
of the Virgin is God from God, of one substance with the Father. For if he who
was born of the Virgin is not an assumed man, but God made flesh, how could
the one who is begotten as God from God be said to be of one substance with
the Father, since flesh itself cannot utter such a phrase? For it is stupid to say
that God has been born of the Virgin. This is nothing else than to say that he is
from the seed of David, begotten from the
 490 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

ova{ar; T~S IlapOlvov TETEYfLEVOV Kat EV avTfi 0La7TE7TAaafLEVOV· E7TEL YE 'TO

, , A ,~

EK G7TEpµ,aTOS LJaVLO Kat EK T"f/S ovaias T'YJS

, , A

ap EVOV avaTaV EV TTJ

, , A II e, , , A

f.l'YJTP<i><f yaaTpt, Kat Tll TOV ayfov IlvEvµ,aTOS Ota7TAaa8Ev ovvaµ,EL,

yEyEvv~aOa{ cpaµ,Ev EK 'T~S IlapOlvov.

5 [35] TOY J4YTOY· 'EK TOY LI' AOI'OY TQN KATA J4IIOAINAPIOY
Tov OE av8pw7TOV, 7TEpt ov TaVTU 'f!YJ<lLV 0 TTPO'f!~'T'YJS, aacpws 0 fLaKapwr;
OYJAOL IlaiJ>.os TOV V7TO TOV MovoyEvovr; ELAYJfLfLEVOV av8pw7TOV ElVat.
)
E tpYJKWS \ yap
\ OTL Cl «~ I I \ I
OLEµapTvpaTO 7TOV TLS l\Eywv· TL EGTLV av pw7TOS O'TL
( I ' 'I e r

fLLfLV~GKTJ aVTOV, ~ VtOS av8pw7TOV OTL E7TWKE7TTTJ aV'TOv; 'HAaTTwaar;

> I Q I J > I\ ~ It, I > A I J I I
10 aV'TOV ,.,paxv TL Trap ayyEl\OVS, OO<;TJ Kat TLfLTJ EGiECpavwaas aVTOV, Kat
I ) \) \ \W ""' ""' I f' IC t I
KaTEaTryaas avTov ETTL Ta Epya TWV XELpwv aov· TTavTa V7TETas as V7TOKaTw
TWV 7TOOWV avToiJ~' ETTayEL· "TOV OE 'f3paxv TL Trap' ayyl>.ovs ~AaTTWµhov'
{3>.ETTofLEV 'lryaoiJv oid To TTa8ryµa Tov OavaTov '06tr1 Kai TLfLii
E<JTE<:pavwµ,lvov':' Ear:pwr; OELKVVS OTL 'lryaoiJs av8pw7TOS 7TEpt ov 0 µaKapws
A {3 I~ > \ I <I r
15 £.JU LO <pYJGLV, EK7Tl\"f/TTOfLEVOS OTL 'Y} Ela 'f!V<JLS YJVEGXETO TE aVTOV
Ie I > I I > A

I e I \ ~ \ \ ) '~/~
7TOLYJ<Jaa at fkV"f}fLYJV, Kat 017 Kat E7TLGKE'l'EWS ar:,LwaaL OLKEtaS, ,.,paxv fLEV
) i:: ""' ) I <C Q \ I

TL 7Tapd TOVS ayyl>.ovr;" aVTOV €>.aTTW<JaL TO yEvaaaOat 7TOL~aat OavaTOV,

~ I t
C( )) ~ ' ' ' \ (( .... ,,
00<; Tl OE aVTOV Kat TLfLTJ 7TUGTJ 7TEpt U/\ELV, WG7'E Kat
I /3 \ . . q \ K I
vptov av7'0V
, '

) ,... ,... ( I ~ \ """ \ ( \ I

U7TO<p7JVaL TWV a7TaV7'WV, Ola 1'YJS 7Tpos EaVTOV avva<pEtar;.

20 [36] TOY J4YTOY. 'EKTHE'EPMHNEIAE TOY H ' IJIAAMOY

Lltd TOVTa To{vvv 'T~v fLEV oiacpopdv TOV TE G>EOiJ Aoyov Kai TOV
, \ eEVTOS avepw7TOV TO<JaVTYJV YJfkLV OELKVVGLV 0 'l'Ul\f-LOS,
aval\"f/'f! I ' I .!. \ I '
OLTJPYJfLEVaA ~ I ' I ~ I

OE rnv1a €v Tll Kaivfl Llia8~KTJ E/Jp{aKETaL. ToiJ µh Kvpfov €r:p' €avTov

>.aµ{3avovTos Ta 7Tpo1Epa 1oiJ if;a>.1-'-oiJ,

[35] 8-12 Hebr.2.6-7;ef.Ps.8.5-7 (LXX) 12-14 Hehr. 2.9

[35] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, ibid. 4: fragmentum hie primo inventum. Cf. etiam: Justn.,
Ctr. Tr. Cap., 33 (55, ll. 28- 38)
[36] Theodorus Mopsuestenus, In Psalmun VIII: fragmentum hie primo Graeee inventum (cf.
versionem Latinam, ed. R. Devreese, Studi e Tes ti 93(1939), 46, I. 1-47, I. 24). Cf. etiam: Justh., Ctr. Tr.
Cap., 34 (56, ll.1-13); Cone. Const. II, 4, 25, Test.19 (52,1. 22-53,l. 2); Vigilius, Constitutum I, 91-2,
Test. 20 (255, ll. 2-19)

VOP (34] l Kaib afrrfj Ota7TE7TAaaµ.Evov om. OP 2 o?Ja{as Tijs 001. OP 3 Kai
om.P
(35] 5 post 'AYTOY add. ftl:EBOYJ:: eEOLIQPOY p 7 Elva1: d1TWV OP
8 post OIEµ.apTvpaTO add. o€V µ.tµ.v~OKEI 0 EmOKE7TTEI 0 10 ?Tap' &.yyl>.ovs om. p
&.yyl,\,\ovs V 15 EK1TATJTT6µ.Ev6s cprya1v Lla{3i8 P; cpryai Aa{3io EK1TATJTT6µ.Evos Justn.
~v.faxE'ro: 1/v laxE T6 Justn., cod M TE om. P 16 &.gtwa1v VO; &.gidiaaaa Justn.,
Swete 16-17 µ.Iv n: µ.lvTOt P 17 To: T<t'i Swete 18 all'Tov' om. Justn.
[36] 20 post'AYTOYadd.'A.IPETIKOYP
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 491

substance of the Virgin and formed in her; since we say that what came to exist
in the maternal womb, formed from the seed of David and the substance of the
Virgin, and shaped by the power of the Holy Spirit, is what has been born of the
Virgin.

35. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE FOURTH BOOK

OF HIS WORK AGAINST APOLLINARIUS

The blessed Paul makes it clear that he is saying the human being about whom
the prophet says these things is the man assumed by the Only-begotten. For
having said that "Someone bears witness somewhere, saying, 'What is the
human being, that you remember him, or the son of man, that you take care of
him? You have made him a little less than the angels, crowned him with glory
and honor, and appointed him over the works of your hands, putting all things
under his feet~' he adds: "we see that he who was 'made a little less than the
angels' was Jesus, 'crowned with glory and honor' because of the death he
suffered:' He clearly shows that Jesus is a human being, about whom the blessed
David is speaking; astonished that the divine nature has deigned to remember
him and indeed to consider him worthy of his own care, [David says] that he
[God] has "made him a little less than the angels" in making him taste death,
and has "clothed him in glory and all honor;' so that he might show him to be
Lord of all things, because of his identification with [God] himself.

36 . BY T HE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE

INTERPRETATION OF THE EIGHTH PSALM

For this reason, then, the Psalm shows us this great a difference between God
the Word and the assumed man; and these distinctions are found in the New
Testament, too. For the Lord refers the first part of the Psalm to himself,
 "t
492 IIPOJ: TOYJ: NEETOPIANOYJ:

' "t" I ' ' ';' \ ,... f ' ' I )/

EV OLS TTOL'YJT'YJV
aVTOV ELVat CfJ'YJUL T'YJS KTWEWS Kat ETT'YJPfLEV'YjV EXELV
TE
"V7rtp&vw TWv oVpavWv" 'T~V "µ.,EyaA.oTTpETTEtav" KaL TE8avµ.,aaTWa8at
EV TTaav Tfj yfl, TOV OE aTTOUToAov TU OEVTEpa TTEpl TOV av8pclmov TOV
A I ) I >c (}' ) 'I (./I
T'YJS TOUaVT'YJS EvEpyEaias as LW EVTOS ETTL TOV 'YJUOV l\afL{JavovTOS, TTW<;
I A A\ A

5 ov TTpOO'YJAOV OTL ETEpov fLEV ~µ,as~ 8E'i:a I'parpry oioaaKEL aarpwc; (:TVaL TO~
EJEov Aoyov, ETEpov OE TOV av8pwTTOV, TTOAA~v TE avTWV oifoav OELKVVULV
~µ,'i:v Tryv oiarpopav; 'O fLEV yap fLV7]fLOVEVEL, 0 _OE TTjS fLV~fL'YJS dtwvTaL·
KaL' 0r fLEV ' ' /
ETTLUKETTTETaL, r ~ ' ' / 't /
0 OE KaL TaVT7]S asLOVfLEVOS µ,aKapL.,,ETat· Kat 0
1y , r

fLEV EVEPYETWV "€AaTTOL ~paxv Tl TTap' ayyE'Aovs:' 0 OE EVEPYETELTal Kai

' \ ..... I ..... ,, I ' r \ ((~It ' ..... .....,, r Si:''
10 ETTL TTJ TOLaVTTJ El\aTTWUEL· Kat 0 fLEV oos '[] Kat TlfLTJ UTErpavot, 0 OE
,... \ ' \ I l'f \ t \ " I ) \
UTErpavovTaL, Kat ETTL TOVTOLS µ,aKapt.,,ETaL· KaL 0 fLEV KaTEUT7]UEV avTOV
' \ I \ )/ ,... ,... ' ,... \ I t I C, t I ,...
ETTL TTavTa Ta Epya Twv XELpwv avTov Kai TTavTa VTTETasEV vTToKaTw TWV
~ A ) t ~ I > C I (}
A» ~ Ir A I "' I ) ~
TTOOWV aVTOV, 0 OE 'Y/S LW 71 TOV OEUTTO';,ElV TOVTWV, WV TTPOTEpov OUK ELXE
\ '(; I
T'YJV Es ovamv.
15 [PG 86, 1385 C] AEONTIOY· Kai rnvrn µ.Ev aaE~rys @Eoowpos KaTa o
"Tov µ.EyaAov eJEOv Kai awTTjpos ~µ.wv 'l71aov XpwTov" AvTT~aas
€~-\aarp~fLYJUEV, aUov Eivai AE'ywv TOV @Eov Aoyov Kat aAAov 'lYJUOVV TOV
\ \ \ ' ,. . \ ~\ ' I \ \ \
X pwrov, TOV fLEV EVEPYETOVVTa TOV oE EVEPYETovµ,Evov, Kai Tov µ,Ev
'r , ~, r' ·o~' ~, A ,, A , A ,
acp.,,ovTa, TOV OE acp.,,OfLEVOV. OE TaVTa l\Eywv rpavEpws apVELTat T'YJV Ola
20 TOV .1EU7TOTOV XptaTOV TTpoayEVOfLEV'YJV ~fLLV UWTYJp{av. 'O yap TTap' aAAov
'
EVEpyEatavI \ Q'
l\a{Jwv "
'YJTOL acp (}I 'I ~I 'Y
ELS, ETEpovs TTWS ovvaTat acp.,,ELv;
O'L TOLVVV
I A

TaVTa rppoVOVVTES, TLVOS OLOVTaL awµ.a Kal aiµ.a fLETaAaµ.~aVELV-TOV

EVEPYET~aaVTOS ~ Tov EVEPYET'YJ8EvTOs; )!_,\,\' Et µ,Ev TOV EVEPYET~aaVTos
@EOiJ Aoyov, TTWS TOVTO Myovai, µ.ry oµ.oAoyovVTES aVTOV aapKw87jvai Kat
25 Evav pW7T'YJUai; [DJ E't oE
, (} ~ ' A I
TOV EVEPYET'YJ EVTOS, I
µ.aTaia ,
avTwv I
YJ E/\7TLS,
A ' (} A ' '\

> (} \ I Q I I > >I (} \ >\ I~ > I

av pwTTOl\aTpELav TTpEafJEvovTwv Kai ELS av pW7TOV ras El\TTwas EXOVTWv,
\ ' I I )
<Kai> E7TLKaTapaTOl ELULV,

[36] 2 Ps. 8.2 9-13 Ps8.6-7 Scholion Leontii 16 Tit. 2.13

VOP[36] 1 rriatom.V 3 ToiJlom.Justn.codd.(corr.Schwartz) 4 EDEpyw{as:

E11Epydas P dt,w8€nos: KaTag,w8€11Tos Justn. ETTL om. VOP (txt. Justn., Cone. Const.
III, Vigilius) 4 post 1TWS add. ov11 P 7 dtwvrm: Karatwihai Justn.
dgwvµ,Hos: Karatwvµ,Evos Justn. 9 EDEpy.frT)TaL O 13 ¥ul.i8TJ: KarTJtLw8TJ
Justn.

Scholion Leontii 15 AEONTIOY om. V; TOY MAKAPIOY llEONTIOY P

17 Mywv post /loyov transp. P 19 ante Tov add. Kai VO 22 fLETaAa~El:v P
26 gXOVTES v 27 <Kai> addid.i
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 493
in which it says he is the maker of creation and has a magnificence elevated
above the heavens and is admired in the whole earth, while the Apostle takes
the second part, about the man considered worthy of such benevolence, to refer
to Jesus. How is it not perfectly clear, then, that the holy Scripture teaches us
explicitly that God the Word is one individual and the man another, and that it
shows us that the difference between them is great? For the one remembers, the
other is deemed worthy of remembrance; the one watches over [the other], the
other is thought blessed for being worthy of this; the one confers a favor by
making [him] a little less than the angels, the other is favored in spite of this
lowering; the one crowns with glory and honor, the other is crowned and is
called blessed for this; the one appoints him over the works of his hands and
puts all things under his feet, the other is found worthy to rule over these things,
over which he had no power before

Leontius: This is what the impious Theodore blasphemously said, in his

madness, against our "great God and Savior Jesus Christ;' arguing that God the
Word is one individual and Jesus Christ another-the one the benefactor and
the other the beneficiary, the one saving and the other saved. The person who
says this denies openly the salvation that has come to us through the Lord
Christ. For how can one who receives a benefaction from another, or who is
saved, [himself] save others? Those who think this, whose body and blood do
they think they share in-the benefactor's, or the beneficiary's? But if it is that
of God the Word, the benefactor, how can they say that and not confess he
himself has become flesh and been made human? And if it is that of the
beneficiary, their hope is vain, since they are urging the worship of a human
being and are placing their hope in a human being, and they are cursed,
 494 IIPOI: TOYE NEI:TOPIANOYI:
"<!
O'Tl EGE
' ' e77aav Kal El\aTpEvaav T'[J KTlGEl 7Tapa TOV KTlGUVTa, os EGTtv
/3 aa I '\ I ,... I \ \ I <! '

eVA.oyoy77TDs els ToVs alWvas. 'Aµ0v."

:4.vayKalov OE ~y17adµ-'Y]V Kal roV 7TpwT6.pxov T~S daE{3elas aVrWv
yevoµ,Evov OA!yas 7Tapa8Ea8ai xp0aeis, Ot' JJv 0Vf-l1TE1Tlt.Eyµ€vovs aVroVs
5 Kara1 Tl)V
I >
aaE '/3 ElaV KUTlOElV EsEOTtV.
"C
<:::: "

[37] LJIOLJQPOY· 'EK TOY KATA EYNOYI:IAI:TQN, !lOI'OY A'

•A , 'r , , , '/3 ,., <:::: , t ,., , , T ,,
flU<pal\t'-:>Ea 8at EtS' T'fJV aKpt Etav rwv ooyµ,arwv vµas Evayoµ,ev. E/\Etos
' ''
1Tpo atWVWV 0 ' Y" ''
lOS TEl\ElOV ' EK
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10 /\Eyw· µ,~ ydp el1ToV rOv BeOv A6yov vlOv L1av{0; 'AA.A' oVOE 8Vo YioVs roi]
Cl " I \I , ' <::::I I"'fu'I
O'EOV KUT ovaiav l\Eyw· µ:9 yap ovo cpYjfLl EK TYJS TOV l.':'IEOV ovaias; ov 77po
,...
I ' I T' ' I ' ,...

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\ !l oyov
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EV T({J EK G7TEpµ,aTOS' .LJaVio.
A I~

[38] TOY 'AYTOY· 'EK TOY 'AYTOY !lOI'OY

, t , M , ,,
y~, , , t Cl , A ' , , , ~
X aptTl lOS' 0 EK aptaS' av 8pW7TOS, CfJVGEl OE 0 l.':'IEOS' Oj!OS'• TO fLEV xaplTl
15
I ' I >;:-I II'
Kal OV ffJVGEl, TO OE CfJVGEl Kal OV xaplTl.
'A I
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I I I " '(: ' " I

,.. I I ti '8 I
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I ,.. ~I(: I ,.. <I I "'

C, A !l II t I I I
oeov oyov yeyove· µ"] vrrEp cpvaiv avayEa w, Kato oeos oyos
£:! I !l , I ) / e ~

Seholion Leontii 1-2 Rom.1.25

[37] Diodorus Tarsensis, Contra Synousiastas, 1: fragmentwn hie primo inventwn, Cf. etiam:
Coll. Pal. 52.5 (178, ll. 25-31)
[38] Diodorus Tarsensis, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo Graeee inventum. Cf. etiam: Cyr. Alex.,
Ctr. Diodorum et 7heodorum, l, apud Cone. Const. II, 5, 8 (76, ll. 12-19: ut Theodori); Tim. Ael., Ref
Cone. Chalc., Test.211 (115); Sev.Ant.,Phil. (144,11. 8-2l;tr.117,l. 26-118,l. 7: utTheodoreti); Cone.
Const. II, 4, 53, Test. 44(61,11. 12-19: ut Theodori); Vigilius, Constitutum I, 159-160, Test. 45 (274,
11. 2-11: ut Theodori); IL 14-15 (70 µ):v ... x6.pt7t): Tim. Ael. (?), Liber ctr. Syn. Chalc. (100,
ll.11-13); p. 496,ll. 3-5; (ouoc ... "apaycyovcv); ibid. (lOO,ll.13-16)

VOP Scholion Leontii 1 0.:;: W.:; V

[37] 6 antdIOLIQPOYadd. TOY'A£EBOY2 P A'anteAOI'OYtransp.P 7 post
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15 post Kal oV x6.pt7l add. aV 8Vo v[ol Cyr.Alex., Tim.Ael.,
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 495

because "they have reverenced and worshipped the creature alongside the
Creator, who is blessed for eternity. Amen:'

I have thought it necessary to add a few excerpts from him who was the
originator of their impiety, by which it will be possible to see that they are linked
together in wickedness.

37. BY DJ ODORE: FROM HIS WORK

AGAINST THE SYNOUSJASTS, BOOK 1

We urge you to take the safe path by being precise about doctrine. The Son,
perfect before the ages, assumed a perfect descendant of David: the Son of God
took the Son of David. You say to me: "Then you are proclaiming two sons?" I
do not speak of two sons of David; for I did not say that God the Word is David's
son, did I? Nor do I say there are two Sons of God in essence; for I did not say
there are two from God's essence, did I? I say that God the eternal Word dwelt
in him who is from the seed of David.

38. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

The human being born of Mary was Son by grace, God the Word is [Son] by
nature; that which is by grace is not also [so] by nature, and that which is by
nature is not also [so] by grace. The characteristics of sonship and glory and
immortality by grace will suffice for the body taken from among us, since he
has become the temple of God the Word; let it not be raised up beyond its
nature, and let not God the Word
 496 IIPOI: TOYI: NEI:TOPIANOYI:
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{40] TOY .i4YTOY· 'EK TOY .i4YTOY AOI'OY

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3-4 (oti8€ .. . Kvpiov): cf. Matt. 22.42-5 parr.

[39) Diodorus Tarsen sis, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum. C£ etiam: Cone. Const. II,
4, 54, Test. 45 (61, 11. 21 - 4: ut Theodori); Vigilius, Constitutum I, 162, Test 46(275,11. 2-6: ut
Theodori); Cyr. Alex., Ctr. Diodorum et Theodorum, 1, apud Cone. Const. II, 5, 6 (74, ll. 26-30; .J,;
ut Theodori); Tim. Ael. (?), Liber ctr. Syn. Chalc. (98, Il. 10-13; .J,)
[40) Diodorus Tarsensis, ibid.: fragmenturn hie primo Graeee inventurn. Cf. etiarn: Cyr. Alex.,
Ctr. Diodorum et Theodorum, l , apud Cone. Const. II, 5, 5 (74, II. 5- 9; .J,; ut Theodori);
II. 12-15 (,;:7 -ns ... 7rpoaayopw€Tw): Tim. Ael. (?), Liber ctr. Syn. Chalc. (99, I. 28- 100, l. l); Sev.
Ant., Phil. (144, II. 20- 5; tr.118, Il. 8-12: ut Theodoreti).

VOP [38) 2 Toii: TO OP 4 dvai ante ulov transp. V Kvpwv: BEov Cyr. Alex.,
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4
Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 497
be treated with arrogance, rather than with the gratitude we owe him. And what
is this arrogance? Compounding him with his body, and thin.king that he needs
the body for perfect sonship. God the Word himself did not want to be David's
son himself, but his Lord; but that his body should be called David's son, he not
only did not refuse, but for this reason came among us.

39. AND FURTHER ON

And when there is discussion of natural begettings, let not God the Word be
thought son of Mary. For mortal naturally begets mortal, and the body that
which is of the same substance; and God the Word did not experience two
births, one before the ages and one in the latter days.

40. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

If anyone wants, speaking inexactly, to call the Son of God, God the Word, also
the son of David, because of the temple of God the Word taken from David, let
him call him so; and let him call the one descended from David's seed Son of
God, by grace but not by nature, as long as he is not unaware of his natural
ancestors, and does not reverse the order, or say that he who is incorporeal and
before the ages is both from God and from David, passible and impassible.
 4

498 llPO.E TOY.E NE.ETOPIANOY.E

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[41] 5 (i51Ka{qi ... KEL-rai): 1 Tim.1.9 6-9 cf. Rom. 8.3 f.

[41] Diodorus Tarsensis, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum. I. 1 (o Yios "Tov 8Eov ...
Yiov): cf. etiarn: Sev. Ant., Ctr. Gram. III, 33(153, 11. 27-8; tr. 111, 11. 23-4)

VOP [41) 1 postJ4YTOY' add.'AIPETIKOYP postilOI'OYadd.Ll 'V 2 Yios':

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 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 499

41. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM THE SAME BOOK

The Son of God is so through no one- he is Son by nature. The flesh is Son,
because of the Son.And why do I say"because of the Son"? The flesh is because
of us; and do not think this saying blasphemy, but ask for explanations. If man
had not gone astray, would there have been need of a law? For "law does not
concern the just:' If those under the law had not increased sin, would there have
been need of grace? But since the law could not put sin to death, did he not take
[flesh] for our sakes, so that he should revoke both death and the sentence of
death, being crucified and dead and risen again? If deceit had not grown, and
the sentence of death against us, what need would there have been for this
divine plan of the Savior's? What need of the Incarnation? Did he not take flesh
for our sakes?

Leontius: The time now calls us to introduce the first ancestor of their impiety
into the argument, [the man] from whom they received its seeds; he is Paul,
the devil's bitter weed who grew at Samosata. And it is right, too, to denounce
the baneful fruit of Nestorius, the last godless shoot from this first root, so
that within these extremes the notorious, blasphemous company that came
between-I mean the followers of Diodore and Theodore- might be
recognized to fit in. Perhaps they shall be able, if very belatedly, to sober up
again, once they learn to what sort of ancestors in crime they are directly related,
and how this final shoot of impiety grew from them, through those who came
between-a shoot whose fruit they have plucked all at once, and on which they
rush to gorge themselves.
 •
500 flPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

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[42] Eusebius Dorylaeensis, Contestatio (ACO I, 1, 101. 1.5-102.1. 3 [Cone. Ephes., ColL Vat.
18]). I. 14- p. 502, I. 3 (lipK{'w ... (JE6,,.71n): cf. etiam Anast Sin., Hod. XX!, 2.4-40 (287f.).
Excerpta separatim: I a: cf. Test. 43 (p. 504, I. 16); I b: Nest., Sermo 9(252, 11. 5-6); cf. etiam: Iren.
Tyr., Trag., apud Coll. Cas. 81, 2(26, 11.12-13; i ); Thdt., Haer. Fab. Comp. IV, 12 (436 C6; i );

VOP Scholion Leontii 3 rnv: To P; Tw 0 8t1<avtKfj: 8iaKovtKfj 0 8£: yap P; iter. 0

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•
Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 501

This present refutation of the two of them- I mean of Paul and Nestorius-
is from the declaration that was publicly made, they say, by Eusebius, who at
that time was a famous lawyer, and later was entrusted with the government of
the Church of Dorylaeum; having a godly zeal, it is said, he was the first to
uncover and refute the heresy of Nestorius, and even of Eutyches, running
countless dangers because of his piety. Hear, then, from him, to how many and
to what sort of collected blasphemies of the Samosatene he compares those of
Nestorius, and shows that both have one mindless way of thinking. We leave it
to those who can hear and judge securely, whether the deadly song of Theodore
and Diodore differs in sound from these Siren melodies.

42. OFFICIAL COMPLAINT DISPLAYED IN A

PUBLIC PLACE AND PUBLISHED IN CHURCH

I adjure anyone who receives this paper, by the holy Trinity, to show it to bishops,
presbyters, deacons, lectors, and laymen dwelling in Constantinople, and
further to give them a copy as an accusation against Nestorius: that he is of like
mind with Paul of Samosata, who was condemned one hundred and sixty years
ago by the orthodox bishops. The assertions of both are as follows:

1. Paul said: "Mary did not beget the Word:'

Nestorius said, in agreement: "Mary, my friend, did not beget the
divinity:'
 502 flPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

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f I I ) > ) \ > I\ I I '" I I
[1 392 Al WGEl 1TEptaTEpav, Kat µ.evov E7T UVTOV' TO TTJV aval\7}f{JlV
> "' I <, \ I > I ' "' ' I\ ti
UVTqJ xapiaaµ,EVOV- EVTEll\UfLEVOS', <p7JUlV, TOlS' U1TOGTOl\OlS' DUS'
15 'I: ' 'I:
EsE/\EsaTO, ' '
oia nVEVfLUTOS'
' · ' aVEl\7]<p
ayiov ' ' ' eYJ , , -TOVTO
· ~'
OYJ TO '
\ , •x . , ''I:
T7)1\lKUVTYJV TqJ ptGTq.> xapiaaµ,EVOV ODs UV.
,,

6 a. IlaVAos El-1TEV· «"Iva 0€ µ~TE 0 EK L'.laviO xpia8EiS' dAA6rpiDS' Ti T~S'

GO([JlaS", µYjOE ~ aocp{a Ev aAAq; oVrwS' olKfi· Kai ydp Ev rols-
1Tpocp~rais 1]v,

12-13 Joan.1.32 14-15 Actal.2

[42 cont.] Arnobius Junior, Confl. cum Serap. II, 11 (285 C7-8; t); Sev. Ant., Phil. (140,
ll. 25-6; tr. 114, ll. 27-8); Coll. Pal. 37(78,1. 35; 1);2 a: cf. Test. 43 (p. 506, I. 1); 2 b: Nest.,
Sermo 8 (245, ll. 18-19); cf. etiam: Cyr. Alex., Adv. Nest. Blasph. I, 8 (89, ll. 22-3; t); Arnobius
Junior Confi. cum Serap. II, 11 (286 B9-10; l); Coll. Pal. 29 (56, 1. 26; t); Cod. B.M. Syr. Add.
12156, f. 89a (!); 3 a (oDK ... A6yov): cf. Test. 43 (p. 506, l.1); 3 b: Nest., Sermo 8 (247, ll.10-11);
cf. etiam: Cod. B.M. Syr. Add. 12156, f. 89a (t); 4 a: cf. Test. 43 (p. 506, 1. 2); 4 b: Nest., Sermo 8
(?) (352, I. 1); 5 a (Kpe{TTova ... dy{ov): cf. Test. 43 (p. 506, 11. 2-3); 5 b: Nest., Sermo 16 (293,
L 20-294, l. 5); cf. etiam: Joan. Cass., De Inc. Dom. VII, 17(372,1. 25-373, L 1; t); Cyr. Alex., Adv.
Nest. Blasph. IV, 3 (188, ll. 2-7; !); Arnobius Junior, Confi. cum Serap. II, 11 (286 A14-B5; !);

VOP [42 cont.] 1 oVTe Anast. Sin. ~ o~v ?m. Anas~. Si,n. 10, aVTqJ: aVToiJ
Anast. Sin. 12 Te8edµe8a P 13 waei: ws- V waet 71eptaTEpav om. Arnob.
Jun. 11 µEvov; µeµEv71Kev Cyr. Alex. post aVTOv add. "item" Joan. Cass.; "item paulo
post" Arnob. Jun. 14 ante rp71aiv add. ydp Cyr. Alex. rpYJaiv post d11oaT6Aois-
transp. VO ante d11oaT6Aot<; ( ... ) Ephes. (sed txt. codd. SD), Cyr. Alex., Anast. Sin. T0
XpiaTqJ: aVT0 P, Coll. Cas. 86tav: "dispensationem'' Arnob. Jun. 17 8~: 8~ P; om.
Cone. Ephes.,Anast. Sin. 18 ll: elYJ Anast. Sin. µ,~TE Cone. Ephes.,Anast. Sin. ~om.
Anast. Sin. olKet Anast. Sin, post olKi] add. "in solo Domino principaliter in ed' Tim. Ael.,
Sev. Ant. Tol<; om. Justn.
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 503

2. Paul said: "He did not exist before the ages:'

Nestorius said: "And they put a temporal mother over the divinity who
created time:'
3. Paul said: "Mary received the Word and is not older than the Word:'
Nestorius said: "How did Mary beget one who is older than she?"
4. Paul said: "Mary begot a man like us:'
Nestorius said: "The man who was begotten of the virgin:'
5. Paul said: "Better in every way, because the grace in him was from the
Holy Spirit, and from the promises, and from the scriptures:'
Nestorius said: "For he said, 'I saw the Spirit coming down like a dove
and remaining upon him; giving him the grace of elevation; 'giving
commands; [Scripture] says, 'to his chosen Apostles, he was lifted up by
the Holy Spirit: This is the Spirit which gave such glory to Christ:'
6. Paul said: "... So that the anointed one sprung from David was not
other than the wisdom, nor did the wisdom dwell thus in another; for
it was in the prophets,
 504 IIPOI: TOYI: NEI:TOPIANOYI:

µa,\,\ov OE Ev Mwafj KaL EV 7TOAAoZs Kvp{ois, µ-8.,\,\ov OE EV Xptarip

ws EV vaip:'
Kai. Q.,\,\axov AEyEL aAAOV ELVaL 'TOV 'IT)UOVV XpwTOV KaL a,\,\ov 'TOV
'9EovA6yov.
5 b. NwTopwc; El7TEV· "M~ EYXWPEl TOV 7Tpo 7TUVTWV 'TWV alwvwv a,\,\o
ti
a7Tas(;
YEVV'Y) ()~ ~
'Y)Vat, Kat Tavra Eorryn; »I () I

~ ~
1DOV ~ I~
UEOELKTaL ~
aacpwc; /\Eywv 0 7Tapaf3 aT'Y)S', "O'UK ETEX
\ I ' '
'Y] EK M aptac; 0 I I () ' I '

yEVv'YJ8Eic; EK Ilarpoc;:' 'Ioov avvaivEZ r<jJ atpEnK<jJ Ilav,\cp Tip [B]Myovn

aAAOV ELVaL 'TOV Aoyov KaL {f,\,\ov TOV 'l'Y]UOVV XptaTOV, Kat OVK €anv de;, ws
10 'Y''()~(;!
] op OOO<;La K'YJpvaaEL. I

uEwc; cLoE ~ otaµaprvpta.

[43} IIAYA OY TOY l:AMOI:ATEQJ:

.r.1.v pw7Toc; XPLE'Tat, o A oyoc; ov XPLE'Tat· o N a1;,wpawc;
"A () I ' I y ~ ,
XPLETaL, o vpioc;
I ' I ' KI

'T)/)-WV.
~ K at yap 0 A oyoc; /)-EL1;,WV
'Y J: ~ x ~ x \ yap ota
~
I I ' I
.,v 'TOV pta'TOV. ptaTO<; aocpiac; I I I

15 µ€yac; EYEVETO. Aoyoc; JLEV yap avw8Ev, 'I'Y)UOV<; OE XpwTOS' av8pw7TOS'

EVTEv8Ev. Map{a Tov Aoyov ovK ETEKEV.

[42 cont.] Coll. Pal. 29 ( 60, ll. 1-4; !}; p. 502, U. 15-16 (roii-ro ... 86gav) + ibid., ll. 13-14 ( ro
T~V ... xapLaaµEVov) : Cyr.Alex., Apol. Adv. Theodorum IX (460, ll.19-21); 6 a: cf etiam
Justn., Ctr. Mon. 31 (13, ll. 5- 7); p. 502, ll.17-18 (tva ... olKfi): cf. Test. 44(192,11. 2-3); Tim.
Ael.,Rej Syn. Chalc. Test. 84 (53,11. 19-20; i); p. 502, 1.18-p. 504,l. 2 (Kai yap ... vaqi): Tim.Ael.,
ibid., Test 85 (53, 11. 22-4); Sev. Ant., Phil. (152, 11. 5-8; tr. 124, 11. 22- 6); 6 b, Nest., Senno 8
(?) (351, 11.23-4); c(etiam: Joan. Cass., De Inc. Dom. VI, 9(336,11.15-16)
(43] Paulus Samosatenus, fragmentum hie primo ita inventum (c£ Test 42,p. 500, l.21-p. 502,
l. 10). Cf. etiam: Coll. Pal. 52, 4 (l 78,ll.19-23: ut Diodori); 11. 14- 15 (o .116yos ... €y€v€ro): Justn.,
Ctr. Mon. 30 (13, 11. 3-4; !)

VOP (42] I µii.Uov 8€: Kat Tim. Ael.; µallllov 8€ Kat Justn. µallllov ... Kvp{oLs om.
P Mwa€L 0, Cone. Ephes. (sed Mwvafi codd. SD) Kupws Justn. £V'- om. 0 post
µa.Allov 8€ add. Kai Justn. 2 vaqi: ovpavqi Anast. Sin., xo8. M post vaqi add. TOU €9Eou
Tim.Ael.,Sev.Ant. 3 allllov ... 0£011 .116yov: al\llos yap £anv'l7JC1DUS XptC1TOS Kai al\Aos
o .116yos Justn. rov' iter. 0 post alllloV'- add. £lvm P 4 0£011 om. P, Cone. Ephes.,
Anast. Sin. 5 €yxwp£tv V, Cone. Ephes. codd. PA rwv om. Anast. Sin. post alwvwv
add. y£vv7]8€'vrn Joan. Cass., Cone. Ephes. (sed txt. cod. S), Anast. Sin. allllo: d.llA' 0 o
6 post 8€6TTJTL add. .llEONTIOY P; 'OPfBO,jOEOY 0 7 EK: d.7To Cone.
Ephes. 8 post EK add. rou Cone. Ephes. codd. VMPW rcjJ' om. VO 9 post
al\AoV'- add. €LVaL p XptC1TOV ante 'l7JC10UV transp. VO OVK EC1TLV Els: ovxl lva VO
10 K7JpUTT€L P 11 lws ... 8mµaprvp{a om. 0, Cone. Ephes.
(43] 12 TOY om. VO EAMOYEATEQE 0 13 1 om. P o
av8pw7Tos ...
~µwv: "homo ungitur Jesus, Dominus noster Verbum non ungitur" Coll. Pal. Na~wpafos o
o
xp{<raL secl. Schwartz (sec. Coll. Pal.) ante KupLos add. ovx. Mai, fort. recte 14 ~v:
€ari Coll. Pal. rou: Kai P yap1 om. Justn.
•
Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos sos
still more in Moses and in many lords, still more in Christ as in a temple:' And
in another place he says that Jesus Christ is one individual, God the Word
another.
Nestorius said: "Surely it is not possible for him who was before all ages to
become another all at once, precisely in his divinity?"
Behold, the scoundrel is clearly shown to be saying, "He who was born of the
Father was not begotten of MarY:' Behold, he agrees with the heretic Paul, who
says that the Word is one individual and Jesus Christ another, and [that] he is
not one, as orthodoxy proclaims.
Thus far the official complaint.

43. BY PAUL OF SAMOSATA

A man is anointed, the Word is not anointed; the Nazarene is anointed, our
Lord. For the Word was greater than Christ. Christ grew great through wisdom.
The Word is from above, Jesus Christ is a man from here. Mary did not beget the
Word.
 506 IIPOZ TOYZ NEZTOPIANOYZ
, \;' \ yap 7JV
0 VOE ">'
7Tp0\ atwvwv
I 'I 'Mapia·
7)
, OVK
' EOTl
v
1TpEafJ VTEpa
, TOV'A,oyov M apia,
,
)\\1"8 '"''I '1 I <;.'\ I I '(,;IJ
al\Aa av pW1TOV YJf.LlV lOOV ETEKEV, KpElTTOVa OE KaTa 1TaVTa, E1TEl07) EK
IlveVµaTos dytov.

[CJ {44} TOY 'AYTOY· 'EK TOY IIPOE MAAXJQNA LIIAAOI'OY

'1 I ' ) A \<;:'
5 <., .~ tVa !-LTJTE 0 EK i.JQ,VlO XPlO ElS' Q/l/\OTptOS' l/ 77)5 aorptaS', fJ-7)TE 1} OO<pta EV
e\ J \ \ I ,J; " I I ~ I >

,, \ \ ,, ' ,...
U/1.1\lp OVTWS' OlKTJ.

[45] TOY 'AYTOY

,0 rpaivoµevor;
, • ,;; I , , '"' ,
OUK .,v aorpia. 0 v yap YJOVVUTO EV OXYJfLUTl
, • ,
EVptaKEO 8ai,
l \;' I
OVUE EV
> eeq. avopos·
I > \;' I 1y
fLEl1.;iWV
I "
yap TWV opwµEvwv EOTlV.
r I > /

10 {46} NEETOPIOY
MEya Ti] XpiaToT6Kqi Ilap8Ev<µ TD TEKelv dvfJpw1T6T7)Ta, T~S' roiJ BeoiJ
A6yov 8e6TTJTDS' Opyavov· dpKoiJv aVTi] 7Tp0s TlfL~V VTTepa{povaav TO
yEvv~aai µea{TTJV Tfj ToiJ Beo-D avv71µµ€vov dgtq..
[DJ AEONTIOY· Tavrn ~µ.<ls ws o.\.iya EK 7TOAAwv dvn7Tap<8~Kaµ.<v,
I > '"" ,... I t " I I I \ I ,...
15 Tl)V EV Tlp KaKcp avµrpwviav 7Tpos 'TOVS 'TTa/\alOVS 'TWV aipE'TlKWV 'TTaTEpas
ToVTwv 7TapaaTijaai f3ovA6µevot. "ESeaTi 8~ T0 8EAovTi EvTvxelv Tij KaTd
7oiJ l:aµoaaTEws yparpelan EyKvKA{cp €7TtGToAij Tijs aVTOv Ka8eA0Va17s
t
aytas avvooov, Kai µevToi Kai Tlp oiaAoycp ov 7Tpos avTov ot rrpeafJ'vTepos
I I>;: I I I " "' \ I (\ I ' I

\ I ' I
Ma/\xtwv EVEG'Tr]GaTO. rVWGETal
' \'\"'~I
yap ''
aarpa/\WS ws YV'YJGlOl EKElVOV
20
, 1r;::;
Tvyxavovai µa r]Tai ot 'TTEpi VEoowpov· e I I I ,Q

[44] Paulus Samosatenus, Dialogus cum Malachione: fragmentum hie primo Graece inventum.
Cf.etiam: Tim.Ael.,Ref Syn. Chalc. Test. 84 ( 53,ll. 19-20; t)
[45] Paulus Samosatenus, fragmentum hie primo Graece inventum. Cf. etiam: Tim. Ael., Ref.
Syn. Chalc., Test 164 (89,ll. 18-21)
[46] Nestorius, Sermo 8 (247, ll. 5-8). Cf. etiam: Cod. B.M. Syr. Add. 12156, £ 89a (79):
II. 11-12 (Tfj XptaToT6K4.J ... Opyavov): Arnobius Junior, Confl. cum Serap. II, 11 (287 A6-8)

VOP [43] 1 rrpo alwvwv om. Coll. Pal. ~om. P ovK ..• Mapiu om. Coll. Pal. d,\,\ P
2 ETEKEV om. P
[44] 4 post AYTOYadd. AIPETIKOY P MAJ!XIONA 0 JIAJ!OI'OY: J!OI'OY 0
6 olKE'iV" 0

[45] 7 postAYTOYadd. AIPETIKOYP 8 ov:ov8€P

[46] 10 ante NEETOPIOY add. TOY KATAPATOY P post NEETOPIOY add.
J41PETIKOY 0 11 µ,Eya ... 7Q TEKElv: "contigit parere" Arnob. Jun. dv8pw7r6TIJTL P
12 Opyavov: "ministerium'' (fort. pro "instrumentum"?) Arnob. Jun. 13 post 8EoV conj.
A6yovLoofs ScholionLeontii 14 AEONTIOYom.V; TOYMAKAP!OY AEONTIOYP
'OP@0.d080Y 0 ante 1To,\,\Wv add. rWv VO dvTt1TapaTE8E{Kaµ,Ev V
17 .Eaµ,waarEws 0 EyKvKAE{q? V"" E1TiaToAfj ante EyKvKA{cp transp. P 20 ante
@E68wpov add. TDv P
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 507

For Mary was not before the ages; Mary is not older than the Word, but begot a
man like us, yet better in every respect, because from the Holy Spirit.

44. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM

THE DIALOGUE WITH MALCHION

... So that the anointed son of David is no stranger to wisdom, not does wisdom
dwell in another in this way.

45. BY THE SAME AUTHOR

He who was seen was not wisdom; for [Wisdom] cannot be found in concrete
form, nor in the shape of man-for it is greater than what is seen.

46. BY NESTORIUS

It was a great privilege for the virgin mother of Christ to beget his humanity, the
instrument of the divinity of God the Word; it is enough for her surpassing
honor, that she begot a mediator united with the dignity of God.

Leontius: We have assembled these statements, only a few from many, in our
hope to show the agreement of these heretics in evil with their ancient ancestors.
It is possible for anyone who wishes to browse through the encyclical letter
written against the Samosatean by the holy Synod convoked to depose him, and
also in the dialogue which the presbyter Malchion officially held with him. [The
reader] will find clearly that the disciples of Theodore are his kinsmen;
 IIPO.E TOYE NE.ETOPIA N OY.E
•
508

axESov y ap 'TL Kat Std 7-wv aV'TWV xwpovat MgEWV, ws µ,~ avyypa(fi~V
SoKEtv Elvai 'Ta 'TDV'Twv auv'Tayµ,a'Ta d,\,\d µ,Ernypaq;~v µ,aA,\ov, Ta
EKdvov Els Ta olKEta µ,Ern{3a,\,\6v'Twv. "OTTws 8€ [1 393 A ]Ecpp6v77aav
1TEpt 'TijS EVWaEWS oi a1T' apxfls ayiot IlaTEpES, at 'TE {m' avTwv
5 Kv{3Epvwµ,Evat aytw'Ta'Tat EKKA77a{ai, EK 'TijS Ka'Ta 'TOV .Eaµ,oaaTEW~
yEVoµ,€v77s aytas avv68ov Kat 'TfjS E'}'KVKMov aV'TWV E1Tta'To,\fjs aacpws
£an yvwvat· EV fl 1Tpo<; 'TOL<; aAAot<; Kat 'Tav7a QV'TOV Ka'T"f/'}'Opovaiv
avrn'ls Mgwi·
[47) "<l>7JaL Toivvv Ev To'ls {moµ,v~µ,aaiv" (ws 1TEpt IlavAov MyovTEs)
10 "n/pEtv 'TO ci.g{wµ, a 'Tij<; aocp{as:'

[48} KAI ME@' 'ETEPA

El 8€ Ka'Ta 'T~V ava'Taaiv Kat y€vwiv avvij1T'TO, TCf:J d.v()pw1TqJ 'TOV'TO

avµ,(3a{vflv.

[49] KAI IJA,;1JN

> I ~ > ()
() ~ I ' I t t "" I
15 Ov yap avyyEyEv77a at 'TCf:J av pwmvqJ 'T"f/V aocpiav, ws 77µ,Et<; ma'TEvoµ,Ev,
ovaiwSws, d..Ud Kat KaTa 1TOLO'T"f}'Ta.

{50] KAI ME@''ETEPA

T t OEI f3 OVl\E'Tat /(Q tI 'TOI ETEpotav

l ~ I\ < I I I
cpaaKELV 'T"f/V Ka'TaaKEv77v I ~ ~
'TOV >T1"f/GOV
XpwTOV Tfj<; ~µ,E'TEpas; 'Hµ,wv EVl µ,E'}'LG'TCf:J 8~ TOV'TCf:J StacpEpflv avTOV [BJ
20 T77V avaTaaiv a.,.
\ I't. LOVV'TWV,
' \ CIEOV
'TCf:J~ 'TOV ful I A'oyov EV \11 ~ E l vat 01TEp
' /\VTCf:J " ' 77µ,i
EV ' ~v
0 EGW av(}pW1TO<;.

(47] Epistola Bncyclica contra Paulum Samosatenum, fragmentum hie primo inventum. Cf.
etiam: Justn., Ctr. Mon. 30 (13, 1. 6; ! )
[48] ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum
[49] ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum
[SO] ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum

VOP Scholion Leontii (cont.) 2 µera{3aA6vTwv P 4 ante 7TEpi add. o[ 0

6 Eaµo uaaT,WS V" ; EaµwaaT,WS 0 7 fi: ors v
(47] 9 rpaai P 10 post aorp{as add. TOd.g{wµa T~S aorpfos µ1} Ka8,Awµev Justn.
(48] 12 y&v71aiv 0 post au~7TT O conj. lacunam esse Loofs (Paulus von Samosata, 79,
n. 3). TovTw 0
(49] 15 auyyeyevv~a8at P 16 Kai om. 0
[50] 18 8€om.P 19 ~µwvom.0 ~vUvO 81}: 8€VOP;corr.Mai 20 T<fl:
ToV ~vom.O
•
Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 509

for they almost run through the same phrases, so that their writings seem not
to be their compositions, but rather transcriptions, as if they were transferring
his work into their own. How the holy Fathers, and the holy Churches they
governed, thought about the union from the beginning, can be learned clearly
from the holy synod held against the Samosatean and from their encyclical
letter; in it, besides other things, they accuse him of the following, in these
words:

47. [THE RECORD OF HIS TRIAL]

He says in his commentaries (they are referring to Paul [of Samosata]) that he
is preserving the dignity of Wisdom.

48. AND FURTHER ON

If he is joined in composition and origin, this happened to the human being.

49. AND AGAIN

Wisdom was not joined to the man essentially, as we believe, but in quality.

50. AND FURTHER ON

What does it mean to say that the constitution of Jesus Christ was different
from ours? We judge that in this one great respect his constitution was different,
that God the Word was in him what "the inner man" is in us.
 •
510 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

[51] KAI MEeJ"ETEPA

<••• > 'r/
"'' ...... , , ...... '
TO EVOLK'r}UaL EV aVT<tJ T'r}V aocpiav l\EYELV, WS EV OVOEVt al\l\({J. OVTO
I \I " , ,~ ,,,,\ T ~

yap Tov µ,€v 'Tpo7Tov Ti/s EvotK~aEws Tov av'Tov Sri..\ot:, µiTp<tJ S€ KaL 7TA~BEt .
V7TEp<pEpELv, oiov DL7TAaawv, 7j KaL 07TWS D~7TO'TE 7TAE'iov 7j €..\aTTov Tov
5 ~ \ I I ' ~ I " t >I\\ T A'~\
Ot7Tl\aawv, ytvwaKOVTOS aVTOV a7TO T'rJS aocptas 'I'/ OL al\l\Ot. OV'TO OE OVK
I A '

) /:. tA e\ \ \) \ I >\ \ > ) I

as LOVCTLV OL Ka 01\LKOL KaL EKKl\'r}ULaCTTLKOL KaVOVES, al\/\ EKELVOVS fJ-EV
I \ .
I f
f-LETEUXrJKEVat aocptas Ef-L7TVEOVU'r}S EsW EV
> I "/:. e KaL\al\l\'r}S ovaris 7Tap aV'TOVS,
>I\\ >I > > I

avTryV DE TryV aocp{av St' EavTi}S E7TtSES'r}µ'r}KEvat ovatwSws EV 'T({J EK

Maplas awµan

10 [52] KAI MEeJ"ETEPA

, <p'r}<TL, 11-'r/, vvo E7TLCTTaa
K atTOL , , ~,
8a t VLOVS. " 0, 117aovs x ptaTOS
, , E'L VE VLOS , [CJTOV ~, A A

eJEOU, VLOS DE KaL ~ aocp{a, KaL aAAo fJ-EV ~ aocp{a, aAAo DE 'Iriaovs XpL<TTOS,
Svo vcpla-ravTat vfo{.

{53} KAI MEeJ"ETEPA

15 T0v DE avvacpELav E'TEpws 7Tpos T0v aocp{av VOEL- KaTa µa8riatv Kat
f-LETova{av, OVXL <KaT» ova{av OVCTLWf-LEV'rJV EV awµan.

{54} KAI MEeJ"ETEPA

,, oE
0 VTE ~ \
'TWV av
A ' epw7Twwv 7Tpo17yovµEvws 7Ta ewv aµ,EToxos J;•1v o cpop€aas
I I A ' I t I

KaL EvDvaaµ,Evos 'TO d.vBpwmvov eJEos, ovTE Twv Bdwv 7Tpo17yovµEvws

20 €pywv aµ,otpov TO d.vBpwmvov EV cP ?}v Kat St' av TaVTa E7TO{EL. 'E7TAaaBri
[51) ibid.: fragmentum hie primo Graece inventum. 11. 5-9 (TOVTO ... awµan): cf. etiam Sev.
Ant., Ctr. Gram. III, 41 (287, 11. 2-6; tr. 211, 11. 19-23); Cod. B.M. Syr. Add. 12155, f. 11 P (183; tr.
423)
[52) ibid.: fragmentum hie primo Graece inventum. ll.11- 13 (od 8€ ... vioL) cf. etiam Sev.Ant.,
Ctr. Gram. III, 41 (287,11.6-9; tr. 211,11. 24-6); Cod. B.M.Syr.Add.12155, f. 11 P (183; tr. 423)
[53) ibid.: fragmentum hie primo Graece inventum. Cf. etiam: Sev. Ant., Ctr. Gram. II, 32 (249,
l. 29-250,l. l; tr.195,ll. 16-19); Cod. B. M. Syr.Add.12154,f.18' (184; tr. 424); Cod. B.M. Syr.Add.
12155, f. 32• (184; tr. 424)
[54) ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum

VOP [51 ) 2 ~: El V 4 U1TEp<p€pn V 0~1TOT£: ~01] P ante lA.arrov add. Kat P

5 yivwaKOVTES p ~ om. p 7 EJJ,1TVEOVU1JS: EVEpyova17s Sev. Ant. avrols v
8 fovT~s: aiiToii P
[52] 10 KAI ME@' 'ETEPA om. 0 11 urpla7aa6at V vlovs ante ETTlarnaBm
transp. P 13 viovs 0
[53] 14 KAI ME@' 'ETEPA om. 0 15 aorplav: o?ialav P µ&.671atv Kai om. B.M.
Add. 12154 et 12155 16 <KaT'> addidi sec. Sev. Ant., BM. Add. 12154 et 12155
OVULWJJ,EV1JV EV awµan om. Sev. Ant., B.M. Add. 12154 et 12155
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 511

51. AND FURTHER ON

... or to say Wisdom dwells in him, as in no one else. For this indicates that the
manner of indwelling is the same, but that it exceeds [that in other people] in
amount and quantity, as if he knew twice as much, or however much more or
less than twice as much, from Wisdom than did the others. The catholic canons
of the Church do not hold this opinion, but believe that they [= human beings]
share in Wisdom as it inspires them from without, a different being from them,
while Wisdom itself, of its own accord, came to dwell essentially in the body
taken from Mary.

52. AND FURTHER ON

Yet he claims not to understand two sons. But if Jesus Christ is the Son of God,
and Wisdom is a son, and Wisdom is one thing, Jesus Christ another, there
subsist two sons.

53. AND FURTHER ON

Understand the connection with Wisdom in a different way: by way of

knowledge and participation, not by way of substance realized in a body.

54. AND FURTHER ON

He, the God who bore and put on humanity, was not primarily without a share
in human passions, nor was the humanity, in which he existed and for whose
sake he did these things, primarily without a part in divine works. He was
formed
 512 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE
•
I (>I f} ' \I
\\\~I fu)\~
7TpOTJYOVf.U:vwc; we; av pw7TOS EV yaa-rpL, KaL Ka Ta OEVTEpov 11oyov ~EOS i)v
EV yaa-rpt, avvovatwµ,€voc; Tip avfJpw7T{vc.p.

[55] 'EK TQN IIEPI 14.YTOY IIEIIPAI'MENQN

IIPOE 14.YTON IIAPA MAAXIQNOE 14.NTIPPHEIE
5 Ov 7TUAaL TOVTO EAEyov, OTL ov 8{8wc; ovatwafJaL EV TCfJ oAc.p Ew-r-rypL 'TOV
Yiov 'TOV µ,ovoyi:v-ry, 'TOV 7Tp0 7TUGTJS KT{GEW<; ai:Dlwc; imapxov-ra;

[56} TOY 54.I'IOY I'PHI'OPIOY· 'EK TQN IIPOE KAH.tJONION·

IIPOEKOMIE@H .tJE KAI 'EN Tlf. KAT''E<PEEON 54.I'L:l EYNO.tJ!},
Tlf. KATA NEETOPIOY EYNAX@EIEif.
nll" Q
10 E LTLS OV> (} EO'TOKOV TTJV maptav
>I I \ I t
V7T011aµ,f'JaVEL, \ > I
XWPLS EGTL I
TTJS EOTTJ'TO<;. A (} I

E't TL<; we; DLa aw,\-ryvoc; -r-ryc; IIapfJ€vov Dpaµ,ELV, &,,\,\a µ,~ EV av-rfj
8ta7TE7TAaafJai MyEL, fJELKW<; aµ,a KaL avfJpwmKW<;, fJELKW <; µ€v O'Tt xwpts
av8poc;, avBpwmKWS 8€ OTL v6µ,c.p Kvf,aEwc;, oµ,o{wc; afJEoc;.
E't 'TLS Dta7TE7TAaafJaL 'TOV avfJpw7TOV El-ra V7TODEDVKEVaL MyEL eEov,
15 Ka-raKpt-ros· ov yap y€vv7Jats fJEov -rov-r6 Ea-rtv, d,\,\d rpvy~ yEvvf,aEwc;.
E't TL<; ElaayEL 8vo VLoV<;, lva µ,€v TOV EK ernv Kat Ila-rpoc;, DEV'TEpov

[55) Acta Synodi contra Paulum Samosatenum, fragmentum hie primo inventum
[56] Gregorius Nazianzenus, Epist. 101,Ad Cledonium I (ed. P. Gallay, SC 208,42,1.10-46, L 12;
PG 37, 177 C6-181 A3). Cf. etiam: Doctr. Patr. 7, IX (51, l. 21); Cone. Ephes., Coll. Vat. 54, 14 (43,
11. 26-33; t); Coll. Ath. (93, 11.18-25; t); Euth. Zig., Pan. XIV (884 D 10-885 C7; !); l. 10 (Et ns ...
8E6-r1)-ros): Tim. Ael., Ctr. Syn. Chalc., Test. 59 (25); Sev. Ant., Ad Neph. II (37, 11. 9-10; tr. 28,
U. 3-4); 11.10-15 (E"i'. -rts ... yuvi)oEws): Sev. Ant., Ctr. Gram. III, 41 (305, II. 4-13; tr. 225, II. 8-1 6);
ll.11-13 (Ei'. ns ... a8Eos): Sev. Ant.,Ad Neph. II (37, ll. 4-9; tr. 27, l. 35-28, l. 3); Ctr. Gram. III, 25
(57, ll.15-19; tr. 41, II. 14-1 8); Ad Serg. I (90, ll. 8-12; tr. 66,11. 6-9); Antijul. II A (157, I. 27-158, l. 2;
tr.133, II. 26- 30); Syn.Lat. (128, II. 25-7, ut e Theodoro Faranitano excerptum); ll. 12- 13 (8E"iKws
... [ci'.8rns]): Sev.Ant.,Antijul. II B (305,11.13-15;

VOP [55] 3 IIEP!om.O 4 MAAAXIQNOI:O i!NTIPPHI:Ell:O

[56) 7 postI'PHI'OPIOYadd. TOY<9E0'1.0I'OYP 8 KA!om.O 9 TI;l
... l:YNAX<9EII:lf om. 0 l:YNAX<9Ell:I;l: I:YNA<9POII:fJEII:I;l P 10 ante
Map{av add. aylav v EG'TaL o, Greg. Naz. Codd. QVT 11 8paµ.ELV: 8ta8paµ.ELV
Greg. Naz. (txt. Codd. QBVT) 12 A.Eyot P, Greg. Naz., Coll. Vat. cod. V 13 oµ.olws
a8EOS: d.va8Eµ.a EG'TW Cone. Ephes., wa11Ep ~µ.E'is Sev. Ant. Antijul. II B 14 post Et 'TLS
add. yap Pamph. E"l8' V. Pamph. Al-yoi Greg. Naz., Euth. Zig.; post Sm11E11/i.6.a8ai transp.
Greg. Naz. codd. ASPC, Cone. Ephes. 15 yap post yevv-'lais transp. VO, Parnph. -rov-ro
post fon(v) transp. Pamph. 16 Elaayoi P ante <9Eov a dd. -rov Greg. Naz. {txt. cod. W),
Cone. Ephes., Justn. codd. VM Kai om. VO DEVTE"pov: ETE"pov Greg. Naz. codd.
AS"DPC, Vat. Gr. 1431, Justn.
•
Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 513

primarily as man in the womb, and in a second respect God was in the womb,
essentially united to humanity.

55. FROM THE RECORDS OF HIS TRIAL:

FROM THE REFUTATION DIRECTED AGAINST
HIM BY MALCHI ON

Have I not been saying this all along: that you have not conceded that the Only-
begotten Son, who existed eternally before all creation, was made real in the
whole Savior?

56. FROM ST GREGORY: FROM HIS LETTER TO CLEDONIUS;

THIS WAS ALSO PRODUCED AT THE HOLY SYNOD OF
EP H ESUS , WHICH WAS CONVENED AGAINST NESTORIUS

If anyone does not understand that Mary is God-bearer, he has no part in the
Godhead.
If anyone says that he ran through the Virgin as through a pipe, but was not
formed in her, both in a divine and in a human way-divinely, because apart
from a man, humanly because it was by the laws of gestation-he is also godless.
If anyone says that the human being was formed and then put on God, he is
accursed; for that is not the begetting of God, but a flight from begetting.
If anyone introduces two Sons, the one from God the Father, the other
 514 IIPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE
"'\ \ ' "
OE TOV EK T"f}S f.J./Y]Tpos, U/ll\
I ' \ \' > e '
<I I '
ovx Eva KUL TOV avrov, Kal T"f}S VlO Eatas
) I I "' '

EKrrEaoi r~s E1T"f}yyeAµEvYJS rols OpBWs 1TtareVovai· rpVaeis µEv ydp OV

e, ,Kal av"8epwnos, ' \Kat 'fVXYJ Kat awµ,a· VlOl ov ova, e ' 0
I I ,, I,/, I I .... ' I" I ' ~I '"'I '"'I
EOS E7TEt OE OVOE EOt· OVOE
"', ,, e , , . , , II ... , , , , ,. . , e ,
yap evrav a ova av pw11oi, EL Kat OVTWS' 0 UVl\OS' TO EVTOS' TOV av pW7TOV
s Kal rO EKrOs 1Tpoa71y6pevae. Kal el Oei avvrOµws el7reiv, lfAAo µEv Kal
"\ \ I 'C T- e " I " I ' 'II I e ,.., ,..,, I I
U/\/\O ra Es wv o ~wr71p, Et7TEp µ'r] ravrov ro aoparov oparqJ, Kat ro
Tl.p
" I
axpoVOV Tlf? V1TO XPDVOV· .. ' I
'
OUK "''
U/l/\OS "''
oE KULI,,,,
Ull.l\OS'-fJ-YJI YEVOlTO.
I IT'a yap '
dµcp6-repa E'v rfj avyKp6.aet, BeoV µEv EvavBpwn~aavros, dvBpW1Tov DE
e e l "!:/ " ' I
EW EVTOS, YJ 07TWS' av TlS ovoµaaEtE.
A'eyw OYJ
"''>I\\ I,,,, " \ II
a/\1\0 Kat al\l\O, Ep..1Tal\tV YJ
10 E7Tl Tij:; Tpid.Oo:; Exei. EKeZ µEv ydp clAAo:;

[56 cont.] 13-15; tr. 267, 11. 25-8); p. 512, 11. 14-15 (EL TLS ... KaTriKpiTos): Doctr. Patr. 21, III
(133, 11.12-13); p. 512,1114-15 (EL TlS ... yEvv~aEws). Tim.Ael., Ctr. Syn. Chalc., Test. 94 (60); Sev.
Ant., Ad Neph. II (36, 11. 25-8; tr. 27, ll. 28-31); Phil. (137, 11. 13-16; tr. Ill, ll. 28-31); Ctr. Gram. II,
34 (278, ll 25-8; tr. 217, 1126-8); Pamph. V (153, 1111-14); p. 512, 116-p. 514, 13 (<t ' " ... Orn/)
Ps.-Joan. Mar., Test. 9 (194); p. 512, 1. 16-p. 514, l. 5 (Ei.' TLS ... 7rpOa1Jy0pEvaE): Justn., Ctr. Mon.,
Test.154 (32,ll.25-9); p. 512,l.16-p. 514, I. 7 (e7 rn ... iL\Aos): Vat. Gr.1431, Flor II, 15 (35,ll.2-7);
p. 512,l.16-p. 514,l. 7 (El TLS ... y€voLTo): Thdt.,Eran. II, Test. 41 (166,1.25-167,l. 5); Justn., Conj.
Rect. Fid. (82, ll. 30-6); p. 512, 1. 16-p. 514, I. 8 (El TLS ... avyKpriaEi): Sev. Ant., Ctr. Gram. III, 8
(148,ll. 8-20; tr.103,ll.11-23); p. 512,1.16-p. 516,l. 2 (cl us ... OcoT~n): Fae. Herm., Def. Tr. Cap.
I, 5, 15-16 (30, !. 101-31, 1. 114); ll. 2-3 (<pvaHs ... Orni): Cone. Chalc., Ad Marc., Test. 3 (114,
ll.15-16); Sev. Ant., Ad Neph. II (34, 11. 16-18; tr. 26, II. 5-6); Leoni. )er., Ctr. Mon., Test. 7 (1820
Bl-3); Syn. Hispal. III, Test. 7 (181); Geo. Kaph., Epist. ad Mina (369); Flor. Marc. 573. f. 32';
ll. 2-5 (cpVaEis ... 7rpOa1Jy0pEvaE): Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test. 10 (146, no. 98); Doctr. Patr. 2, I
(11, I. 7); ibid. 29, VI (207, 1.3); ll. 2-7 (<pvaHs ... yivocrn): Innoc. Mar., De Coll. 59 (179,ll. 25-9);
ll. 2-8 (cpVaEis ... avyKpriaEi): Gel., De Duab. Nat., Test. 22b (548); p. 514,l. 2-p. 516, l. 2 (cpVac:ts
... 8E0T1]Tt): Leant. Byz., CNE, Test. 7 (supra, pp. 34-5); Theor.,Disp. f (141 Bl-14); ll. 5-8 (d 8EZ
.. avyKpaaH): Sev. Ant.,Antijul. III (143, 1. 27-144, 1. 2; tr. 119, ll. 23-8); p. 514, I. 5-p. 516, 1. 2
([Kal El] 8EZ ... 8E0T7]Tt): Joan. Dam., Ctr. Jae., Test.13 (146 f.,no.101); IL 5-7 (6'.,\,\o ... y€vo1To):
Sev.Ant.,Ad Serg. II (126,l. 26-127,l. 2; tr. 95,ll. 19-22); ll. 5-8 (d,\,\o ... avyKpaa<c): Sev.Ant.,Ad
Neph. II (48, 11. 19-23; tr 36,

VOP [56] 1 rFjs 1 om.P,Justn.cod.X f-lYJTpOs: Map{as P, Coll. Vat. codd.1ltrn ,Vat.Gr.1431,
Sev. Ant.; dy{as Map{as Greg. Naz. Cod. A 3 oV8€P: oV P oVOE 8Eo/; om. Thdt., Vat. Gr.
1431 8Eol: 6'.v8pwnoi Leont. Jer. 4 ante TO €vTos (post TO f!vTos cod. S) add. KaAEZThdt.
(txt. cod. J); add Kal Gel. 5 npoa1Jy6pEvaE om. Thdt. (txt. cod. J}; Ovoµri,Ei Vat. Gr.
1431 6 ElnEp: EnEI. Thd;. • , 6 OpaTOV T0 dopriT~ sol~. Vat.,cod. D~~dt. ~txt. cod. J),
Innoc. Mar., Doctr. Patr. Tq> opaTq> om. Gel. 7 TO V1T'O xpovov TC{> axpovc.p Innoc.
Mar. xp6vov: xpOvwv p 7-8 Td ... avyKpriaEc Tfj Els 6'.Kpov EvWaEi Ev Tfj avyKpriaEt
Cone. Ephes. Codd. Atu, Vat. Gr. 1431 9 0~: BE Greg. Naz., Cone. Ephes., Leont. Byz. CNE,
Joan. Dam., Buth. Zig., Theor. post Q'.,\,\0 1 add. µEv VO
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 515

from the Mother, but [does not confess he is] one and the same, he departs from
the adoption promised to those who believe rightly.
There are, after all, two natures, the divine and the human, since there is also
~~~~~=~~=~~~~~~~~=
not two human beings, even if Paul spoke in this way, alluding to an "inner" and
an "outer'' person. And if we must put it concisely, the elements from which the
Savior is formed are one thing and another, since the invisible is not the same as
the visible, or the timeless the same as what is in time; but he is not one subject
and another-far from it! For they are both one by mixture, God being made
human, a human being made God-or however one might name it. I say "one
thing and another;' the opposite from how it is in the Trinity. For there it is "one
subject
 •
516 IIPO.E TOY.E NE.ETOPIANOY.E

Kat aAAos, i'va µ~ Tas V7TOaTaatts avyx€wµ,Ev, OUK aAAo OE Kat aAAo· EV
yap Ta Tpfa Kai rnvTov Tfj 8EoTT/TL.
E'{ TtS" JJs EV 7Tpocp~TTJ Mytt KaTa xaptv EVYJPYYJKEVaL, aAAa µ~ KaT'
ova{av avvrycp8a{ TE Kat avvava7TE7TAaa8at, EtYJ KEVOS" TrjS" KpEtTTOVOS
5 EVEpyE(ac;, µaAAov OE 7TA~pYJ<; Trj<; €vavT(ac;.
E >It nc; ov) 7TpoaKVVH.... TDV\ ) I ' '8
EaTavpwµEvov, ava Eµa EaTw Kat TETaX w
>I \ I 8
fJ-ETa TWV 8EoKTavwv.
'l:: JI
E LJI TtS" Es \ I " \ \ I
Epywv TETEllELWf.J-EVOV, T/ fJ-ETa TO a7Tnaµa T) fJ-ETa TYJV EK
" \ \ ) f3
VEKpwv avaaTaatv,
A I
vw''8 Ea tac;
I 't twa 8 a t 11Eytt,
T)s \ I Ka 8 a7TEp
I
ovc;
" A"'E\1\1\T)VE<;
\
10 7TapEyypa7TTovc; Elaayovat v, dva8Eµa €aTw. To yap~ pyµ€vovT} 7TpoKo7TTov
>I \ I > £\ \ >I ~ \ \ \ \ > I~ C '1 \I
YJ TEl\HOVfJ-EVOV ov it!IEO<;, Kav Uta TT)V KaTa fJ-LKpov avaoEL<:, LV OVTW llEYYJTat.

[57} TOY 'AYTOY· 'EK TOY II" AOI'OY TOY .:4.EMATO.E TQN
.:4.EMATQN, 'EI.E TO '"H KE<t>A/lH 'AYTOY XPY.EIOY KAI <t>AZ"
XpiaTov 0€ vvv Myoµi;v, ov 7Tpoc; TO dtowv Trjc; 8EOTTJTO<; dva7TEfJ-7TDvTE<;
15 TOVTO TO ovoµa, a1111a 7Tpoc; TOV 8 Eoooxov
A , ~,
,, "8 pw7TOV, TOV
av '\\' ' E7Tt
· ' YYJS" ocp8'
,
EVTa
, A •

\
Kat TOt<;
A 8 )
av pW7TOL<;
I 11 8'
I (.)_\\ \ ) 'F'
A
avvavaaTpacpEvTa, TOV TYJS" ap EVOV t-'11aaTOV, EV 4:J
"KaTcPKT/aE 7Tav TO 7TA~pwµ,a T7jc; 8EOTTJTO<; awµaTLKws:' T~v

[57] 14 Col. 2.9

[56 cont.] ll. 6- 10); p. 514, IL 5- 9 (a>.>.o ... ovoµacme): ibid. (34, ll. 20-5; tr. 26, ll. 8-16);
p. 514, ll. 7-8 (TCl. yap ... avyKpda££): Sev. Ant Ctr. Gram. Ill, 87 (230, ll. 24-5; tr. 169, l. 25);
p. 514, ll. 7-9 (Ta yap .. . 8ew8£vTos): Euth. Zig., Pan. VII (213 B2- 3); p. 514, 1. 7-p. 516, l. 2
(Myw ... Befrl'/TL): Sev. Ant., Ad Serg. II (126, ll. 21-5; tr. 95, ll. 15- 18); Theor., Disp. I (148
Bl2-Cl); ll. 3- 5 (et' TLS .. . €van{as): Sev. Ant.,AdNeph. II (36, 1. 28-37, 1. 4; tr. 27, ll. 31-5); Phil.
(137, 11. 17-19; tr. 111, 1. 31- 112, I. 2); Ctr. Gram. II, 32 (249, ll. 19-23; tr. 195, 11. 7-11); ibid. III,
23(16,11. 26-9; tr. 11, 11. 27-31); Joan. Max., Lib. Fid.12 (5, ll. 35-7); PetrusDiaconus et al., Epist.
ad Episc. (553, ll. 64-8); 1. 6 (er ns ... eaTw): Sev. Ant., Ad Neph. II (37, ll. 10- 11; tr. 28, 11. 4-5);
11. 6-7 (et TLS ... 8eoKT6vwv): Tim. Ael., Ctr. Syn. Chalc., Test. 60 (25); Sev. Ant., Ctr. Gram. III,
41 (305, ll. 14- 15; tr. 225, ll. 16-17); II. 8- 11 (d ns ... Myrirni): Doctr. Patr. 16, XII (110, l. 7)
[57] Gregorius Nyssenus, In Canticum Canticorum Orat. 13 (Cant 5.11) (ed. H. Langerbeck,
GNO 6, 390, l. 22-391.1.11; PG 44, 1056 Al3- Bl0)

VOP [56] 3 Myoi Greg. Naz.• Euth. Zig. post EVYJPYYJKEva1 add. TOV E>eov A6yov Petr.
Diac. 4 auvava1TE1TAcfo6ai: avvaVa1TAaa8m P; auva1TTEG8at Greg. Naz. (txt AS"DPC)
ColL Vat. cod. P, Euth. Zig.; Ota1TE1TAaa8ai Doctr. Patr. cod. B Kpe{novos: ToiJ A6you Sev.
Ant. PhiL 6 oil: µ:Y, P, Greg. Naz. codd. QWVTS""', Euth. Zig. 8 TETEAE1wµ€vw11 0,
Greg. Naz. cod. Q 9 Myot Greg. Naz., Doctr. Patr., Euth. Zig. 11 dva8n~t11:
au~riaw Cone. Ephes.
P (om. VO) [57] 13 KAI <PAZ: KE<PAZ P, Greg. Nyss. (correxi sec. Cant. 5.11
LXX) 16 1Tap8evfos Greg. Nyss.
•
Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 517

and another;' so that we might not confuse the hypostases, but not one thing
and another. The three are one and the same in divinity.
If anyone says that he worked [in Jesus] by grace, as in a prophet, but was not
united in essence and formed together with him, let him be empty of that
higher kind of action, or rather let him be full of its opposite.
If anyone does not adore the Crucified One, let him be anathema, and let him
be put among God's killers.
If anyone says that he was made perfect by his actions, either after his baptism
or after his resurrection from the dead, as the Greeks speak of newly deified
humans, let him be anathema. For what is achieved or reached by progress or
brought to perfection is not God, even if we may speak this way because God is
manifested little by little.

57. BY THE SAME AUTHOR [ACTUALLY GREGORY

OF NYSSA], FROM BOOK 13 OF HIS COMMENTARY
ON THE SONG OF SONGS, ON THE TEXT, "HIS HEAD
IS OF GOLD, PURE GOLD"

We now call him "Christ;' not referring this name to the eternity of his Godhead,
but to the man who received God, who was seen on earth and walked in human
company, the offshoot of the Virgin, in whom "all the fullness of the Godhead
dwelt in a bodily way"
 518 llPOE TOYE NEETOPIANOYE

d7Tapx~v TOiJ KOl voD cpvpdµa TOS' ,Ot' oV 0A6yos T~V cpVa lV ~µWv7TE ptE/30)1.AETO,
7TotTjaas aVT~v dKTjpaTov, 7TdvTwv TWv avµ/'rrE<pvK6Twv aVrfl ?Ta8Y)µ6.rwv
EKKaBapBElaav· oVrw ydp cp71at 7TEpi aVToD 0 7rpocpTjTYJS, Ort "dµapr{av oVK
Erro{YJGEV, oV8€ E-Vp€81186Aos Ev ri{J aT6µari aVroD:' ToV"7TE1TEtpaµ,Evov Kard
5 1Tdvra KaB' Oµ,oiCrrrrra T~S' cpVaEw:; ~µ,Wv, xwpis dµapT{as:'

[58] TOY 'AI'IOY 'AIEIANAEIOY. 'EK TOY

KAT' 'AllO/lINAPIOY A' /lOI'OY
>A\ \ "
Lil\/\
• " I fu) I " >I ti e
'<' ,J; I t I I\
0 WV <pVGEl OEOS' YEVVaTat av pw7TOS', iva ElS' ti Ta EKUTEpa, TE/\Etos
I I I I}\ e
Ka Ta 1Tavra, cpvatKYjV Kat al\T} EGTUTYJV TYJV YEVVYJGlV
I I I ' \;'Cl
E7TtoEtsaµEvos;.

10 [59] TOY 'AI'IOY I'PHI'OPIOY, 'EllIEKOllOY

NYEHE· 'EK TOY KATHXHTIKOY
>A\\ I
rt/\/\U
I I \ > I e ~) I
f-LlKpov, cpYJGl, Kat EV1TEptypa7TTOV TJ av pW7TlVYJ cpvats, Q1T'Etpov
I
'Y)
" 'i:'I
OE
t

e'
EOT7JS'•
,,.,,,
Kat 1TWS' av 1TEpll\Yj<p ElYJ TqJ aTOfL<p TO'"
' 8 ' ,..,,, a7TEtpov; K
at 'TlS'
' TOVTO
,...,
rp17aiv, 0Tt Ti] 7TEptypacpf7 Tijs aapKDs, Ka&d7Tep Ev dyye{cp Tivl, ~ dTTeip{a
15 TijS' &eDTY)TOS' 7TEpteA~rp()YJ; 0-UOE ydp J77f, TijS' ~f.LETEpa:; Swij:; EvTO:;
\ I
KaTaKJ\ELETat ,...
TWV ,,...
TY)S' I
aapKOS' opwv YJ~ voepaI rpvats,
I
<I l\\l ~
al\/\ I
o f.LEV ''
oyKos TOV"
aWf.laTOS' Tols olKe{ots µ,Epeat 7TEptyp6.rpeTat, ~ 0€ ifivx~

[57] 3-4 Isa. 53.9 (LXX var.) 4-5 Hebr. 4.15

[58] Athanasius (?),Contra Apollinarem I, 7 (PG 26, 1105 B2-5). Cf. etiam: Eulog., Orat. IV,
Test. 2 (V, 35, ll. 2-4); Doctr. Patr. 7, XI (52, 1. 4); Leont. Byz., CNE, Test.19 (supra, p. 41, 11. 3-5;
I); De Sect. 9, Test. I (t); Niceph.,Antirrh. III, Test. 23 (354, ll. 17-18; t)
[59] Gregorius Nyssenus, Oratio Catechetica 10 (ed. E. Mfihlenberg, GNO III/4, 38.5-23; PG 45,
41 BIO-Dl). Ct: etiam: Doctr. Patr. 7,XII (52,l. 6); Niceph.,Antirrh.III, Test. 9 (345,11.17-18); Euth.
Zig., Pan. VII (216 Bl2-D3; t); ll. 15-16 (Kai ,fr ... n<p«A~cpO~): Thdt., Eran. II, Test. 49 (169,
ll. 10-11); p. 520, 11. 5-8 (ti 0€ ... €µ7TtpiE{pytaOai): ibid., Test. 50(169,11.13-15)

P [57] 1 7Ttpit{3dAtro Greg. Nyss. 3 EKKa8ap8apOtiaYJS P; EKKa8ap8E{ar;s Greg.

Nyss. cod.£
VP (om. 0) [58] 7 A"; IIPQTOY P 8 a
om. Leont. Byz. CNE, De Sect.
YE~viira~: yty€v17raipe~e~t. lv"Athan.,Leont.Byz. CNE 9 r:pvaiK0v ... €:7Ti8Eitdµ.tvos:
@Eos Kai av8pw7TOS o avros Eulog. r0v om. Leont. Byz. CNE, Doctr. Patr., De Sect.. Niceph.
VOP [59] 10 'EIIIEKOIIOY om. P 11 NYEIE 0 12 annpos P
13 7TEpiAYJr:p0fj P; 11EpiEA~r:p8'fJ Greg. Nyss., Euth. Zig. r<j): rO P rfs: ,,.{ Doctr.
Patr. 14 rfj 7TEpiypar:pfj: ~ 7TEpiypar:p0 0 Ev om. Greg. Nyss. (txt. cod. g), Tudt., Euth.
Zig. ~ d11tLp{a: ,,.O &.11Eipov Greg. Nyss. cod. e, Thdt. 16 KaTal<.aiETUl 0 aapKOs:
l;wijs P 16-17 Toii aWµ.aros: Ev Doctr. Patr.
 Deprehensio et Thumphus super Nestorianos 519

-the first fruit of our common mass, through whom the Word put around
himself our nature, making it pure and cleansed from all the passions that grow
up with it. For this is how the prophet speaks of him: "He did not commit sin,
nor was deceit found in his mouth;' he who was "tempted in every way, in the
likeness of our nature, apart from sin:'

58. BY ST ATHANASIUS, FROM THE FIRST BOOK

OF HIS TREATISE AGAINST APOLLINARIUS

But the one who is God by nature is begotten as a human being, so that both
might be one person, perfect in every respect, revealing his begetting to be
natural and most true.

59. BY ST GREGORY, BISHOP OF NYSSA,

FROM HIS CATECHETICAL ORATION

But human nature (he says) is a small and easily circumscribed thing, but the
divinity something infinite; and how has the infinite been contained in an
individual? And who says this: that the infinity of the Godhead has been held
in by the circumscription of flesh, as in some container? In our own life, the
intellectual nature is not locked up inside the limits of the flesh, but the mass of
the body is circumscribed by its own parts, while the soul,
 •
520 IIPO.E TOY.E NE.ETOPIANOY.E

TOL<; Ti]<; Siavo{as Ktv~µ,aat 1Taa71 KaT' €gova{av €cpa1TAOVTat Tll KT{aEt, Kat
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,... J I ) I \ \ \ () ' ~ \ ....,
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5 EV
,
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f ~ I I I \ I ) I \
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A () f3 A

10 [60) TOY'O.EIOY'E<PPAlM· 'EK TOY AOI'OY TOY

'EI.ETON MAPI'APITHN KATA MAPKIQNO.E
<••• >a " f3'11€TT€tS Kat 'i'T/11acpifS· yEvEa
I ' , /, ' I ()
w aot µ,apTvptov
A I
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ETT{aTaaaL, OTt Yios avw U1Topas y{vETat· Kat 8vo V'TrEVUVT{a ovatw8ws
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15 [61) 'EK TH.E .EYNOLJIKH.E'EIII.ETOAHE TOY

:4.I'IOY KYPIAAOY IIPO.E NE.ETOPION
'Eav 8€ T~v KaO' VTToamatv lvwatv ~ ws &.v€cptKTOV ~ ws 6.Ka,\,\i]
1TapatTwµ,E0a, €µ,1T{7'1'Toµ,Ev Els To Myttv 8vo vfovs.

[60] Ps. -Ephraem Syrus, Sermo adversus Haereses seu de Margarita (ed. J. S. Assemani II, 268
B8-C4)
[61] Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Epist. 3, ad Nestorium 2.6 (ACO I, l, 1, 28, ll. 7-8; PG 77, 48
B12- 14). Cf. etiam: Doctr. Patr. 7, XIII (52, 11. 8-9); Leo, Tomus II, Test. 27 (130,ll. 14-16; !); Tim.
Ael., Ctr. Syn. Cha/c., Test 99 (62; !)

VOP (59) 2 ci.viouaa: cp£J6.vovaa Greg. Nyss. codd. qr, Niceph . €m{3aTEvovaa:
€µ{3a-rruovaa 0 3 E1TEpxoµivri: 1Tf.pmoAf.uouaa Greg. Nyss. codd. qr
4 oilpav{wv: V1Tf.povpav[wv Greg. Nyss. codd. dgup, Euth. Zig.; E1Tovpavl.wv Greg. Nyss.
codd. eh 8 xwprinKwv Greg. Nyss. cod. q (xwpmKwv cod. r), Doctr. Patr. codd. ACDE
~µIv om. Doctr. Pa tr.
[60] 10- 11 11.0I'OY ... MAPI'APITHN: 11.EI'OMENOY MAPI'APITOY P; 'Ell: TON
MAPI'APITHN 11.0I'OY 0 11 KATA MAPKJQNOE om. 0 12 ll.: P ante o
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[61] 15- 16 TOY :4.I'IOY KYPIAAOY: KYPIAAOY TOY 'Ol:JQTATOY P
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•
Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 521

in the movements of reason, spreads over all creation as far as it can, going up
as far as the heavens and embarking into the depths, traversing the breadth of
the inhabited world and going down to the regions under the earth by its
inquisitiveness; often it becomes even aware of heavenly wonders in its own
subtle inquiries, since it is not weighed down by the burden of the body. But if
the human soul, mixed by the necessity of nature with the body, comes to be
everywhere as far as it is able, why is it necessary to say that the Godhead is
hemmed in by the nature of the flesh, and not to grasp some fitting clue about
the divine Incarnation through the examples available to us?

60. BY ST EPHREM, FROM HIS SERMON

AGAINST MARCION, ON THE PEARL

... the things you see and touch. Let nature offer you a witness, which you
cannot put into words: the Son comes into being without human seed. Two
opposites, then, are in essential harmony, while the hypostasis is revealed in
each nature.

61. FROM THE SYNODICAL LETTER OF

ST CYRIL AGAI NST NESTORIUS

If we reject the union in hypostasis as unattainable or as unfitting, we fall into

saying there are two sons.
 522 IIPOJ: TOYJ: NEI:TOPIANOYJ:

[62} TOY'Ol:IOY11:LJQPOY'EPHMITOY·
IIPOJ: }'IPXIBION IIPEJ:BYTEPON, KATA NEJ:TOPIOY
TO "Ev aVr<j; KaroiKeiv 7T<iv rO 7Tlt.7]pwµ,a rijs 8e6TY)TOS awµaTiKWs" aVTOS
µEv EcpYJr; µ~ voeiv· EyW 8€ olf-lai elpijaBai dvrl roV "oVaiw8Ws:' OU ydp
5 ',
evepyEia
e I
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<I ' I e I I I I
EOT7)TOS TlKTEl, TOV vaov EKElVOV EKV
' ,.., ' /3'epva
rOv lixpavrov, dAA' oVa{a µ,vp{as Evepye{as Excivaa, oV f-LEptKDv <Exovaa>
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Kat ras rwv v7TepKoaµiwv 7JVias Karexwv Kat ra E1Ttyeia otaKtswv,
Ev7JvBpW77YJUEV.
10 [PG 86, 1896 A] AEONTIOY. OTµ.ai oid 7TaVTWV d7TOOEOEix8at T~V
t.::1~1 '"''''I\\! It~(:.' I
l'YEDowpov Kat rwv aµcp avrov 7rpos TE rov L.Jaµoaarea Of-LOoostav Kai
I \
7rpos rovs ayiovs
IIarepas
I • ' I
' \~I I ,.., ~\
evavriav Kat utacpopov yvwµ77v· TYJS oe Twv
.....

' ' 'c ' 'e

' TTJ,.. TE aATJ
EVTvyxavovTwv TJPTTJG w Es·ovatas-,
0
'' Etff 7Tpoa Ea at J<at oovvai
• e' e' e '
f I ",/, f ~ >f I f
TaVTIJ J<aTa TOV 'fEvuovs EXEtV Ta VlkTJTTJpta.

[62] 3 Col. 2.9

[62] Isidorus Pelusiota, Epist. IV, 166, Archibio Presbytero (PG 78, 1256 A14-B8). Cf. etiam:
Doctr. Patr. 7, XIV (52, I. 12); Rust. Diac., Syn.: Coll. Cos. 80, 19 (14, II. 9-15; l)

VOP [62] 1 ante 'EPHMITOY add. TOY P 2 ante IIPOJJ add. 'EK TOY 0
3 KaTotKEf P, lsid. Pel. (txt. cod. Vat. Gr. 650) ante aVT0s add. µ,Ev V"" 4 0 lsid. Pel.
5 EvEpyE{q 0 ~v: ~ OP oVa{q O; Evova{a Isid. Pel. fiE6TYJTOS 2 om. Isid. Pel., Rust.
Diac. ante EKvf3€pva add. Ov P 6 <E'xovaa)' addidi sec. Isid. Pel. 7 aVTOs: oV-rws V
rpYJalv ante -rWv dyaf/Wv transp. Rust. Diac. avµ,(3aaiAEDwv: avµ,(3oAEVwv Isid. Pel. cod.
Vat.Gr.650

Scholion Leontii 10 AEONTIOYom. VO 11 KaiTWvom.O Eaµ,waa-rEa 0

13 ~PTE{a8w p TE om. 0 14 TO 1/udJOos conj. Mai
 Deprehensio et Triumphus super Nestorianos 523

62. BY THE HOLY HERMIT ISIDORE,

TO ARCHIBIUS THE PRESBYTER, AGAINST NESTORIUS

The text, "In him all the fullness of the Godhead dwells in a bodily way;' you say
you do not understand; but I myself think this is said with the meaning of, "in a
substantial way:' For it is not a divine activity, which divine substance produces,
that is in control of that spotless temple, but a substance that has countless
activities-one that does not contain some partial grace but is the fountain of
all good things. He, Paul is saying, who reigns along with the Father and holds
the reins over all the universe and steers the rudder of things on earth-he has
become human.

Leontius: I think that the unity of opinion between Theodore and his followers
and Paul of Samosata has been proven by all these passages, as well as his
opposite, differing opinion when compared to the holy Fathers. But it must
depend on the judgment of those who read them to adhere to the truth, and to
let truth bear the prize of victory over falsehood!
 i

TOY :.4-YTOY(OEIOY AEONTIOY·

llPO.E TOY.E llPO<PEPONTA.E1!MIN
TINA TQN 'AllOAINAPIOY, 1PEYLJQE
'EllII'EI'PAMMENA 'EI.E 'ONOMA
TQN 'AI'JQN llATEPQN
 By the Same Leontius:
against those who Present us with
Works of Apollinarius, Falsely Entitled
with the Names of the Holy Fathers
(Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum)
 526 llPOX: TOYX: llPO<PEPONTAX: TINA TQN'AllOAINAPIOY

T lVE5 I " I 'II \

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TWV I
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Ll~Aov OE aoi yEv~aETal Kai 7Tavri rqJ cptAaA~BEt EK rWv 77aparE8YJaoµ,Evwv

aVroV TE 'A1ToAtvaplov A6ywv Kai rWv aVroV µ,a8YJTWv, Jlv aVv c'iAAots Eari
Kai OVaAEvrlvos 0 V7ToTETayµEvos.

15 [1] 'OYAAENTINOY 'AllOAINAPIX:TOY·

KE<PAAAIA 'AllOAOI'JAX:, llPOX: TOYX: AEI'ONTAX:
<PAX:KEIN'HMAX:'OMOOYX:ION TO X:QMA TDt ®EDt
1 'A7TO r~s €7TtaroA~s roV µaKapiov 'ABavaalov r~s 7Tp0s
'E1TlKTYJTOV rOv Kop{v8ov 'E1TiUK07TOV·

20 - OE
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, " - '8 EV; ''H 7TOlOS u' EsYJpEvsaTO
- q,oYJS ," , " oµ,oovatov
• , , - TO'
El7TElV
EK Mapias aWµa rfl roV .A6yov BE6TYJTl;

El OµooVatos 0 A6yos r0 aWµarl EK y~s Exovrt T~S q;Vaiv, OµooVaios 8~ 0

,
A oyos rq;-narpi,' Kara' TY)V rwv n aTEpwv oµ,oAoytav, oµ.oovaios EaTat Kat
I "' I ' \ I ' I " '

25 , '·n
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1 "'I "'' " I
Kat Tl ETt fLEf-lcpEa 8E Tots
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•A .... , , ,
.ti.pEtaVOlS l\Eyovat TOV lOV KTtaµa, l\EYOVTES Kat aVTOl TOV
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TOLS
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KTtaµaatv;
I

1 V alentinus Apollinaristes, Apologia: fragmentum hie primo ex integro inventum. Excerpta

singillatim:
1 Athanasius, Epist. ad Epictetum, 2 (PG 26, 1052C9-l1);
2 ibid.4 (PG 26, 1056 C8-14)

V Introductio Leontii
1 1 20 ~om.Athan. Etr;pt:Vaa:7'o: ~pt:DaaToAthan.
2 26 1<alpostaVToltransp.Athan.
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 527

Some of those who suffer from Apollinarius's disease, or that of Eutyches, or

members of Dioscorus's party, wishing to support their own heresy, have
labelled some works of Apollinarius as if they were by Gregory Thaumaturgus
or Athanasius or Julius, wishing to deceive the simple-which they have
succeeded in doing. For they have been able to captivate many in the Catholic
Church by the credibility of these persons, and you may find among many
orthodox believers the Faith in Detail of Apollinarius, called by Gregory's name,
and some of his epistles ascribed to Julius, and other works or expositions of his
on the Incarnation ascribed to Athanasius, such as the so-called Exposition of
the Faith in Concord with that of the 318; and not only these works, but others
like them. It will become clear to you and to every lover of truth from the words
of Apollinarius that will be presented below, and those of his disciples, to which,
among others, Valentinus, who is cited below, belongs.

I. BY VALENTINUS THE APOLLINARIAN:

CHAPTERS IN REPLY AGAINST THOSE WHO SAY THAT WE
HOLD THE BODY IS OF ONE SUBSTANCE WITH GOD

1. From the Epistle of the Blessed Athanasius,

to Epictetus, Bishop of Corinth

Where did these ideas come from, what Hell has vomited them forth: to say that
the body taken from Mary was of one substance with the Godhead of the
Word?

2. From the Sarne Epistle

If the Word is of the same substance as the body which has its nature from the
earth, and the Word is of the same substance as the Father, according to the
confession of our ancestors, then the Father himself will be of the same
substance as the body made from earth; and what would you have then to
reproach the Arians with, who say the Son is a creature, if you yourselves say the
Father is of the same substance as creatures?
 528 IIPO.E TOY.I: IIPO<PEPONTA.E TINA TQN'AIIOAINAPIOY

3 Tov Kvp{ov 'A1To>..ivap{ov· EK TijS' 1TpDS' :Eapa1Tlwva E7Twrn>..ij,.

'EOee&p.'YJV TD ypdµµa Tijs dyd7T'YJS' aov, Oia7ToTa, Kai els 07Tep Et~Tet
7rpiiyµa 0 Koµ{aas T~V EntaToA~v, Td SvvaTd avvE1Tp&eaµev aVTctJ. [C]
T~v 8~ i7Tt<JToA~v ToV 8ea7T6Tov µ.ov, T~V els K6piv8ov d11oaTaAelaav,
5 acpovpa'"' ' \.'
U7TEOEsaµe
(; f 8a· TWV
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OE El7TOVTWV
) I
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' I Cl ,..,
0-Elp TTJV
I t
aapKa,
7To.\A~v µ,av{av KaTEyvwµev.

I\
I l I " l ,., l \,.,
4Kat 1TUAlV U1TO TYJS' UVTYJS E1Tt0TOll7JS'•

Tfl ydp EvWaet rfl 7rp0s rOv A6yov Bela ~ adpe, oV rfJ cpVaEt, Ware Ev rfl
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10 r ,., TY}V aapKa. O'v yap 071 Kat aawµarov
sWo7Totovv I ' I
yevea
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ovvaro1\ "'' I'

<I l I <I \ I
waTTep acppovws ETepot Aeyovaiv.

[1949A]

''Eµot Kat cpi1uas

I \I I ' 18 ' IQ 8 I I
l \
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, , 'a , , M I;:', , , ,.., , r , ..

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oavµa1::,w 1TVV aVOf.LEVOS 1TEpt TlVWV, Of.LOl\O'}'OVVTWV f.LEV OEOV EV aapKt

14 9 (r0IIvEVµa ... adpKa):c£Joan.6.63;2Cor.3.6

1 3 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Epist. ad Sarapionem: fragmentum hie primo inventum (= frag.

159: ed. H. Lietzmann, Apollinarius van Laodicaea und seine Schule (Tilbingen, 1904), 253,
1.15-254, 1. 4)
4 Apollinarius Laodicenus,ibid.: fragmentumhic primo inventum (= frag.160: ed. H. Lietzmann,
254,ll.5-10).
5 Apollinarius Laodicenus (Ps.-Julius), Epist. II ad Dionysium: fragmentum hie primo inventum
(= frag. 164: ed. H. Lietzmann, 262, 11. 5-16), 11. 16-19 (Ori,,, 8E6r71ri): cf. etiam Tim. Beryt.,Ad
Homonium, Test. 8 (infra, Test. 2, 8: p. 548,l. 25-p. 550,l. 3)
6 Apollinarius Laodicenus (Ps.~Julius), Epist. I ad Dionysium, 1 (ed. H. Lietzman, 256,11.19-21).
Cf. etiam: Cone. Chalc., Coll. Nov.

V 1 5 16 rd om. Tim. Beryt. 17 ypd<poµEv Tim. Beryt. 18 [r~v acip1<a]

seclusi sec. !im·.~~:yt Kae' Oaov: 1<a8' OV 19 61E0v: 61E0s V
A_1 -"-~-~--l~~"r,.,11 71.Tn"
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 529

3. By the Lord Apollinarius: from his Epistle to Serapion

I received your ldnd letter, my Lord, and in regard to the matter the bearer of
the letter asked about, we helped him as far as we could. We very much approve
of my Lord's letter sent to Corinth; and we consider that those who say the flesh
is of the same substance as God are wholly mad.

4. And again from the Same Epistle

For the flesh is divine through its union with the Word, not through its nature;
so that it has the capacity of remaining so by the union, also, jnst as he says that
it is the Spirit which gives life to the flesh. For it is impossible for the bodiless to
become a body, as others foolishly say.

5. From the Letter to Dionysius, of which this is the Beginning

For me, piety is the basis of friendship, and there is no reason for enmity towards
those who preserve piety. Let no one seek anything new from me, nor demand
that I keep silent about the truth, in order to achieve peace thereby. And that no
one can charge us with these things that are said against some, is clear from
what we have always written, neither saying that the flesh of the Savior is from
heaven, nor that it [the flesh] is the same substance as God, since it is flesh and
not God, and God only insofar as it is united with the divinity to form one
person.

6. And from Another Epistle to the Same Man,

of which this is the Beginning

I am amazed to learn about some people, who confess that the Lord is God in
the flesh,
 •
530 IIPOE TOYE IIPO<PEPONTAE TINA TQN'AIIOAINAPIOY

Tov Kvpwv, TTEpmmTovTwv 8€ Tfj 8iaipeaEL, Tfj KaKws vTTo Twv

IIav>.mvi{ovTwv Elaax8EfoTJ.

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> ~I )\~I I \ I \ yt \ " \ J f I
20 E LoE 'TLS 'Y} ovo 7rpoawTTa AEYEL TOV wv, 1J T'YJV aapKa oµoouawv

1 8 10 (a1·rni-rai .. . 'Iriaovv): cf. 1 Joan. 4.3 16 1 Tim. 6.6; cf. Joan. 1.18; 1Joan.4.12
18 1 Joan. 1.1

1 6 (cont.) 9.1 (ACO II, 2, 35, ll. 36- 8; .!., ut Julii); Coll. Gas., Test. 26 (ACO II, 4, 149, IL 37-8;
J., ut Julii); Tim. Ael., Ref Cone. Chalc., Test. 312(186,11. 17-19; .I., ut Julii)
7 Apollinarius Laodicenus (Ps.-Julius), ibid. 10 (ed. H. Lietzman, 260, ll.14- 21). ll. 6- 8 (ELOE
... dµipi<na): c( etiam Tim.Ael., Ref Cone. Chale., Test. 304 (178, ll. 18-21; ut Julii)
8 Apollinarius Laod.icenus, Epist. ad Terentium: fragmentum hie primo inventum (= frag. 162:
ed. H. Lietzmann, 254, I. 28-255, I. 9)
9 Apollinarius Laodicenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum (= frag. 163: ed. H.
Lietzmann,255,11.10-14)

V 1 6 2 llavAivia,6v-rwv Apoll. cod. V (=Vat. Gr. 1431)

7 5 brAcfo871: 7Ti-rrAaa-ra1 Apoll. 5-6 iv TE •• . 8Eo-rris' om. Apoll. codd. ANR, Syr. (bet.
cod. V) 6 post 8E6-r71s' add. Zva €vw8€vros TOV A6yov -r<jJ awµan d8ia{pe-ros µ<'{V'[} ~
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add. ~µels Apo!!. 7-8 -ro'i:s 8dois Mµaai Apoll. cod. A 8 µEp{,oµEV V (corr. Mai),
Apoll. codd. VNR.
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 531

but fall in with the division which has erroneously been introduced by the
Paulinians.

7. And again from the Same Epistle

The body we confess to be from the Virgin, the divinity from heaven. The body
was formed in the womb; the divinity is uncreated, eternal. And in their
combination the body remains body and the divinity divinity. If it is usual for
the Scripture to call the whole [person] by divine names and the whole by
human names, let us follow the divine language and not divide the indivisible.

8. From the Epistle to Terentius

And John censures the one who destroys Jesus; but these destroy him openly,
confessing the unity [of the Word] with the body. For it is not united to itself,
nor is it one substance united to the same substance, as they do not scruple to
say; for this would not be a synthesis or unity, because nothing is united to itself,
but one thing is united to another. If the Word is of the same substance as the
body, the body is of the same substance as the Word, and both will be invisible,
according to the saying,"No one has seen God, nor can one see him:' According
to this, he never appeared, nor was he handled, being invisible, nor does John
tell the truth when he says, "We saw him and our hands handled him:'

9. And again from the Same Epistle

And if anyone says the Son is two personas, or that the flesh is of the same
substance
 532 llPO.E TOY.E llPO<PEPONTA.E TINA TQN 'AllOAINAPIOY

T<jJ 6JE<jJ Kai TfJ YJJ.1,ETEpq. aapKL, ~ oupavou KaTa{3E/31]KVlaV Kai [DJµ,~ TW €g
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oµ,OLWGEL TfJ 7Tpos TOV E7TOVpavwv <E7TOVpavLOL> ytvoµ,EBa, OVTES XOL°KOU

10 8 1 Joan 1.1 11 21 cf.Joanl.14 24 Rom. 8.6 f.

1 10 Apollianarius Laodicenus, Syllogismi: fragmentwn hie primo inventum (= frag. 112: ed

H. Lletzmann, 233, l. 30- 234, l. 10)
11 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Professio Fidei cum Jovio Episcopo: fragrnentum hie prirnon
inventum (ed. H. Lietzmann, 262, 1. 4- 263, l.14; 286, 1.16-287, I. 9)

V 1 10 7 d.11arpij: arpaY7j V 8E: yap V 14 TO O'Wf.1.a oµoouO'lOll: fort. Tcj> O'wp.aTL

oµooUO'LOS
11 27 <E'1Tovpa11wv supplevi
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 533

as God and not as our flesh, or that it has come down from heaven and was not
taken up by him who is from heaven, saying that the divinity is passible, let him
be anathema.

10. Proof by Syllogisms

If the Word is of the same substance as the body, he was not united to it; but he
was united to the body; therefore he is not of the same substance as it is.
If the body is of the same substance as the Word, it was not seen or touched-
for both would be invisible and impalpable, if they are of one substance; but
John says, "We have seen and touched him"; therefore the Spirit of the Lord and
his body are not of one substance, but the invisible and impalpable was joined
to the visible and palpable for the purpose of union; therefore in it he became
visible and palpable.
He who says the body is of the same substance as God blasphemes, by holding
that the bodiless has a body, because the Son, who is of the same substance as
the Father, retains what is proper to him even when united to the flesh; and he
is not separated from his own body because he is of the same substance as God,
so that the body need not be considered the same substance.

11. And again the Same Author

I, Apollinarius and those in my party think as follows about the divine

incarnation:
The living Word of God took from Mary flesh of the same substance as our
flesh, in union with his divinity, from the beginning of his conception in the
Virgin, and so became human; for a human being is flesh and spirit, according
to the Apostle, and this is what it means that the Word became flesh, that it was
united to flesh like the human spirit. For a man like us is called flesh; but the
Lord is a man above us; therefore he is also heavenly, because of his own
heavenly Spirit which belongs to him, to whom the thoughts of the flesh offered
no opposition. And therefore sin was destroyed in Christ, and death that comes
from sin was destroyed, too; and we, sharing in his right activity by faith, are
saved and become heavenly by likeness with the heavenly man, though we
come from an earthly
 534 IIPOE TOYE IIPOrfJEPONTAE TINA TQN 'AIIOAINAPIOY
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1 JJ 19 Rom.16.17 21 cL\AoTp{ov.s: cf. Joan.10.5

1 12 Valentinus Apollinaristes, conclusio Apologiae: hie primo inventum (ed. H. Lietzmann,

287, Ll0-291, 1. 30)

V 1 11 16 [otixl seclusit Torres; fort. legendum oVTws OµooVaios Lietzmann

 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 535

father. Therefore let him be accursed who does not say that the flesh is from
Mary, and who says it belongs to uncreated nature and is of the same substance
as God; but also he who says the divinity is passible, and that [Christ's] mental
sufferings are derived from it.
And I, Bishop )ovius, confess that the Lord Jesus Christ is God the Word,
without flesh, from all eternity, and that at the end of the ages he united to
himself flesh from the holy Virgin; that he is God and man, one and the same,
one compound hypostasis and one indivisible person which mediates betweeu
God and humanity and unites diverse creatures with the creator, of the same
substance as God in the divinity which is his from the essence he received from
his Father; and of the same substance as humanity, in the flesh united to him
from human nature; adored and glorified with his own flesh, because through
it we have received redemption from death and a participation in immortality.
The flesh which is literally united to the Word, and never separated from him, is
not that of a man or a slave or a created person, but of God the Word himself,
the creator, the one who is of the same substance as God and of the same
substance as the incorporeal essence of the ineffable Father. Those who say or
teach that the flesh, literally united to the Word and never separated from it, is
of the same substance as God, that is, as the incorporeal essence, we avoid,
according to the apostolic instruction, as creating division and scandal in the
churches, against the teaching which we learned from the beginning, and we
consider them as strangers, because they oppose the ancient tradition and the
peace of the Church.

12. I, Valentinus, a Christian, Have Written also the

Following against the Evil and Impious Teachings of Timothy
and his Party, and their Teacher, the Most Wicked Polemius

Since Timothy, the first disciple of Polemius, aroused himself against the
Church of Christ out of deep ignorance, and teaches against the truth the
impious doctrine of his teacher Polemius, madly teaching his companion
Cataphronius in the following way, as he writes to his like-minded friends
Paregorius, Uranius, Diodorus, [and] Jovius:
 536 IIPOI: TOYI: IIPO<PEPONTAI: TINA TQN 'AIIO!lINAPIOY

[Bl "TTJ, E:VWGEl

• , TTJ, 7Tp05
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Kat aaE /3 ws
' Ol' 7TEpl' T lf-LO'8 EOV Kat' II 0 ,\ Ef-LlOV
I ' I
Kal Ot avv UVTOlS I • I ' "'

20 , ,\
7TO ,\VTp07TW'Ta'Ta rpt OTEXVOVV'TES ' ,\' '
Eyovatv, EVrp7)µtaV / E7TlTl
' 8'EVat Tip A

,
awµaTt /3 ov,\,Of-LEVOt, T77v
' auvvaTOV
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A

\::' !(:. ,... '

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/ c;i "\::' \ I I "' 8 ' I
rpopovan avTO EOT77Tt.
' I

Kai oVTws 1TpoaKvvElTat V7TO 7Tda77s T~S KT{aEwr;, Ws 877µ.tovpyOs Kat

a',\77 8 lVOS
'
Y'LOS 'TOV lt:ifEOV Kat OUK av 8pW7TOS 8Eorpopos.
,
1 1
fu\ ..... aapKo<popos,
' ..... ' "

25 T{ oVv 1] ToaaVT1) d7Tat8Eva{a, µ.CiAAov 8€ Kai d7TtGT{a VµWv, JJ Ttµ68EE,

[DJ aov' Kat' 'TWV p.ETa aov, Kat 'TOV otoaaKa ov vµ.wv II0 ,\ Ep.tov,
A , UV'TO, ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ',\ ' '

OµooVaiov, aVTO ETEpooVatov aWµa Ti] 8E6T1)'Tt Otd T~V Evwaiv AEyovTES,
UVTO aµETU'f3,\7)TOV, aV'TO
' I ' ' ' f-lETU f3,\ 77 8EV
' ,\ EJIOV'TES, Et7TEp, ws
r t "' ,\ '
vµ.EtS EYETE, I l/

<I « r il I fu\ ,.... r I r I (:.l) I ' \ r ,-. ) I

OTl ws oyos OEov, OfLOOVGlOS 77 aaps. Kal UVTOl EaVTOlS EVaVTLOVfLEVOl,
30 Kat UVTOl EUVTOVS ava 8Ep.UTtsETE,
' ' 'Y
I
Kat WG7TEp 0 Kpat7Ta WV Kal µE 8vwv
• I , ' I " • ,\ A '

oVK ol8Ev T{ 7rp&T'TEl 1j Tt AEyEt, oVTWS Kai VµEls oVK ol8aTE aAEyETE oVTE
7TEpi T{vwv 8ia{3E{3atoVa8E, TOVTov ToV daE{loVs 86yµaTos, ToV Vrp' Vµ.Wv
7TAElGT0.KtS 8oyµ.aTta8EvTOS, EAEyxovTOS Vµiis; Md8ETE oi5v, JJ a7TlGTOl,
0Tt Evwats oVx OµooVatov· El 8€ Oµ.ooVaiov, oVx Evwais· 0Ti

17 TO IlvEVµ,a ... adpKa: cf. Joan. 6.63

v 1 12 8 1TOl.EtTal. v• 9 A€yETUt v•c 13 Kal 1 secl. Torres 0

15 Tfi 1Tp0s TDv @EOv A6yov om. Torres 26-27 aVTO OµooVatov, aVTO ETEpooVaiov ...
aVTO dµer6.{3A17Tov, aVTO fLETa{3A170Ev ut singularia verba scribuntur in V 34 OµooVaiov
1
et 2 : Oµoovatwv Lietzmann
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 537

"Called divine and confessed to be of the same substance as God in its union
with God the Word, the flesh of the Lord remains naturally human, and of the
same substance as us:' And again he speaks as follows, in the person of his pupil
Cataphronius: "It is fitting to confess that [the flesh] is, in union, the same as the
Word of God, and that it should be called by the divine title of the Word and
adored as the Word and believed to be, as the Word, of the same substance as
God:' And it is still more impious than this, 0 Timothy, that you make the flesh
which our Lord Jesus Christ took from the holy Virgin invisible, if, as you say,
"as Word of God, the flesh is of the same substance [as God], through which we
have obtained salvation, and we believe that the flesh of the Lord, which he took
from the Virgin, is worshipped and called by divine titles and glorified along
with the Word of God-flesh through which mediation ever goes on for us,
since it is guided perpetually by the life-giving Word of God-and thus our
Lord Jesus Christ is revealed to be one person, of flesh and the Word:'
The flesh is called by divine titles because of its union with God the Word,
not because of its nature; so that in this union it is able to remain what it is, just
as the Lord himself says that it is the Spirit which gives life to the flesh. For it is
impossible that through the union the body should come to be of the same
substance as the incorporeal God-which those who follow Timothy and
Polemius and their comrades foolishly and impiously assert, loving to play
tricks in their resourceful turns of language and wishing to give his body the
impossible honor of being incorporeal. But to be glorified with the glory of the
incorporeal God is both possible for it, and fitting for the divinity which bears
it. Therefore he is worshipped by all creation as creator and true, flesh-bearing
Son of the Father, not as a God-bearing human being.
What, then, is this great lack of education-or rather lack of faith-you all
demonstrate, 0 Timothy: you and those with you, and your teacher Polemius,
who say that the one body is of the same substance as, and also of another
substance than, the divinity because of the union: the one body, unchangeable
and changed-if, as you say, ''As Word of God, the flesh is of the same substance
[as God]"? You contradict yourselves and anathematize one another, and as the
reveling drunkard does not know what he does or says, so you don't know what
you are saying or what doctrines you are so sure of, while this impious teaching,
which you so often affirm, accuses you. Learn, then, faithless ones, that union is
not consubstantiality; and if something is consubstantial, there is no union;
 538 IIPOI: TOYI: IIPO<PEPONTAI: TINA TQN 'AIIOAINAPIOY
' \ \>
[1956 Al µ,17oev avro eavTq> evovrat YJ avva11rerai, a"" erepov erepq> To
<;;:-I ' I ' ,... f ,.. >I I (I f I I

( I
evovµ,evov T/ roI avva?Troµevov,
I
o'1 eart
>\ ' A I
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l.';'IEOV, aapKt avva'fas eavrov.
I f

,..,,EOTl TOI \l\Eyoµevov

K at\ TOVTO I I "8''
TO TOV ElOV Evayye11tarov,
\ "'"QA'
.11oyos aaps It,

' ' " " ' ' 8 " ''./,I

eyevero Kat EOK1]VWOEV EV YJfLlV • TO EVW 'Y)Val aapKt Ef.LtpVX<tJ TOV L.lDyov.
'' I'/ ' A '
r.fi' ) >!\,: 1'
<,:;: \ I I
,...) I ' I l >I ff
5 nira OVUE TOVTO OtOUTE, w U'TTlOTOl, OTl cpvais Kat ovaia TUVTOV EOTl,
I\ ) I fu1 ,.. ,... fu\ ,.. I ) I I ) I I ) I ,.. ) ••\.:'I
µ.al\LOTa E'Tl'l 0-EOV, TOV 0-EOV Kat apprJTOV l<'Ul aawµarov,Kal <E1Tl T7]S> atotDV
8EOTTJTOS I ...
TYJS aEfJaaµ.iov
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Ti} dpp~T<.µ Kal dawµO.T<.µ oVatq,. 'O OE KVpto:; dl'Oio:;, Kai 1Tp0 aapKOr;
10 OµooValOS' r<jJ IlaTpi, Kai fLETd aapKDs- 0 aVTDS' OµooVaior; [B]rqJ Ilarpt. OVK
~v 0 adpt OfLooVator;· aToA~v ydp Kai 7TEplj30Aaiov KaL rrpoKO.Avµ(La
I
fLVGT1]plOV KpV7TTOfLEVOV 1TpOGEl/\1}<pEV Kat V1TEp av pW1TOV 1Tpoar;vEyKEV,
I I\ I t I ' 8 ' '
I
Kat Ola ravTr;r; ~ I I
av 8pW1TOlS'
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E1TE<pavr;· OVOE yap a/V\WS' I '" \ I "\ \
EOVVafLE a "'
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, 8al, El, fLY/'",

8ewpot, yEvea ,
Ola awfLaTo:;. II'\ "' Kal,,
a11tv oE ,. . oµoovator;
TJfLlV • , o'K'
vplor;
15 KaTd a6.pKa· oV ydp KaTd r~v BeOTr;Ta· oVOE ydp 0 BE6TTJS' EK yvvatKOr;-µ~
,1
yevotTo.-ovoE r; aaps avw 8EV, ovoe alotor;.
,~,. , c,, '"' '·"~ .,1va TavTa
. . 11eyr;rE
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I

daef3Wr; Kard T~r; dA778E{ar;,fLETd roaaVTr;:; TexvoAoytar; Ooyµar{,ovres- r~v

'~I
lOlaV
'
aaE~ElaV,
lf:l. \ >\
Kal €1\EYXOfLEVOl V1TO T'Y}S' a11r; Etar; WS' KaKovpyot Kal
I t I ,... '\ 8 I t " I

>I I ,/, (' \ I C, I )('I <f t <! I I

U1TlGTOl Kat tpEVOO/\Oyoi. KaTac,,twaaTE ElOEVal, OTt YJ EVWGl>; TTJV <:pVGlV
'I:'
20 Eoosaae:v.
It. [CJ 0 VOE
'('I I e /
yap OfLOOVGlOV E1TOl1]GEV TO awµa Tlp OE<.p, WS' VfLElS'
> / 1 ,... ,... fu\ ,.., , , ,...

r, , , , r:1. ''I \
cpavTa1;:,0f.LEVOl TO/\fLaTE AEYEtV, EK7TEGOVTES' TYJ:; al\r; 8Eta:;, Kal EVV~pl1;:,0VTE:;
.. \, , , .... ,\
' > \ 8 £l "
TYJV EK <:pl11av pw1Ttar; OEOV avyKaTajJaatv TOV .11oyov, rrpor; OWfLUTO>;
I lf:l. ,.., A I I I

/ >
avva<:pEtav, El>; YJfLETEpav GWTYJplaV yEVOfLEVYJV-Of.LOOVGlOV TTJ U1Ta El
t I I I t I ") 8'
I 1:- I I <I \I > I I ' f:l. I ) I '1
8EOTYJTl Ola TYJV EVWGtV l\EYOVTE>;· OTl EGTlV 1Taar;r; aae~Ela>; E1TEKEtva, Kav <!

25 ,
µ,vptaKlS' • '
Eavrov:; 8El\7]GYJTE
\' ''I
ao<:ptsEG 8at., 1TUpEpfLYJVEVOVTES
' Kat'
pq,OiovpyoDvTe:; Tdr; Be{ar; I'pacpds- Kal Td:; j3lf3Aovr; TOD rpLr; µaKap{ov
7TaTp0r; 0µ,Wv Kal OtOaaKO.Aov 'A7roAivap{ov, Wr; rd Eyypa<:pa VfLWV
) \ I t ,... ti ) I I ) I I I (' \ "
E/\eyxovatv vµ,ar;, a1TEP E1TOlYJGaTE rrpos- a1TU'T7]V Kal aKavoal\OV TWV
dcpEAeaTdpwv lfivxWv Kard T~:; EavTWv Kopvcpi]s-, E7Tet0~ Tfj dAryBe{q,
>
30 avTE1Ta ElTE Kal OtOaTE OTl
8" I >I~ ti (< \ I
aKA1]pOV VfLlV 1Tpor; KEVTpa 11aKTl1:iELV' Kat
t " I I \ l'f " I

7T<p<Opoµfi 7To.\.\fi €xrn)aaa8<. "Qa7T<p [D]Kai o11ovoafoi 7Tapavoµ~aaVTE<;,

<I It ,.., (' \ 'f I (' I I I ,.. \! " '1 \\ I
OVTWS' KUl VfLElS', GKavoal\t1:iOfLEVOl Ota TYJV aapKa TOV £.iWTYJpO>;, Kav 1TO/\l\Ol
,,
ear;a 8E, Et>;
' OVOEV
'~
l\Oyta 8r;aea
, 8E Ola
" T7]V aae:~Etav
'R • ,. ,
VfLWV. I \ I I '

3-4 Joan. 1.14 30 Acta 9.4

v 1 12 6 <E7Tt Tijs> addidi 9 dpp~T<fl Kat' om. Torres 11 aToA~ V

16 Al.yETEV 23 d7Ta8flV
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 539

because nothing is united or joined to itself, but a thing is united or joined as

one thing to another: which [here] is the Word of God, joining himself to flesh.
And this is what the word of the divine evangelist means, "The Word became
flesh and dwelt among us": that the Word was united to living flesh.
Furthermore, do you not know, faithless ones, that nature and essence are the
same, especially in the case of God, the ineffable and incorporeal God, and in
that of the eternal divinity of the sacred Trinity? The body which the Lord bore
did not become eternal or incorporeal as a result of the union; therefore it was
not of the same substance as the ineffable and incorporeal essence. The Lord is
eternal, and even before [the existence of] his flesh is of the same substance as
the Father; with the flesh, he is still of the same substance as the Father. The flesh
was not of the same substance; for he put on a garment and robe, a veil for the
hidden mystery, and wore it as something extra for man's sake, and by means of
it appeared to men; for otherwise we would not have been able to see God,
except through the body. Again, the Lord is also of the same substance as we, in
his flesh: not, however, in his divinity. The divinity does not come from a
woman-far from it!-nor does the flesh come from above, nor is it eternal.
Since you say this against the truth, in your lack of faith and reverence-cleverly
teaching your own impiety, but unmasked by the truth as villains and faithless
ones and liars-please take the trouble to realize that it was the union which
gave glory to his nature. It did not make his body of the same substance as God,
as you dare to say in your flights of fancy, falling away from the truth and
insulting the gracious condescension of God the Word, his union with a body,
which took place for our salvation-for you say [the body] was of the same
substance as the impassible divinity because of the union. For he is beyond the
reach of all impiety, even if you should wish to deceive yourselves ten thousand
times, misinterpreting and playing fast and loose with the holy Scriptures and
the books of our thrice blessed father and teacher Apollinarius. Your writings
reveal this about you, the writings you composed to deceive and scandalize
simple souls against your own leader, since you struggle against the truth and
know that "it is hard for you to kick against the goad" (Acts 9.4), and you use a
great deal of subterfuge. Just like the lawless Jews, you who are scandalized
because of the flesh of the Savior, many as you are, will be counted for nothing
because of your wickedness.
 540 IIPOE TOYE IIPO<PEPONTAE TINA TQN 'AIIOAINAPIOY

E l' <:;:I I\
OE 1TEplEl\OlTE TO 1TEptepyov TT)S 'fVX7JS Kat TO U7TlGTOV, VOYJGUlTE
\ I ,..,, ,/, " I I " I

(1957 A]Clv @e:Ov Ev aWµ,ari 1TEcpYJv6ra, aWµaros µe:rdA.7Jt/Jiv 8i86vra 1Tp6s

µe:rdA7]t/;iv Be:OT71ros. TO ydp aWµa rd 7rpoae:iA7]µµEvov EK ri}s dylas
I
IIap EVOV ' )
e
OUK avro Ka
8' EUVTO
( I <:;: !<:;: >\ \ > )
T'f/V GWTTjptaV OlOWGlV, 0.111\ EK TT)S TOV
" ,.. I I I

s IIvevµaros
I I
avvovaias, '
ovx "
iva 'c \ 'Y
ro awµa EsEVTEAts7Jrat,all/\ iva TO IIvevµ.a
' \ \," ' I ,..,, I

V1Tep8o~dl;,71rat. M~ o-i5v BeA~arrre, 7rp0s d11dr71v dq:iEAe:ari.pwv i/JvxWv, rds

e l,...,
1Tapa EGEtS TOV rptS µaKapiov11arpos Y)fLWV KO.l OlOUGKO./\OV L-!1TDl\lVapiov
I \(,...I<:;:<:;: l\>A\ I

ypdcpeiv Els r~v VµWv 8Vacp17µov rrapcLBeaiv. 'EKelvat ydp KaA.Ws Kai
) {.J"' le
evae,_..ws 1Tapere
(
71aav v1To I '8 I > <:;: \ I
rov ayiov Kai eocpopov avupos· axEaEws yap
I ,... ( I

I ,.. ' ~ \ I I ' I I fl "' \ ,.. \

10 Kal TlfJ.,'Y}S ElUlV u111\WTlKal, Kal OV C(JVGEWS UYJf-LaVTlKal-aTlVa Uijl\Ol TO
"'I
oµ,oovaiov,» <I'"'''
a7rEp ''Q" 8' ,,.nl I I
vµEis a7riarws Kai aaE,..,ws 7rapE YJKaTE. '*'vais yap Kai
, '
ovaia [BJ TaVTOV
' ' EGTlV,
' '
ws ...
7rp0El7/"0V, Kat' 7/"aVTEt;
' "' ' Ol' T'YJS
OE . . . al\Yj
'' lVYJS e-
1T{GTEWS OµoA.oy'Y}rai roVro yivWaKovaiv.
'YµEls OE, €pi0i Kai '~Acp Kal cpfJ6vqJ Oiaf3oAiK0 E( dpx~s KlVYJBEvrEs
I I ' I ) I \ ) I I ) "' \
15 7rpos TOVS ayiovs E71"tGK07Tovs, Kat aywviaaµ,Evoi KaKtarov aywva Kara
' '\ e
TYjS al\Yj Kat
I '
TOlaVTYJV
\ ty '
TYJV EKKl\YjalaV TOV
xptGTOV,' '
' \ I ,..,

, 'Q
Etas,
, ,
aaE,..,EtaV Erpa7TTJTE, WGTE TO 1Ta 8YJTOV awµ,a oµ,oovaiov T'[} a7/"a 8
-e ,
EOTYjTt
GXl~OVTES
., , I ..... , , ,.., ,
ELS
Et
"'I
uta TTJVI <I
EVWGtV \I <I '<;.'I I' Q "
/\EYOVTES-07TEp aovvaTOV Kal aaE,..,Es~rois av pW7r0tS
1 'e '
, , ,.... 1 a ,.. \ / t 1
oµoovatov awµ,a Kat r!:'IE<tJ AEYEtV oµoovaiov.
K 1 " "",/, ' "
ai 7/"WS o'Povrai ELS ov
,c , ,, E' , , , , , , ... ... , , , •
20 E£EKEVTYJaav ; i yap oµoovatov TO oparov awµa T'[} aopaTqJ 8EOTTJTL, ws
t ,., \ I ' I <;.'I ' I I I I t/ «Q I
vµEtS /\EYETE, EKaTEpa OYJ7TOV aopara, Kara TO yEypaµ,µ,Evov, 0Tl r!:'IEOV
oDSEis €.WpaKEV 7TW7TOTE, oVTE lOElv OVvarai:' 0 SE KVpios [C]~µ,Wv 'IYJaoVs
0 XpiarOs, Kard T~V EK IlarpOs di"O{ws V7Tdpxovaav aVr0 BE6rYJra
'I
aopaTOt;, KaTaI OE
"'' I
T'YJV '
aapKa "
YJV ' I
ErpopEGEV '
EK ,..
T'YJS IIap8'EVOV opaTOS.
• '
UVVTl 8'8 '' TOV"(\ ' ' ' 8 ' 1
>A
25 .t:if.LC(JOTEpa ovv I 1'
EU w E7Tl EVOS 7Tpoawrrov, Kat TO al\Yj ES ov>
I

<;.' \I 'x <I Ct

otal\VGETat· WUTE ovoe ovo 7Tpoaw7Ta o piaros, ovoE 'YJ aaps oµ,oovaia rep
'<;.'I"' I I I )<;.'I ' I I ,.,

a , ,., 1
oEq;, YJYEf-LOVEVOf.LEVYJ ~ 1 ,.. a "'A'
V1TO TOV r!:'IEOV oyov.
"Oaoi oVv r~s d7Tapa1Tot~rov raVTYJS Kal dAYJfJiv~s Kai &.1ToaroAiK~S
I
7TtaTEWS
I ) t \
ElGtV Of.LOl\OYYJTat, fL'YJ 7TapaoEsWf-LE a ras f.IEf.!YJllOVS TWV 7rEpt
\ I <;.' C I e I «Q QI\ )) " \

30 Tiµ68Eov Kai IloAEµ,iov Kai rWv aVv aVroi's "KEVocpwvlas:' Kard TD roV
>;1 I\ I \ ) "' <;.' \ "' I I >I I t > > "'
.t:i1TOUTOl\OV 7TapayyEl\f-La• KaKElVO OE Ula f.LVYJf.L'YJS EXWf-LEV, TO V1T aVTOU
1Tal\LV EtpYjf-LEVOV, OTt "A'tpETlKOV av pW7TOV fLETa µ,tav
I\ ' I I 1
Kat OEUTEpav " 1 '' e 1 1 .:;:.

vov eaiav [DJ e ' ,.. '"' I " '(:: / t ,.. 1 1

napatTOV, ELUWS OTl EsEarpa1TTat 0 TOlOVTOS Kal aµapraVEl t

19-20 Zach. 12.10 (Aquila; Theodotion); Joan. 19.37 21-22 Joan. 1.18; 1 Tim. 6.16
29-30 [3E[3~Aovs ... KEvwr:pwv{as: 2 Tim. 2.16 32-p. 592,l.1: Tit. 3.10-11

v 1 12 1 7TEpiEAT)TE v vo~aE7E v 14 8ia[3oAtK0 om Torres 26 8taA~aE7at V

29 /3E/3~Aovs: [3C[3Aovs conj. Torres 31 Exoµ.Ev V 32 O.vBpw7rov: O.v8pa V; correxi
sec.NT
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 541

If you removed the flashy and faithless [covering] from your mind, you
would know that God has appeared bodily, granting a share in his body to make
possible a share in his divinity. For the body which was assumed from the holy
Virgin does not bestow salvation simply of itself, but from the simultaneous
presence of the Spirit-not so that the body should be disparaged, but so that
the Spirit might be glorified the more. Do not, then, for the sake of deceiving the
simple, attempt to adopt the arguments of our thrice-blessed father and teacher
Apollinarius, in your writings, as part of your own shameful argument. For they
were drawn up well and reverently by the holy, godly man; they express a
relationship and honor, not nature-just what the word "homoousion''
expresses, which you have faithlessly irreverently made part of your own
presentation. Nature and essence, after all, are the same, as I have already said,
and all those who acknowledge the true faith know this.
But you, motivated from the start by diabolical spite and jealousy and envy
against the holy bishops, and fighting an unholy struggle against the truth, and
tearing apart the Church of Christ, have turned to such impiety, that you say
that the passible body [of Christ] is of the same substance as the impassible
divinity, because of the union-which is impossible and irreverent-and say
that his body, which is of the same substance as human beings, is also the same
as God. And how shall they "look upon him whom they have pierced''? For if
the visible body is of the same substance as the invisible divinity, as you say,
both will then be invisible, according to the text, "No one has ever looked upon
God, nor can one see him:' Our Lord Jesus Christ, however, invisible in the
divinity which is eternally his from the Father, is visible in the flesh which he
took from the Virgin. Put both together in the one person, and the truth will not
be harmed: Christ will not be two persons, nor will the flesh which is guided by
God the Word be [thought to be] of the same substance as God.
Those of us, then, who professes this unadulterated, true and apostolic faith,
let us not accept the "profane and empty words" of the party of Timothy and
Polemius and their comrades, as the Apostle warns us. And let us keep this in
mind, as again was said by him: "Reject the heretic after the first and second
warning, knowing that snch a one is perverse and sins
 542 IIPOJ: TOYJ: IIPO<PEPONTAI: TINA TQN 'AIIOAINAPIOY

Wv aVToKaT6.KptTos': 0[ 8E 1TEpi Tiµ,68eov Kai IIoAEp.,1.ov oV µ,6vov

t \
atpETlKOl U7TErpav 1JGUV, a
' I e ',\,\a
I I
Kat OVKDrpaVTUl• 0
I t \
yap -rpis µ,aKapios
\ I

8i8ciaKaAos ~µWv 'A110Aivcfpios {3Aaarp~µ,ovs Kai µaviWOeis Eyypdrpwr;

, ',\
U7TEKU EOEV TOVS
, ,\, , ,
eyov-ras op.-oovatov , ...
TO awµ.a
"'Kvptov
TOV
, TTJ• e, EOTY)Tl.
K at'
t I ~ ~ •Ae I t t I ' I t ,... •I\ t 'C "<:.:'
s o f-lUKapios oE .t-i avaaias, o aytwra-ros E7TtOK07T05 YJfLWV, EAEyev ws Es q,oov
' I
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2 Timotheus Berytensis, Ad Homonium: opusculum hie primo inventum; ed. Lietzmann 277,
1. 19-278, 1. 29. Excerpta singillatim:
1 Apollinarius Laodicenus,Epist. ad Sarapionem: fragmentum hie primo inventum (:: frag.161:
ed. Lietzmann, 254, ll.19-26)

V 1 12 4 -roV Kvplov om. Torres 16 1Kai KavxWµEvon om. V; supplevi ex N.T.

 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 543

by his own self-condemnation:' Those associated with Timothy and Polemius

are not only revealed as heretics, but also as swindlers; for our thrice-blessed
teacher Apollinarius called, in writing, blasphemers and madmen those who
said the body of the Lord was the same substance as the divinity. And the
blessed Athanasius, our holy bishop, said that those who dared say the body
taken from Mary was the same substance as the divinity were like apparitions
from Hell. Timothy and his teacher Polemius and their colleagues were quite
unaware that since the person of God the Word, and the flesh which came to
being by [the action of] God the Word, are one, adoration belongs to God made
flesh, not to flesh. The Word is not adored because of the flesh, but the flesh is
adored along with the Word as his garment or robe, as I said. Those, therefore,
who do not submit to this rule [of orthodoxy], and to this true and apostolic
and genuine faith, let them remain anathema. "Look to the dogs, look to the
workers of evil, look to the circumcision; for we are the circumcision, who
worship the Spirit of God and boast in Christ Jesus, and who put no trust in the
flesh:'

JI. BY TIMOTHY THE APOLLINARIAN, BISHOP

OF BERYTUS: TO HOMONIUS, A BISHOP AND
HIMSELF AN APOLLINARIAN, IN WHICH THERE
ARE EXCERPTS FROM APOLLINARIUS

Brother Agapius came to us, and hearing something of the book we puttogether
about the divine incarnation of the Word, from various works of our thrice·
blessed teacher bishop Apollinarius, he asked us to excerpt part of it and write
it out especially for him, in our own hand, for your encouragement. We did this,
taking the following passage from the epistle written to Sarapion:

1. You yourself put it well: we and Christ are not equal. But to say that his flesh
is not of the same substance as we are, because it is God's flesh, demands a few
further distinctions. For it is better to say that he took flesh that was the same as
we are in nature, but that he showed it to be divine by union; you say this too,
 •
544 llPO.E TOY.E llPO<PEPONTA.E TINA TQN 'AllOAINAPIOY

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•
Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 545

in saying that in this respect it is not of the same substance as we are, because it
is God's flesh; but one could say it more articulately thus: the flesh is of the same
substance as we are naturally, but in union is divine, and through the union it
retains the difference.
When the above-mentioned brother received this, he went and showed it to
you; when you saw it, my lord Homonius, you gave him a writing-tablet, on
which you had written as follows: "I, Bishop Homonius, confess that the Word
of God took from Mary flesh of the same substance as us. And if anyone says
the flesh united to the Lord, in any way at all, is of the same substance as God,
we anathematize him:'
If, then, you have confessed rightly about the nature of the flesh, saying that
it is of the same substance as we are, but you then anathematize the supreme
union of it with the Word made flesh, writing that it is in no way made one
substance with the divinity, but you call it only a union-such a union as would
take place between a holy man and God, not a person joined [to God] in one life
and hypo stasis, but understood in separation from the divine nature; [and if
you hold this,] even though the blessed bishop, our teacher Apollinarius, says in
various works that the flesh of the Lord shares in the names and characteristics
of the Word, while remaining flesh even in the union, and not transformed or
made to depart from its own nature, and [says that] the Word shares in the
names and characteristics of the flesh, remaining Word and God even in his
enfleshment, not changed or falling into bodily nature; then please be good
enough to explain to us whether it is in ignorance of what our Christ-bearing
father has said about the divine and saving incarnation of the Word that you
anathematize these opinions, or whether you know what he said, but reject
both them, as not well said, and us also, on the spot, as being receivers of heresy,
and whether you anathematize the herald of piety along with piety itself.
2. For he said this, in the book which begins, "Christ is rightly confessed to be
a holy offspring from the beginning, as regards his body":
It is also wrong to say the body is a creature by itself, since it is surely
inseparable from him whose body it is, and also shares in the titles of the
uncreated and in language about God, because it is joined to God to form a
union.
 546 IIPO£ TOY£ IIPO</JEPONTA£ TINA TQN 'AIIOAINAPIOY

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2 3 Apollinarius Laodicenus (Ps.-Julius), ibid. 8 (ed. H. Lietzmann, 188, 11. 9- 18). Cf. etiam:
Tim Ael., Ref Cone. Chalc., Test. 314 (187, 11. 11- 21; ut Julii); Sev. Ant., Ep. II ad Serg. (131, I.
22-132, I. 1; tr. 99, IL 15- 24; ut Julii); Tim. Ael., Ref Cone. Chalc., Test. 13 (10, II. 6-15; t; ut Julii);
Ep. de Isaia (191, II. 12-18; tr. 132, II. 24-30; t; ut Julii); Sev. Ant, Ctr. Gram. III, 6 (72, II. 1-11; tr.
50, I. 30-51, I. 4; t; ut Julii); Antijul. I (75, II. 11- 19; tr. 57, 11. 19- 28; t; ut Julii)
4 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Sermo (?): fragmentum hie primo inventum (= frag. 153:
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 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 547

3. And a little further on:

So he is of the same substance as God by the invisible Spirit; and his flesh has
been put on along with his name, because it is united to one who is of the same
substance as God. Once again, he is of the same substance as human beings, and
divinity has also been put on along with his body, because it [divinity] was
united to what is of the same substance as we are. The nature of the body did not
change in its consubstantial union with God and in sharing the name
"consubstantial"- just as the nature of divinity was not changed in sharing the
human body, and in being called flesh that is substantially the same as ours.
4. And again in another book, which begins, "Flesh and that which guides
flesh are one person;' he says the following:
The Lord Jesus Christ, then, is sinless, being God-even with the flesh-of
the same substance as the only God, creator before all ages; and the flesh, as
God's flesh, is God, being of the same substance as God, a part united to him, a
part of the same substance as God, not separated; for it does not move separately
or on its own, in the way that a human being is a self-moving animal. For God,
by sharing in flesh, is the man he would not be on his own; and the flesh, by
sharing in God, is the God it would not be on its own. And God has all the
consequences of flesh by being united with flesh; while the flesh receives in
addition the characteristics of God, in its union with God.
 •
548 ITPOE TOYE ITPO<l?EPONTAE TINA TQN 'AITOAI NAPIOY

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2 5 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Laudatio Mariae, et de lncarnatione: fragmenturn hie primo

inventurn (= frag. 11: Lietzmann 207, ll. 19-29)
6 Apollinarius Laodicenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie prirno inventurn (= frag. 12: Lietzmann 208,
11. 1-8)
7 Apollinarius Laodicenus,Sermo (?}: fragmenturnhic primo inventum (=frag.154: Lietzmann
248, 11. 28-34)
8 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Epist. ad Dionysium: fragmentum hie primo inventurn (= frag. 164,
11.4-9: Lietzmann 262,11.11-16). Cf.etiam: Valent.Apoll.,Apol., Test.5 (supra, p.528,ll.16-19)

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 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 549

5. Again, in another work entitled, "In praise of Mary, and on the Incarnation;'
he says this:
He sees the body as greater, because of him who was united with it: greater, I
say, not only than his own body, but greater than the fiery and the angelic spirits.
For God was not united with any of them, nor was any of their bodies able to
give life to the .world; none of the angels is an equal of God, in the way that he
who is compounded of body and divinity makes himself equal to God when he
says: ''.As the Father has life in himself, so he gave the Son also the power to have
life in himself'
6. And again, further on:
And when you realize that the Spirit is working in you, with a kind of activity
that can be taken away again, do you consider yourself divine, so that the robe
around your flesh can heal the sick? Do you not, then, consider that body to be
divine, even to be God, which is inseparably joined to God and has become one
with him through substantial union-for he says, "The Word became flesh"?
7. Again in another work, which begins: "There is no pleasure in eating meat
with God;' he speaks this way:
Not because both are from heaven, but because it is united with the heavenly
one and has become one person with him, is [the body] heavenly by union; it is
worshipped as heavenly, with the worship we direct towards the God of heaven,
and saves as a heavenly being, with the power of one from heaven.
8. And from the letter to Dionysius, which begins, "To me piety is also a basis
for friendship;" he says, after a short while, the following:
And that no one can charge us with these things that are said against some,
 550 IIPOE TOYE IIPO<PEPONTAE TINA TQN 'AIIOAINAPIOY

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2 9 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Sermo (?): fragmentum hie primo inventum (= frag.

155: Lietzmann 249, 11. 1-8)
10 Apollinarius Laodieenus, Opus Syllogisticum in Joannem: fragmentwn hie primo inventum
(= frag. 114, Lietzmann 234, 11. 21-9)
11 Apollinarius Laodicenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventum (= frag. 115: Lietzmann
234, 1.30-235, 1.5)

V 2 8 1 yp6.r:poµEv V; correxi sec. Valent. 2 post @Eo/ add. T~V a6.p1<a Valent.
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 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 551

is clear from what we have always written, saying that the flesh of the Savior is
not from heaven; nor is it the same substance as God, insofar as it is flesh and
not God. [It is] God only insofar as it is united with the divinity to form one
person.
9. Again in another work, which begins, "Let us fittingly glorify our Lord
Jesus Christ;' he speaks near the end as follows:
The living Christ is a body full of God's spirit and a divine spirit in flesh, a
heavenly mind in whom we pray to share (as in"We have the mind of Christ"):
holy flesh organically joined to the divinity and establishing the divinity of
those who share in it; the foundation of eternal life; the initiator of incorruption
for humanity; the creator of eternal creation; the father of the coming age.
I 0. Again in another work, a syllogistic treatise composed on the Evangelist
john, which begins, "Through the Word all things came to be, according to the
Evangelist;' he says this:
How is he not true God, who says, "Have I been with you so long a time,
Philip, and you do not know me?" -indicating his presence as man among men
for such a time, and revealing that the man is God, so that one should not be
ashamed to say that such a man is of the same substance as God, recognized by
the form of his Father's divinity, just as matter [is recognized] in the body?
11. Again in what follows he says this:
The divine reality, in its distinction with regard to his body-that element
which is equal to God in power to create and to renew-does not make it
impossible that another nature of Christ, the human, recognized in his body,
should, even in his equality to God, be defined by the definition of man, as the
body of a man and not of God.
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12 9 (aw1w Bavdrov) Rom. 7.24

2 12 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Opus Syllogisticum (?): fragmentwn hie primo inventwn (= frag.
116: Lietzmann 235, 11. 6-17)
13 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Ad Flavianum: fragmentwn hie primo inventum (= frag.
147: Lietzmann246, ll.20-8)
14 Apollinarius Laodicenus, ibid.: fragmentum hie primo inventwn (= frag. 148: Lietzmann
246, 1.29- 247, 1.10)

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 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 553

12. And again in another syllogistic work, which begins, "Having a different
life, a different activity;' he says this:
His flesh gives us life through the divinity which is united substantially with
it; and what gives life is divine. It is divine flesh, then, because it is joined to God.
And it saves, while we also are saved by sharing in it as in food. Now what
nourishes, being active in that which is nourished, is <not> the same substance
as it is, and is not itself nourished. Similarly, if it gives life, it does not receive life
like what is vivified, nor is it of the same substance. Otherwise, after all, it would
be a "body of death" like ours, in need of vivification; but Christ's body is not a
"body of death" but of life. Therefore the divine is not of the same substance as
the human.
13. And in the work addressed to Flavian, which begins, "Even now, Christ
is still scourged by worthless men;' after many other things, he says:
Much more, in the mixture of the incorporeal with a body, the characteristics
of the nature of what is united remain. For the body is body and the incorporeal
is incorporeal. And by a most perfect union, God is said to be embodied, and
the body divinized; and in that the embodied God is a man, he is both; and in
that the divinized body is God, it is, again, both.
14. Again, a little further on, he says this:
•, The body has <not> already ceased from being a creature and having the
form of a servant, but it has been glorified by its natural union with the
J uncreated, even in the moment of its conception by the Virgin. In this it did not
change from being something formed into being uncreated, but it was united
with the uncreated; and being God by union with God, it is uncreated insofar
as it is God. And since it did not become the Father's body-for the Father did
\
E not become corporeal- therefore it is never called unbegotten: it is neither
unbegotten in its own nature, just as it is not begotten of God, nor has it become
unbegotten by union. As Son, it is begotten [of God], through union with the
Son who is begotten by natural union and from the beginning.

g.

g.

n
 •
554 JIPOJ; TOYJ; IIPO<PEPONTAJ; TINA TQN 'AJIOAINAPIOY

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18 23 (a7r€pp.a -roO Llau{o) Rom.1.3; 2 Tim. 2.8 26 (7rpo :4.{3paaµ) cf. Joan. 8.58

2 15 Apollinarius Laodieenus, Contra Diodorum I, 14: fragmentum hie prirno inventum (=

frag. 140: Lietzmann 241, 11. 3-13) 16 Apollinarius Laodieenus, ibid. 27: fragmentum hie
primo inventum (=frag. 14 1: Lietzmann 241, 11. 14-17) 17 Apollinarius Laodicenus, ibid.
61: fragmentum hie primo inventum (= frag. 142: Lietzmann 41, 11. 18-26) 18 Apollinarius
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 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 555

15. And in the first book against Diodore, after the section on the Trinity, in
chapter 14, he says:
What was outstanding and wonderful and unique, what has not happened a
second time, was the union of God to flesh. Your soul can never accept this, nor
can the souls of those who led you to this impiety and lack of faith proper to
Antichrist. You make sport ofthe supreme union, and say that the characteristics
of God and the characteristics of the flesh no longer remain if there is union,
but rather that David destroys the supreme union, if we confess the supreme
union in the flesh taken from David.
16. And in the twenty-seventh chapter he says:
You are annoyed, it seems, because we do not accept the idea that he who was
of David's seed received immortality by God's grace. And if we are asked for the
reason, we say: because of the supreme union.
17. Again in the sixty-first chapter:
And he is not ashamed to say the nature is the same, but the generation is
different- even though it is silly and superfluous to introduce [the idea of]
virginal conception, if that which is begotten is not worthy of such a begetting,
but is the same as those begotten of man and woman-and to jest at the supreme
union as being the supreme impiety, although the holy Scriptures clearly
indicate it: they neither suggest that the human destroys God, nor do they
overturn the human by the divine.
18. And in the second book against the same Diodore, in chapter 22, he says
this:
And since you ask us to answer how that which is of the divine essence is the
seed of David, hear that it happened by incarnation. How is the created
uncreated? By being united to the uncreated. How is the fruit of David's womb
creator of the world? By being united to the creator. How is he who comes from
Abraham before Abraham? By being united to him who is before Abraham.
 556 IIPOE TOYE IIPO<l>EPONTAE TINA TQN 'AJIOAINAPIOY

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10 OiKalws 7TW5 rO 0.Krtarov Tfj 7Tpoa7Jyop{q. r~s KTtaTTjs aapKbs ~vwTat.
[CJ 20 Kat Ev Tfj dvaKEcpalt.atWaEt TOiJ aVToVA.6yov cpYJalv·
E t,.o A'oyos aaps
I c wvoµaaTat
' >:'I \ ., ,, I \ I '
ota T7JV Evwaiv, E1TETat Kat TYJV aapKa
,
A oyov , 'r e , " . \::''A'
~, ., , .,
ovoµa1;,EG al oia T1}V EVWGLV· ws 0€ oyos, DVTW Kat aKTlGTOS-
oVx DTt µ0 EKTtaTat, d!t.A' DTt A6yos EK Tijs EvWaEws d7TEcpdv87].
15 21 11dlt.iv Et1Js oVTws cp71aiv.
rn
~6S
)I e ' ',\ f
av pw1TOL TDLS a oyois sq.Jots oµoovatot KaTa TD awµa To a oyov,
}' I r f I I ..., I ",\

• , \::',
ETEpoovaioi oE
, ",\ , ., , • K' , , • ,
Ka 8 o oytKDt, ovTw Kat o vptos, av 8pw1Tots oµoovatos
>I
wv KaTaI T1)V
I I
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ETEpoovatos '
EGTLV Ka 8' 0"A oyos
I
KatI OEOS.
Cl I

[DJ 22 Ll.al
'T ' >
EV av AA oytaTLKq_J
' AoyqJ,
I
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~ / " r "
OVTa EVOVTat, 1)"
>I\::' '1 ' f >:' f I " I I(;;
20 ElOEl 1) oµovotq., uvo f-lEVEl <p7JGlV TaoE·
'Q pyavov KatI TOI KlVOVV " I
µtav 1
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a1TOTE,\" ' 1
ElV EVEpJIElaV· ovi'\;'.'\
OE

2 19 Apollinarius Laodicenus, ibid. 36: fragmentwn hie primo inventum (= frag. 144:
Lietzmann 242, ll.1-12)
20 Apollinarius Laodicenus, ibid. summariwn: fragmentum hie primo inventum (= frag.
145, Lietzmann 242, 11.13-17)
21 Apollinarius Laodicenus, ibid. fragmentum primo apud Theodoretum, Eran. II, Test. 97
(184,11. 19-21) inventwn (= frag.146: Lietzmann 242,11.18-22; frag.126: Lietzmann 238,ll. 8-12)
22 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Opus Syllogisticum contra Diodorum ad Heracleum: fragmentum
hie primo inventum (= frag. 117, 11. 3-5: Lietzmann 235, 1. 26-236, 1. 2). Cf. etiam: Justn., Ctr.
Mon., Test. 62 (17, 11. 9-11); Syn Lat. (320, 11. 37-8; cf. 436, Test. 78-9, 1. 195: cit. ab Anastasio
Antioeheno); Doctr. Patr. 12, XX (77, ll. 11-14); Cone. Const. III, 10 (449 Dl3-E3; i); huius textus
etiam mentionem fecit Ambrosius, De Incarnationis Domini Sacramento 6, 51 (CSEL 79, 250,
ll. 50-1)

V 2 19 6 <Ov6µaaiv> add. Lietzmann 7 npoaayopEVaoµEv V, corr. Mai

8 EKE{vw V"'
21 16, dJs om. Thdt. 17 KVpios: BEOs Thdt. (Oct. cod. J) 18 @EOs: O.v8pw1ToS
Thdt. cod. V
22 21 ante EvEpyEiav add. T~V Justn., Syn. Lat., Cone. Const. III, Doctr. Patr. oV: El Justn.,
Cone. Const III; J}v Syn. Lat, Doctr. Patr. <rP cod. E)
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 557

19. And in the thirty-sixth chapter of the same book:

But letthe one who talks such nonsense explain how what is united in a unity
of person with God is not God along with him. How is what is united to the
uncreated in a living union not uncreated along with him? If the names they are
called are not shared, that which is combined will amount to nothing, and it
would be most illogical of all, if we call what is incorporeal by the names of a
body, saying that the Word became flesh, but do not call the body by the name
of the incorporeal-though [only] because of its union with it. And if he
wonders how the created is united in name with the uncreated, much more
justly will someone else wonder how the uncreated shares in the name of
created flesh.
20. And in the summary of the same book he says:
If the Word is called flesh because of the union, it follows that the flesh will
be called Word because of the union; like the Word, it is also [called] uncreated-
not because it was not created, but because the Word is revealed by the union.
21. Again, he next says:
As men are of the same substance as irrational animals as far as their
irrational body is concerned, but of a different substance as far as they have
reason, so the Lord, too, being of the same substance as men in the flesh, is of a
different substance insofar as he is Word and God.
22. And in the syllogistic work which begins, "If two beings are united, either
in form or in agreement, they remain two;' he says the following:
The instrument and the mover generally produce one activity. If a being
 558 IIPOE TOYE IIPO<PEPONTAE TINA TQN'AIIO!lINAPIOY
1
f-lla YJt evepyeia,
' I I
µ.ia KatI YJt ovaia·
' I I
µta I
apa ova ta I
yeyovev TOV"11'oyov Kat' Tovo >t '

Opycfvov.
23 IIdAiv Ev Oia/\.6yq.i oV ~ &px0. "BeOv 0O.vBpwtrov /\.Eye is T0v XpiarOv";
f-LET 0
, ',\' 1 "
iya Ta 7TpwTa EpWTYJGUVTOS' TOV Ol EVUVTtas,
' 1 ,.... <;:>, ' / "Kat1 ,... 1
7TWS' TO awµa
"

£Jj I I \;' I I \:' I " ' I > I <I

5 oEOS' Kat OY)f.llOVpyos Kat UEG7TOT'T]S' ; U7TEKptvaro El1TWV OTl·

t
BeoV aWp.a Kai 877µ.iovpyoD Kal Oea?T6rov
I '>' > I I Cl I e r0v Ev6r11ra Exov, ~v oVx
evpr;Kaµ.ev ovaav av pwnov 7rpos oeov.
[1969 A] 24 IIa,\iv EV ,\oyqi ov 0apx~' "y(j 7T{anw; ayaBov cpv,\atwµ,<v:'
cpYjalv oVrw, 1TEpi rd rl.AYJ·
10
"AB,\ tot OT)
.t:i
\:' I I "
Kat OVTWS' TU1TElVOl TUS' 'f'vxas, Ol TO OVTW aeµ,vov Kat
I I ,/, 1 ~ 1 <1 I I /
µeya
Kat' 1TayKoaµ.iov
' aE',B aaµa µ.tKpov
' 17yovµ.evot.
' '
<AEONTIOY·> :4116xpYJ Kal TaVra <8elgao rols µ.0 A/av dyvdJµ,oat ToiJ
ri7TO tvaptov ElVal TaS' E7T ovoµ,aTt ov lOV <:pEpOfLEVUS'
'A ,\ I ,,. 'T \ ,\' ' ,' ' I '
E7TlGTO ,\'aS", 1T,\'YJV
cbv :4.BavclatoS' Kal ol laToptKol p.Ep.VYJVTat aVToV €1TtaToA.Wv. 0[ ydp aVToiJ
' ' ,ivaptov
15 .t-i7TO \ ' µ,a 8 YJTUt' 1Ta
, \atOTEpot' 7raVTWV
I "
TWV TaVTatS' I
XPYJGUfLEVwv- I

' I ) " ( ' '> ,\I ! ) I I ) ,/, I )

ov µ,ovov U7TOGXtG'TWV TWV -10V lOV, WS' ElKOS', TaVTUS' E7Ttypa-raVTWV'
',\,\I \ " ' ~ I c ' I e
a a Kat rwv op ouoswv Etatv, wv ot TTJ E7Ttypa<:pYJ avvap7TayEvTES', op WS'
1' ' " ' " I ' e'
TaVTaS'I
KatI VOEtV
" >
Kat' , \ EYElVYJVEX ' > <;:- I I
YJGav,otarorov7Tpoaw1Tov " I e) C I
as t07TtGTOV-
a",\,\WS' TE Kat' 7TaVTWV
>
p.a',\,\ ov 'TWV ' '
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20 roiJ l8{ov €7T{araa8at OiOaaKdA.ov.
[BJ "Iva 8~ p.l] µ,6vov EK rJ]S' µ,aprvpiaS" TWv µ,aBYJrWv roVS" aVToV
' '
E1TtyivwaKOfLEV ,\ oyovS",
' Kav" TE 'Tov',\ tov, Kav ,, TE I'pYJyoptov,I Kav " TE ri"18 avaaiov '
i/iEvOWs TtVES' aVrols E7Ttypd<:pwatv, &A.Ad Kal EK Tijs avyyEvE{as TWv A.Oywv
Kat ToV xapaKrijpos, <:pEpe 7Tp0s Os ol 1TpOElpYJfLEVot aVroiJ µ,aBYJTat
25 1Tap~yayov aVToV xp~aEtS A.6ywv, Kal OA.oreA.ElS" aVToiJ Kat OA.oKA~povs
7Tapa8wµ,<v ,\6yovs, 7rp6<; T<,\<wTUT1)V 7T,\1)pocpop{av Twv cpi,\a,\118w<;
> ~
)
EVTvyxavovrwv TYJS' EV TOVTOlS' TE KatI TOtS
I ,.. ,/, "
-rEVOE1Ttypa<:pOtS TUVTOTYJTOS. I I I

23 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Dialogus (?): fragmentum hie primo inventum (= frag. 157:
Lietzmann 249, ll. 14-20)
24 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Sermo (?): fragmentum hie primo inventum (= frag.
156: Lietzmann 249, ll. 9-12)

V 2 22 1 y€yovEv ante oVa{a transp. Doctr. Patr. 1-2 ToiJ Opy6.vov; Tijs aapKOs
Justn., Syn. Lat.,Doctr. Patr.
ScholionLeontii 12 <AEONT!OY> addidi <0El~ai> addidi 18 0v€x871aav: faws
~vEax€871aav conj. inmarg.VTorres 23 ETTLyp6.cpovaiv V, corr. Mai 24 Cts: afsV
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 559

has one activity, it has one essence. Therefore the essence of the Word and its
instrument has become one.
23. Again in the Dialogue which begins, "Do you say Christ is God or man?';
after some preliminaries, the adversary asks, ''And how is the body God and
creator and master?" He answers that:
The body of God, the creator and master, has a unity, which we do not find in
a man related to God.
24. Again in the work entitled, "Let us preserve the good of faith;' he says
this, towards the end:
They are wretched and truly unfortunate in spirit, who consider such a
venerable and great mystery, regarded with awe by all creation, to be a small
thing.

< Leontius:> This is enough, for those who are uot overly stupid, [to show] that
the letters circulated under the name of Julius are by Apollinarius, except for
those of his letters whichAthanasius aud the historians record. For the disciples
of Apollinarius himself are prior to all the others who cite them-including not
only the schismatics (who wrote these works under Julius's name, as it seems),
but also the orthodox, who were carried away by the title and believed that they
were correct in thought and language, because of the credibility of the person.
In any case, it is likely that they [the Apollinarians], more than all the orthodox,
know the words of their own teacher.
And so that we might recognize his words not only from the testimony of
disciples, whether they falsely entitle them by the name of Julius or Gregory or
Athanasius, but from the similarity and distinctive style of the language, now, in
addition to those excerpts of his works which the aforementioned disciples
produced, let us present complete and entire works, to convince fully those
lovers of the truth who read them of the identity between their content and that
of the forgeries.
 560 IIPOE TOYE IIPO<PEPONTAE TINA TQN'AIIOAINAPIOY

[3] )!JIOAINAPIOY. 'EK JIAAAIOY 'ANTII'PA<POY

'EYPE6JENTOE 'EN Tlf BIBAI06JHKlf TOY THE
EUJQNIQN 6JEO<PIAEETATOY'EIIIEKOIIOY 'ANJPEOY
[C] Kvp{ois Tlf1.lWTcfTots ErriaK67TOlS Tot's Ev dtoKataapE{q. Ev Kvp{c.µ xalpElV,
5
,. ,
~
II poaEOOKWf.t.EV, I "' '
ypaµµ,aTa TlfLYJS U7TOGTEll\UVTES, OfLOlWS TEVsEa ai
8 I\ ( I It,

TTapd Tijs VµeTEpas dy6.7TYJS, KVptot TtµtWTaTOt, olwv dei 7Tapd Toi]
µ,aKap{ov J77iaK67TOV l48avaa{ov, el86TOS' ~µii-:; Kai rols 86yµ,aai
I > "' \ I 8 'I
avµrpwvovs aVT<f:J Kat 1TEpt 'TTUVTa 7TEl YJVlOVS.
''E1TEl\ OE
<::- I > >
OUK aVTEypaipaTE,
I,/,

8td roiiro i\oyiucfµevot µ.rj 7TOTE rd µijKos rijs €7TtGToA:ijs oV aacpij r~v
10 yvWµYJV ~p.Wv KarEarYJGEV Vp.lv, l8oV aarpWs ypdrpoµev dK6i\ov8a re{>
,.., ~ ~ !\ t "' I' "' \I ~\ "' I "' 8'
KOlV<p utuaaKUllq_J vµwv TE Kat 'Y}fLWV· l\E')IW UE ravTa 1TEpt TYJS' Etas
I > ~ 1 I
aapKWGEWS', E7TEto77 TOVTWV EVE Ka 7TO/\US
\I
<I 8opvt-JDS,
I Q > 'I:. ~ " 8'
OUK Es 71µ.wv KlVYJ EtS,
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,, ETEpwv,
' ' [DJ 1TEpl' WV• atW1TW. 'Hf-LElS' OfLOl\Oyovµ,ev OVK ELS av 8pw-rrov
A A ' \ A , , "

&yiov Etri8e87]µ:ryKEvai rOv ToV BeoV A6yov, 07Tep ?jv Ev 7Tpocp~Tats, dAA'
15 aVTDv TDv A6yov a&pKa yeyev~a8at, µ,~ dvetA7]<p6Ta voVv dv8pdJ1Ttvov,
Y'
vovv TPE1Toµ,evov Kat aixµ,aAWTt1;,oµ,evov
A ' , , \ \ " pv7rapois,
llD}'taµ,ois ' " 'al\Aa
"'8" eiov
>I "" >I ) / \:' \ \ ''>:'I )
ovra vovv, arpE1TTOV, ovpavtov· uto Kat ov awµ,a a..,.,vxov, ovue avaia 17rov, I
) 8 ,... "./,

oUSE dv61Jrov elxev 0 X:wr~p-oVOE ydp ol6v re ~v, roV Kvp{ov Oi' ~µUs
, 8pw1ToV
av I I
yeyEVYJfLEVov, ' I
aVOYJTOV 5' I ..... ' ,.., Y''
Etvat ro awµ,a avrov- tos TE wv
"
20 ''8" ' ' ' ' 8 ' '
Ul\Yj ws TOV OEOV, yeyove Kat VlOS av pw1TOV• Kat µ,ovoyEVYJS WV
" £ J i " ' ' " Y "
LOS TOV I A

BeoV, y€yovev 0 aVrOs- Kal 7rpwr6roKOS Ev ?ToAAols dOeA.cpols-. .1t0 oUOE

.,
ETEpos
"''
YJV ''AP
0 7Tp0 fj_~paaµ
I Y''
lOS' TOV"ful "'" C:-'' l>A(.l •\\•'t'
6-EOV, ETEpos- OE 0 fJ-ETa fltJpaaµ, al\/\ ElS'
I

T<fAeios- TOD @eoU Movoyev1Js-, TiA.eios- OE 8e{q, TEAei6T1JTl Kal oVK

dv8pw7Tlvn. Tols- [1972 A]TaVTa cppovoVaiv DµoA.oyoVµev Koivwvelv· Tols-
25 OE TdvavTla <ppovoVai Kal yp6.cpovaiv oV Kotvwvo-Uµev.

[4] TOY )!YTOY· 'EK THE KATA MEPOE JIIETEQE

Scholion ad [3], 11.10-11, -r0 Kolv0 8i8aaKdA(f?: 7TEpl -roV dylov J18avaalov V (L'1)

3 Apollinarius Laodicenus, Epist. ad Episcopos Diocaesarienses: epistula hie primo inventum

(Lietzmann255,L 15-256, 1. 17)
4 Apollinarius Laodicenus (Ps.-Gregorius Thaumaturgus), Fides secundum Partem, 30-1
(Lietzmann 178, 1.8-179, 1. 10).Cf.etiam

V 3 4 iJloKataap{q, V 17 ante oiopdvtov add. Kai Mai

4 27 ante €7TEl8~ add. Kal Apoll. 7Tap17vWx>.riaav V"" dva-rp,7TElV ... -r~v els: €7T'
dva-rpo7Tfl xwpoVv-rE<; -rfj<; 7TlaTEW<; ~µ,Wv -rfjs El<; Apoll. cod. M
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 561

III. BY APOLLINARIUS: FROM AN ANCIENT

COPY FOUND IN THE LIBRARY OF THE MOST HOLY
BISHOP ANDREW OF SIDON

To the reverend lord bishops in Diocaesarea, greeting in the Lord.

We expected, after sending you letters of respect, to receive similar letters
from your love, my reverend sirs, such as we always received from the blessed
bishop Athanasius, who knew that we were in agreement with his teachings and
were obedient on all points. But since you have not replied, we therefore
concluded that the length of our epistle did not clearly establish our opinion for
you; see, then, we write clearly here what would agree with your common
teacher and mine. I say these things about the Incarnation, even though there is
a great disturbance about what I say-not begun by us, but by others, about
whom I will be silent. We confess that the Word of God did not dwell in a holy
man, as happened with the prophets, but that the Word himself became flesh,
not taking up a human mind, a mind capable of change and held captive by
filthy thoughts, but a mind that was divine, changeless, heavenly; thus the Savior
did not have a body without a soul, nor one incapable of perception or thought
-for it would have been impossible, since the Lord became man for us, that his
body was without intelligence; but being truly Son of God, he also became son
of man. And being the Only-begotten Son of God, the same one became the
first-born of many brethren. Therefore the Son of God before Abraham was not
different from him who was after Abraham, but one perfect Only-begotten of
God-perfect with a divine and not a human perfection. We confess that we
share communion with those who think this way; but we do not communicate
with those who think and write the opposite.

IV. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: FROM "FAITH IN DETAIL"

Since some have caused us annoyance, by trying to upset our faith

 562 llPOE TOYE llPO<t>EPONTAE TINA TQN'All011INAPIOY

1T{GTlV ~µ,Wv, r~v Els T0v KVpiov 'I77a0Dv XpiaTDv Ws- BeOv aapKw8€vTa,
) I
a1TocpaivovTES )
avrovI
av 8pw1Tov oecy
fu> '
avvacp 8'evra, rovTov
I I
xaptv ~
>I \ I
0µ011oyiav
' 8 \"' I I '/31\\ \>I
1T0l0Vf1-E a 1TEpl TY)S 1Tp0Elp7Jf-LEVYJS 1TlGTEW5, EK Ul\l\OVTES TYJV Q7TlGTOV
) \ I I I l I l ,... I I \ I <I ful I
QVTll\OytaV Kat TOV EV1Tp0GW1TOV QVT1)5 GXTJf-LUTlGfLOV, TO llEYElV OTl OEOS
5 ~v liv8pw7TOV OAov dvaAa(3Wv, €?Tet8~1TEp OAos av8pw1TOS oV Ka8ap0s
dµapr{as Ev rfj TTapoVan 'wfl, Ka rd rds I'pacpds, Sul rO µ~ 8Vvaa8ai rals
8e{ais Evepye{ais els raVrOv &yeiv rds- EavroV, Kat ~td roVro oVO~
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8 t \)I
10 7TU r;µ,arwv, Kat aywv Tl]V aapKa Kal TaS aapKLKas KLVYJUELS
I I I I I I 8ELKWS
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8avarov. Kat EUTLV ELS Ul\Yj 8lVOS , 0 aaapKOS
,,I , ,, 8 , ,,
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- Ul\Yj
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~' <pVUElS TE/\ELUL
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KaB' EavTds, 0Tt

Scholion ad 4, 11 13-14, oV 8Vo 1Tp6aw1Ta ... Ka8' EavTds: Td d>s dtTO I'pTJyoptov ToV
eavµaTovpyofJ v1To TWv 'AKE<pdAwv 1TpO<pEp6µEva v (E1)

5-6 (O'Ao< ii.vOpw"°' ... cf. Job 14.4, 33.9 (LXX) ~wfi):
4 p. 560, 1. 27-p. 562, l.12 (J.,,,.3~ ... Oavorov): Sev. Ant., Antijul. Ill (78, 1. 9-79, 1.3: tr. 66, ll.
21-5; ut Greg.1haum.); II. 8-10 (61E0s ... 1TU87]µd'Twv): ibid. (82,11.12-15; tr. 69, 11.11-14; ut Greg.
Thaum.); n. 11-p. 564i 14 (oV µOvov ... Tt8iv'Tas): Cone. Chalc., Coll Navar. 9, 4 (ACO IL 2, 39,
11. 31-6; ut Greg. Thaum.);11.12-p. 564,l.1 (Kal EaTiv ... 1TpoaKvvEiv): Eulog., Or. 3(23,11.16-19;
ut Apoll., etiamsi Greg. Thaum. attributum); 11. 9-p. 220, I. 3 (Kal EaTiv ... riyiov): Leant. Jer., Ctr.
Mon. (1873 Cll-15; ut Greg. Thaum.);11. 12-p. 564,l. 4 (Kal EaTiv ... 1"i8,vTas): Sev.Ant.,AdNeph.
2(19,1. 23-20, I. I: tr.15, 11. 21-6: ut Greg. Thaum.): Antijul.1 (114,ll.16-21: tr. 88, ll. 22-7; ut Greg.
Thaum.); ibid. (262, I. 24-263, I. 5; tr. 202, ll.17-23; ut Greg. Thaum.); ibid. Ill (75,l. 22-76,l. 2; tr.
63,ll.29-34;ut Greg. Thaum.);ibid. (80,ll.2-7; tr.67,ll. 8-13: ut Greg. Thaum.);11. 12-p. 564,1. 9 (Kai
la'Tiv ... XptaToiJ): Sev. Ant., Ctr. Gram. I, 9 (99, I. 23-100, 1. 8; tr. 78, H.15-25; ut Greg. Thaum.);
ibid. III, 41 (289,11. 10-20; tr. 213, 11. 12-21; ut Greg. Thaum.)

V 4 1 post KVpiov add. ~µWv Apoll., Sev. Ant. ante XptaTOv add. T0v Apoll. cod.V Ws:
oU Apoll., Sev. Ant. 2 dtTo<pa{vovTES: OµoAoyoVvTES Apoll., Sev. Ant. post aUTOv add.
d,\A' Apoll., Sev. Ant. 6lE0 om. Apoll. cod. M 4-8 Kal ... 8avdTov om. Apoll. Sev.
Ant. 8 @Eds . . . dv8pw1TE{q.: eeOs ydp aapKw8els dv8pw1T{V[j aapKl Apoll. Sev.
Ant. 9 aapKtKWv Kal i/;vxiKWv Apoll. cod. B.M. Syr. Add. 14597 10 liywv: dy{wv
Apoll. cod. M 12 post 8dvaTov add. "et mors est mortis" Cone. Chalc. els: 6lE0s Apoll.,
Cone. Chalc., Sev.Ant., Leont. Jer., Eulog. 0 &.aapKos ... cpavEpw8Eis om. Sev.Ant.Antijul.I, III
(63) 12-13 TE'AEios ... TEAei6TY)Tt om. Sev. Ant. Antijul III (80) 13 8e{q.
TEAEi6TY)Tt: TEAE{q. 8€6T7]Tt Apoll. cod. M oU 8i)o 1Tp6aw1Ta om. Leant. Jer. oU2: oV8E- Apoll.,
Eulog. 13-p. 564, l. 1 T'Aeiai ... AE'yEiv om. Apoll., Cone. Chalc., Sev. Ant., Leont. Jer.,
Eulog.
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 563

in the Lord Jesus Christ as God made flesh, asserting that he is a man joined to
God, we therefore made profession of this faith we have mentioned, rejecting
what would contradict it as lack of faith, even with its attractive form: saying
that God was assuming a whole man. Our reason, surely, is that the whole man
is not free from sin in this present life, according to the Scriptures, because he is
unable to bring his own activity into harmony with God's, and is therefore not
free from death. But God, united to human flesh, preserves his own activity
pure, being mind unconquered by spiritual and fleshly passions; he leads the
flesh and the actions of the flesh in a godly and sinless way, not only unmastered
by death, but even destroying death.And he is truly one, fleshless but appearing
in flesh; perfect with a true and divine perfection; not two persons, nor two
perfect natures in themselves, because
 •
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5 Apollinarius Laodicenus (Ps.-Gregorius Thaumaturgus), ibid. 27-9 (Lietzmann 176,
I. 19- 177, I. 12 et 178, U. 4-7) ll. 18-20 (oµ.oAoyovµ.Ev .. . llap8£vov): c£ etiam Thdt., Eran. I,
Test.68 (110, 11.24- 5)

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 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 565

it is wrong to speak of two sons, nor to adore four [persons]-God, and the Son
of God, and the son of man, and the Holy Spirit-nor to glorify a human being
before the Holy Spirit, and therefore we anathematize as impious those who put
a man in the holy doxology after God and the Son, before the Spirit. We say that
the whole man is taken up by God to save each of us, who are made holy and
receive the lik~ness of the heavenly man, and are divinized so that we become
like him who is truly God by nature, and who is man according to the flesh, our
Lord Jesus Christ.

V. <BY THE SAME AUTHOR:> FROM THE

CHAPTER BEFORE THIS

We confess one true God as sole ruler, and one Son, true God from true God,
having his Father's divinity by nature-in other words, who is of the same
substance as the Father-and one Holy Spirit in truth and by nature, who makes
all things holy and divine, existing from the substance of God through the Son;
and we anathematize those who say that either the Son or the Holy Spirit is a
creature, and those who say that the Son or the Spirit at one time did not exist.
We confess that all things are the handiwork of God, his creatures and servants,
made through God the Son and also sanctified in the Holy Spirit. Again, we
confess that the Son of God became son of man, taking flesh from the Virgin
Mary not in name [only] but in truth, and that he is one perfect individual, not
two perfect individuals united, the same individual
 566 IIPOE TOYE IIPO<PEPONTAE TINA TQN'AIIOAINAPIOY

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6 Apollinarius Laodicenus, De Incarnatione, seu in Traditionem Renuntiationis et Fidei:

fragmentum hie primo inventum (== frag. 9: Lietzmann 206, 1.14-207, l. 4). ll. 17~ 19 (&O'livaTov
... acaapKwµ..fvris): cf. etiam Justn., Ctr. Mon., Test. 76 (19, ll. 5-7); Doctr. Patr. 9,XII (64,ll. 2-5);
Niceph.,Antirrhet. IV (2) (Spic. Sol. IV, 379, II. 26-30)

V 5 1 ante vlOv 2 add. aiiTDv Apoll. µ.{av i'.i1TOaraatv Ka/; om.Apoll. 2 post aapKDs
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 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 567

Son of God and son of man, one hypostasis and one person, and [we confess]
that there is one adoration of the Word and the flesh. And we anathematize
those who say they are two, and produce different kinds of adoration, one of a
divine and one of a human kind, and those who worship the man from Mary as
if he were a different individual alongside the God who is from God. We confess
the suffering of the Lord in the flesh, his resurrection in the power of his divinity,
his ascension into heaven, his corning glorious reappearance for the judgment
of living and dead and the eternal life of those who are made holy.

VI. BY THE SAME APOLLINARIUS: FROM

HIS WORK ON THE TRADITIONAL FORMULATIONS
OF THE RENUNCIATION [OF SIN] AND THE FAITH,
<WHICH BEGINS>, "THE DECEITFUL DEVIL HELD MAN
CAPTIVE, WHEN HE HAD FALLEN FROM GOD"

If the same individual is completely human and God, and the religious mind
does not adore the human being but adores God, it will be found to be adoring
and not adoring the same individual, which is impossible. And he himself will
not, as human, consider himself adorable-for he would not commit sin-but
as God, he will know that he is adorable. But it is impossible that the same
person should know himself to be adorable and not adorable; therefore it is
impossible that the same person is God and a human being completely. But he
exists in the singleness of a mixed nature, divine yet made flesh, so that those
who worship him contemplate God inseparable from the flesh,
 568 IIPOI: TOYI: IIPO<PEPONTAI: TINA TQN 'AIIOAINAPIOY

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15-17 (ed. P. Gallay et M. /ourjon, 92,ll. 15-24; PG 37, 333 A7-16)

V Scholion Leontii 6 <AEONTIOY> addidi 20 ante 7T6.vrwv add. TWv Greg.

Naz. 22 Td om. Greg. Naz. (txt. codd. AS" DC) 0
 --'1

Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 569

and do not contemplate one individual who is not to be adored and another
who is to be adored, nor is there in him one individual who will not allow
himself to be adored and another wbo accepts the adoration, for the salvation
of the adorers. But he is actually one, in regard to a single substance, and never
two individuals, in persons that exist by their own standards and in their own
rank.

<Leontius:> I think that anyone who is not exclusively determined to win

argnments will not think he can reasonably respond to these things any further,
but will immediately, and, so to speak, without being forced, give his allegiance
to the truth, and will acknowledge, with full conviction, that the letters or works
on the Incarnation falsely labelled with tbe names of )ulins, Gregory and
Athanasius are by Apollinarins. There is no need for us to wonder, if, of those
who follow Valentinus and those who follow Timothy, being disciples of
Apollinarius, the one group confesses the phrase "of the same substance" [i.e.
when referring to the human Christ] and the others reject it, and both contend
with one another on the authority of their master. For indeed Gregory the
Theologian, in his epistle to Nectarius, presents other, worse blasphemies of
Apollinarius, quoting from his own words: "For;' he says, "he insists that the
flesh which was assumed by the Only-begotten Son in the divine plan of
salvation was not something specially acquired, to transform our nature, but
that there was from the beginning a fleshly nature in the Son:' And again, after
some further words, he says: "And this is not so terrible, but the most grievous
thing of all is that he makes the only begotten God himself, the judge of all
things, the author of life, the overthrower of death, to be mortal, and to have
received suffering into his own very divinity, and that in that three-day death of
his body his divinity, too, became dead along with the body, and so was raised
again from death by the Father as well. As for the other things he adds to these
absurdities, it would take long to recount them:'
It is no wonder, then, if he advanced through the intermediate stage of the
lesser evil, in which he said the body is of the same substance as the divinity, to
greater irreverence, adding ignorance to ignorance and impiety to impiety.And
Timothy seems rather to belong to the group of those who were entrusted with
the hidden mysteries of impiety and fraud; for through Apollinarius's influence
he was able to get letters of introduction to the Westerners from the great
Athanasius, as one eagerly campaigning against Arius's impiety,
 •
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.tipElOV G7TOVoa.,,wv, Kat 7Tap EKELVWV WS 7TpOS E7TLGK07TOV Koµ,waa at
ypaµ,µ,a-ra . .:4,\,\' ovK Els TEAos avTov 8t€AafJEv ~ aKEvwp{a· To OEuTEpov
yap, fLETa T-Y,v 'AfJavaa{ov Ko{µ,71atv, E1TL 'Pwµ,71v 1TaAtv aTaAELS, 8€xETat
T~V TE €avTOV KafJa{pEGLV KaL TOV a7TOGTELAaVTOS .i17TOALvap£ov.
 Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 571

and to obtain writings from them for the bishop. But his intrigue did not remain
unnoticed all his life; for being sent to Rome a second time, after the death of
Athanasius, he received both his own deposition and that of Apollinarius, who
sent him.
Fragmenta Incerta
Fragments of Uncertain Authorship,
Attributed to Leontius of Byzantium
 574 Fragmenta Incerta
[1] ELOOS'
'j'~ I ' '{' " fl /3 " t I I t \I I l}>
EGTlV OlOV avupW7TOS', l1T1TOS', ovs· oµotWS' yap 0 .:..WKpaTr;s, Kau
'1

<ly I ' I l)•<ll) I ',\ I <:' I fl>"\:'' >I /l

0 sWOV EGTt,yEVOS'· Kau 0 UVYJTOS' Kat oytKOS',ota<:pEpEt, KQU 0 OE avupW7TOS',
elOos· oVTw Kal 1TdVTES' O.v8pw11ot. I'Evos OE Kai. Otacpopd Kat elOos
avµ.11 ,\ YJPWTtKaI TYJS'
" ' I
EKUGTOV ' I
ElGlV ' I
ovatas· "'I
OlO Kat\ ovaiwor;
' '"' ,\'
EJIOVTal. T'0
5
~ I
OE lOlOV
ll\:.' I
Kat TO
I
avµ
/3 E/3TJKOS', I > I " >
E7TOVGtW01), E7TEtor; V7Tapxet TlVt· TO OE
\:.' \ t I I \:.' \

av!Lf3ef3YJK0s TT6ppw V7T6.pxet, E7TetS~ 1Tfj µEv Vrr&pxei, 7Ti] SE oVx V7rdpxei·
TaVra SE Kai xwptard KaAelrat. "Eart µ,Ev oDv TD fStov '!'o yeAaaTtK6v· rO
SE avµ{3e{3r;K0s rO µEA.av, rO KtvelaBat, rO 'taraa8at, TD Ka8Tja8ai.
"
[2] T wv t I } I I I I I \ l[J
yivoµevwv eartv o GK07TOS', TD XPYJUtµov, ro 7TapaKOl\OVUYJfLU,
10 TO' YVYJGlDV,
I I(:_
YJ TUt;lS, YJ' U7TOO€tKTlKYJ
f ' "' I I
TOV" xaptV YJTOL 0171\WTtKOV
I
TOV" GK07TOV,
" >I "' \

~ alT{a, ~ J77iypacp~.
[3] 'OµooVaios BEOs A6yos rfj 1TpoaA17cp8E£an aapKl, ~ ETEpooVaios;
•A\\>
..ti/\/\
' \ ' I ,... '
Et fLEV oµoovaios, 7TWS ov yEyovE TETpas 17
I T pias,
' ' '
ETEpov I '

7TapEtaKpi0'1vTos 77poaWTTov; TO ydp OµocpvEs Kal OµooVaiov ETTi TWv 77p0s

I ) I ) fl I ) I \I I \ ,., ' I
15 µiav ovaiav avayDfLEVWV aTOfLWV l\EyEauai 1TECf>VKE, Kat TWV V1TOGTUGEWV
rWv V7TO TO E'v Kal TO aVTO ElSos dvacpEpoµEvwv TO Op.ooVaiov KaT17yopELTat.
El oi5v Op.ooVaios 0 BEOs A6yos Tfj aapKi, SVo EaTat LJ77oaT6.aEis· El SE
ETEpoovaios 11 aaps TOV"ful
' 1
OEOV"A oyov, 7TWS ov DVD cpvaELS 0'x ptaTos;
' I (:_ ' I ,.,, '"'I I

) fu1 I l} I x
[4] E L 0-EOS Kat avupW7TOS Kat Kau up.as 0 ptGTOS fLETa T17v EVWUlV
>I I {ll ' " f I I I <I

20 WµoA6y17Tat, oV Tfl aVTfj SE cpVaEt fl Eari 0E0s, TaVTTJ EaTi Kai Uv8pw7Tos, s
TTWs oV SVo cpVaEtS aTs BEOs Kai UvOpw7ToS 0 XptaTDs; t
f

'
4
ti
ti

[1 J Cp. Ammonius Hermeiou, In Porphyrii Isagogen (ed. A. Busse. Commentaria in Aristotelem

Graeca IV, 3 (Berlin, 1891)), 32, L 2-33, L 16
[2] Cp. Ammonius Hermeiou, ibid. 21, ll. 8-9
[4] Cp. Leontius Byzantinus,Epaporemata 20 (supra, p. 324,ll. 6-9)

[I] Excerpta Leontina 18 (infra, p. 583, 1115-22)

[2] Ibid.I9(infra,p.584,ll.l-3)
[3] Nicetas Choniates, Thesaurus X (cod. Oxon. Thomas Roe 22, f. 22ov) [4] Ibid.

[1] hewpmrd (= A) 1 Ei8os ... ~oDs om. m 1-2 KaO' 82: KaO' 8v m
4 EiaLv: ta-riv r 7 Ea-ri µEv: Ea-ri µ,Os r; €-ri µds m
[2] hewpmrd (= A) 9 yivwµ.,Evwv wp 10 -rEtis m -roijl om. rd ~To•: ~
-rOv m ;oV2 om.m. , ,11 ~ alTla: Laws~ aiTlas conj.scriptor inmarg.d
[3] Roe22 15 ovaiascod.
 Fragments of Uncertain Authorship 575

1. A species is something like a human being, a horse, an ox; in the same way,
Socrates, inasmuch as he is a living thing, is a genus, but insofar as he is mortal
and rational, he is differentiated, and insofar as he is a human being, he is a
species. Genus and difference and species complete the substance of each being;
therefore they are said to be "substantial:' The proper characteristic and the
accident are said to be added on to the substance, since they exist for someone.
Further, the accident exists in that it exists in some places and not in others;
these are called "separable'' [characteristics]. An example of a proper
characteristic is being able to laugh; of an accident, being black, moving,
standing up, sitting down.

2. To contingent things, we can ascribe a goal, usefulness,side-effects,legitimacy,

arrangement, features that demonstrate the purpose or clarify the goal, an
explanation, a responsible author.

3. Is God the Word consubstantial with the flesh he took on, or of a different
substance? If he is of the same substance, how did the Trinity not become a
tetrad, with yet another person judged to be added to it? For being of the same
origin and consubstantial is usually predicated of individuals referred to one
substance, and "consubstantial" is predicated of hypostases which are referred
to one and the same species. If, then, God the Word is consubstantial with the
flesh, there will be two hypostases [i.e., named 'Son']; but if the flesh of God the
Word is of a different substance, why is Christ not two natures?

4. If Christ, even in your view, is confessed to be God and a human being after
the union, but is not also human in the same nature in which he is God, how are
there not two natures, by which Christ is God and a human being?
 576 Fragmenta Incerta

[5] El EK BE6TYjTOS Kal dvBpw1T6TYjTOS A.Eyoµ,ev T0v XptaTOv

8 '8 at, Kal'''>:''
GVVTE ELG , . . . EGTt
aotarpopov vµ,tv , TO' '
EK8EOTYjTOS
' Kat'av
'8 ,
pw1TOTYjTO:;
AEyEtv TDv XptaTOv, 7{ TD Kw/\Vov Vµ,&.s, Ev 8e6TYjTt Kal dvBpw7T6TYjTt T0v
XptaTDv OµoAoyoVvTas, Ev SVo cpVaeaiv aVTOv dKoAovBWs Oµ.o.AoyElv, El
s 00 1TE1TAaaf.LEvov Kai µEB' V7ToKplaEws rO Ev BE6TY)Tt Kai dvBpw1T6TYJTt
rEAEtov Oµ,oAoyelv 7rpoa1Totela8E;

[5] Cp. Leontius Byzantinus, Epaporemata 3 (supra, p. 314, ll. 11-15)

[5] Nicetas Choniates, Thesaurus X (cod. Oxon. Thomas Roe 22, f. 22ov)

[5] Roe 22 3 VµEis: ~µEis cod. 6 npoa7rOtEi:a8ai cod.

 Fragments of Uncertain Authorship 577
5. If we say that Christ is put together from divinity and humanity, and it is
equally acceptable, in your view, to say Christ is from divinity and humanity,
what is there to prevent you, since you confess Christ in divinity and humanity,
to confess as a result that he is in two natures-unless this is all a front, and you
are only pretending to confess that he is perfect in his divinity and his humanity?
 •

Appendix III. Excerpta Leontina 5

'AIIO TQN /lEONTIQN

10
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(' Kal EVV1TOUTaTOV, WU1T€p €T€pov
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OVUtaV· Kat Y"/ /J-EV V7TOUTaUtS 1Tp0UW1TOV a<popl':,El 'TOlS xapaKT17ptU7'lKOlS
>~ I I ~I > I I I 1' > \ Q Q I ~ \ ~ <I )
tolwµ,aat, 'TO 0€ €VV1TOU'Ta'TOV TO µ,17 ElVaL aVTO avµ,_,€,.,Y"/KOS 0171\0L, 01TEp EV
t I ti \ J t ,... l!<ol

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t I
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20 /\Oyos TOV E vat KOlVOS• V7TOUTUUEWS OE opos 11 Ta KaTa 7'Y"/V <pVUtV f-LEV
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> I > ~ ~ I ~
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11 Ta EK otacpopwv cpvaEWV GVVEU'TW'Ta,
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I ~\ ~ ~l I fl I> >\\I\ I fl I I
TY"/V OE TOVE vat KOLVWVlaV aµ,a TE KaL EV a111\17/\olc:; KEKTTJf-LEVa· OV7'W YE 'TOl
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cp17µ,t KOlVWVOVVTa 7'0V El Vat, ovx ws UV/J-7TllY"/PWTLKa TY"/S Ul\l\Tjl\WV ovatas,
01TEp EU'TlV LOEtV E1TL 7'WV OVULWV

[1 ] CNE 1: supra,p.132, 1.19-p.134,l. 20

[l ] hewpmrd (= 11) 2 TQN AEONTIOY d AEONTIQN: 11EONTINQN e

1 post -ra&elv add. Ji oii-roi VOG 2 post 0€ add. y£ OG 4 OTT£p: OTLTT£P m;
8 VOG 7 7rp&.yµa-ros: TTpayµa -rel d; 7rpayµa VOG cL\,\' a£i: &,\,\d. £1 d post &,\>.'
add. 8 v 9 &t\.,,Bws: at\-ri8is v 10 ds: £l d -rel: -relv r 11 /L~ Elvo.1 post
&ax-riµ&.na-rov transp. G <Myoi> addidi ex VOG 12 avv&.y£1 l1 (txt. VOG) -ref;
om. OG 13 post £t71 add. TTOTE VOG 15 o~K lan: o~K,TL VOG Kat2 om. G
post cpvais3 add. ~ r" 16 €m8'x£-rai: lmoO,XETo.L wp au-rel: fou-rel 0; .fau-relv
VG 17 µ€v:µdsrm O"fJAWnKelvhewpmd;o"f}AOnKelvr(txt.VOG) 19 auv-r6TTws
............ Lt.·-··-~· '°1...1~ ... ., ,.!,, ...... ' rnr.. ~,!.. ,,.._,.., 'rnr. ?? h;\;\~An11c- rm
 Appendix III 579

Kai TWV OVULUJOWS KaT' aVTWV KaT'Y/yopovp.ivwv, WS ~EV awµaTL 1TOL6T'Y/S,

\ I \ I <I >I <I \ > >I\ \ ~ \ \ ~ \ > \ ,/, ~
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UXEUEL (}EwpOVf-LEVOS.
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I

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' ' (} I ,/, I ' ' \ \ \ \ '

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awµan
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aV'T'Y/V ELvai 7TaUXEL TaV'Ta, a111la OLa TO 7TE<pVK€VaL 7TaaxELv KaL
I ' \ \ I \ \ I I \

20 xwpl~ aWµa10~.

[2] CNE2:supra,p.138,ll.10-11
(3] CNE 3: supra,p. 140, I. 12-p.142, I. 3

VOG,hewpmrd (=A) [l ] 1- 2 ws .. . µ.1).av6T'TJS: 1TOt6'T'TJ'TES OE aorni KaAOVV'TaL-

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ante EV awµ.arL iter. d; om. e 7TUCJXEt: 1TUCJXELV r
 580 Appendix III
[4] uon app'Y)TO<; OVTW<; EUTt Kat avEVVO'Y)TO<; fLOV'Y) ~ KaT' ovalav TE Kat
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\
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't t I ""' > J I ) ,... >! I

e I
KEXP'Y)µ,anKaaL yap EOt TE KaL VLOL ltfl'Eov KaL 1TVEvµ,aTa ayta, KaTa TO
\ I \ ( \fu\ A \ I q \ \<C(
o
KoAAwµ,Evoc; T<j> Kvp{f.tl €v 1TVEvµ,6. lanv:'

[4] CNE7:supra,p.164, ll.16-19

[5] CNE7: supra, p.166,1.1-23

VOG, hewpmrd (=A) [4] 1 post app')ros add. ydp VOG 5vrws post .!ari(v) transp. G
fLOV7J om. e 2 post Kara add. r~v VOG 3 1i.aKpws f1Lop1 aµ,€va d•<; µ.aKpws
01wpwµ,€va d'"" 4 auyK€xurai eVOG
[5] 5 ?le'i dvnar~vaL ws om. VOG 6 ante ax€a1v add. roiavr')V VOG 7 rv: r~v
mr Bv m post f:µ,Epfoavro add. Q'.,\,\ois O:,\,\')v nvd µ,o'ipav aOrov 7Tapaa'T1'aaaµ.Ev o1, Kai
Els EV d,\,\~,\01s €,\86vres rii a'TTOrEVgEL 'T~S d,\')8Elas VOG 8 ra?Jr7r aur71 VOG 'Tl'OiJ:
'TTWS VOG 9 rd iter. w 12 post ydp add. o~ OG rfr ~v mr 14 y€vOLrO G
15 r ds o' .!goualas: rds 0€ oualas dVOG oU: owp 16 ,\E,\oxoras AVG'°; ,\E,\axoras 0
17 a:gwµ,EvVG 18 ooyµ,arlawµ,EvhwpVOG;ooyµ,arlawµ,asmr(txt .ed) 19 Et17:
fort. legeodum 11 Kai om. wp 20 post <pVOELS add. OU yd.po~ 'TTaVT17 aur as xwpfoe1,
rov auva'Tl'rovr os fL~ 7Tavr71 KEXWp1aµ, €vou. '07TOaov ydp µ,ErEXOUOL r~S ag{as, µ,ErEXELV
ocpE{,\oua1 Kai r{js roiJ Aoyou cpvaews VOG post tr€pcp add. rpomp d
rwvf:vom.d {3ov,\ovra1:{3ov,\owro d 22 ol8rn{rE Kat o1ufoi@EoiJwp 23 rwv
Kup{wvmr
 Appendix III 581

[6] "On, q;T]aiv, EDEL Tove; d(}iovc; NEaToptavovc; ElDivat on El Kat TO

lta{pETOV Tfjc; 1TOtK{ATJ<; Otavoµ,fjc; 11poaEGTL TOt<; v11Ep'rEpo tc; 11poc; TOV<;
t I '\\ \ \ \) I ,... ' I I \ ....., 'l:.'
V(/)ELµ,EVOV<;, al\l\a KOLVOV TO Et;pa11aat TTJ'> €.VEpyELa<; xaptaµ,a Kat TTJ') as ta<;
8wpT]µ,a· Kai 17 KaKE{vovc; µ,ETa Tov 8EOv A6yov ry Ei' YE {3ovt\ovrnt €voe; Twv
5 EV TTJ T ptaot
' A I~ (} I
Ewpovµ,Evwv, T/,, KatI Ol\T]<;
"\
TTJ'> GEf3 aaµ,iac;
I T ptaooc;,
I~ '
EL<;A~ I
ovo
avva7TTELV t;pV<JEL<;, Kai Mory TpEt<; ry TEaaapac; V1TO<JTa<JEt<; OtatpEtV, ry µ,T]OE
TOVTOV µ,ETa Tfjc; q;vaEW<; TOV 8EOv A6yov avva11TELV [C]KaL EL<; Eva Yiov
GVVTt(}€vai ry oµ,wvvµ,wc; avTOV 7TOtEtV, we; TOV 11pWTOTV1TOV Yl6v.
[7] "OTL µ,ta
I ' ' t \ t I 'l:. ~ \ \ ,.. I
EGTLV T/ q;vatKT] VWTT]<;, Es .,c; KaTa /.-'ETOXTJV 11aaa VLOTTJ'>'
t

10 KaL Ota TOVTO dvayKTJ TOV a11oaxE8taae€vTa TOt<; NwToptavotc; O.vepw11ov

ry Tfjc; q;vatKfjc; µ,ETEXELV VlOTTJTO<; 11 Tfjc; EK xapLTO<; y tvoµ,EVTJ'>·
[8] "OTL TTJ'> KUT ovatav EVW<JEW<; /.-'E)'Ul\Ot;pwvwc; KTJPVTTE<J w TJ
A , ' I ' I \ I I (} '

at\~(}Eta.
(9) "OTL TWV
A
EVWOEWV
' I
KaL' TWV
A ~
OtaKptaEWV
I ~
OLTTO<;
'
l\Oyoc;.
0' \ I T a' µ,Ev
I
yap
I

15 ~VWTal TOt<; dowi, 8iiJpTJTat 8€ Tate; V7TOOTaawi, Ta 8€ 8tiJpYJTaL µev TO'tc;

ELOwtv, ~vwTat 8€ Tate; v11oaTaawi· Kai Twv ~vwµ€vwv µ,ev Tote; ElDWt,
DLTJPTJfJ.Evwv 8€ Tate; v11oaTaawi, <7Jyovv Twv DLTJP'YJ/.lEvwv µev Tote; Ei'Owi,
~vwµivwv 8€ Tate; V7TO<JTaawi,> Ta µ€v a:rrltfjv EXEL T~V €vwa {v TE Kai T~V
OtaKptaiv, Ta 8€ avveETOV· 11Ept µev ovv TWV a11t\fjv EXOVTWV T~V OtiT~V
I \ ,... \ I ) I (} ) \ ,.. I I,/, t ) I
20 GXEOLV, Ta VVV l\EYELV aq;ELa W· OV .y ap TTJ'> 11apoVOTJ<; GKE'i'EW<; TJ f.KELVWV
, I ' I 't
EL<; Ta KaTa µEpoc; EsU7Tl\WOL<;. I \ II ' ~ I
Ept OE TWV KaTa avv EGLI/ I (} [DJ A"
YJYOVV '

avµ11AoK~v ry Kpaatv 1j €vwatv 17 011wc; 110Te t;p{t\ov KaAEtv Tac; ovaiwOELc;

TWV ETEPOELOWV ax€aEL<; AEKTEOV ~µ,tv, TOt<; ovoµ,aToµ6.xoic; KaTaAL1TOVOL
Tac;, we; a VTOL voµ{~ovaiv, €µ,t;paVTLKWTEpac; ry KVPLWTEpac; TWV OT]µaatwv.
25 0 v' yap
1 ' \
EKl\O)'TJ'> A \ '(:.r
l\EsEWV TJ/.-'LV 1
<JXOl\Y), > '
E1TL
A
TO' VOELV E7TEtyoµEvotc;.
\ A ' /

[6) CNE 7: supra, p.168,11. 1-8

(7) CNE7: ibid., ll.10-12
(8) CNE7: ibid., ll.20- 21

VOG, hewpmrd (= A) (6) 1 post E8H add. ydp VOG N€a7opwvovs om. VOG
4 TOii: 'TOVS d KaK€{vas codd. EL': ov VOG 5 ante T pia8iadd. ayict VOG CJ€~aaµwv VOG
7 To-frrwv V 8 ante avvnlNvat add.~ VOG
(7) 9 on
µia ... v1DT71s: µuis yd.p oiJa71s Tijs rpvatKijS v16T71Tos VOG Jg om . VOG
10 Kai oid TOV'TO om. VOG 70LS NrnTopmvo'is: aVTOlS VOG 11 7ijs2: i}s m
[8) 12 post Ti)s add . Bl VOG
(9) 14 postTwv1 add.8€VOG 14 µ€vom.VOG 17-18 (~yovv ... t'J1TOCJTaarnv
supplevi; cf. Loofs, 67 18 T~v2 om. 0 19 ovv om. wp 20 d.rpopla8w d
21 Eis om. d post Jgcf7TAWCJtS add. Kat al.Aws T~V TWV 1ToAAwv 8tarpEVYEL yvwa{v TE Kat
µa8€CJLV VOG post KaTd. add. T~V d 23 TOVS ovoµaToµaxovs 0 24 aVTOV r
€µrpaTLKwTtpas G 25 ~µl:v om. 0
 •
582 Appendix III

Twv 'TOlVVV ovaLw8ws- 1.mapx6v-rwv Kai Ka-r' ova{av €vovµ€vwv 'Tcl µ€.v KaL 'E.
A t I I Y \ >I~ A t I t. \ I \ ~ \ A \

'TTJ EVWGEL G4Ji,,EL 'TOV LOLOV 'T'YJS' mrapr,,EWS' 1wyov, Ta OE avyxEL 'TE KaL 1T/
't. 'Y <av-rov>,
Er,,a<paVLi,,EL ' \ 'T'Y}V
\ aKpO'T'Y}'Ta
' I I
'TWV 'Y]VWfJ-EVWV \ I
l\VfJ-0,LVOfJ-EVa. A ' TA "'
WV ovv [I
I t >>\\I\ \)>\\I\ D I I " I >t.
7TpOTEpwv 'Y] fJ-ET al\l\'Y}l\WV KO,L EV al\l\'Y}l\OLS' UEWpOVfJ-EV'Y] GXEGLS' EV fJ-EV 'TL Er,, µi
n ~ I [2009
5
) I
aµ<poTEpwv ) \ t >f 'I " '!'
a7TO'TE/\EL, Ka LWS' av 'TLS' EL7TOL, EV ELVaL T4J apLUfJ-<tJ a7TOOEL
A \ A ) A )
5 [1
~ I I Y t I t. ) t /
'
Al KVVGL, 'TO uta<popov G4Ji,,Ovaa 'T'YJS' V7Tapr,,EWS- EV 'T<fJ -raVT<tJ -r17s- EVO'T'YJ'TOS'.
I A A ) A A

"f/1'
T.T I I I ~ ' I y I ' n• ' A ,, n ' ~I A
[l•
n.ai 'TOV'TOV 1TapaoELyµa EV fJ-EV i,,4JOLS' 0 Kau 71µ,as- avf!pW7TOS', EV UE 'TOLS'
cl7TAOt.;; <pVGLKOLS' awµa<JLV ~ 'TWV av8v7TO<J'TUTWV KaL Ka8' EaVTcl Elvai '
W!
8vvaµ€vwv 7Tpos- at\t\17,\a 7TOLcl ax€ai s-. OTov E1TL ,\aµ7Ta8os- €an 8Ewp~aat· "
av
"\\ 1 / , • n \\' " ~' t\ , \ ,~ A ,
10 GL
10 a/\/10 µE v yap EGTLV 'Y] upval\llLS', ETEpov OE 7Tal\LV 17 cp11oywo17s- TOV 7TVpos-
ovaia.
' I
[I'
[1OJ "O'TL KaUOl\OV
n 1 \
<pavaL, OVOEV TWV EVOVfJ-EVWV -rp01T'Y]V 'Y] avyxvaLv
/ '~ , A , , , " ,
7TE

ucp{aTaTUL, µ~ ovxi EKaT€pov TWV €vovµ€vwv 7Ta8'Y}'TLKQS EXOV'TOS' <JL

I
7TOLO'T'YJ'Tas-.
T,,..
WV
'
yap
\
<µ'Y]>
I t
'TOLOV'TWV 'Y] fJ-EV opaa-r17pios- 1TOL17<JaL av KaL ov
' ~ I I ,, ' '
aA
15 7Ta8oi, ~ 8€. 7Ta8'Y}'T LK~ 7Ta8o t av Ka i ov 8pac1ELEV. 15 [11
[11 ) "O 'TL DEL
~ n 1
'TO KaTa 'T'Y]V UELUV ,, n
aWU'Y]<JLV , A , 17µ,wv
aKOV<J'TLKOV , n1 L
'
Kauapa ' ' A
KO
I 'I n A ) \ 1,/, I I ) A \
"
1TaV'TDS' axuovs-, 'TOV EK 7Tp0A11'f'EWS' GVVl<J'TafJ-EVOV KaL a7TOKW<pOVVTOS' 'TOV av
A >I~ ~\ I I A I I I t ~It. D
vovv, '1]07] OE TO KaL 'TWV µap-rvpwv 'TO VE<pOS' V7TOOEr,, aauaL. El(
' f3'Y]S'
[12) "O 'Tl aaE I ,
OVK '~ A
aLOEL'TaL I
1Tp0<1W1TOV , I
Evnµ ' I
ov, aa17µovs- ~ '
OE Kal\ [BJ Tc
' ' I I 1y A CI """ u \ ,,..
20 OVK EyvwaµEvas- XP"f/<JELS- 7rpOKOfJ-Li,,ova i . ..:.i ELr,,a-rwaav 1TpWTOV on µ17 TWV 20 av
llaTEpwv elaiv a{ xp~aELS' TWV EyKp{-rwv, Kai TOTE EKelvas- as cpaai Ta
77poay€-rwaav. 8€.
) A I ll / I tA I ) A ~ I \ ~
[13) 0 VKOVV 0 TOVS' UTE pas- fJ-"f/ OEXOfJ-EVOS', TOVS' o ta<paVELS' 'TE KaL EV 'TTJ

[9) CNE 7: supra, p.170, 11. 3-25

(10) CNE7:supra,p.172,ll. 19-22
(11) CNE, introductio ad florilegium: supra, p. 176, II. 11-13
(12] cf. CNE, introductio ad florilegium: supra.p.178,11. 2-5
[13] CNE, introductio ad florilegium: ibid., II. 16-18

VOG, hewpmrd (= A) (9) 1 post rn/ 1 add. TO G €vovµhwv: ~vwµhwv O;

voovµivwv A (tx.t. VG) Kal2 : Kllv VOG 2 ,\6yov ante T~S v TTap~Ews transp. OG Tf.
om. m 3 acpav{'"' G <a~Tov> suppl. Evans (42, n. 52) Avµ.atv6µ.aiva m
4 TL: Tot p 5 TctJ: Twv mr 8dKvvaL 0 6 cHfi,ovaa: acfi'ovTa codd.; corr. Evans
(46, n. 57) b om. 0 TaVTcp: avTcp wp 8 ~:Kai G 9 post olov add. ws VOG
10 aAAo: aAAov m post yap add. TL VOG
(10] 13 EKaT€pwv G €vwµ.€vwv d €x6VTwv G 14 Twv: TOVTwv d <µ.~>
supplevi e VOG 15 Sp&.aot 0 \
(11) 16 8f.tOm.VOG KaO&.pat 17 1TaVTOS:1TaJITOSEKKa0&.pwµ.f.vVOG ax8ou 2 T
wprd Tov: TO m 18 ~871 8€ TO: ~ 8d8f.TO m Kai om. VOG TO om. VOG [
V1To8€~aa8at om. VOG [
(12] 19 aaf.{3~s ... EvT{µ.ov:"J4af.{3~s yap," cpTJULJI, "8s O~K ~Ua8711Tp6aw1TOJI EVTlµ.ou"VOG [
20 post €yvwaµ.€vas add. ws €g a~Twv ~ fr€pwv, TOVTOLS €vavTfos VOG 1TpoKoµ.{,ot VOG yvu
8ng&.Tw VOG 20-2 OTL µ.~ ... 1Tpoo.y€Twaav: OTL µ.~ o.fimt EKdvwv oifoat Tvyx&.vovai hev.
Ko.I ovTws EK•{vas 8f.galµ.•8a VOG
[13] 23 Tf. om. e Tj): T~v mr
21 /ls iter. d 22 1Tpoaayfrwaav wp
. [
f.GT
 Appendix III 583

'EKKATJa{q. TOV 6>EOv 1TEpif3o~Tovs, d,\,\' d.vnotaTaTT6µ,Evos TOVTO L<;,

1Tpocpavws Tfl oiaTayfl Tov 6>EOv d.v()€aT'YJKE.
> J < I
[14] K. atI TLI~OELA\l\EYELV
I I A I I J
7TEpt T'YJS KaT ovcnav Kal ovaiwoovs EVWaEW<;, T'YJV TE
I~ I

µlav im6aTaaiv TWV ovo cpvaEwv;

5 [15] Kat OTL TU TOlUVTa ·T ijs oiacpopas OVTa OTJAWTLKU TWV ovaiwows
~vwµ,€vwv cpvqEwv Tov XpwTov.
[16] 'O TP07TOS 8-ry.\ao~ Tijs f.vwaEWS ovaiw8ws d,\,\' ov axETlKWS y€yovEV·
ws Eivai Ev Tfl TEAdq. d.v()pw7T6T'YJT L Tov A6yov, 07TEp Ev ~µ,Zv "o €aw
avepw1TOS': KaTa TOV }fo6aToAov, avvv<pEaTW<;, KaL Els TOV TOV oAov opov
10 avVTEAwv fJ-ETa T~v lvwaiv.
[17] 'E1TEl0~7TEp, ws E<p'YJ!J-EV, µ,~ 1TEpL MtEwv ~ oiaµax-ry EaTLV ~µ,Zv d,\,\d
1TEpt avTwv Twv 1Tpayµ,aTwv Kat Tijs 1Tpos 0..,\,\-ry,\a TovTwv f.vwaEws TE Kat
avµcpv{as, i]v OL IIaTEPES ovaiwows YEYEVija()ai E<pp6v'Y/aav, NwT6pwc; 8€
I \ \ I ' I
axETLK'YJV TE KUL YVW/)-LK'YJV TaVT'YJV EiaayEt.
15 [18] "OTl E r~oos I >
EaTlV OlOV 'F' " ()
av u
pwTToc;, L1T1TO'),,..,ovs· Q A < /
oµ,oiwc; yap1 < 'I"'
0 ~WKpaT-ry c;,
/

() '"YA >I I ()'"() I I\ \ ~ / ()'"~'

Ka 0 <:,(t)OV, EaTL yEvos, Ka 0 V'YJTOS KaL l\OYLKO'), oLa<pEpEl, Ka 0 OE
>I (} ~l<;' U 1 / >I {)
av pw1Toc;, E OOS· OVTW KaL 1TaVTES av pw1TOL. EVOS OE Kal oiacpopa KaL
I' f ('I I (' I I

El8os avµ,1TA'YJpWnKa Tijc; EKclaTOV ELatv ova{ac;· OLD Kat ovaiwo-ry MyovTaL.
~ \ >I~ Q Q \ > I ~ > ~ \ t I ~ I
T0I OE \ I
LOLOV Kat TO avµ,f-'Ef-''YJKO'), E7TOVatwo-ry, E7TELO'YJ V1TapxEL TLVL· TO OE
I \

\ I f I ) ~\ A \<I A~\) <I

20 avµ,f3f3 E 'YJKOS 1Toppw V1TapxEL, E7TElO'YJ 1T'YJ fJ-EV V1TapxEL, 1T'YJ OE ovx V1TapxEL·
A ~ \ I I \ A >11" I '\' \ )/~ \ \ \ \
TaVTa OE KaL XWPWTa Kal\ElTaL. nan fJ-EV OVV TO LOLOV TO YEl\aaTlKOV· TO
8€ avµ{3E/3'YJKOS TO µ €.\av, TO KLvEZa()ai, TO rarnaeai, TO Kaeija()al.

[14) DTN 42: supra,p. 442, ll.3-4

[15] DTN 42: supra, p. 440, lL 9- 10
(16) DTN 42: supra, p. 442, I. 13-p. 444, L 3
(17) DTN 42: supra, p. 444, 11.10- 14
[18] Fragmentum incertum 1: supra,p. 574,ll. l -8

VOG, hewprnrd (= ..1) [13] 1 d.U' dvno1a-raTT6µ£vos -ro6-ro1s om. VOG

2 -rov €J.ov ante·oia-rayfi transp. OG
(15] 5 ov-ra: 8-r' 0 av
posdl71.:\w-r1Ka add.?} 0
[16) 7 ou: ouK d yeyovws VOP 8 -rciv A6yov om. P 9 iirpea-rws e
[17] 1_1 €7T;10~ P , E<f'YIJJ-Ell: ~<fYYJv VOP, , 13 Nea-r6p1os: i.iµels V,OP 14 -re om. P
yvwµiK71v: ayvwµLK'YJV 0 ELaayn: naaye-re VOP 15 e!Oos {Jovs om. m
hewprnrd (=A)
[18) 16 Ka8' (11: Ka8' ov m 18 ela1v: la-r1v r 20 7TWppw m 21 fon µEv:
€a-rt µd.s r; €-r1 µd.s m
584 Appendix III

\ I ' 'i: t , I.' \

o
[19] "O·n -rwv yivoµ.€vwv €a-rtv a K01T05, -ro xp~a tµ.ov, -ro 7rapaKoAov8rw,,a,
\ I ,,A I.' \ \ A
TO YVYJULOV, 'Y/ TUsLS, 'Y/ U1TOO€LKTLKYJ, <TO> TOV xapiv 'Y}'TOL O'Y}llWTLKOV 'TOV
aKoTTov, ~ al-r{a, ~ €myparp~.

[19] Fragmentum incertum 2: ibid., 11. 9-11

hewpmrd (= A) [19] 1 yivwµhwv wp 2 -r£t1s m <-ro> addidi -rov om.

rd ~-roi: ry -rov m ·rov2 om. m 3 ~ al-r{a: raws ry al-rias conj. scriptor in marg. d
 Appendix IV

A tabular comparison of the extracts in Leontius's florilegia with the florilegia

of other ancient authors.

Symbols:
*· same incipit and explicit as extract in Leontius.
i: extract begins before Leontius's incipit, has same explicit.
.!. : extract has same incipit as that ofLeontius, ends after his explicit.
!: extract begins before Leontius's incipit and ends after his explicit.
-t: extract begins before Leontius's incipit and ends before his explicit.
~ extract begins after Leontius's incipit and ends after his explicit.
shorter extract, contained within that of Leontius.
M: extract only mentioned (in summary by another writer), of uncertain
extent.
<>: two extracts, separate in Leontius, are connected in the other
florilegiurn.

For abbreviations, cf. key to the apparatus of Leontius's florilegia.

 FLORILEGIUM: CNE (Columns 1-26)

l 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26
(a) JOAN. CASS., De Inc. Dem. *
(b)

(c)
CONC. EPHES.

CYR. Ar.Ex., Ad mon. Aeg.

Vi *
(d) THDT. ,Eran. -
* * 4
"*"
(e) LEo, TomusI *
(f) TomusII *
(g) CONC. CHALC., Ad Marc. - * -

(h) Coll. Sangerm.

(i) T IM. A.EL., Ep. de Isa/a
(j) Ref Cone. Chalc. *
(k) GELAsrus, De Duab. NaT. -
(1) VAT. GR. 1431 4 *
(m)
(n)
FLOR.CYR.
JOAN. CAES., Apol. Cone. Ch.
I- * M *
IY+ t v.
~
(o) SEY. ANT.,Ad Neph. -
7 -;_
(p) Phil.
 I 1* ~
(q) -
Yr
Ctr. Gram. -

(r) AdSerg. - -
J. -t

-
VV- i *

* *
(s) Antijul. - -
(t) Exp.Fid. -
(u) F ULG. RUSP., Ep.14

(v) lNNoc. MAR., Ep. ad Thom. -

(w) LEONT. JER., Ctr. Mon.

(x) L EONT. BYZ., CA

- -
/ I - - - -!- - -
I/ -

*
(y) DTN ! -
(z) EPHR.AM., -
Ad Domn. et Joan .
(aa) Ad Or.Mon. M
(bb) Def Cyr. M
(cc) JusTN., Ctr. Mon. J. <) i 4- - -!-
(dd) Conf Rect. Fid. 4- * -
(ee) FAc.HERM.,Def Tr. Cap. i
(ff) Coo. NOVAR. 30 !
(gg) R UST. DIAC., Syn.
(hh) PAMPHILUS
* J. * t -
* *
N -
 FLORILEGIUM: CNE (Columns 1-26)- continued

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26
(ii) EULOGIUS, Or. 3
(jj) Or.4 -
*
(kk) Defensiones
(ll) DeSectisIX
* * *
(mm) SYN. SEL. CTES. (61 2)
(nn) SYN. H!SPAL. (619) - t
(oo) MAx.CONF., Ep. 15 - J. J. <~ t
* *
(pp) Syn. Lat. (649) * * - i
(qq) GEO. KAPH. -
(rr) CoNc. CONST. III -
(ss) PS-JOAN. MARON - -
;: J. -

(tt) ANAST.SIN., Hod.X - -

I * -
(uu) Doctr. Patr. t * J. ! !
~/
! - * t - * -
t I/.1/
(vv) Ctr. Cal.

~
'-·--' IT .... ~- T'- · ~- ,...., • .. T
 / ~
(ww) JOAN. DAM., Ctr. Jae. - - * i
* *
(xx) NICEPH.,Antirrh. II

v
.!, * * * *
(yy)

(zz)
EUTH. ZIE.,Pan.

THEOR., Disp. -t .!, < >! .!,

-}

.!, ( > ! */- *

/
- /-
(aaa) FLOR. EDES. A.NON. .!,

(bbb) FLOR.B.M.SYR.ADD. 12157 i

(ccc) FLOR.LEN. 131 -
* * * * * * -
* * * *
(ddd) FLOR. MARC. 573 - * - * - *
(eee) FLOR.VAT. 1455 * *
 FLORILEGIUM: CNE (Columns27-66)

27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 63A 64 65 66
(a)
(b) ! * t t

(c)
(d) t· j t j
! I:/ t
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 FLORILEGIUM: DTN (Columns 1-28)

TESTIMONIA:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28
(a) CONC. EPHES.

(b) CYRIL, Ctr. Th. et Diap. 1 - 1 1

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 FLORILEGIUM: DTN (Columns 1-28)-continued

TESTIMON!A:

I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 IS 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28
(s) INNoc.MAR.
(t) LEONT. JER, Ctr. Mon.
(u) LEONT. BYZ, CNE
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 FLOR!LEGIUM: DTN (Columns 29-62)

TESTIMONIA:

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TESTIMONIA:

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AFA

TESTIMONIA:
1 2
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 3 4 5 6
THDT.,Eranistes
* -
CONC. CHALC. l -

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 Index to Introduction
Agapetus of Rome, Pope 19
Akoilnetai (="Sleepless monks") 32
(n. 190)
Alcison ofNicopolis 52 (n. 345)
Ammonius Hermeiou (6th century
commentator) 30(n.175),53,91,
94 (n. 519)
Anastasius I, Emperor (491-518) 2
Anastasius of Sinai 14, 57
Andrew of Sidon 52 (n. 344), 71
Anthimus of Trebizond, patriarch of
Constantinople 19
anthropology, theological 40
Antioch, city of 6
Antipater of Bostra (critic of Origen) 9f.
"Aphthartodocetists" 39-41
Apollinarian school 50-2
Arians 7
Aristotle, Neoplatonic corrunentaries on 3,
77
Athanasius of Alexandria 51, 81
Balsamon,George 48 (n. 321)
Barsanuphius, monk 15
Barth, Karl 74
Basil the Cilician 22f.
Canisius, Heinrich (editor) 98
Chalcedon, Council of (451) 1
Christology: corruptibility of Christ's
human nature 42-4
double consubstantiality of Christ 38
formulas: "from two natures" 38f,
natures distinct "only in concept" 35,
38
"one nature of the Word, made
flesli' 38
mannerofunion 31,36,44,47,76
models of 2, 14f., 36, 38
terminologyofChalcedon 75
Collatio of 532 with non-Chalcedonians 17
Colonna family, Ro1ne 78
conceptual distinction of natures 35
Councils, Church: Chalcedon (451) 1 f,
Constantinople I (381) 1
Constantinople II (553) 66, 76f.
Nicaea (325) 1
Cyriacus, monk of Judaean desert 14
Cyril of Alexandria 2,47, 80
Against Diodore and Theodore 67
Thesaurus de Trinitate 81
Cyril of Skythopolis 6-18
De Sectis 16, 57, 73
Didyrous the Blind 7
Diodore of Tarsus 6, 45-7, 65
Doctrina Patrum (eighth-century
florilegium) 16, 56-8, 67f., 92f.
Domitian, abbot of Martyrius (later bishop
of Ancyra) 8ff., 11, 12 (n. 65), 19
Enhypostatic natures 28 (n. 159), 73-5.
Ephrem of Amida, Patriarch of Antioch 3,
10,40,57
Eusebius of Dorylaeum 65
Eusebius, presbyter (1n:l11as), treasurer of
Church of Constantinople 8, 10, 17
Eustathius, monk, defender of
Chalcedon 78
Euthy1nius Zigabenus, twelfth-century
theologian 16, 54, 58, 93f.
Evagrius of Pontus 7, 17
"Excerpta Leontina:" 53, 89
Facundus of Hermiane 6 (n. 29), 12 (n. 65)
Firminus, 1nonastery of (Judaean desert) 8
florilegia in Leontius's works 54-72
anonymous: Cod.Lenin Gr. 131 57 (n.
369)
Cod. Marcianus Gr 131 57 (n. 368)
sources of florilegia 54-56
608 Index to Introduction
Gaza, synod of (539/5401 542?) 10 (n. 55)
Gelasius, abbot of Great Lavra 9f.
George, abbot of Great Lavra 11
Germanus of Constantinople 27 (n, 149)
Great Lavra (Judaean desert) Sf.
GregoryofNazianzus 38
Gregory Thaumaturgus 51
Harnack, Adolf van 73f.
Hombergen, Daniel 13 (n. 70), 74
"Home Synod" of Constantinople, 536 !Sff
Hypatius, bishop ofEphesus S (n. 44), 10
(n. 55), 17, 52f.
hypostasis 27ff., 76
hypostatic union 76£
Ibas of Edessa 6
incorruptibility of Christ's humanity 40-44
Innocent of Maroneia, Letter to Thomas 17
Januensis 27 (manuscript in Genoa) 80
JohnofCaesaraea 3,40 (n.265),57,62
john of Damascus 16, 57£, 93
John the Hesychast (monk, disciple of
Sabas) 9
john ofSkythopolis, "neo-
Chalcedonian" 22, 52 (n. 345)
(Ps.-) john Maron, Libellus Fidei 5S
John Maxentius 3
Julian of Halicarnassus 4f., 39f., 42 (n. 276),
62
Julius of Rome 5lf.
Justin !,Emperor (51S-27) 2
Justinian I, Emperor (527-65) 2f., 5
Christological position 40, 52 (n. 345)
Christological writings 57, 78
edict against "three chapters" 12 (n. 65)
Laudianus Graecus 92B (manuscript in
Oxford) 79f.
Leontius of Byzantium, life of 3-25
Adversus Fraudes Apollinaristarum 50-3,
70f.
at collatio of 532 17
at"home synod'' of 536 20f
author of the six treatises 15-17
Christology of 49, 72-S
chronology of works 49 (n. 326)
"collected edition'' of works in
antiquity 50
Contra Aphthartodocetas 39-44
Contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos
27-32
Deprehensio et Triumphus super
Nestorianos 44-50
designation of author in works 4
early life and education 4
Epaporemata (Thirty Chapters against
Severus) 37-9
Epilyseis (Solution of Arguments of
Severus) 32-7
florilegia in works 54-72
fragments attributed to Leontius 53-4
manuscripts of works 78-88
Mary, understanding of 42
name corrnnon in sixth century 15
opponents, allusions to 5
Origenismof 12-15,48
passibility of Christ in humanity 42
political strategy 4S-9
scholia in manuscripts 94-6
"strict Chalcedonian" 75f.
"substantial union" in Christ 77
terminology 77
works 4, 25-54
Leontius of Jerusalem 57, 73
Liberatus, archdeacon of Carthage,
chronicler 11 (n. 5S)
Loofs, Friedrich 73
Macarius, patriarch of Jerusalem 11
Mai, Cardinal Angelo 96
Marcianus, monastery of 9
Marcianus Graecus Z 575 (manuscript in
Venice) 83
Martyrius,monastery of (Judaean desert) 8
Mary: possessed normal human nature 42
Maximus Confessor 78, 79
Melitas, abbot of Great Lavra Sf.
Menas, Patriarch of Constantinople 11
(n. 5S), !Sf.
"monophysites" 7
 Index to Introduction
Nature: definable reality 76
relation of human nature to the
supernatural 43
as uniting many hypostases 30
Nature of Christ: composite? 34
distinction of natures 35f
singular? 34
Nicephorus I, Patriarch of
Constantinople 57, 93
Nonnus, monk of Judaean desert 7f., 9f.,
11, 17, 94
"Neo-Chalcedonian'' Christology 2,
13,49
Nestorians, sixth century 6, 32, 46
New Lavra (Judaean desert) 7f., 9
Nicephorus I, Patriarch of
Constantinople 57, 93
Nicetas Choniates, tvvelfth-century
chronicler 54, 94
number, as individualizing generic
substance 33, 38
"one composite nature" in Christ 34
Origen, condemnation of (sixth
century) 11,48£.
Origenists, sixth century 6-15, 48f
Otto, Stefan 7 4
Parisinus Graecus 1335 (manuscript in
Paris) 82f.
Parisinus Suppl. Gr. 163 (manuscript in
Paris) 80, 84f.
Paul of Sarnosata 46 , 67f.
Dialogue with Malchion 82
Paul the Tabennesiot, Patriarch of
Alexandria 10
Pelagius, Roman deacon 10 (n. 55), 11
(n. 58)
Peter, bishop of Apamaea 19
Peter, Patriarch of Jerusalem 10
Phillippicus Graecus 80 (manuscript in
Berlin) 82
Philoxenus of Mabbug 23 (n. 136)
Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople 78
Possevino, Antonio, SJ 98f.
Proclus of Constantinople 47
609
properties, natural 39
prosOpon (perceptible role, "persona'') 76
Rabbula ofEdessa 47
relationship, category of 30, 38
Relton, Herbert 74
Sabas, St 7f., 18
Salvia.ti, Cardinal Giovanni 78, 97
Saoli, Filippo, bishop of Brugnato 81
"scholastic" theology in sixth
century 3
"Scythian monks" 3
Serapion of Thmuis 80
Seripando, Cardinal Girolamo 97
Severus of Antioch 4, 19, 33, 53 (n. 344), 57,
62f.
"singular natures" 34
Sirleto, Cardinal Guglielmo 97
Sirmond, Jacques 82
"Sleepless monks": see Akoimetai
Sophronius, abbot of monastery of
Theodosius 9f.
soul-body analogy for two natures in
Christ 29
Theodora, Empress 19
Theodore Abu Qurra 81
Theodore Askidas, monk of New Lavra
(later bishop of Caesaraea) 8ff., 11,
12 (n. 65), 19, 48
Theodore ofMopsuestia 6,45-7,65
fragments of works on Christology 65
Theodore of Skythopolis, critic of
Origen 14
Theodoret of Cyrus 6
Theodosius, Monastery of 9
Theorian, twelfth-century
controversialist 58
"Three chapters" controversy in West 6, 49
(n. 325)
Timothy Aelurus, anti-Chalcedonian 66f.
Timothy of Berytus, Apollinarian 70, 80
Titus of Bostra 80
Torres, Francisco, SJ (Turrianus) 7, 81,
95-100.
610 Index to Introduction
"Hoplotheca" (theological armory) 98f.
scholarly activities 97f.
Trent, Council of 97
Trinity: concepts related to Christology 38,
75
Union in Christ 31, 36, 39
"final product" (apotelesma) 36
not same as nature 39
Valentinus,Apollinarian 70
Vaticanus Graecus 2195 (manuscript)
78f.,85f.
Vigilius of Rome, Pope 10 (n. 55), 66
Zachary of Mytilene 81
Zeno, emperor (474-91)
Zo'ilus, Patriarch of Alexandria 11
ZoOras, Stylite of C.onstantinople 19
 Index to Works of Leontius
English Translation
accidents distinguish hypostases 308f.
Agapius, Apollinarian 542f.
Andrew, bishop of Sidon 560f.
anthropological model of
Incarnation 134-41, 150-63
Apollinarian community 526f.
Apollinarius, hid behind Arian
conflict 446f.
revered teacher 542f.
works 528-35, 542-59
Arius ! 28f., 428f., 446f.
Athanasius: rejected by"Nestorians" 416f.
corresponded with Apollinarius 438f.
used as pseudonym by
Apollinarians 526£., 558f., 568£.
Barsaumas, disciple of Theodore 426f.
Basil of Caesaraea 440f.
begetting of Son as human
impossible 486-91
Cappadocian Fathers: rejected by
"Nestorians" 416f.
Cataphronius,Apollinarian 534-37
"Catholic" Epistles rejected by
Theodore 422£.
Chalcedon, Council of: claimed by
"Nestorians" 416f.
rejects "Nestorian'' Christology 444f.
characteristics, natural 308-11
hypostatic 326£.
characteristics unite Son to Father, to us, in
different ways 326-9
Christ as new Adam 378-81
called "Son of God" as a holy human
being 476f.
inadequate models of his personal
unity 444£.
must be like us to save us 348f., 354f.
Chronicles, Books of, rejected by
Theodore 424£.
circumscription of Logos in
Incarnation 140-5
completeness of Christ's humanity and
divinity 324£.
"composite nature" in Christ cannot be
simple 318-23
composition 282-5, 332f.
conception, bearing of Jesus by Mary
352f.
his gradual human development 384f.
confusion of natures 168-75, 302f.
consubstantiality of Christ with Father and
us 324f.
controversy with Antiochenes is about
"manner of the Mystery" 442f.
corruptibility of Christs flesh 364-9
creed of Nicaea revised by Theodore 424f.
Cyril of Alexandria 440f., 446f.
death of Christ 366f., 376f.
difference not the same as separation
316f.
differences, constitutive 324f.
Diocaesarea, Letter of Apollinarius to
bishops assembled there 560f.
Diodore of Tarsus 494-9
controversy with Apollinarius 554f.
indwelling ofWord in Jesus 494f.
no "two births" of Son 496f.
Christ Son of David 496f.
saving purpose of death of Christ 498f.
Christ Son of God "by grace'' 494£.
Christ Temple of God 496f.
Diodorus,Apollinarian 534f.
Dionysius, Apollinarian 548f.
distinction of agents in sayings of
Christ 488f.
612 Index to Works of Leontius
division: actuality precedes concept 298f.,
302f.
elements united: complete and
incomplete 304f.
Epiphanius of Salamis 434f.
exchange of qualities 170f., 342f.
exchange of names for Christ 476-9
Eucharistic presence as test of
Christology 492f.
Eunomius 426f.
Eusebius of Dorylaeum, Contestatio 500-5
Eutyches 128f., 444f.
Ezra, Book of: rejected by Theodore 424f.
flesh of Christ: like my flesh 348f., 536-9,
542-5
same substance as God (according to
Apollinarius) 546-9, 552f.
formulas for speaking of union in Christ:
less important than the realities
united 444f.
"one nature after the union" 292f.
''one nature, from two natures" 314-17,
330f.
"one nature, made flesh'' 294f., 320-3
Gnostics 342f.
Gregory of Nazianzus 440f, 568f.
Gregory of Nyssa 440f.
Gregory the Wonder-Worker (used as
pseudonym by Apollinarians) 438f.,
526f., 558f., 568f.
Hell: its punishments do not corrupt
bodies 364f.
Christ"not abandoned to Hell" 368-71
heresies and synods 286-9
Homonius, Apollinarian; correspondent of
Timothy of Berytus 542-59
human nature: one, although
composite 150-55
humanity of Christ capable of corruption,
was not corrupted 368-71
did not pre-exist Incarnation 306f.
pre-lapsarian in qualities? 376-9
"subsists in the Logos" 306f.
undergoes normal human experiences
and needs 344f., 350f., 372-5, 378f.
works our salvation 346f,
hypostasis, definition of 126f., 134f., 272f.,
308f.
relationship to nature
(substance) 132-5,284-7,
296f., 326-9
possibility of two complete hypostases in
Christ 144-7
Imitation of Christ 380f.
impassibility of Word 342f.
Incarnation ofWord,Apollinarian model
of 560-5
incorruptibility of humanity of Christ 342f.
indwelling as mode of divine presence in
Christ, us 454-8,486f.,494f.,
508-11
God dwells in Christ"as in a Son'' 456-9,
490f.
not simply by divine activity 522f.
Introduction (trpoBEwp{a) 114-23
Job, Book of 422f.
John Chrysostom: rejected by
"Nestorians" 416f.
regained Theodore to monastic
life 420f.
Joshua, son of Nun 474f.
Jovius,Apollinarian 534f.
Julian (of Halicarnassus) 340f.
Julius of Rome, Pope (used as pseudonym
by Apollinarians) 526f., 558f., 568f.
Leo, annihilated position of Eutyches 444f.
Macedonius 446f.
Manichees 342f.
Marcellus of Ancyra 444f.
Mary 'bore a man like us" (Paul of
Samosata) 504-7, 510-13
not transformed in body to bear
Christ 350-5
conceived Jesus by power of the
Spirit 352f.
miracles of Christ 360-3
 Index to Works of Leontius
1nixing of soul and body requires divine
power 300f.
modality 162-9
names, co1nmon and proper 328f.
natural activities: related to preternatural
and supernatural 358-61
nature (substance):
"one composite nature" in Christ 282-5
nature and the conception (E1T{voia) of
nature 290-3
characterized by consistent
qualities 306f., 3 l 4f.
nature as generic and as
individual 270-3
natureandhypostasis:howrelated 132-5,
l 78f., 326f.
characterized by one intelligible
substance 314f.
nature and union 300f.
Christ must be twu natures after the
union 324f.
unique objects said to be one
nature 284-7
natures of Christ share qualities and
experiences with each other 364f.
"Nestorians": condemned along with
Nestorius himself 446f.
critical of monastic life 416-19
Leontius's early experiences with
them 412-15
model of Christ's person 444f., 476f.
only recognize Diodore and Theodore as
authorities 416f.
political influence 416f.
resemble modalist Trinitarian
theologians 444f.
Nestorius 128f., 342f.,436f., 444f.
attitudes of current "Nestorians" to
him 418-21
sayings quoted 500-5
nrunber and individuation 272-7
number not cause of separation 316f.,
318£., 330-3
oneness by union different from natural
oneness 156f.
613
Origen 438f.
otherness of humanity and divinity
318f.
Paregorius 534f.
participation of humanity in divine
titles 478f.
mutual participation of God and flesh in
each other 546f.
parts, perfect and imperfect 136-41
Paul of Samosata 444f., 500-13
followers ("Paulinians") 530f.
letter of synod condemning him
506-9
perfection, incorruptibility, given to us
gradually by grace 3821.
Photinus of Sirmium 444f.
Polemius, teacher of Timothy of
Berytus 534f., 542f.
political character of debates on
Christ 126-9
Proclus of Constantinople, refuted
Nestorius 446f.
properties belong to things, indicate
natures 324f.
Psalms, inscriptions of: rejected by
Theodore 422f.
Rabbula of Edessa, attacked by
"Nestorians" 446f.
relation, category of 3l 6f.
relationships defining Christ 146-51
resurrection of bodies: union of incomplete
parts 304f.
Sabellius 128f.
Sarapion (of Antioch?) 438-41, 542f.
Severus (of Antioch) 340f.
Song of Songs: rejected by Theodore of
Mopsuestia 422f.
sonship, natural 168f.
soul of Christ necessary for our
salvation 348f.
soul-body analogy for Incarnation 140f.
sufferings of Christ 354-7
not due to sin on his part 358f.
result of his human nature 358-61
614 Index to Works of Leontius
supernatural does not abrogate the
natural 358f.
synthesis of two natures in Christ 288-93
terminology same for Trinity, Incarnation
(relying on Gregory of
Nazianzus) 128-31, 178f., 276-83,
304f., 318f.
testimony of the Fathers 176-9, 270f.,
286-91, 296f., 326f., 374f., 386f.
Theodore ofMopsuestia 420-37
"assumed 1nan" Christology 482f.,
490-3.
baptism of Jesus the start of special
relationship to God 464f., 478f.
divided Christology 424f, 430f., 472f.,
478f.
exegetical positions 420-5, 450f.
Eucharistic anaphora of 424f.
grace given to Jesus to make him model
for us 482f.
indwelling, modes of 452-9, 470f., 482f.
On the Incarnation, hard to find 448f.
Jesus specially guided by Word 458-63
Tes us led by the Holy Spirit 464f.
fesus's fear of death 434f., 470f.
Jesus's limited knowledge, virtue 432f.
natures of God and man remain distinct
in Christ 466-9
problem text: fohn 1.14 468f.
questions divine judgment 426f.
rejects (most of) Book of Job, Song
of Songs, inscriptions of Psalms,
Books of Chronicles, Ezra, Catholic
Epistles from Biblical canon
422-5
revises Creed of Nicaea 424f.
similarity to Eunomius, other
heretics 426f.,436f.
temptations of Christ 480f.
theological positions: creation, the fall,
angels,Antichrist 428-31.
union of Logos and human in
prosopon 466£,474£
works translated into Armenian,
Syriac 428f.
virtues of Jesus 480f.
Theophilus of Alexandria 420f.
Timothy ofBerytus, radical disciple of
Apollinarius 438f., 542f., 568-71
torch, analogy of 170-3
transformation of the natural: in qualities,
not natural structure 360f.
unconfused realities of humanity and
divinity in Christ 3 l 6f.
union, logical (and distinction) 168-71,
326f.
of divine and human contains the
incommunicable 300f.
does not abolish Christ's natural human
qualities 354-7
manner of 162-9
natural or by grace 168f.
of natures, not ofhypostases 294f.
by relationship l 66f.
substantial, concrete union of
essences 164f., 444f.
substantial union denied by Paul of
Samosata 508f.
unconfused and inseparable union l 66f.,
172-5, 302-5
Uranius 534f.
Valentinus (Apollinarian writer) 526f.
virginal conception of Jesus: unique 554f.
Wisdom dwelt uniquely in Christ 510-13
Word acts as the "inner man" in
Christ 444f., 508f.
 Greek Terms
dKirpaAot (abusive name for
anti-Chalcedonians) 270f.
CLKpa Evwais 544
dKporptAoa6rpovs 126
&..\Aas, U,\AoZos 272
dvTv8ocns TWv i8iwµdTwv 170-2
dvfJpw1ToT6Kos (title for Mary) 482-5
d7TAfj rpiiais 318
d7ToTEAEaµa of union 284, 294, 304
dpxa{, npd.Yrai dpxai (of our
understanding of Christ) 442
acp8apTO< (of Chrisfs humanity) 3401.
8ia{pE0lS 292
fitcLKplOlS' 298
8iarpopd 324
EK()Eais avpxpwvoVaa Tfl TWv Tl"f/ 526
EvaVTto8oK~Tat 128, 338
EvipyEta of God gives life to Christ's
flesh 522
€vv7T60TUTOV 132-4
Evo{KYJGLS (of God in creation, saints,
Christ) 452-8,482f.
Ev6'TYJS 'wTtK~ ofWord and flesh 556
Evwais (different from TO rpUaEi Ev) 156
0.Kpa Evwais 544
causes Christ's flesh to be considered
divine 544
causes Christ's flesh to be
incorruptible 348
in category of TD '"p6s Tt 316f.
~ KaT' oVa!av TE Kal 0VaiW817s Kai
Evv7r6aTaToS lvwais 164; cf. 444
lvwalS Ka8' {nr6aTaaLv 520
£vWUlS KaTd ax€aiv 166
µiya µ,vaT~piov T7]s EvWaEwS 380
TEAEwTiiT"f} lvwais 552
€7r{voia 288-92
as distinguished from Ev€pyEia 290
E'"ovpcivios Uv8pw7rOS (Apollinarian
phrase) 564
EVOoK{a (as mode of divine
indwelling) 454-6
BEo86xos UvfJpw7Tos (referring to
Jesus) 516
BEoT6Kos (title for Mary) 484, 512
l8LWµ~Ta (l8L6T,1JTES)
ovatw'Trotol 308-10, 318,
324
Kpiiais 552
µ>!p~ 160-2
f.LEU{T7}S 506f.
µit« 172
olKovoµ,{a 296
OµooVatos Tip JlaTpl Kat ~µ,lv (of
Christ) 324, 328, 542-6
does apply to flesh of Christ and
Father 546
does not apply to flesh of Christ and
Father 528, 534, 538
7ra871TtKal 8vvrfµ,Eis (of soul) 142
7ra871T6v (of Christ's humanity) 364
rrapao«yµa (Christ) 380
rr<p•ypacp~ (of soul, Logos) 140
7rp6aw7rov as focus of union in Christ for
Theodore 466-8
aripKWUlS (of Word) 532, 554
avyKaaT6.(3aais in Incarnation 300
aVyxvaLs 168,292-4
avµ/3</3~K6rn 308
aVvBEais implies genuine plurality 282,
318-20, 332-5
avvova{wats 512