PO NAGAR TEMPLE: EVIDENCE OF CULTURAL

DEVELOPMENT AND TRANSITION IN THE CHAMPA KINGDOM

by

KORY THOMAS KATSIMPALIS

B.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2005

A Thesis Submitted to the

Faculty of the Graduate School of the

University of Colorado at Boulder in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirement for the Degree of

Master of Arts

Department of Art and Art History

2009
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This thesis entitled:

Po Nagar Temple: Evidence of Cultural Development and Transition
in the Champa Kingdom
written by Kory Thomas Katsimpalis
has been approved for the Department of Art and Art History

___________________________________
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____________________________________
Robert Nauman, Committee Member

Date__________________

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ABSTRACT

Katsimpalis, Kory Thomas (M.A., Art History)

Po Nagar Temple: Evidence of Cultural Development and Transition

in the Champa Kingdom

Thesis committee chair: Professor Diane Conlin

The Po Nagar temple, located in Nha Trang, Vietnam, was built by the

Champa Kingdom during the 8th century C.E. The temple is dedicated to the Hindu

goddess Bhagavati. The Cham peoples were a Hinduized culture, and many

indigenous deities were transformed into Hindu deities. Within the Cham culture, the

indigenous goddess Po Nagar was Indianized as Bhagavati, sakti of Shiva. The

history of Po Nagar temple is evidence of an attempt by Cham kings to create and

maintain a unified kingdom during periods of unrest and increasing foreign invasion.

The dedication of Po Nagar temple to the Hindu goddess Bhagavati is central to this

attempt, as it indicates a return to (or re-emergence of) female-based religious beliefs

typical of pre-Indianized southern regions of the Champa Kingdom.

iii
DEDICATION

To my parents, Tom and Melissa, and my beloved wife Emily. Their unwavering love

and support during my time in school has been remarkable, and has provided me with

the strength and courage to take on any challenge.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Diane Conlin, Associate Professor, Classics Dept. and Dept. of Art and Art History,
University of Colorado at Boulder

Robert Nauman, Senior Instructor, Dept. of Art and Art History,

University of Colorado at Boulder

Philip Lutgendorf, Professor, Dept. of Asian and Slavic Languages and Literature,
University of Iowa

Ronald Bernier, Professor Emeritus, Dept. of Art and Art History

University of Colorado at Boulder

University of Colorado Study Abroad Office

v
CONTENTS

Abstract........................................................................................................................ iii

Dedications.................................................................................................................. iv

Acknowledgments......................................................................................................... v

List of Figures............................................................................................................. vii

CHAPTER 1: Introduction........................................................................................... 1

CHAPTER 2: Early Religious Development of Champa............................................. 4

--Malay-Austronesian Foundation.................................................................... 4

-- Chinese Influence on Northern Cham Peoples..............................................9

CHAPTER 3: Indianization of Champa......................................................................13

-- Initial Relations with India...........................................................................13

-- Establishment of Champa Kingdom........................................................... 15

-- Mi Son and the Cult of Shiva.......................................................................17

--Cham Temple Architecture...........................................................................24

CHAPTER 4: Reemergence of the Goddess.............................................................. 35

-- Reasons for Goddess Worship in South...................................................... 35

--History of Po Nagar Site.............................................................................. 39

--Guises of the Goddess.................................................................................. 48

CHAPTER 5: Conclusions..........................................................................................65

BIBLIOGRAHPY........................................................................................................67

vi
LIST OF FIGURES

Map 1 Political map of Southeast Asia………………………………….....................5

Map 2 Map of Champa Kingdom...............................................................……..........6

Fig. 1 View of ruins, Mi Son, Vietnam …………………………..............................19

Fig. 2 Additional view of Mi Son ruins.......................................................................21

Fig. 3 Mt. Cang Meo, in the vicinity of Mi Son..........................................................22

Fig. 4 Stele with inscription, in situ at Mi Son site......................................................23

Fig. 5 View of the rock-cut structures in Mahabalipuram, India.................................26

Fig. 6 Additional view of the rock-cut structures in Mahabalipuram, India...............27

Fig. 7 View of the Dharmaraja Ratha..........................................................................28

Fig. 8 Bhima Ratha in foreground, with Dharmaraja Ratha in background................30

Fig. 9 Shivaite Shrine B-1, at Mi Son..........................................................................31

Fig. 10 Artist’s rendering of Mi Son temple A-1........................................................33

Fig. 11 View of Po Nagar Temple...............................................................................40

Fig. 12 View of Mi Son temple, which was destroyed by American bombing...........41

Map 3 Site plan of the Po Nagar temple complex.......................................................43

Fig. 13 Artistic rendering of Po Nagar main temple; lateral view...............................46

Fig. 14 View of Po Nagar main temple, from Southwest direction............................47

Fig. 15 Remaining columns of Mandapa, Po Nagar temple........................................54

Fig 16 Tympanum, Po Nagar main temple..................................................................56

Fig. 17 Frontal view of Bhagavati...............................................................................58

Fig. 18 Rear view of Bhagavati...................................................................................59

Fig. 19 Bronze statue of Tara......................................................................................60

vii
LIST OF FIGURES, continued

Fig. 20 Unidentified Female Deity..............................................................................61

Fig. 21 Damaged statue of a Four-Armed Shiva.........................................................63

viii
 CHAPTER 1: Introduction

Evoking Champa means glorifying death, sanctifying remnants,

magnifying clues, singing the praises of mourning, and reconstructing
history. Champa only exists now in the memories of a diminishing
collection of living people who desire eternal life, in a half-audible
melody—necessarily exotic—that is hummed by a few disquieted spirits.1

The history of the Cham people and the Kingdom of Champa is perhaps one

of the more mysterious narratives found in Southeast Asia. At its zenith, the

Kingdom of Champa stretched across virtually the entire Indochinese coast,

controlling ports that were critically important to the trade routes linking not only

connected the Mediterranean cultures in the West to those of China in the East. This

geographic location created a paradoxical situation for the Champa Kingdom; it was

both strengthened by cultural exchange while at the same time constantly threatened

by foreign incursions.

Although Cham art and architecture is some of the finest to be found in

Southeast Asia, the relatively small scale of the extant sites, coupled with the fact that

they exhibit no grand planning scheme shared amongst them, has caused the study of

Cham culture to be overshadowed by the accomplishments of neighboring cultures.

Monuments such as Borobudur in Java and the Angkor Complex in Cambodia are

definitely the product of cultures that experienced a relatively higher degree of

stability when compared to Champa. However, the scale of monuments produced by a

given culture should not be taken as a gauge of that culture’s complexity or ingenuity.

1
Jean-François Hubert, The Art of Champa (London: Parkstone Press
International, 2005), 7.

1
 Unfortunately, the study of Cham culture is made all the more difficult by the

relatively small amount of primary-source material available. Much of our

understanding of the history of Champa comes by way of Chinese annals, which

cause confusion because of the inherent difficulties of translation between multiple

languages. The Cham do not appear to have kept historical records, but did create

numerous stele inscriptions in both Cham and Sanskrit.2 These inscriptions are

primarily concerned with documenting the foundation and reconstruction of temples

on behalf of kings, but shed little light on the chronology of the Cham Kingdom. The

extant temples are themselves a source of chronological confusion, as almost all have

been destroyed, reconstructed, and “conserved” (often with disastrous results)

multiple times throughout the centuries. Thus, scholars of Champa are often obliged

to make assumptions regarding the nature of Cham history based on auxiliary

evidence. Despite these difficulties, it is possible to partially reconstruct cultural

narratives based on fragmentary evidence. The aim of this paper is to create a new

narrative centered on the Po Nagar temple complex, in an attempt to add to the

overall understanding of the history of the Champa Kingdom.

As J.C. Sharma states: “The location and construction of the temples is linked

with the history of the Champa Kings and their fluctuating fortunes.”3 Therefore, a

focused examination of the history of the Po Nagar temple complex and surrounding

areas may well shed light on the larger history of Champa. This paper will attempt to

2
Emmanuel Guillon, Hindu-Buddhist Art of Vietnam: Treasures from
Champa (Trumbull, CT: Weatherhill, 2005), 68.
3
J.C. Sharma, Hindu Temples in Vietnam (New Delhi: The Offsetters, 1997),
5.

2
prove the hypothesis that the history of Po Nagar temple is evidence of an attempt by

Cham kings to create and maintain a unified kingdom during periods of unrest and

increasing foreign invasion. The dedication of Po Nagar temple to the Hindu goddess

Bhagavati is central to this attempt, as it indicates a return to (or re-emergence of)

female-based religious beliefs typical of pre-Indianized southern regions of the

Champa Kingdom.

3
 CHAPTER 2: Early Religious Development of Champa

Malay-Austronesian Foundation

The Cham language belongs to the Austronesian language group, and the

Cham people are ethnically related to the Malay-Austronesian peoples who are

primarily found in the Southeast Asian (Map 1) islands of Indonesia, Malaysia, and

the Philippines, as well as to some Oceanic populations.4 This indicates that the Cham

originated from early waves of Malay immigrants arriving on the coast of mainland

Southeast Asia, though the actual time period of this process is hard to determine.5

However, based on archaeological evidence, it appears that Malay settlement of the

area had begun as far back as the second millennium B.C.E.6

Successive waves of travelers from India and the constant southward

expansion of Chinese and Annamese peoples resulted in a unique religious

foundation upon which Cham religious practices and beliefs were founded. These

outside influences were assimilated and layered over indigenous beliefs, often with

striking results. Of particular interest to this paper are the apparent differences

between the Northern and Southern principalities of the Champa Kingdom (Map 2).

The evidence will show that the Southern principalities of Kauthara (where Po Nagar

Temple is located) and Panduranga

4
Dougald J.W. O’Reilly, Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia (Lanham:
AltaMira Press, 2007), 127.
5
Sharma, 5.
6
O’Reilly, 129. This claim is based on the finding of burial jars and mortuary
artifacts along the coast of Vietnam that resemble those created by
peoples of Indonesia and the Philippines.

4
Map 1 Political map of Southeast Asia.7

7
http://mabryonline.org/blogs/howard/archives/map_southeast_asia.jpg

5
Map 2 Map of Champa Kingdom depicting location of five principalities.8

8
Guillon, 15.

6
maintained a heightened emphasis on female deity worship and matrilineal social

organization.

The main source of these tendencies is the Malay-Austronesian origins of the

Cham culture. However, shared ethnicity is ultimately of less importance to the study

of Southeast Asian peoples than shared culture.9 It can be assumed that the earliest

forms of Cham religion in the area were similar, if not identical, to the shamanistic

practices of Malay-Austronesian peoples who settled in the river valleys along the

coast of the Indochinese peninsula. H.G. Wales provides an interesting bit of

evidence regarding the prominence of women in Malay-Austronesian shamanism

when he describes the practices of the Ngadju Dayak peoples of Borneo:

[T]he shamans are either women (bailan) or hermaphrodites

(basis) who dress and behave as women…This feminine bias of
the shamans is much more general in Indonesia…It evidently
derives from a former matriarchy that seems to have existed among
Môn-Khmer and Malayo-Polynesian peoples, and which exercised
a certain influence through matrilineal descent on the character of
the powerful Brahmans of Cambodia.10

This passage is of interest because it expresses the value placed upon women as both

social and religious figures of authority and organization within Malay-Austronesian

cultures.

This female-oriented religious tradition seems to stand in contrast with that of

the northern provinces of the Champa Kingdom. Before describing the religious

9
George Coedès, Walter F. Vella, trans. and Susan Brown Cowing, ed., The
Indianized States of Southeast Asia (Honolulu: East-West Center
Press, 1968), 5.
10
H.G. Quaritch Wales, Prehistory and Religion in South-East Asia (London:
Bernard Quaritch, Ltd., 1957), 80.

7
tendencies of the Northern region, the reasons for these discrepancies must be

addressed. Before the period of Indian influence, the villages and groups of peoples

who would later constitute the Champa Kingdom were not yet unified under any sort

of governing system or ideology. Thus, attempting to characterize pre-Indianized

Champa as an area of homogenized religious traditions is an anachronism. Northern

and Southern areas of Cham inhabitance certainly shared the shamanic foundations

laid by their Malay-Austronesian forebears, but each would continue to be influenced

by different sources. Southern areas were in continual contact with the seafaring

people of Indonesia and Malaysia, while northern enclaves were more heavily

influenced by Sino-Annamese culture, which incessantly pushed southward down the

coast of the Southeast Asian peninsula.

The potential size of the Champa kingdom is severely restricted due to

geographical features: the coast is backed by a spine of largely uninhabitable

mountain ranges that run north-south, leaving only a small ribbon of coastal land

marked by a series of river valleys. Movement is further impeded by a lateral

mountain ridge (Truong Song Range), which effectively limits the amount of cultural

transmission possible between northern and southern areas, resulting in a region that

“was poorly suited for the building of a strong and centralized state”11. Thus, while

north and south Champa were close in terms of actual distance, they remained

separated geographically and culturally. As Paul Mus states:

One hundred, two hundred, a thousand kilometers of ocean,

especially oceans dominated by winds are a much shorter distance
than a hundred, two hundred, or a thousand kilometers of land, cut

11
Coedès, 49.

8
 through by mountains, forests, and hostile tribes as was the case on
the Indochinese peninsula.12

Having addressed the causes of differing religious practices between northern

and southern areas of Champa, an explanation of the Chinese influence on the

religious practices of pre-Indianized northern Champa is necessary.

Chinese Influence on Northern Cham Peoples

H.G. Wales provides a detailed explanation of the development of an

“ancient Chinese cult of Earth (or Soil),” wherein the god represented “the

personification of the energies which reside in the soil.”13 The earth god was

represented by an earthen mound located in the capital, with smaller mounded

structures erected in each of the smaller territories. The generative, fertile nature

of the soil was believed to be controlled by the deity, so that an affirmative

relationship with the god of the Soil14 could potentially increase the amount of

crop production from the kingdom’s territory. Wales further explains that this

earth-based belief system was at times merged with previously developed

systems of ancestor worship, so that “the introduced Earth god coalesced…with

the supreme ancestor Shang-ti;” this in turn led to the belief that “the Chinese

12
Paul Mus, The Religious Ceremonies of Champa (Bangkok: White Lotus
Co., Ltd., 2001), 70. Originally published as: “Cultes Indiens et
Indigènes au Champa,” Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-
Orient, 1934, Vol. 23, 367-410.
13
Wales, 30.
14
ibid, 31. Wales is quick to define the deity as “the god of the kingdom’s
soil, not the supreme Earth God.”

9
king was in some degree in life a manifestation of the deity…[and] served to

concentrate and apply the kingdom’s life-giving energies.” 15 Thus, the Chinese

provided an early model for the manner in which religious belief and authority

can be effectively merged with social hierarchy. The control of the ruler was

both conceptual and literal, as he could literally assert his power over all the

lands included in the kingdom due to his connection with the divine energies

present in the soil.

The Chinese influence over northern Cham peoples provided a

foundation over which Indian culture was seamlessly applied beginning in the

first centuries of the Common Era. The construction of mounds and erection of

stones or tablets within the Chinese Soil cult was not unlike the Indian practice

of erecting lingam, (phallic representations of the god Siva, most often carved

from stone), which also were inherently concerned with fertility and the

procreative powers of the soil and earth. This underlying Chinese influence is

not confined to Champa, but instead seems to be widespread throughout

mainland Southeast Asia, particularly in the cult of Devaraja present in ancient

Khmer culture.16 The predominance of earth and ancestor worship seems to be

central to all periods of Cham history, though at times the indigenous beliefs

were almost completely disguised in the trappings of Indianized religious

practice. However, the loss of Indianizing influence during later periods sheds

15
Wales, 31.
16
K.M. Srivastava, “Kingship and the Cult of Devaraja in Kampuchea,”
India’s Cultural Relations with South-East Asia (Delhi: Sharada
Publishing House, 1995), 168.

10
some light on the earliest forms of belief, as the Chams have in many regards

returned to their indigenous, pre-Indian forms. Wales states that it is possible to

“recapture the earlier character of their village cults, by interpreting them on the

analogy of the ancient Chinese cult of the soil.”17 As in the early Chinese

religion, there exists a definite connection between the right to kingship and

divine powers. Wales describes this relationship as “cadastral”, stating “It is

because of the association of the dynastic or family ancestor with the god of the

Soil that the family or community has a right to the land.”18 This basic

organizational structure would remain intact for the majority of Cham history.

Though Chinese influence was undeniably present in all areas of

Champa, it was more pronounced in the northern regions, where the two

cultures not only abutted one another but also to a certain extent intermingled.

R.C. Majumdar, relying on George Maspero, states:

It appears that the population consisted of some Chinese elements,

though these were ultimately absorbed by the…Indanised
Chams…The inhabitants descended from the Chinese exiles (255-
206 B.C.) have been corrupted by coming into contact with the
indigenous elements, and the ancient manners and customs of Je-
nan have been completely transformed.19

This passage illustrates the fact that Chinese peoples introduced a unique

religious element into the Cham populace, and that this element was

17
Wales, 34.
18
ibid.
19
R. C. Majumdar, Champa: History & Culture of an Indian Colonial
Kingdom in the Far East 2nd-16th Century A.D (Delhi: Gian Publishing
House, 1985), 11.

11
integrated into the indigenous practices of the Chams from at least the 3rd

century B.C.E., though the assumption can be made that the process of

integration began even earlier. While the Chinese influence on the Cham

is undeniable, geographic obstacles limited its ability to completely

penetrate or saturate the southern regions, which shared more of an

affinity with the Malay Archipelago due to consistent cultural contact.

Despite the best efforts of numerous Cham rulers to completely unify the

two poles of the kingdom, there remained a sense that the northern and

southern principalities were intrinsically divergent on the basis of religious

traditions, and true homogenization of beliefs and attitudes was

impossible. As the subsequent chapters will illustrate, the southern

principalities maintained an affinity for goddess worship and an emphasis

on female energies of fertility that were clearly separate from the

conceptions of male-gendered fertility and soil/earth deities present in

Cham capitals situated in the north.

12
 CHAPTER 3: Indianization of Champa

Initial Relations with India

By end of the 2nd century C.E., Indian traders and Brahmans had begun

colonizing the Cham trading ports that dotted the southern and eastern coasts of

the Indochinese Peninsula. However, fruitful contacts between Cham and India

seem to have been established much earlier as the first Indian colonies “were

built on Neolithic sites that the seamen from India had frequented perhaps from

time immemorial.”20 The 1st century C.E. saw a marked increase in the

frequency of trade and quantity of items exchanged as Indian merchants arrived

in search of luxury goods such as aromatic herbs and spices, hardwoods, and

gold, many of which ultimately found their way to the Roman Empire.21

Additionally, the development of Buddhism in India provided an impetus for

cultural expansion in the form of missionary seafarers. Says Coedès:

The other circumstance, of a moral nature, was the development of

Buddhism. By abolishing, for the Indians converted to the new
religion, caste barriers and exaggerated concern for racial purity, it
removed, with one stroke, the shackles previously placed on their
maritime voyages by the fear of being polluted by contact with
barbarians.22

20
Coedès, 14.
21
ibid, 19. The author goes on to explain that India’s search for gold increased
during this time, as trade routes to Siberia, a source of Indian gold for
centuries, were dissolved. Thus, Southeast Asia soon became a new
and productive source of precious materials for India.
22
ibid, 21.

13
It is quite apparent that these early trading colonies were beneficial to both

Indians and Cham chiefs; both experienced increased wealth, and Cham chiefs

could use their increasing wealth to legitimize and secure their authority.

Despite the great material riches afforded the Cham chiefs due to

increased trade, the true wealth of India came in the form of highly

sophisticated social and religious practices. Ultimately, it would be these factors

that irreversibly shaped the Chams, transforming individual chiefdoms first into

truly Indianized colonies and later into a unified kingdom that would survive

intact until the 15th century C.E. Perhaps the most striking characteristic of this

process of Indianization is the realization that the colonization of Champa was

completely non-violent on the part of the Indians; rather than being forcibly

subdued, it seems that the Cham chiefs readily accepted and encouraged the

adoption of Indian culture through the establishment of Bramhanical religious

ceremonies as well as intermarriage between Brahmans and Cham princesses23.

Though the social reforms inherent in Buddhism resulted in increased

contact between India and the Chams while paving the way for Indian colonists

to establish themselves throughout the Indochinese Peninsula, it was Hindu

religious practices that ultimately took root as the central factor in the process of

Indianization, as “the Indian colonists in Champa tried to build up a society of

the orthodox Hindu type.”24 Again, this religious conversion was at first linked

to trade, as Coedès explains: “Brahmans, whom the merchants described as

23
Coedès, 22.
24
Majumdar, 214.

14
famous for their magic powers, were summoned by the native chiefs to augment

their powers and prestige.”25 The Brahmans were eager to oblige, and soon

established centers of Hindu worship all along the Indochinese coast.

Establishment of Champa Kingdom

The initial pattern of royal establishment within the Indianized Cham

state may shed some light on the differing state of affairs between the northern

and southern Cham sites. The earliest Hindu kingdom in Champa was

established sometime during the second or third century C.E. in the region of

Kauthara (where the Po Nagar complex would later be built). This can be

verified by the Vo Canh inscription, which dates to approximately the same

time, and is the earliest known example of Sanskrit being used in Southeast

Asia.26 This dating is further reinforced by Chinese texts that record the

founding of the Kingdom of Champa (which the Chinese called Lin-yi) around

the year 192 C.E.27 The Vo Canh inscription documents the name of the king as

Sri Mara, and subsequent Cham rulers would derive their authority to rule in

part from the ability to trace their lineage (most often through matrilineal

25
Coedès, 23.
26
O’Reilly, 130.
27
Georges Maspero, The Champa Kingdom: The History of an Extinct
Vietnamese Culture (Bangkok: White Lotus Co., Ltd., 2002), 26.
Originally published as Le Royaume de Champa, 2nd rev. ed. (Paris
and Brussels: Les Éditions G. Van Oest, 1928).

15
descent) back to the original royal family of Sri Mara. Cham Kings were not

only heads of state, but were thought to be of divine origin.28

The area of the newly established Champa Kingdom extended northward

from Kauthara to the southern borders of Chinese control. However, the gaze of

Cham rulers was increasingly directed northward, as the Han dynasty began to

disintegrate during the first decades of the 3rd century C.E. This provided an

ideal opportunity for the Champa Kingdom to extend its control northward, as

the chaos within imperial China prevented any real defensive efforts.29 Thus, a

gradual shift in the location of royal Cham power began to occur; royal enclaves

and palaces were increasingly situated closer to the Chinese border in an

attempt to secure disputed northern territories. By the 4th century C.E., as

evidenced by the establishment of the Mi Son site, Cham kings chose to rule

primarily from the northern principalities, exerting only nominal control over

the southern states of Panduranga and Kauthara. In essence, the choice to locate

royal power centers in the north of Champa was defensive in nature, as it

provided the appearance of strength and cohesion in defiance of southward

Chinese incursion. The results of this shift were twofold: in the northern Cham

states there was an ossification of Indianized religion and customs on behalf of

the Cham Kings, while in the southern Cham states localized beliefs and

customs were maintained, as the need for constant observance of royal decorum

was largely absent.

28
Majumdar, 157.
29
ibid, 22.

16
Mi Son and the Cult of Shiva

The Mi Son site was originally established as a center of Cham rule by

King Bhadravarman in the late 4th century C.E., and would remain the veritable

heart of Cham rule for the duration of Cham history. In many regards,

Bhadravarman can be characterized as the originator of Indianized Cham

culture, due to the fact that it was he who established the system of religious and

political practices that became the model for subsequent generations of Cham

kings. The locations in which his inscriptions have been found indicate that his

rule surely extended over the northern provinces of Amaravati and Vijaya,

though it is unclear whether his kingdom was fully in control of the southern

provinces of Kauthara and Panduranga.30 This again brings into question, from

the earliest years of Champa, the degree to which the southern principalities

were subject to “official” types of religious observance and identification.

However, one cannot deny the lasting effect that the kingdom of Bhadravarman

would have on Cham history.

Of primary importance is the foundation of Shiva worship as the central

religious practice of the Champa kingdom. The assimilation of Hindu concepts

into Cham culture, as stated earlier, occurred over time in a surprisingly non-

violent manner. This may be due to relative similarities inherent in Indian Shiva

worship and pre-historic soil-god concepts found throughout Southeast Asia.

Shiva, the great Hindu Lord of the Universe, came to be revered as the national

deity for the Cham and also the source of the kings’ power. The worship of

30
Majumdar, 27.

17
Shiva revolved primarily around the establishment and veneration of the linga, a

cylindrical form that represents the phallus of the god. Paul Mus provides an

explanation of the conceptual basis of the linga as sacred image;

One can only understand the linga, in India as in Hinduized

Indochina—where it has been the palladium of royal power—only
to the extent that one recognized in it the inheritor of the crude
stone of earth-based forms of worship. The ritual of the offering to
the spirit-stone consists above all in sprinklings and unction, and
this remains the Shivaite ritual of the linga…Around the [linga] a
stone trough that collects the sacred liquids is usually
erected…[depicting], in a symbolic and stylized form, the territory
of the kingdom or district coming under the linga.31

Proper veneration and worship of the linga was thought to be essential to

the well being of the country, and the king was expected to provide

adequate care and offerings to the linga in order to ensure the continued

prosperity of his kingdom. The linga was not a mere symbol of Shiva’s

power, but was conceived as a distinct deity in its own right. “It is not

Shiva, but a shiva, the Shiva of the country, and the prosperity of the

people or of a dynasty depends on it.”32 Most often the linga was of a

simple, unadorned form (not unlike earlier erect stones common to soil-

god religions), though it was sometimes carved with a small image of the

face of Shiva in its upper portion; in this form it was known as a

mukhalinga.33 As the wealth of the Cham kings increased, lingas were

sometimes completely covered in ornate sheaths of silver or gold.

31
Mus, 80.
32
ibid.

18
 The first linga in Champa was erected at Mi Son by King

Bhadravarman, and was known by the name Bhadresvara.34 The Mi Son site

(Figs. 1 & 2) is situated in a bowl-shaped valley surrounded by peaks; the

largest of these peaks, Cang Meo (Fig. 3), was believed by the Cham to be the

residence of Shiva, and in this way conceptually functions as a sort of supra-

linga.35 This association, like the creation of the Vo Canh inscriptions, further

highlights the position of Champa as an integral link in the transmission of

Indian culture to greater Southeast Asia; just as the Vo Canh inscription is the

earliest-known example of Sanskrit usage in Southeast Asia, the linga

established by Bhadravarman is the earliest linga to be erected in the region.36

The deity Bhadresvara was originally housed in a temple made of wood, though

all extant buildings are composed of brick and stone. This is confirmed by later

stele inscriptions (Fig. 4), which record that Mi Son was destroyed in a fire

33
Majumdar, 177.
34
ibid, 181. The author explains further: “it was customary to designate the
god [i.e. the linga] by a term composed of the first part of the donor’s
name and the word Isvara [meaning ‘Lord’ in reference to Shiva].”
35
Patizia Zolese, “City of the Cham,” Global Heritage Fund Newsletter.
http://www.globalheritagefund.org/news/conservation_news/city_of_t
he_cham.asp Ms. Zolese is the UNESCO Consultant for Culture as
well as the Mi Son Project Technical Advisor.
36
Sharma, 93.

19
Fig. 1 View of ruins, Mi Son, Vietnam.37

37
http://www.panoramio.com/photo/1641480.

20
Fig. 2 Additional view of Mi Son ruins.38

38
http://www.panoramio.com/photo/3239653.

21
Fig. 3 Mt. Cang Meo, in the vicinity of Mi Son. This peak was believed by the
Cham to be the residence of Shiva.39

39
From the author’s private collection. Photograph taken May 2005.

22
Fig. 4 Stele with inscription, in situ at Mi Son site, Vietnam40

40
From the author’s private collection. Photograph taken May 2005.

23
during the 6th century, and later rebuilt out of durable materials, namely fired

brick, for the first time in the 7th century by King Shambhuvarman.41 The major

structures that survive today at Mi Son are primarily the result of this phase of

building, and exhibit the architectural planning concepts and stylistic motifs that

underpin all subsequent Cham religious structures.

Cham Temple Architecture

The architecture of Cham temples is intimately linked to that of Hindu

temple structures found in South India, both conceptually and stylistically,

particularly Indian structures built during the Pallava and Chola periods in the

7th and 8th centuries. In India, the Hindu temple is a physical expression of basic

Hindu cosmology and beliefs. The basic unit of design in the Hindu temple is

the square, as Andreas Volwahsen explains:

A round altar symbolizes the terrestrial world and a square one

the celestial. A circular shape symbolizes movement, the cyclical
movement of time. A square cannot be moved of itself, but is a
final and unequivocal form. As perfect form, it is used by the
Hindus to indicate the Absolute. If one considers the earth
merely from its physical, external form it is depicted as a circle;
if, however, it is regarded as the manifestation of the supreme
principle, Brahman, it is rendered as a square, fixed by the
cardinal points.42

The square is incorporated into Hindu temple architecture both three-

dimensionally, as the means of creating geometric mass, as well as two-

41
ibid.
42
Andreas Volwahsen, Living Architecture: Indian (New York: Grosset &
Dunlap, Inc., 1969), 44.

24
dimensionally, where it can be multiplied and divided to provide a grid plan on

which structures are built. The square and circle diagram of the mandala, also

acts as conceptual site plan for Hindu temples. Thus, Hindu architecture based

on the square becomes a physical manifestation of the Absolute, appropriate for

architecture intended to house the gods. However, the design of the Hindu

temple is also based upon cosmology, as the vertical tower atop the temple

represents Mount Meru, the axis of the universe.43 Thus, the temple acts as both

a representation of the Absolute and abstract energies of the universe, as well as

the definite point around which the abstract revolves.

One of the first architectural sites in South India to exhibit these features

is the series of rock-cut structures at Mahabalipuram (Figs. 5 & 6), constructed

during the 7th century during Pallava rule. The site consists of five structures,

each carved from a natural granite ridge. Though the site is an early example of

Dravidian architectural models, “Mahabalipuram decided the form which the

monumental temple in south India was to assume during the centuries that

followed.”44 One structure in particular, the Dharmaraja Ratha (Fig. 7), exhibits

the basic architectural elements that are found in both Indian and Cham temples

that follow. Dedicated to Shiva, the structure is built according to a square

mandala plan, and the main cubical form is topped by a squat pyramidal tower

structure that reflects the form of the mythological Mount Meru. The pyramidal

form consists of four stepped levels of diminishing size, the uppermost of which

43
Hubert, 28.
44
Volwahsen, 137.

25
Fig. 5 View of the rock-cut structures in Mahabalipuram, India. Created during
the 7th century under Pallava rule.45

45
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Mamallapuram.jpg

26
Fig. 6 Additional view of the rock-cut structures in Mahabalipuram, India.
Created during the 7th century under Pallava rule.46

46
http://www.wefer-roehl.de/photos/india/mahabalipuram2.JPG

27
Fig. 7 View of the Dharmaraja Ratha, one of the five primary rock-cut
structures in Mahabalipuram, India. Constructed in the mid to late 7th
century.47

47
http://pro.corbis.com/search/Enlargement.aspx?CID=isg&mediauid=%7B50E94C2
A-EEC2-42F3-ABED-3ADD10DC8B44%7D .

28
terminates in an octagonal stone dome. At each corner there is a cornice that has

been carved to resemble the temple in miniature, and between the cornices is a

series of faux processional altars; this program is repeated on each stepped

level. Volwahsen says of the structure: “If we were to look at the temple from

the air, we would see how in the seventh century A.D. architects, with

consummate skill, were able to translate into their own idiom the doctrine of the

mandala, the magic diagram”.48 Another structure, known as the Bhima Ratha

(Fig. 8), is again built according to a quadrangular ground plan, but exhibits an

unusual pointed barrel-vault roof that terminates in vertical ogival ends, rather

than the vertical pyramid form. Both of these structures seem to have influenced

the style of the first brick structures erected at Mi Son.

Particularly, there is a strong stylistic link between the Bhima Ratha and

the Shivaite Shrine designated as building B-1 in Mi Son (Fig. 9). Both are

arranged along a rectangular plan with a single entrance that has been located

along one of the two shorter lengths of wall. The primary rectangular structures

are each topped by a barrel-shaped roof that terminates in an ogival vertical

feature at each end. The proportions of Cham and Indian structures are not

identical; Cham structures tend to place more emphasis on verticality when

compared to Indian structures, which demonstrate a sublime understanding of

overall cohesion among forms and volumes.

However, the basic building blocks for each are essentially the same: a

single, cubic sanctum sanctorum that houses an image of the deity; a pyramidal

48
Volwahsen, 138.

29
Fig. 8 Bhima Ratha in foreground, with Dharmaraja Ratha in background.49

49
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Rathas-Mahabalipuram.jpg.

30
Fig. 9 Shivaite Shrine B-1, at Mi Son.50

50
From the author’s private collection. Photograph taken May 2005.

31
roof composed of generally four distinct levels, each smaller than the other as

height increases; decorative elements located on the cornices that mimic the

overall shape of the temple itself in miniature; and some sort of top piece that

crowns the pyramid—on the Dharmaraja Ratha, this piece takes the form of a

lotus blossom. Cham architects integrated Indian building techniques and

theories into their own, creating a style that both echoes that of India but is at

the same time easily identified as something uniquely Cham. Though the

majority of structures in the Mi Son complex are now in a state of advanced

disintegration, in their own time they would were among the most beautiful in

Larger India. An artistic rendering of the Mi Son temple main temple A-1

(Fig. 10) provides at least a glimmer of what the temples of Champa once

looked like.

The worship of Shiva and the erection of various linga remained central

to Cham culture and history. This is no doubt partly due to the overtly male

character of Shiva, which provided a potent image of strength and virility that

could be emulated by Cham kings. By associating themselves with the god and

emphasizing the ability of male rulers to protect and produce the fertility of the

kingdom, the kings created a system wherein the powers of a male deity were

the keystone of religious and political practices on earth. But despite these

factors there remained a constant undercurrent of matrilineal organization

among the common classes and an undying reverence for a deity that predated

Indianization. As Coedès points out: “Indian civilization of Southeast Asia was

32
 Fig. 10 Artist’s rendering of Mi Son temple A-1. Note the similarity in
shape and style to Indian structures such as the Dharmaraja
Ratha.51

51
http://www.viettouch.com/champa/.

33
the civilization of an elite and not that of the whole population, whose beliefs

and way of life are still insufficiently known.”52

The remains that exist today are but a glimpse of Cham culture,

representing only the top levels of society. With this in mind, it becomes all the

more intriguing when derivations occur within the official culture. This brings

the discussion to perhaps the most surprising and unique site in Champa, the

temple complex of Po Nagar.

52
Coedès, 16.

34
 CHAPTER 4: Reemergence of the Goddess

Reasons for Goddess Worship in South

As discussed in previous chapters, the southern Cham principalities of

Kauthara and Panduranga seemed to have maintained a distinctive character in

comparison to those in the north. Primarily, much of the religious practices in

the southern regions were the product of goddess cults that had existed long

before the arrival of Indian culture. That these traditions should remain largely

intact should be no surprise, as the Chams originally only inhabited the southern

regions of what would eventually become the Champa kingdom.53 Likewise,

contact with Central and North Asian cultures pressing southward would have

been delayed comparatively for the peoples inhabiting the southern reaches of

the Indochinese peninsula.54

While Mi Son was maintained as the locus of royal power farther to the

north, a more indigenous form of Cham culture continued to develop in the

south. There was also undoubtedly more contact between southern regions of

Champa and the island cultures of present on the islands of Indonesia, as well as

Malaysia, which all maintained forms of goddess worship in their own right. It

should not be forgotten that the Chams and Indonesians share a common Malay-

Austronesian ancestry, and despite the varied trajectories of cultural

development, many similarities remained. Emmanuel Guillon states: “A whole

53
Sharma, 8.
54
Coedès, 12.

35
series of shared cultural traits has been traced between the Indianized kingdoms

of Champa and the ancient cultures of the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian

archipelago, particularly Central Java.”55 Archaeological and art historical

evidence proves conclusively that southern areas of Champa were intimately

linked to the Indianized states of Java, as shown through similarities between

Cham and Javanese statuary. Guillon continues:

The earliest similarities appear to occur in the second half of the

6th century...Several score years later in date, a group of bronze
statuettes of Avalokiteshvara, found at southern sites (the
kingdom of Panduranga) are from the late 8th or early 9th
centuries, and display such close resemblance to Indo-Javanese
technique and iconography that they have sometimes been
classified as purely Javanese.56

Additionally, archaeologists have uncovered carved stone pedestals,

presumable created to support linga, in the area of Kedah on the Malay

Peninsula. The similarities between the pedestals found in Malaysia and those

created in Champa, each dated to the same period, support the theory that Cham

refugees had sought peaceful conditions elsewhere after a military defeat in 986

CE at the hands of the Annamese army.57

Central to the Cham religion in the south was the goddess known as Po

Nagar (whose complete title is Po Yang Inoeu Nagar, meaning The Lady

55
Guillon, 66.
56
ibid.
57
Michael Sullivan, “”Raja Bersiong’s Flagpole Base’: A Possible Link
between Ancient Malaya and Champa,” Artibus Asiae, Vol. 20, No. 4
(1957), 289-295.

36
Mother Goddess of the Kingdom).58 She is a figure not unlike the Chinese Soil

God, as she shares many of the chthonic and cadastral qualities common among

ancient indigenous deities. Aymonier describes her in this way: “She is above

all else the goddess of rice fields, fertility, abundance, and agriculture.”59

Interestingly, these are many of the same qualities that one finds associated with

Shiva and the linga after Champa had been thoroughly Indianized.

The inherent similarities between the cult of Po Nagar and the cult of

Shiva brought from India may in fact be one reason why there was no great

attempt on behalf of the colonizing Indians to completely purge the Chams of

entrenched indigenous religious practices. Instead, indigenous deities and

beliefs were slowly appropriated by the Hindu element, taking the names and

features of Hindu deities, so that a Brahmanical veneer soon covered and

disguised much of the earlier beliefs and customs. This process was additionally

furthered be the increased reference to female deities that began to occur in the

Hindu canon in the 5th century.60 The constant adoption of Hindu culture by

Cham royalty resulted in the goddess Po Nagar being re-imagined as Bhagavati,

one of the many avatars of Uma, female consort to Shiva. This morphological

process of identifying indigenous goddesses with female Hindu deities was not

58
Étienne Aymonier, “The Chams and their Religion,” Cham Sculpture
Religious Ceremonies and Superstitions of Champa (Bangkok: White
Lotus Co. Ltd., 2001), 34. Originally published as Les Tchames et
Leur Religions, 1891, Ernest Leroux, Paris.
59
ibid.
60
Fiona Kerlogue, Arts of Southeast Asia (London: Thames and Hudson Ltd.,
2004), 72.

37
unique to Champa alone; Indonesian rice goddesses similar to Po Nagar were

also transformed under the influence of Hinduism so that they eventually were

understood as a manifestation of the ultimate Hindu goddess Mahadevi. As

Kerlogue explains:

Many of these grew out of the idea of the great goddess Mahadevi,
who in one aspect personified the active element of the impersonal
absolute. Later she developed many guises among them the
manifestation of the active power of male deities or ideas
associated with them such as wealth, earth or fertility. In
Indonesia, in the form of Dewi Sri, the rice goddess, she came to
symbolize fertility.61

The similarities between Po Nagar and Dewi Sri should not be dismissed as

coincidence, as both most likely share a pre-historic Malay-Austronesian

conception of the Mother Goddess as their genesis. Though Po Nagar was for

many generations overshadowed by the worship of Shiva, which was intimately

integrated into the political power of the king and the Brahmans, she remained

always present in the areas of Kauthara and Panduranga.

The re-emergence of Po Nagar, first in the guise of Bhagavati, during

the 8th and 9th centuries stands as a sign of profound cultural transition for the

Champa Kingdom. The similar meanings and religious roles associated with

Shiva and Po Nagar/Bhagavati within Cham culture might lead one to expect

that the transition from one to the other as the tutelary deity of the kingdom

would not be as conceptually difficult or disruptive to the system of divine

kingship that had been developed. But despite this seemingly easy conceptual

61
Kerlogue, 72.

38
transition, in which only the gender of the deity is changed while the

connotations remain virtually identical, one must remember that this transition

did not occur within a vacuum. The shift in identification was a conscious

choice on behalf of kings and administrators, and as such stands as an

expression of a larger shift of identity occurring within the Champa Kingdom as

a whole. Thus, by attempting to examine the historical narrative surrounding the

establishment and continued preservation of Po Nagar temple, even as other

sites fell into ruin, a better understanding of Cham cultural history can be

produced.

History of Po Nagar site.

Today, Po Nagar temple remains an impressive site, looming as it does

over the sleepy Vietnamese city of Nha Trang (Fig. 11). The temple is perhaps

the best-preserved example of Cham architecture, as it fortunately was spared

the ravages of invasion and defeat that befell so many other structures, including

many primary temples at Mi Son (Fig. 12). The relatively good state of repair

enjoyed by Po Nagar is also due to the fact that the temple has been continually

in use even up to the present day, and as such has been treated to a level of

respect and attention not enjoyed by other Cham monuments. However, the fact

that Po Nagar should be so well maintained is a bit of an irony, as its early

history and periods of construction are marked by a number of instances of total

destruction at the hands of invading forces.

39
Fig. 11 View of Po Nagar Temple, as one approaches from the original
staircase. The remaining brick columns of an open-air mandapa porch
are visible on the first landing.62

62
From the author’s private collection. Photograph taken May 2005.

40
Fig. 12 View of Mi Son temple, which was destroyed by American bombing
campaigns during the Vietnamese-American War. Note the use of stone
for doorposts and lintel, while walls are constructed of baked brick. This
is the typical system of building found in Cham temples.63

63
From the author’s private collection. Photograph taken May 2005.

41
 As at Mi Son, the original structures that stood at the Po Nagar site

(Map 3) were temples constructed of wood. And, like those at Mi Son, these

were eventually burned to the ground. The erection of brick and stone

monuments can be thought of as the product of a cultural division between

North and South Champa that had been brewing for centuries. There seems to

have been a division between these two areas from the earliest establishment of

the Champa Kingdom. As Majumdar explains: “The country which developed

later into the kingdom of Champa was originally inhabited by two classes of

people, the Chams and the savages. The distinction was mainly a cultural one,

as both belonged to the same Austronesian race…The Chams looked down

upon the savages.”64 This division was surely maintained after the Indianization

of the Cham, as royal Hindu culture developed primarily in the north at Mi Son.

This further legitimized the notion that those in the north, with their elaborate

Hindu rituals and royal monuments, were of a higher social standing than those

in the south, who maintained indigenous beliefs and manners. The result of this

was a kingdom that consisted of two geographically anchored groups of people,

who were at times only nominally unified. Thus, as the northern territories were

increasingly threatened and the sites of royal power moved increasingly south,

the identity of the Champa kingdom changed accordingly, as more elements of

southern culture were assimilated into the royal imagery and religious practices.

Sharma describes this period thusly: “The center of gravity of the Champa

kingdom had moved to the [Southern] region...[where] distinctively native

64
Majumdar, 11.

42
 Main Temple

Mandapa

Map 3 Site plan of the Po Nagar temple complex. Mandapa is located to the
west of main temple (kalan).65

65
Daigoro Chihara, Hindu-Buddhist Architecture in Southeast Asia (Leiden: E.J.
Brill, 1996), 223.

43
styles started evolving in the region...[and Cham architecture] had also received

some Buddhist and Javanese influence.”66

The 8th century marks a period of great transition for the Champa

kingdom. The dynasty founded by king Rudravarman I, who ascended to the

throne in 529 C.E., and lasted for almost 225 years, ended with the death of

Rudravarman II in the year 757 C.E.67 During this period, Cham kings had

continued to make donations and tributes to the temples of Mi Son, and the vast

majority of inscriptions they left behind are to found there. Little is known

regarding Rudravarman II, though it is assumed that he left behind no heirs to

the throne, because his successor, Prithivindravarman was appointed to the

throne by members of the royal administration immediately after the death of

Rudravarman II.68 The new king was a descendant of the Clan of the Areca

Palm, which had long held sway over the southern regions of Champa.

Maspero, in his notes, goes on to explain that:

It was the day after his [Rudravarman II] death, no doubt, that
Prithvindravaman received the crown and brought his royal
residence to the south…The inscriptions that mention his name
give no real or imagined genealogy. Thus one can assume that, a
simple lord chosen by his subjects, he did not feel the need to
justify as ascent to the throne that the worthies had approved, nor
his successors after him.69

66
Sharma, 42.
67
Maspero, 45.
68
ibid.
69
ibid, 165.

44
Thus, feeling no obligation to continue the traditions of a previous dynasty, the

new king set in motion the process of re-identification of the Champa Kingdom

that would ultimately give rise to the veneration of Bhagavati rather than Shiva.

The last half of the 8th century was particularly tenuous for the Cham. A

series of attacks by the Javanese systematically ravaged the Cham trade centers

that dotted the Indochinese coast, interrupting the years of prosperity and

relative dominance the Cham had previously enjoyed. Of particular interest is

the raid of 774 C.E., during which the originally wood temples of Po Nagar

were mercilessly burned to the ground, and all precious offerings that had

accumulated there were looted.70 Ten years later, after the Javanese attacks had

subsided a bit, the new king, Satyavarman, had the Po Nagar temple rebuilt out

of brick and stone, which had become the preferred method of building for

Cham kings. These are in essence the structures that stand today, though they

have been rebuilt and renovated several times since.

Stylistically, the Po Nagar main temple (Figs. 13 & 14) is closely related

to structures located at Mi Son, and represents the apogee of Cham building

techniques and architectural planning.71 The main temple (the kalan) consists of

a vertical rectangular space that is topped by a four-story, pyramidal roof. The

entrance vestibule is attached to the east face, which holds the only entrance.

The remaining three faces are decorated with a false-door façade, with a double

70
Maspero, 48.
71
Though they are similar in style and construction, some scholars place Po
Nagar in a separate stylistic category apart from the Mi Son style
found in central and northern temples. See Sharma, 40-46 for
discussion of stylistic categories.

45
Fig. 13 Artistic rendering of Po Nagar main temple; lateral view.72

72
http://www.viettouch.com/champa/

46
Fig. 14 View of Po Nagar main temple, from Southwest direction. The false-
door facades are easily seen, topped by pointed arches.73

73
From the author’s private collection. Photograph taken May 2005.

47
pilaster motif topped by a pointed arch. The niches between the pilasters and the

faces of the double arches are surprisingly plain, devoid of the ornate surface

carving found in other Cham structures. Though the architecture is indeed

impressive, it is the inscriptions from this time that provide a glimpse of the

growing reverence given to Bhagavati. Maspero provides this translation, from

an inscription recording the rebuilding efforts of Satyavarman: “He places the

venerable Mukhalinga of the ‘Lord of Bhagavati’ there; near it he placed the

‘image of his wife,’ the ‘fortunate’ Bhagavati herself, ‘the goddess of

Kauthara’.”74 This passage seems to indicate a growing proclivity among the

Cham kings to elevate the female consorts of Shiva to a place of equal

importance, thus disguising the indigenous Po Nagar, who was first and

foremost the Mother Goddess of the country, as the companion of Shiva.

Guises of the Goddess

From the outside, it may be difficult to understand how such a

conceptually powerful figure such as Shiva could ever be demoted without

risking intense religious unrest. But this expectation of trouble may be the

product of traditions in the Western world that for the most part conceive of

deities as independent, hierarchical beings. This is very different from the

conceptual underpinnings of Hindu religion. The Hindu pantheon is filled with

millions upon millions of identifiable deities, yet they do not carry the

connotations of exclusivity and separateness that one might expect. This is

74
Maspero, 48.

48
especially true regarding Shiva and his Sakti, or female counterpart, who is

variously identified as Uma, Devi, Gauri, and Bhagavati, among other names.

Majumdar provides an eloquent description of Sakti:

Her power is conceived to be equal to that of god Siva…She is

the primordial energy of the existent and the non existent. But, as
we have seen above, these are exactly the attributes of Siva
himself. Hence the Sakti and Siva are conceived as essentially
one and the same.75

Thus it was possible for the Cham to integrate their ancestral goddess, Po

Nagar, into the royal system of Shivaite worship without either losing

conceptual connotations or legitimacy. The ability of Hinduism to absorb

indigenous elements without conflict or aggravation is undoubtedly one reason

it came to dominate much of South and Southeast Asia. In fact, the same

process had occurred in India centuries back during the post-Vedic period, when

Brahmanical modes of thought began to infiltrate the Indian subcontinent, and

mother-goddess and nature-goddess cults were assimilated into the enlarging

Hindu pantheon.76

Regardless of how similar Po Nagar and Bhagavati were conceptually,

their emergence as prominent figures within Cham culture and art was

dependant on the choices and actions of the king and his advisors. As Philip

Rawson reminds us: “All Cham art is based on the cult of divine

kingship…kings, therefore, were the only patrons for whom temples were

75
Majumdar, 189.
76
John Guy, Indian Temple Structure (London: V & A Publications, 2007),
157.

49
built.”77 Thus, in order to understand the emergence of Bhagavati as central

deity, one must consider the king for whom she was paramount.

Though Po Nagar had been restored in 784 C.E., epigraphical evidence

seems to indicate that it was again sacked, though not completely razed, by

either Javanese or Khmer, or both, sometime during the last years of the 8th

century. Though the temple was the primary site dedicated to goddess worship,

the sanctuary remained empty of any image of the deity, rendering it essentially

non-functional. The temple was once again repaired in 817 C.E. during the rule

of King Harivarman I, who had given control over the southern states to his son,

the crown prince Vikrantavarman. Though he was officially administrative

head, the young age of Vikrantavarman necessitated that he be placed under the

charge of a proven leader; thus, his father appointed a general by the name of

Par to the role of advisor. The evidence suggests that it is he, General Par, who

is ultimately responsible for the elevation of Bhagavati to the rank of tutelary

deity.

General Par seems to have first made a name for himself as a successful

military leader, leading multiple successful raids against the Khmer.78 Although

the general was indeed a capable military commander, he also was renowned for

the amount of attention he gave to restoring religious monuments.79 He was able

to use the spoils of the invasions for the maintenance and repair of numerous

77
Philip Rawson, The Art of Southeast Asia (London: Thames & Hudson,
1967), 120.
78
Maspero, 51.
79
Majumdar, 53.

50
temples, but seems to have been particularly focused on the restoration of Po

Nagar temple. From inscriptions found at the Po Nagar site, it appears clear that

the General undertook a thorough renovation of the temple in the year 817 CE,

during which time he installed a newly carved stone image of Bhagavati in the

main temple, which during previous dynasties had housed a linga. Whereas the

previous discussion has shown that in many regards Shiva and Bhagavati were

one and the same, the erection of a female deity represents a definite shift in the

identity of the Champa Kingdom, and could very well be an expression of the

political ingenuity of General Par.

As previously stated, this period was particularly chaotic for the Cham

due to a series of attacks by the neighboring Khmer and Javanese peoples.

Additionally, the heavy influence of India, which had shaped and directed Cham

culture for centuries, began to wane due to a shift in trade routes. In many

regards, this marks the beginning of a long period of decline that would

eventually result in the dissolution of the Champa Kingdom. Increase friction

between the Tang empire in China and the growing Dai Viet population in

northern Indochina caused trade routes between India and China to be moved

north, diminishing the importance of Cham-controlled ports.80 This was doubly

negative for the Cham: revenue from trade was severely decreased, which made

it all but impossible to maintain the fragile alliances between the various polities

within the Champa Kingdom; likewise, the decoupling of India and Champa

resulted in the loss, to a certain degree, of Brahmanical culture and social

80
O’Reilly, 141.

51
organization, so that indigenous forms of religion and tradition began to re-

emerge to take their place. This is the atmosphere within which General Par was

forced to operate.

The decision to consecrate a new image of Bhagavati may have been

partly motivated by politics. Needing to maintain some semblance of royal

decorum without alienating his subjects, the general would have looked for a

compromise. It seems that Bhagavati would fill this role beautifully. As an

expression of Shivaite powers of fertility and abundance, Bhagavati could be

revered without dramatic shifts in the concept of divine kingship upon which

Cham culture was founded. This ensured that the crown prince would not have

to dispel any fears about his ability to maintain decorum when he eventually

ascended to the throne. Additionally, southern Cham polities, who had

maintained an innate affection and reverence for the Mother Goddess Po Nagar,

would have comfortably accepted the figure of Bhagavati as legitimate deity,

and would thus be more inclined to support the prince who controlled their

territories. Understanding the need to maintain order and appease his subjects,

General Par artfully disguised Po Nagar, who had never disappeared from the

hearts and minds of the Cham, in the trappings of Bhagavati. As Paul Mus

states:

It is probable that the deity venerated in Nha Trang was

originally a strictly indigenous chthonic goddess. But Indianizing
forms of worship did not do away with her. They were satisfied
with making her into the wife of Shiva, calling her Uma or
Parvati, and bestowing on her a new title, Bhagavati

52
 Kauthareshvari, ‘The Happy [or Auspicious] One, Kauthara’s
Sovereign.81

It could be easy to dismiss this rebuilding project as patronizing if not

for the scale of the project and the continued devotion to Bhagavati. Perhaps the

greatest archaeological evidence for General Par’s sincerity is the remnants of

the great mandapa (a columned pavilion facing the main temple entry) that sit

below the main temple at Po Nagar (Fig. 15). Unlike the mandapa at Mi Son,

which seems to be built to the same scale as the temples, the mandapa at Po

Nagar is immense by comparison. Located lower down the hill atop which the

main temple stands, the remnants of the mandapa today consist of ten brick

columns each measuring 15 feet tall and roughly 4 feet in diameter, which are

arranged in two parallel rows of five, creating a central aisle that measures

approximately 20 feet wide. On either side of the primary arrangement is an

additional row of six smaller columns that are built to approximately half the

scale of the primary columns; these columns would have originally supported a

boat-shaped wooden roof. Interestingly, the mandapa at Po Nagar shows no

evidence that side walls were ever constructed, unlike mandapa found at other

Cham sites.82

The scale of the structure and the lack of walls may indicate that this

structure was intended to house large crowds of worshippers, who would come

to venerate the goddess. Though only priests and members of the royal

81
Mus, 83.
82
Sharma, 143.

53
Fig. 15 Remaining columns of Mandapa, Po Nagar temple. View is looking
east, down the hill atop which the temple sits.83

83
From the author’s private collection. Photograph taken May 2005.

54
administration would be allowed into the inner sanctuary of the temple, the

renovations ordered by General Par would have made it possible for the

community at large to participate in the ritual activities.84

General Par seems to have struck a nerve within the Cham, as the status

of the Po Nagar complex diminished little over the next centuries, despite ever

increasing threats to the Champa Kingdom. After the renovations of General

Par, Po Nagar would again experience instances of pillaging and destruction.

However, the image of Bhagavati was each time restored, and donations offered

to her despite declining Cham wealth.

The final restoration of major interest took place in 1050 C.E., under the

direction of king Jaya Parameshvaravarman. By the 11th century the Champa

kingdom was engaged in frequent battles with the Dai Viet in the north. To

make matters work, the southern principalities of Panduranga and Kauthara had

grown increasingly restless, until finally they attempted a revolt.85 After

subduing the southern revolts, Jaya Parameshvaravarman immediately went

about restoring the religious monuments that had been damaged in an attempt to

“impress the people with an idea of wealth, splendor and piety of the king of

Champa.”86 This is likely the period of restoration that saw the creation of a

splendid new tympanum relief carving for the Po Nagar main temple (Fig. 16).

84
Hubert, 29. Of the ritual practices, Hubert explains: “The small, square
room [the sanctum sanctorum] is used by officiants, and not the worshippers,
who circle the divinity-snandroni complex.”
85
Majumdar, 77.

55
Fig 16 Tympanum, Po Nagar main temple.87

86
Majumdar, 79.
87
Sharma, 141.

56
 This piece contains an image of a female deity that Sharma identifies as

Uma Maheshvara, or an expression of the female divinity that connotes a

devotion to and partnership with Shiva. Thus, the tympanum reinforces the

concept that the female aspect of the divine—in particular the Bhagavati housed

inside the temple—has a status equal to that of the masculine Shiva. Also during

this time, a new image of Bhagavati was installed in the Po Nagar main temple

(Figs. 17 & 18). This is the image that remains today, though the head and

hands have been broken off and replaced with Vietnamese sculptural pieces.

Despite the unfortunate attempt at restoration, the image of Bhagavati

remains in excellent condition, and is heralded by many as one of the best

examples of Cham sculpture. The image is one of maternal compassion and

female procreative potential, which Aymonier describes in this manner: “The

fine breasts of the goddess Bhagavati are no longer a virgin’s; they are

somewhat too large, slightly sunken, and appear to indicate a fertile

maternity.”88 When compared to other Cham images of female deities, the Po

Nagar Bhagavati displays many characteristics that have come to define Cham

figurative sculpture. For example, the large, rounded breasts; articulated

wrinkles of flesh along the belly; and the distinctive frontal stance are all

present in contemporaneous pieces, such as the Bronze Tara dated to the 9th or

10th century (Fig. 19), or a headless, unidentified female deity dating to the 10th

century (Fig. 20).

88
Aymonier, 26.

57
Fig. 17 Frontal view of Bhagavati, with ceremonial robes pulled back to
expose body. Note the painted head and face, which were added
during a restoration project.89

89
Sharma, 142.

58
Fig. 18 Rear view of Bhagavati. This angle shows the ornate, fine
quality of Cham carving from this period.90

90
Sharma, 142.

59
Fig. 19 Bronze statue of Tara, 9th-10th centuries.91

91
Guillon, 103.

60
Fig. 20 Unidentified Female Deity, 10th century.92

92
Guillon, 104.

61
 While these two works are undeniably feminine and possess and great

deal of sensuality and grace, they seem to lack the strength of presence exuded

by the Po Nagar Bhagavati. While Bhagavati is indeed herself quite feminine in

appearance, her posture is perhaps more reminiscent of images of male deities,

particularly those of her consort, the Lord Shiva. A particularly interesting

example of this can be seen in the damaged Four-Armed Shiva sculpture, dating

to the 11th century (Fig. 21). The similarities between these this work and the

Po Nagar Bhagavati include a strong, triangular geometry that is formed by

posing the figures in a seated position with legs crossed, palms resting on the

knees. Additionally, both pieces exhibit the heightened level of surface

ornamentation that would come to define later periods of Cham sculpture,

particularly the ornate patterning on clothing and jewelry. The material used is a

dense black sandstone, which hold details well even now.

It may be appropriate that the image of Bhagavati would most closely

resemble that of Shiva, considering the position of supremacy that both shared

in the Cham pantheon. As utmost expressions of the divine, it is fitting that

these two figures would be rendered similarly, with a certain degree of stability

and power reserved for only the most important of gods. Together, Shiva and

Bhagavati represented the immense procreative powers inherent in the Hindu

cosmology—a source of energy that could ensure good harvest, favorable

weather, and good fortune in battle.

62
Fig. 21 Damaged statue of a Four-Armed Shiva, late 11th century. Note the
similarities in posture and decoration between this piece and the Po
Nagar Bhagavati.93

93
Guillon, 140.

63
 This is a fine description of a goddess who, despite being named for her

ferociousness, is ultimately the supreme expression of the life-giving ability

inherent in the female gender. She is Po Nagar, giver of sustenance as the

goddess of rice and agriculture; she is the supreme ancestor and origin of life as

the Mother Goddess. She is Bhagavati, the sakti of Shiva, the emanation of all

the procreative powers that flow from and about him; she is the Happy One, the

counterbalance to the destruction brought about by her mate.

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 CHAPTER 5: Conclusions

Today, the image of Bhagavati found at Po Nagar looks quite different

from what it once was. She is now revered by Cham and Vietnamese alike, and

is dressed with Mahayana Buddhist robes which obscure most of her Indianized

form. But rather than construe this as a loss of purely Cham culture, one must

place the current state of the Po Nagar site within the larger narrative of Cham

history. As this discussion has hopefully emphasized, the history of the Cham is

not one of purity and exclusivity, but is instead a narrative revolving around the

potential for originality to spring from cultural interaction.

The Cham were themselves the product of cultural crosscurrents, both

ethnologically and culturally. The Malay-Austronesian forbears of the Cham

dared to venture across the sea, mingling with peoples who inhabited the dense

forests and intimidating ravines of the Indochinese coast. Each group brought

their own beliefs and customs, yet rather than each losing specific facets of their

culture; they were instead able to create a new and unique blend of traditions,

customs, and beliefs. The same process was again repeated when Indian traders

and missionaries began colonizing the various lands of Southeast Asia, doing so

on the strength of thought and philosophy rather than steel and iron.

The Indochinese peninsula is truly the nexus of cultural interaction

within the Asian continent; Chinese, Indian, Indonesian, and Japanese

influences can be felt in virtually every location. The Cham, then, were literally

at the center of the Asian world. Though confined to a small swath of coast, the

65
Champa Kingdom was able to grow wealthy and intimidating, if only for a

relatively short while, on its ability to remain always resilient, defiant, and

proud. The Chinese again and again attempted to push south, but were

repeatedly surprised at the strength and ferocity of the “savages” who were

determined not to be conquered. The Champa kingdom might have remained

intact were it not surrounded by so many other vibrant, ambitious cultures. The

Khmer to the west, Dai Viet to the north, and Javanese to the south created a

three-part threat that could not be wholly put down. Battle with one would

provide opportunity for the others to move in with their own attacks; it is

perhaps commendable that the Cham were able to flourish as they did,

considering the level of danger that seems to have always existed for them.

In many ways, the history of Po Nagar mimics that of the Champa

kingdom itself. Emergence from pre-historic roots, influence from outside

forces, repeated phases of destruction and creation, all the while maintaining a

unique identity; these are all factors which are shared between the history of the

culture and the history of the monument. Thus, by investigating the factors

concerning one we are able to learn more about the other. This ultimately is the

appeal of Cham art and culture; though there are many details which can be

examined, the immediacy and directness inherent in Cham culture are never far

from view, and are never out of mind; the history of Champa remains

satisfyingly mysterious.

66
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