Combinatory and Functional Constraints On Pronominal Clitics in Hittite PDF

.
Combinatory and functional constraints

on pronominal clitics in Hiite
.
Paul Widmer
Philipps University Marburg
Etymology and the European Lexicon

Copenhagen (September 19, 2012)
Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 1 / 23

Introduction
Clitic pronouns in Hiite
Two pronouns in the clitic chain

Two structural types with two pronominal clitics:

Introduction

. {S}3rd + dat, =aš=mu in ex. (1) (intr., cf. Garre 1990a; Garre 1990b)
1
(1) n =aš =mu GÌR.MEŠ-aš kaan ḫaliyat

CONN =3sg.nom.c =1sg.dat feet down he.knelt
‘He knelt down at my feet.’ (NH/NS; KBo 3.3 i 12f.)

Introduction

. {S}3rd + dat, =aš=mu in ex. (1) (intr., cf. Garre 1990a; Garre 1990b)
1
(1) n =aš =mu GÌR.MEŠ-aš kaan ḫaliyat

CONN =3sg.nom.c =1sg.dat feet down he.knelt
‘He knelt down at my feet.’ (NH/NS; KBo 3.3 i 12f.)
. Two oblique pronouns, =šmaš=at in ex. (2)

2
(2) nu =šmaš =at =kan [p]eran halzi [andu]

CONN =2pl.acc/dat =3sg.acc.n =PTCL before read:3pl.imp
‘Have it read to you aloud!’ (MH/MS; HKM 25.24)

Introduction
Hiite clitic chain
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
PTCL QUOT acc/dat pl. 3rd nom/acc acc/dat sg. REFL PTCL
-(m)a -wa(r) 1st -nnaš -aš nom.sg.c 1st -mmu -za -ašta
-(y)a 2nd -šmaš -an acc.sg.c 2nd -a/-ddu -apa
3rd -šmaš dat -at nom/acc.sg.n 3rd -šše dat -kan
-e nom(/acc).pl -šan
-uš acc.pl.c -an
Table : Old Hiite clitic chain (cf. Hoffner and Melchert 2008: 410)

Introduction
Hiite clitic chain
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
PTCL QUOT acc/dat pl. 3rd nom/acc acc/dat sg. REFL PTCL
-(m)a -wa(r) 1st -nnaš -aš nom.sg.c 1st -mmu -za -ašta
-(y)a 2nd -šmaš -an acc.sg.c 2nd -a/-ddu -apa
3rd -šmaš dat -at nom/acc.sg.n 3rd -šše dat -kan
-e nom(/acc).pl -šan
-uš acc.pl.c -an
Table : Old Hiite clitic chain (cf. Hoffner and Melchert 2008: 410)
⇒ Strongly grammaticalised chain of clitics in the Wackernagel position

Introduction
Outline & objectives
1. Oblique clitic Pronouns: Rules and restrictions

Functional restrictions
Rules of co-occurrence
2. Diachronic perspective
Path of grammaticalisation
Ordering of clitic pronouns

Oblique clitic Pronouns: Rules and restrictions Functional restrictions
Syntactic function of clitic accusatives
(3) nu=šmaš=kan ḪUR.SAG-an parḫanzi

‘They will chase youdir. obj. into the mountain.’ (NH; KUB 13.3 ii 11)

Syntactic function of clitic accusatives
(3) nu=šmaš=kan ḪUR.SAG-an parḫanzi

‘They will chase youdir. obj. into the mountain.’ (NH; KUB 13.3 ii 11)
(4) * n=an=kan X parḫanzi
* ‘They will chase X thither.’
(5) * n=anacc =muacc =kan parḫanzi
* ‘They will chase me thither.’

Double accusatives: direct object and predicative
iya- ‘treat Xacc:dir obj like a Yacc:predicative ’ (cf. van den Hout 1992)

(6) ‘ “Who will take him (sc. the speaker’s son)
[nu =war ] =an upiyaššar DÙ-zi
CONN =QUOT =acc.sg.c gi:acc.sg treats.like

a. [and] will treat himdO like a gipred. ?” ’
b. [and] will treat the gidO like himpred. ?” ’ (NH/NS; KUB 33.93 iii 29)

b. *[and] will treat the gidO like himpred. ?” ’ (NH/NS; KUB 33.93 iii 29)

b. *[and] will treat the gidO like himpred. ?” ’ (NH/NS; KUB 33.93 iii 29)
(7) * n=an=mu DÙ-zi
* ‘He treats me like him.’
* ‘He treats him like me.’

Accusative constraints
.
Accusative clitics
.
1. Only one accusative clitic pronoun per chain is allowed.

Accusative constraints
.
Accusative clitics
.
1. Only one accusative clitic pronoun per chain is allowed.
2. Accusative clitics exclusively function as direct objects.
(No accusatives of direction, extent, duration etc.; no predicative )

.

2nd oblique clitic: Dative
(8) peḫḫi =wa<r> =at =ši (OH/NS; KUB 12.60 I 21)

I.give =QUOT =3sg.acc =3sg.dat


a. ‚ „Shall I give it to himind. obj. ?“ ‘
b. ‚ „Shall I give it for it?“ ‘
c. ‚ „Shall I give it there?“ ‘
d. ‚ „Shall I give it then?“ ‘


a. ‚ „Shall I give it to himind. obj. ?“ ‘
b. *‚ „Shall I give it for it?“ ‘
c. *‚ „Shall I give it there?“ ‘
d. *‚ „Shall I give it then?“ ‘

Function of dative clitics
(9) a. n=an=ši=kan tuḫšanta

‘they may separate her from him’ (OH/NS; KBo 6.3 ii 10)
b. n=an=kan LÚ-ni tuḫšanzi
CONN=her:acc=PTCL man:dat they.separate
‘They may separate her from the man’ (OH/NS; KBo 6.3 ii 12f.)

Function of dative clitics
(9) a. n=an=ši=kan tuḫšanta

‘they may separate her from him’ (OH/NS; KBo 6.3 ii 10)
b. n=an=kan LÚ-ni tuḫšanzi
CONN=her:acc=PTCL man:dat they.separate
‘They may separate her from the man’ (OH/NS; KBo 6.3 ii 12f.)
=ši in (9a) behaves like the {G} argument of a ditransitive verb.

Similarly: šanna- ‘conceal Xacc., dir. obj. from Ydat., ind. obj. ’, etc.
({G} = most goal-like argument in a ditransitive construction)

Late Hiite developments
(10) našma=wa =nnaš=an uššaniyawēn (pre-NH/NS; KUB 13.4 iv 73)

or=QUOT =1pl=3sg.acc we.have.sold
‘or we have sold it on our own behalf’ (trans. CHD L–N, 398b)


(11) a. mān=wa =nnaš ANŠE.KUR.RA … parā uššaniyawēn
if=QUOT =1pl horse:acc … over we.have.sold
‘if we have sold a horse …’ (NH; KUB 13.35 iii 24f.)
m
b. Zuwappiš=wa =za 1 ANŠE.KUR.RA pa[rā u]ššaniyat
Zuwappi=QUOT =REF 1 horse:acc over has.sold
‘Zuwappi has sold a horse.’ (NH; KUB 13.35 iii 16)


(11) a. mān=wa =nnaš ANŠE.KUR.RA … parā uššaniyawēn
if=QUOT =1pl horse:acc … over we.have.sold
‘if we have sold a horse …’ (NH; KUB 13.35 iii 24f.)
m
b. Zuwappiš=wa =za 1 ANŠE.KUR.RA pa[rā u]ššaniyat
Zuwappi=QUOT =REF 1 horse:acc over has.sold
‘Zuwappi has sold a horse.’ (NH; KUB 13.35 iii 16)
=nnaš= in (10) LH replacement of =za

(Restricted to plurals, Hoffner and Melchert 2008: 358)

.
Dative clitics
.
1. In one single chain only one dative clitic pronoun is allowed.
2. The dative clitic assumes the function of the indirect object.
⇒ Co-occurring oblique clitic pronouns function as {T} and {G} arguments.

{T} = most patient-like argument in a ditransitive construction
{G} = most goal-like argument in a ditransitive construction
.

.
Dative clitics
.
1. In one single chain only one dative clitic pronoun is allowed.
2. The dative clitic assumes the function of the indirect object.
⇒ Co-occurring oblique clitic pronouns function as {T} and {G} arguments.

{T} = most patient-like argument in a ditransitive construction
{G} = most goal-like argument in a ditransitive construction
.
Few exceptions in NS: Adpositional complements

(12) peran=ma=at=mu m.d SÎN-d U-aš … maniyaḫḫiškit (KUB 1.1 i 27f.)
‘Before(?) me Arma-Tarḫunta … was governing it.’
(13) n=at=ši=ššan šer ar[ḫa] … waḫnuzzi (KUB 43.34+12.26 iii 15f.)
‘He waves it … over him.’

Oblique clitic Pronouns: Rules and restrictions Rules of co-occurrence
Slot: 3 4 3 5 3 5 4 5
Case: dat + acc dat + acc acc + dat acc + dat
   
Comb.: nobis  eum nos  me nos  mihi eum  mihi
vobis id vobis te vos tibi id tibi
   
iis eos iis eo eos eo
Table : Oblique pronouns: Aested and unaested combinations
.
Two unaested combinations
.
1. † slot 3 + slot 5
†=naš 3 =ši 5 ‘nos ei’, †=šmaš 3 =ta 5 ‘te iis’ etc. (Hoffner 1986: 93f.)

Slot: 3 4 3 5 3 5 4 5
   
   
.
.
.2 † slot 3 + slot 3 (†=naš=šmaš ‘nos iis/nobis eos’, …)
† slot 5 + slot 5 ( †=mu=šši ‘me eo’, …)

Slot: 3 4 3 5 3 5 4 5
   
   
.
.
.2 † slot 3 + slot 3 (†=naš=šmaš ‘nos iis/nobis eos’, …)
† slot 5 + slot 5 ( †=mu=šši ‘me eo’, …)
? Linguistic background
.

3+3/5+5
.
In terms of Speech Act Participation (SAP, 1st + 2nd person)
.
†=naš 3 =šmaš 3 ‘nos vobis/nobis vos’
†=mu 5 =a 5 ‘me tibi/mihi te’

3+3/5+5
.
In terms of Speech Act Participation (SAP, 1st + 2nd person)
.
†=naš 3 =šmaš 3 ‘nos vobis/nobis vos’
†=mu 5 =a 5 ‘me tibi/mihi te’
→ Speech Act Participants do not co-occur in the clitic chain.
? What about
†=naš 3 =ši 5 ‘nos ei’
†=šmaš 3 =mu 5 ‘iis me’?
.

Combination Type Aested in Hiite?

1 SAPdat + 3rdacc tibi eum YES
2 3rddat + 3rdacc ei eum YES
3 3rddat + SAPacc ei me NO
4 SAPdat + SAPacc tibi me NO
Table : SAP and case
.
Rules in terms of SAP and syntactic functions
.
1. Syntactic functions: direct object + indirect object (as per above)


.
.
2. Two 3rd-person-pronouns can co-occur, two SAP-pronouns can not.


.
.
. The SAP-pronoun is always indirect object, never direct object.

3


.
.
3. The SAP-pronoun is always indirect object, never direct object.

4. The 3rd-person-pronoun is either direct object or indirect object
.

Co-occurence of oblique clitic pronouns

.
Types dative + accusative
1 SAP + 3rd
2 3rd + 3rd
3 SAP + SAP
4 3rd + SAP
.
.
Implicational Hierarchy
.
Type 1 > Type 2 > Type 3 > Type 4 (Haspelmath 2004)
If a language allows one of the types,
it also allows all the types that are higher in the hierarchy.
.
Co-occurence of oblique clitic pronouns

.
Types dative + accusative
1 SAP + 3rd
2 3rd + 3rd
3 SAP + SAP
4 3rd + SAP
.
.
Implicational Hierarchy
.
Type 1 > Type 2 > Type 3 > Type 4 (Haspelmath 2004)
If a language allows one of the types,
it also allows all the types that are higher in the hierarchy.
→ Hiite has type 2, and therefore also type 1
(me lui constraint (Perlmuer 1971))
.
Diachronic perspective Path of grammaticalisation
Double oblique clitics: Hiite facts
SAP-clitics 3rd-pers.-clitics
Animacy human
Thematic relation recipient
Syntactic function indirect object
Table : Typical properties and functions
.
Semantic and syntactic facts
.
1. SAPs are: human, recipient, indirect object

Animacy human ± animate, ± human
Thematic relation recipient transferred, recipient
Syntactic function indirect object direct or indirect object
.
.
2. 3rd persons are ± human/animate, recipient or transferred, indirect or
direct object

Animacy human ± animate, ± human
Thematic relation recipient transferred, recipient
Syntactic function indirect object direct or indirect object
.
.
2. 3rd persons are ± human/animate, recipient or transferred, indirect or
direct object
.3 Direct objects are never more animate than indirect objects.
.

.
Given that
.
1. SAPs are typical {G}-arguments (viz. human recipients).
({G}= most goal-like argument in a ditransitive construction)

2. 3rd persons are either {T}- or {G}-arguments.
({T} = most patient-like argument in a ditransitive construction)

.
Given that
.

→ System of co-occurring oblique clitic pronouns in Hiite goes back to

{G}–{T} structures (ditransitive verbs).

.
Given that
.

→ System of co-occurring oblique clitic pronouns in Hiite goes back to

{G}–{T} structures (ditransitive verbs).
Co-occurring oblique pronouns most frequently arguments of
ditransitive constructions: frequency-based (Haspelmath 2004)
.

Diachronic perspective Ordering of clitic pronouns
Ordering
3 4 5
1st -nnaš -aš nom.sg.c 1st -mmu
2nd -šmaš -an acc.sg.c 2nd -a/-ddu
3rd -šmaš dat -at nom/acc.sg.n 3rd -šše dat
-e nom(/acc).pl
-uš acc.pl.c
acc / dat nom / acc acc / dat
plural singular + plural singular

Ordering
3 4 5
1st -nnaš -aš nom.sg.c 1st -mmu
2nd -šmaš -an acc.sg.c 2nd -a/-ddu
3rd -šmaš dat -at nom/acc.sg.n 3rd -šše dat
-e nom(/acc).pl
-uš acc.pl.c
acc / dat nom / acc acc / dat
plural singular + plural singular
CVC VC CV
Phonotactics: CVC3 -VC4 or VC4 -CV5

→ No hiatus: †=mu5 =an4 (5 + 4)

Variation phenomena
(14) tet=war =at4 =naš3

tell=QUOT =it =us
‘Tell it to us!’ (OH/MS; KUB 12.36 obv. 24)
(15) n =at4 =šmaš3 [EGIR-an ara]nta
PTC =they =them behind they.stand
‘And they stand behind them.’ (MH/MS; IBoT 1.36 iii 46)

Variation phenomena
(14) tet=war =at4 =naš3

tell=QUOT =it =us
‘Tell it to us!’ (OH/MS; KUB 12.36 obv. 24)
(15) n =at4 =šmaš3 [EGIR-an ara]nta
PTC =they =them behind they.stand
‘And they stand behind them.’ (MH/MS; IBoT 1.36 iii 46)
.
Ordering 4 – 3
.
Only in OS or MS (cf. Hoffner 1986)
Possibly residue of system with more variation
N. b. No ordering 5 – 4 (=ši=at) in this chronological layer
(NH feature, cf. Rieken 2006; Yakubovich 2010)
.

Summary of findings
Co-occurring oblique clitics in Hiite have argument status.

Speech Act Participation (and the referential values related to it)
basically determines the rules of co-occurrence.

Summary of findings

Historically, the Hiite system is probably the grammaticalised form of
ditransitive structures based on frequency effects.
The pronouns are arranged according to their phonotactic structure.

Summary of findings

Historically, the Hiite system is probably the grammaticalised form of
ditransitive structures based on frequency effects.
The pronouns are arranged according to their phonotactic structure.
Outside Anatolian, only Avestan has (marginally) developed double
pronominal clitics
Much later: Old Church Slavonian, Romance Languages, High German
Structurally, already Old Hiite has reached a state comparable to the
Romance Language and High German.

Thank you for your aention!

Bibliography I
Garre, Andrew James (1990a). “Hiite Enclitic Subjects and Transitive

Verbs”. In: Journal of Cuneiform Studies 42: 287–291.
— (1990b). The syntax of Anatolian pronominal clitics. Ann Arbor, Mich.:
UMI.
Haspelmath, Martin (2004). “Explaining the Ditransitive Person-Role
Constraint: a usage-based account”. In: Constructions 2: 1–49.
Hoffner, Harry A. Jr. (1986). “Studies in Hiite Grammar”. In: Kaniššuwar. A
Tribute to Hans G. Güterbock on his Seventy-Fih Birthday, May 27, 1983.
Ed. by Harry A. Jr. Hoffner and Gary M. Beckman. Chicago: Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago: 83–94.
Hoffner, Harry A. Jr. and H. Craig Melchert (2008). A Grammar of the Hiite
Language. Vol. 1. Reference Grammar. Languages of the Ancient Near East 1.
Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.

Bibliography II
Perlmuer, David M. (1971). Deep and surface structure constraints in syntax.

New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Rieken, Elisabeth (2006). “Zum hethitisch-luwischen Sprachkontakt in
historischer Zeit”. In: Altorientalische Forschungen 33: 271–285.
van den Hout, Theo P. J. (1992). “Remarks on Some Hiite Double
Accusative Constructions”. In: Per una grammatica iita. Towards a Hiite
grammar. Ed. by Onofrio Carruba. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore: 275–304.
Yakubovich, Ilya S. (2010). Sociolinguistics of the Luvian Language. BSIEL 2.
Leiden/Boston: Brill.

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Combinatory and functional constraints

Philipps University Marburg

Etymology and the European Lexicon

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 1 / 23

Clitic pronouns in Hiite

Two pronouns in the clitic chain

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 2 / 23

Clitic pronouns in Hiite

Two pronouns in the clitic chain

(1) n =aš =mu GÌR.MEŠ-aš kaan ḫaliyat

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 2 / 23

Clitic pronouns in Hiite

Two pronouns in the clitic chain

(1) n =aš =mu GÌR.MEŠ-aš kaan ḫaliyat

. Two oblique pronouns, =šmaš=at in ex. (2)

(2) nu =šmaš =at =kan [p]eran halzi [andu]

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 2 / 23

Hiite clitic chain

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 3 / 23

Hiite clitic chain

⇒ Strongly grammaticalised chain of clitics in the Wackernagel position

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 3 / 23

Outline & objectives

1. Oblique clitic Pronouns: Rules and restrictions

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 4 / 23

Syntactic function of clitic accusatives

(3) nu=šmaš=kan ḪUR.SAG-an parḫanzi

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 5 / 23

Syntactic function of clitic accusatives

(3) nu=šmaš=kan ḪUR.SAG-an parḫanzi

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 5 / 23

Double accusatives: direct object and predicative

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 6 / 23

Double accusatives: direct object and predicative

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 6 / 23

Double accusatives: direct object and predicative

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 6 / 23

Double accusatives: direct object and predicative

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 6 / 23

Double accusatives: direct object and predicative

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 6 / 23

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 7 / 23

2. Accusative clitics exclusively function as direct objects.

(No accusatives of direction, extent, duration etc.; no predicative )

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 7 / 23

2nd oblique clitic: Dative

(8) peḫḫi =wa<r> =at =ši (OH/NS; KUB 12.60 I 21)

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 8 / 23

2nd oblique clitic: Dative

(8) peḫḫi =wa<r> =at =ši (OH/NS; KUB 12.60 I 21)

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 8 / 23

2nd oblique clitic: Dative

(8) peḫḫi =wa<r> =at =ši (OH/NS; KUB 12.60 I 21)

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 8 / 23

Function of dative clitics

(9) a. n=an=ši=kan tuḫšanta

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 9 / 23

Function of dative clitics

(9) a. n=an=ši=kan tuḫšanta

=ši in (9a) behaves like the {G} argument of a ditransitive verb.

({G} = most goal-like argument in a ditransitive construction)

Paul Widmer (Marburg) Hiite pronominal clitics September 19, 2012 9 / 23