EDITORIAL BOARD

Aliona LÎSÎI, PhD associate professor

Victoria GONȚA, PhD associate professor

THE NATIONAL SESSION OF STUDENTS’ SCIENTIFIC

COMMUNICATIONS

2nd Edition

April 26, 2018

Chişinău, 2018

1
This edition is a collection of American University of Moldova students’ presentations at the
National Session of Students’ Scientific Communications
The academic event was organized by the American University of Moldova on April 26,
2018

Colegiul de redacție/Editorial Board

Aliona LÎSÎI, PhD, associate professor; Victoria GONȚA, PhD, associate professor; AUM;
Evelina GOROBET, PhD candidate AUM; Diana BENCHECI, PhD, associate professor
AUM; Alexandru ROSCA, PhD, associate professor; Stelian MANIC, PhD, associate
professor; Nicolae TIU, professor AUM

Edition’s technic assistance

Valentin BENCHECI, coordonator proiecte ICCER
Irina SALAMAHA, coordonator proiecte

Materials are published in the author’s oppinions and do not reflect the views of the editorial board.
Responsibility for the content of communications is on authors and scientific coordinators.

CIP description of the National Chamber of the Book:

The National Session of Student's Scientific Communications: 2nd Edition, April 26,
2018/ ed. board: Aliona Lîsîi, Victoria Gonţa. – Chişinău : S. n., 2018 (Tipogr. "Print-Caro"). –
68 p.: tab.
Antetit.: The American Univ. of Moldova. – Referinţe bibliogr. la sfârşitul art. – 100 ex.
ISBN 978-9975-56-548-6.
32+33:378.4(478-25)(082)
N 26

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 POLITICAL SCIENCES
Marcel PLATON, The American University of Moldova, student
DEMOCRACY-THE FUNDAMENTAL VALUE IN YOUTH TRAINING……………… 5

Vlada UNGUREAN, The American University of Moldova, student

THE ART OF POLITICAL CONVENIENCE: BETWEEN POLITICAL FIGHT AND
COMPROMIS............................................................................................................................. 9

Ecaterina STICI, The American University of Moldova, student

TRANSNISTRIN CONFLICT IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN SECURITY AND
DEFENSE POLICY ................................................................................................................ 11

Silvia BOGONOVSCHI, The American University of Moldova, student

SIGNIFICANCE OF COALITION GOVERNMENTS IN ACTUAL CONDITIONS.
CASE OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA......................................................................... 19

Mariana ARICOVA, The American University of Moldova, student

REGIONAL COOPERATION - MEANS OF INSURANCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL
SECURITY OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA.............................................................. 23

Petru ZLOI, The American University of Moldova

MIXED ELECTORAL SYSTEMS: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ...................... 28

ECONOMIC SCIENCES
Vitalie Diulghier, The American University of Moldova, student
THE ECONOMIC FUTURE OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA: CHALLENGES
AND SOLUTIONS......................................................................................................................33

Cristina MOLESTEAN, The American University of Moldova, student

MIGRATION INFLUENCE ON ECONOMIC STABILITY OF
COMMUNITY.............................................................................................................................37

Evghenia MARTINIUC, The American University of Moldova, student

JUSTIFICATION OF MIGRATION: TRANSFORMING CHALLENGES TO
OPPORTUNITIES..................................................................................................................... 41

Erica TAȘCA, The American University of Moldova, student

STUDENTS’ MIGRATION ..................................................................................................... 46

Stanislav ZABRIAN, The American University of Moldova, student

NATIONAL AND WORLD TRAFFIC TRENDS
OF HUMAN BEINGS................................................................................................................ 48

Petru ZLOI, The American University of Moldova, student

MANIPULATION: INSTANCES OF MOLDOVAN POLITICAL REALITY .............. 51

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 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Denis CULEV, The American University of Moldova
ENLARGEMENT OF NATO OBSTACLES AND PERSPECTIVES ............................ 54

Mihaela BIVOL, The American University of Moldova

THE MECHANISM OF THE UNITED NATIONS FUNCTION. THE REALITY AND
PERSPECTIVES IN 21ST CENTURY ............................................................................... 57

Natia CHAGANAVA, Universitatea Euroregională, Georgia

PROBLEMS OF MODELING AND COGNITION OF THE "WORLD VIEW" AND
COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS ....................................................................................... 59

Elena REPIDA, USM, FRIȘPA

ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES WITHIN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS .................... 62

Avtandil LAPACHI, Mikheil NIKOLEISHVILI, Vaja TARIELADZE, Euroregional

Teaching University
SOME PROBLEMS OF INTEGER-VALUED OPTIMIZATION ……………………… 64

Vasil GAGNIASHVILI, Euroregional Teaching University, Faculty of Social Sciences

(Business Administration), student
MICRO AND SMALL BUSINESS AND GOVERNMENT SUPPORT POLICY IN
GEORGIA .............................................................................................................................. 65

4
 DEMOCRACY-THE FUNDAMENTAL VALUE IN YOUTH TRAINING

Marcel PLATON, The American University of Moldova, student

The article deals with important issues of democracy. Democracy is a fundamental value
for youth education of our days. The principles of democracy must be at the foundation of
contemporary society, and to develop a modern society compatible with the international
environment.Young people need to be aware of the importance of freedom but also of
responsability to create a prosperous society. For this reasons, involvement of young people in
political life must be a primary objective, because evryone’s vote counts.

Keywords: democracy, political consciousness, media, political culture

A democratic society involves interaction between the political sphere, the general public
and the younger generation, which is crucial to communicating as effectively as possible
between communicating representative bodies and citizens. A special role belongs to creating the
political climate of a country of the younger generation. The younger the more active the
decision-making process, the more representative their interests will be the central and the local
ones.
These principles are reflected in the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, which
refers to Article 2, which states that sovereignty belongs to the people, but based on the
assumption that the people can not continuously exercise their attributions, it delegates these
attributions to its representative bodies [1]. Also, for our study, Article 5 of the Constitution of
R. M is also relevant, where the principle of de-monocracy and political pluralism in the
Republic of Moldova is reflected.
Democracy must be active and participatory, encompassing all areas and segments of
social life. It expresses the individual's position in society, assuring them the fundamental rights
and freedoms, the conditions that imply the exercise of democracy in a genuine democracy.
Democracy is a way of life, a totality of moral values, an ideal that involves the participation of
every citizen in the organization and leadership of society. According to G. Burdeau,
"Democracy is today a philosophy, a way to live, a religion, and, almost as an accessory, a form
of government, such richness comes from what it actually is, and the idea that people do about it
when they invest in democracy their hope for a better life"[2] True democracy is what proclaims
man as the supreme value of society, ensures the realization of personal aspirations and interests.
Bodies and institutions of power at central and local levels must meet the will and
interests of citizens and young people, including to represent and promote them. In turn, the
representative organs must be accountable to those delegating their duties, and when the
representative organs fail to fulfill their assumed obligations, citizens must be given the
opportunity to revoke them. Therefore, a special role in the formation and orientation of civic
and political conscience of citizens belongs to the media, which must possess independence from
power, and represent the interests of the general public.
Democracy can not be approached in an abstract way, outside the social relations that are
in a state. These relationships are the product of a set of conditions, values and principles without
which the nature of the social-political system in which the citizen lives can not be analyzed and
understood. From this point of view, democracy, in the most general sense, is a form of
organization of political relations, being directly or indirectly related to political power, the level
of development of economic and spiritual life, the capacity of political forces to ensure the
democratic development of society.
Today, more than ever, one can say that there are no states and peoples who are not, in
one way or another, preoccupied with the issue of democracy. The practice of past and present

5
social and political life proves that democracy was and is the form of government, organization
and leadership of the most valid society and accepted by people, by most human communities,
the only one capable of expressing and promoting the essence of life to defend it and to ensure
its achievement, the fulfillment of its ideals and interests. This is only possible through effective
communication that will let young people know about the new changes and they will also
perceive the information and be able to express their point of view through a public debate
organized for the purpose of expressing opinions . Strengthening the democratic values of
today's young people is one of the most important values for society, because they are the ones
who inspire optimism, strength and perseverance. In this context we can talk about several
aspects such as:
- First of all, such a medium of communication is significant because it serves to establish
individual autonomy. Individual autonomy is preoccupied with the fact that everyone makes
their own laws. In this sense, every person / young person enjoys the right to participate in
making decisions that will condition his / her own life. Decisions that affect the lives of
individuals do not undoubtedly imply only the choice they made in their individual or private
domains. Political preferences in areas such as justice, education and health, but also the content
and nature of the law, affect people's lives in many respects [3].
- Secondly, such a communication medium will allow the public to benefit from visibility
and transparency. In a democracy, people / young people must take advantage of the visibility of
the work of representative bodies, so that people know how these organs represent their interests.
The difference between a democracy where citizens consider themselves to be more passive
rather than active (it is a weak democracy), and a democracy that operates with the participatory
understanding of young people is a genuine democracy. It is impossible to be an autonomous
community if the members of society act as mere spectators. Democracy can become functional
only through active participation of the people in the act of government.
Although "being informed" is one of the important conditions for active participation that
takes place through public debate, communication processes can act, depending on the sources
that transmit the information. Although no individual possesses all the information about the
political process in a country, there must still be an alternative for information to make the right
decisions. In addition, different points of view on different issues can not be known or predicted
by all individuals. Intercommunication and discussion is the factor that will reveal them. In this
context, the public debate appears as a tool for obtaining information.
One of the observations on the value of the public debate in the electoral process is the
formation of public opinion in order to win the election of the electoral contestants. At the same
time, this campaign can be an information tool. Indeed, affirming that intercommunication acts
as a means of illumination, Kant argues that when people are compared at the level of
individuals, it is more likely and inevitable that the public will be enlightened.
Based on these arguments, it is possible to say that democracy appears as a system that
finds a basis for survival through the existence of people who talk to one another about social
issues and shape their future. Above all, when emphasis is placed on democracy, this means that
problem solving is sought through political negotiations and interpersonal communication. This
indicates that democracy is, in fact, a process linked to the rules of coexistence. In addition, it
also appears as a set of methods and processes that identify that the solution to a problem faced
by people and society is once again based on people and the political environment.
There is no doubt that such a model can not be administered by passive agents, and it is very
likely that a democracy led by passive or inactive subjects will turn into a democracy that
operates against the people. A democracy against the people, on the other hand, is a product of a
political understanding, which regards people only as objects.
Young people are mostly dissatisfied with how democracy develops. More than half of
Moldovan youth aged between 14 and 29, ie 61.7%, are unhappy and very dissatisfied with the
development of democracy in the country. Another 26.3% are neither satisfied nor dissatisfied,
and only 8.3% are very satisfied. And the rest did not know what to answer - shows a poll
6
conducted by the Center for Sociological Investigations and Marketing "CBS-AXA" within the
project "Youth inclusion". CBS-AXA sociologist Vasile Cantarji said there was a low interest in
politics among young people. Only one in four young people is very interested, and the rest are
little or no interested in the subject [4].
In one of the research conducted within the Academy of Scientists, respondents were
offered a list of qualities and insights to identify the main features of contemporary youth. The
answers obtained were ranked in positive and negative. A comparison made between the
responses showed that in the hierarchy of youth specific qualities proposed to the respondents for
the selection, the positive assessments were placed on the last places. In this respect, only six
respondents indicated that youth is specific to their love for work, 13% - a high level of
education; 12% - consistency in reaching the proposed goals; 8% - political activism; 5% -
generosity and intelligence. At the same time, the majority of respondents thought that the young
generation is more characterized by total indifference and passivity towards everything and all -
39%; practice speculation and thievery - 31%; tend towards excessive consumerism - 26%;
dealing with drunkenness, becoming narcotics, drug addicts, prostitutes - 25%; show cruelty,
cynicism, violence - 15% [5].
The opinions of experts and respondents practically do not differ. The social-
demographic group, with a very high potential as paradoxical as it may seem, reveals its
capabilities and aspirations in areas of dubious and consumerist nature. For example, I made a
poll at the Faculty of Law and Public Administration "B. P. Hasdeu "I interviewed the young
students if they actively participate in the electoral process, to which the vast majority responded
negatively. The interest in politics is higher among young urban men. Also, the interest in
involvement in politics is closely related to the level of youth education. Thus, young people
with a high level of education show a double interest in politics compared to the rest of young
people. Vasile Cantarji said it is a myth that young people do not come to vote [4]. Asking how
many times they participated in the elections after reaching the age of majority, each second
questioned young person answered that he participated in all the elections. However, the study
shows that one in five young people has never voted. Thanks to the study it was found that a
problem of Moldovan youth is migration and lack of jobs. Today, young people have the greatest
access to information and the accumulation of knowledge about society. The lack of trust in
political parties and the complexity of the decision-making process create a democratic deficit,
and this makes low-representative groups of young people irrelevant in the decision-making
process.
The link between youth and politics is determined by the awareness of the importance of
youth activism in politics, as well as by political motivation through strategies of manipulation
and influence by participation and involvement in decision-making. This should become the
fundamental goal of the current policy in order not to lose a segment of the major population that
needs to be active and participatory in the society not only of goods, captured by unemployment,
involved in violence attacks. The young population is the one on which society relies, among
them there is a need for motivation to realize that politics, although it is not an area of interest to
them, leaves its mark and influence by price increases, budget constraints, and budgets are none
other than their parents working for the benefit of society, pay taxes, etc.
The degree of participation of young members of society in political life and their
responsibility is also related to their level of political culture. Finally, political culture
materializes in responsible participation, action and behavior, valid for all social categories,
including for school and university youth. In general, the theory and practice of socialization is
accomplished by: the function of knowing the political reality, the phenomena and processes of
the political life in society, the communicative function envisages the transmission within the
society of the knowledge and political values, either in a direct form or in an influenced one. It
concerns the political system, the relations and the relations between the components of the
political life of society, but also the relations that are formed between the leaders and the leaders,
and vice versa, the axiological function concerns the elements of appreciation, evaluation and
7
valorization of the political system and its components. This is accomplished by the values that
underpin a political system by measuring and reporting them to existing and newly created
values. These are three of the main functions of the political culture for a more motivating
motivation for youth.
It takes younger leaders to create leadership interest by setting goals, missions, strategies,
policies, procedures, programs for a continuum of young professionals who want to progress, be
flexible to change, promote laws and regulations a democratic state like the Republic of
Moldova.
In conclusion, we can assert with certainty that we are political of a democratic state, it is
necessary to evaluate to the maximum the political potential among young people, which must
be capitalized, because only in a society where the youth will be active in the political processes
of their country will have a greater representation in the decision-making bodies, representing
their interests.

Bibliography:

1. Constituția Republicii Moldova, din 29 iulie 1994

2. Burdeau G., La democratie, Editions de la Baccanniere, 1956.
3. https://bogdantatavura.wordpress.com/2017/09/25/importanta-dezbaterii-intr-o-societate-
democratica/ am accesat la data: 29.04.18
4. https://www.timpul.md/articol/tinerii-in-mare-parte-nemultumiti-de-cum-se-dezvolta-
democratia--101106.html am accesat la data: 29.04.18
5. Azizov N., Rolul tinerilor in sistemul relațiilor politice: experiența societății in
schimbare. In: Studia Universitatis, Seria Științe Sociale, 2008, nr.1, p.185-191. ISSN 1857-
2081.
6. https://www.timpul.md/articol/tinerii-in-mare-parte-nemultumiti-de-cum-se-dezvolta-
democratia--101106.html am accesat la data:01.05.18
7. http://studiamsu.eu/wp-content/uploads/39_271-276-p.pdf am accesat la data:01.05.18

Scientific coordinator: Alexandru ROSCA, doctor, conferențiar universitar

8
 THE ART OF POLITICAL CONVENIENCE: BETWEEN POLITICAL
FIGHT AND COMPROMIS

Vlada UNGUREAN, The American University of Moldova, student

After a period of multiple transformations and reconfigurations of the political system, today the
Republic of Moldova is trying to build its future within a parliamentary political regime. Far
from all the advantages of this form of governance, its functionality and efficiency is determined
by the ability of the governing political forces to cohabitate, build viable alliances, reach
compomis and consensus on key issues that condition and impede the development of the state.
The evolution of political life in the Republic of Moldova took the form of a fierce political
struggle, manifested by a sick political competition, oriented towards the achievement of narrow
party interests and goals, compromise and political consensus being a difficult element to
observe in the work of the political class.

Cuvinte-cheie: lupta politică, compromis politic, stat, democrație, legislație

After a period of multiple transformations and reconfigurations of the political system,

today the Republic of Moldova is trying to build its future within a parliamentary political
regime. Far from all the advantages of this form of governance, its functionality and efficiency is
determined by the ability of the governing political forces to cohabitate, build viable alliances,
reach compomis and consensus on key issues that condition and impede the development of the
state. The evolution of political life in the Republic of Moldova took the form of a fierce political
struggle, manifested by a sick political competition, oriented towards the achievement of narrow
party interests and goals, compromise and political consensus being a difficult element to
observe in the work of the political class.
The political conception of the political class, based on the political realities from independence
until now, was tedious, unstable and tumultuous, characterized by the inability to dialogue both
between power and opposition, and within the governing coalition that wandering through
electoral cycles. Excessive pluralism and harsh competition for citizens' votes contributed first to
the polarization of society (east-west cleavage, indential cleavage, linguistic cleavage, unionism-
statehood), which consequently continued to dictate the political struggles for most political
actors.
Analyzing the results of previous parliamentary elections, we see a dynamic of political
struggle. As a result, nineteen political parties were registered in the electoral race in 1994, and
in November 2014 this number reached up to 19 parties. The increase in the electoral offer may
have an ambivalent effect: negative and positive. The high political stakes lead to excessive
polarization of the electorate, which later penalizes political actors when they build alliances or
compromises with their political opponents or opposition parties.
Obtaining good results in elections sometimes makes the parties form alliances within
electoral blocs. If at the beginning, the Moldovan political class had a tendency to aggregate the
votes of the citizens through the pre-electoral formalized bourgeois formations, over time they
appealed less often to such political struggles. The 1998 parliamentary election case is a
conclusive one.
Continued and unfair political struggle inevitably results in political instability and
political crises. The relatively stable period (2001-2009), when we had a one-color government
(PCRM). April 2009 - present, 7 prime ministers, 5 presidents of the Parliament and last but not
least 5 presidents of the country were elected to the executive. This period has the consequence
of the dysfunctions and anomalies in the Moldovan politics, demonstrating a total lack of
political compromise between the political parties, between the government and the opposition,
9
but also between the government and the society. Despite massive support from the European
Union for a reform agenda, coalition parties fought each other to control line ministries, courts,
prosecutors, and anti-corruption bodies.
Politicians have formed a competition axis - the Democratic Party, the Liberal
Democratic Party and the Liberal Party, who have taken control of most state branches to protect
and expand control over the activities of all sectors of the state. Currently, the Democratic Party
of Moldova is struggling to gain a majority in parliamentary elections this autumn. This is
evidenced by the number of mandates held in the Parliament, initially (in November 2014),
which had 19 mandates, and currently has 42 mandates in the legislature.
Building compromise and consensus is a pressing necessity for the development and
stability of any society. Compromise in political activity is the nerve to develop relations in the
socio-political system. The ability to compromise the main actors in a state facilitates the
harmonization of socio-political relations, coagulates and integrates the interests of society,
political forces, and establishes the basis for the practice of consensual governance. The fate of
the democratic future of the Republic of Moldova and the strengthening of the Moldovan society
emphasizes the urgent need to change the formula of political struggle - from conflict and unfair
competition to compromise and consensus.

Scientific coordinator: Alexandru ROSCA, doctor, conferențiar universitar

10
 TRANSNISTRIN CONFLICT IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN
SECURITY AND DEFENSE POLICY

Ecaterina STICI, The American University of Moldova, student

Southeastern Europe remains the main source of instability in the European space. This
article presents the involvement of the European Union in the settlement of the Transnistrian
Conflict. For the EU, the Republic of Moldova is of interest not to admit the outbreak of
instability at the borders of the Union and, at the same time, to increase its influence by direct
and indirect involvement. The paper comes to demonstrate the logical thread of the events,
starting with 2001, with the signing with the European Union of the Stability Pact for South
Eastern Europe until the Action Plan 2017-2019.

Key words: Transnistrian conflict, European Union, European security, cooperation,

negotiation, strategy

The Treaty on European Union (signed in Maastricht on 7 February 1992 and entered into
force on 11 November 1993) is the logical result of the 20 years of European Political
Cooperation launched in 1970 and a decisive and ambitious step. The Maastricht Treaty sets out
the objectives and functioning of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. In its preamble, its
signatories declare that they are "determined to implement a common foreign and security
policy, including a common defense policy, which could lead to a common defense in
accordance with the provisions of Article 17, thereby strengthening the identity of Europe and its
independence to promote peace, security and progress in Europe and the world. " To this end, the
Maastricht Treaty establishes a single institutional framework ("the European Union"), a
structure based on three pillars, of which the second pillar was Foreign Policy and Common
Security, incorporating elements of integration, but to maintain rules of operation, similar to
intergovernmental mechanisms, which regulate the first pillar (community affairs) and those
governing the third pillar (justice, home affairs) [1, p.10]. At present, the Common Foreign and
Security Policy is one of the way in which the European Union carries out its foreign policy. The
abbreviated CFSP is laid down in Title V of the Treaty of the European Union, which replaced
the European Political Cooperation (CPE).
Title V reads as follows: "The Union shall constitute an area of freedom, security and
justice and Member States shall be free to organize among themselves and under their authority
forms of cooperation and coordination which they consider appropriate between the competent
departments of their administrations are responsible for securing national security. " The
prerequisites for the development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the
ESDP (European Security and Defense Policy) as part of the CFSP were laid down in the TEU,
which states in Article J.4 of Title V the following: common security embraces all issues relating
to the security of the European Union, including the establishment in the future of a common
defense policy. " The CFSP objectives are:
- protecting the values, fundamental interests and independence of the Union;
- strengthening, in all ways, the security of the Union and the Member States;
- preserving peace and enhancing international security, in accordance with the principles
of the UN Charter, the Helsinki Final Act and the Paris Charter;
- promoting international cooperation;
- developing and consolidating democracy, legality, respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms. Member States actively support the Union's foreign and security policy
and serve it in the spirit of mutual loyalty and solidarity. They shall refrain from any action
11
contrary to the interests of the Union or likely to impair its effectiveness. The Council will
ensure that these principles are applied. [3, p.39]
The Union's action on the international stage is based on the principles that inspired its
creation, development and expansion and which it intends to promote throughout the world:
democracy, the rule of law, the universality and indivisibility of human rights and fundamental
freedoms, respect for human dignity, equality and solidarity, as well as respect for the principles
of the United Nations Charter and international law. The Union shall make every effort to
develop relations and build partnerships with third countries and international, regional or global
organizations which share the principles set out in the first subparagraph. It promotes multilateral
solutions to common problems, especially within the United Nations. Based on the principles
and objectives set out in Article 21, the European Council identifies the Union's strategic
interests and objectives.
The decisions of the European Council on the Union's strategic interests and objectives
concern the Common Foreign and Security Policy as well as the other areas of the Union's
external action. Decisions may concern the Union's relations with a country or a region, or may
address a particular topic. They shall specify their duration and the means to be made available
by the Union and the Member States. The European Council shall act unanimously on a
recommendation from the Council adopted by it in accordance with the rules laid down for each
area. The decisions of the European Council shall be implemented in accordance with the
procedures laid down in the Treaties. (Article 22 TITLE V) [4]
On June 28, 2001 the Republic of Moldova signed with the European Union the Stability
Pact for South-Eastern Europe. Two clauses have been introduced in this document: 1. The
European Union will not sign an Association and Stabilization Agreement with the Republic of
Moldova. (This agreement would open perspectives, possibilities for the integration of Moldova
into the European Union). 2. The European Union will not engage in solving the Transnistrian
conflict. But after the signing of the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe by the Republic of
Moldova in the European Union's foreign policy, there have been fundamental changes.
Since December 2002, there has been a shift in the EU's position towards the Transnistrian
issue, whereby the EU wants to contribute to stabilizing a region that could affect the security of
the enlarged Union in the future. The EU's change of position refers not only to the actual
resolution of the conflict but also to the role of Russia, Ukraine and the OSCE in the
Transnistrian settlement. The EU has raised the Transnistrian issue increasingly in its dialogue
with Ukraine and Russia, and has suggested that it no longer considers the OSCE relevant to its
role in the Transnistrian settlement. A comparative analysis of EU statements and actions up to
and after winter 2002/2003 indicates a change in the EU's attitude towards the Transnistrian
issue.
At the beginning of 2002, in an EU document on Moldova's policy, it is stated that through
the OSCE, the Union should increase its support for Transnistrian settlement, and "maintain
Moldova as one of the OSCE priorities". The EU also raises the Transnistrian issue in its
relations with Russia and Ukraine. Normally, the EU "emphasized" the importance of the OSCE
in Transnistrian settlement and "encouraged" mediators - Russia, Ukraine and the OSCE - in the
negotiation process (EU-Russia Joint Declarations of 3.10.2001 and 29.05.2002; from
11.09.2001 and 5.07.2002).
Since December 2002, changing the EU's position on the Transnistrian issue is both
quantitative and qualitative. The Union launched a series of statements dedicated to the
Transnistrian issue (4 December 2002, 29 January 2003, 18 February 2003, 27 February 2003).
On March 11, 2003, at the initiative of European Commissioner for External Relations, Chris
Patten, trilateral negotiations were held between Moldova, Ukraine and the EU on the creation of
Moldovan-Ukrainian mixed customs posts on the Transnistrian border between Moldova and
Ukraine [6, p.13]
The European Union has a keen interest in settling the conflict in Transnistria. Its action is
spread in several directions: the implementation of sanctions against the leaders of Transnistria
12
in 2003 (the EU introduced restrictions on 19 Transdniestrian officials as early as 2003, for lack
of progress in resolving the dispute.) The closure of several schools with teaching in Romanian
from Transnistria) [7]. European Union participation in the "5 + 2" negotiation process
(Moldovan and Transnistrian parties and three mediators: Russia, Ukraine, OSCE) as an
observer; launching the EUBAM Assistance Mission on 1 December 2005 to help Ukrainians
and Moldovans control the entire border and thus contribute to the fight against arms trafficking,
smuggling, organized crime and corruption [8, p. 40].
In 2003, the European Council adopted an act entitled "Opening the way for the new
Neighborhood Policy Instrument", which was based on the following objectives: promoting
economic and social development in border areas; cooperation to address common risks in areas
such as the environment, public health and the fight against organized crime; Ensuring effective
and secure borders; promoting local action "from man to man". The European Neighborhood
Policy (ENP) governs the EU's relations with 16 neighboring countries - East and South [9]. The
European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) included the ENP Strategy, Country Reports and Action
Plans. The ENP Strategy and Country Reports were published on 12 May 2004 and the Action
Plans of 7 countries, including Moldova, on 9 December 2004. Despite the new framework for
cooperation, the legal basis for relations between the Republic of Moldova and the EU remained
the same - Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (1994). Thus, the Republic of Moldova has
entered a new phase of relations with the European Union.
With a view to successful cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and the EU,
within the ENP, measures have been taken to strengthen the institutional framework of European
integration of Moldova, namely:
- the National Commission for European Integration (November 2002) was created, which
on 16 September 2003 approved and presented to the European Commission the Concept of
Moldova's Integration into the EU;
- The European Parliamentary Commission for European Integration, the European
Integration Department within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and subdivisions for European
integration in all ministries and departments in the country (during 2003) were created;
- In 2004, the Inter-ministerial Group for Legislative Harmonization was created, and by
decision of the Government of the Republic of Moldova it was decided to open the diplomatic
mission of the Republic of Moldova to the European Union;
- At the end of 2004, the Minister of Foreign Affairs was simultaneously appointed Deputy
Prime Minister, in order to coordinate more efficiently all activities that are tangential to the
European integration process of the Republic of Moldova;
- Starting with the year 2002, the training of the personnel in the EU was started, among
the officials from ministries, academics, representatives of NGOs.
Parliamentary contacts have become more intense, which has resulted in Parliament's
positions on the Moldovan lawsuits. In this respect, the European Parliament resolution of 5 June
2003 on the EU Troika meeting with the countries participating in the Stability Pact for South
Eastern Europe states that "the Stabilization and Association Process is a dynamic process that
aims to bring its beneficiaries closer to EU and Euro-Atlantic standards and therefore invites the
EU institutions to assess the feasibility of its enlargement and the inclusion of the Republic of
Moldova and, if necessary, to clarify the conditions to be met for this purpose. .. ". Despite the
fact that the European Parliament still has no final decision on the acceptance of the new
members, its authority is growing and the EP vote is important.
In 2004, 10 countries joined the European Union, and in 2007 two more countries:
Romania and Bulgaria. The Republic of Moldova has been mentioned at the borders of the
European Union. Diplomatic relations between the Republic of Moldova and the EU have
become more intense with the launch of the ENP. On the one hand, in response to the repeated
appeals of the Republic of Moldova (and also of the European Parliament), the EU has decided
to open the European Union Delegation to Chisinau. On the other hand, as mentioned above,
Moldova's diplomatic mission to the EU was established by the Moldovan Government at the
13
end of 2004, and the bilateral diplomatic relations with the European countries are on a
permanent basis. After the opening of the Embassy of the Republic of Moldova in the United
Kingdom in 2004, the President of the Republic of Moldova announced the opening of the
diplomatic missions in Sweden, Czech Republic, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, Serbia and
Montenegro.
Following the signing of the EU-Moldova Action Plan (February 2005 - January 2008), the
European Union and the US agreed to participate in the negotiating format as observers, taking
the formula "5 + 2". The "5 + 2" negotiation format includes: two parties involved - Moldova
and Transnistria; mediators - OSCE, Russian Federation, Ukraine; observers - the US and the
European Union. It is worth mentioning that with the coming of the US and the EU to the
negotiation process the positions of the Republic of Moldova have been strengthened. No one
denies that Russian diplomacy has helped to relaunch the Voronin-Smirnov negotiations on 11
April 2008 through diplomatic efforts. In reality, however, the real impetus for these negotiations
was given by the European Union. Namely the EU has changed the realities on the ground,
forcing Tiraspol to negotiate. For the first time since 1992, Moldova appears as a partner who
discusses other positions (with force) with Tiraspol. This is due to the EU having a strategy to
support the reintegration of Moldova, promoted on three levels.
The first is to exert pressure on Transnistria. The travel restrictions, but especially the work
of the EUBAM and the new customs regime introduced in March 2006, are the results of the
EU's involvement in the Transnistrian settlement process. The second strategic element of the
EU aims at Europeanization of Moldova, in order to make it more attractive for the inhabitants of
Transnistria. The third element of strategy is to promise even greater economic benefits if the
country is reintegrated. In a reunified Moldova, the inhabitants of Transnistria will benefit from
EU assistance. The talks on international financing of infrastructure projects on the Trans-
European Transport Corridors, which would cross Moldova, including Transnistria, which will
not be financed by Russia or Moldova, namely the EU and the USA, are important. [5, p.8-9]
The Republic of Moldova pursues three strategic objectives on the European route,
namely: the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict; reunification of the country and integration
into the European Union. In order to achieve these objectives, the Republic of Moldova tries to
undertake a series of actions necessary for the peaceful settlement of the Transnistrian problem
and the implementation of the most efficient solutions that would make it possible for the
country to be reunited and for the implementation of actions corresponding to the standards
required by the Union ]. The most important achievement so far has been the implementation of
the new customs regime, signed by the Prime Ministers of Moldova and Ukraine on December
30, 2005. Under this regime, companies from the Transnistrian region of the Republic of
Moldova can export only to Moldova and Ukraine , with official Moldovan stamps.
EUBAM has been able to play a useful role as a neutral border observatory by monitoring
the reimbursement and registration system, including by providing impartial and viable
information to confirm the remarks in Moldova and Ukraine [12, p.1]. The European Union
Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM) was launched on 1 December
2005 in accordance with the provisions of the Memorandum of Understanding between the
Government of the Republic of Moldova, the European Commission and the Government of
Ukraine. The basic objective of the EUBAM Mission is to develop capacity in border control
and strengthen security in the region. The partner authorities are: Border Police and Customs
Service of the Republic of Moldova; The State Border Service and the Customs Service of
Ukraine, as well as other law enforcement and control services of both states. Cooperation with
EUBAM is a priority for the Moldovan border authority, the activities being carried out in
accordance with the provisions of the 9 Phase Action Plan in the following relevant areas:
- developing the legal framework for border management;
- strengthening the institutional capacities of the Border Police, by organizing training and
exchange of experience;
- providing expertise and consultancy in the reform process of the institution;
14
 - development of common patrol and joint control at the Moldovan-Ukrainian border;
- Combating cross-border crime. [13]
The main foreign factors susceptible to political and military engagement in Moldova in
the event of a crisis are Russia, NATO, Ukraine Rapid Reaction Force of the EU. The conditions
in which the interdependence between these actors increases, the possibility of negative
developments in Moldova would require the involvement of several actors, with the protagonists
of the West (NATO or ESDP / Russia) and possibly Ukraine. At academic and semioficial
levels, the West is suggested to be more consistently involved in solving Moldova's current and
future security issues, without even excluding any involvement that would go beyond the limits
of humanitarian operations. The European Union has not ruled out the possibility of a possible
military participation in peacekeeping in Transnistria under the OSCE mandate and in a
predominant (but not exclusively) Russian troop force.
Another aspect of increasing NATO and EU interest for Moldova stems from the
enlargement process of these two institutions. The probability that Moldova will remain a
regional instability generator is quite high. Even in the case of the formal resolution of the
Transnistrian conflict, the military, political, economic and social integration of the left bank of
the Nistru River will take quite a long time and could generate tensions with repercussions for
the whole of Moldova, which would be projected on a regional scale.
Southeastern Europe remains the main source of instability in the European space.
Moldova's policy in South-East European processes is not consistent enough. There is a tendency
to underestimate the importance of Moldova's political presence in Southeast Europe. However,
efforts to promote the country's economic interests will never yield the desired result if Moldova
neglects other aspects of cooperation in the region - political, security and humanitarian.
The EU security interests in Moldova, as well as those of NATO, refer to two
interconnected aspects: the Transnistrian conflict and unconventional security issues (from
corruption to trafficking in human beings and arms). [14, pp. 22-25]. In 2012, Tiraspol adopts
the "small steps" tactic in the negotiations with the Republic of Moldova, wishing to advance in
the settlement of the conflict, starting with the simplification of the procedures for the movement
of citizens and the transport of goods, but until now the essential changes of this attempt are not
observed . [15]
For the EU, Transnistria and its special status are a privileged place for various illegal
actions. Examples include weapons and drug trafficking or money laundering. As a result, the EU
would like this region to reintegrate into Moldova, mainly because the existence of this outlaw
region at the EU borders poses a threat to the European region. from the East, and is a source of
instability. Transnistria is a region in search of identity, history and complex relations with its
neighbors. [16]
Following the ratification of the Association Agreement between the Republic of Moldova
on the one hand and the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community and their
Member States, signed in Brussels on 27 June 2014, the Government undertakes to take the
necessary measures the Transdniestrian reaction is not allowed to achieve the provisions of the
agreement [17], we can deduce from the position of Vitalie Ignatiev (Transnistrian Foreign
Minister): "Transnistria immediately announced that it will not participate in this free trade
agreement, and this position will remain unchanged. We feel that at first, the EU did not appreciate
the complexity of the situation, the whole regional specificity, and for a long time did not think
how to include Transnistria in these new rules. But today we are conducting direct bilateral
negotiations with the EU to find a way out of this situation. We want to establish precise rules with
the EU because Moldova is not a trusted partner - what everyone has understood for a long time.
We hope that good sense will ultimately prevail, and that the European Union, aware that a
destabilization of the situation in the region would be extremely undesirable for all international
actors to adopt a special approach for Transnistria. "[18]

15
 At the same time, he hopes that in the future, Transnistria will improve its relationship and
economic situation with Moldova due to Russia's economic problems, which will bring the
economies of the two territories closer and will export more to Moldova. [19]
Following the EU statement in response to the report of the head of the OSCE Mission to
Moldova, US Ambassador Michael Scanlan in 2017, we can see that: "The European Union
supports a peaceful and comprehensive settlement of the Transnistria conflict on the basis of
respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Moldova , within
internationally recognized borders, with a special status for the Transnistrian region. It brings
support for results-oriented negotiations in a "5 + 2" format. We await the revival of the "5 + 2"
negotiations will lead to concrete progress in three phases, especially political, institutional and
third stage security. The withdrawal of the rest of the Russian armed forces from the territory of the
Republic of Moldova is also an important problem to be solved "[20, p. 1-4]
According to the National Action Plan for the implementation of the Moldova-EU
Association Agreement between 2017-2019, the EU comes with the following proposals:
The Parties reiterate their commitment to find a lasting solution to the Transnistrian problem, fully
respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova, as well as jointly
facilitating post-conflict rehabilitation. Pending a settlement and without prejudice to the
established negotiating format, the Transnistrian issue will be one of the main topics on the agenda
of the political dialogue and cooperation between the parties as well as in the dialogue and
cooperation with other interested international actors
Continue negotiations in all Transnistrian dialogue platforms (5 + 2, 1 + 1, sectoral working
groups) aimed at achieving concrete results on all three bases of the negotiation agenda,
initiating discussions on institutional, security and the determination of a special legal status of
the region, respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Moldova within
its internationally recognized borders
• Ensure a permanent dialogue with foreign partners and international organizations in order to
promote the process of settlement of the Transnistrian conflict and the reintegration policies of
the country
• Moldova of the foreign armed forces without determined legal status and the beginning of the
discussions regarding the transformation of the current peacekeeping operation into a
multinational civil mission under international mandate
• Establishment of the necessary legal framework for the advancement of the country's
reintegration policies and elaboration of the provisional mechanisms for solving the problems
faced by the population and economic agents in the Transnistrian region
• Multi-dimensional cooperation between the EU and the Republic of Moldova in the
implementation of humanitarian, social and infrastructure programs in the Transnistrian Security
Zone and the Transnistrian region, as well as those aimed at confidence-building measures
among the population on both sides of the Dniester
• Valuing EU technical assistance to support the regulatory process and post-conflict policies
• Promoting sectoral policies in the area of reintegration of the country
• Implementation of actions meant to ensure the protection of human rights in the Transnistrian
region and the free movement between the two banks of the Dniester, taking into account the
recommendations made by the international organizations to which the Republic of Moldova is a
party
• Assist the implementation of the actions set up to facilitate the valorisation of the trade
potential with the EU by the entrepreneurs in the Transnistrian region, by complying with the
requirements of the corresponding national legislation
• Enhance cooperation with the EUBAM Mission to resolve issues of common concern
• Implementation of Moldovan-Ukrainian cooperation instruments in the field of border
management, demarcation and security, including the Transnistrian segment
• Multi-dimensional cooperation between the EU and the Republic of Moldova in the
implementation of humanitarian programs. [21, p.15]
16
 Bibliography:

1. Ministère Des Affaires Étrangères, Guide de la politique étrangère et de sécurité commune

(PESC) Ce guide de la PESC a été réalisé par les agents du service de la politique étrangère et
de sécurité commune du ministère des Affaires étrangères : Mlle Corine Crespel et MM.
Alexandre Escorcia, Erkki Maillard, Nicolas Thiriet, Thierry Vallat et Pascal Le Deunff, sous la
responsabilité de M. Jean-Louis Falconi. La coordination de ce travail a été assurée par M. Denis
Guillerme , Août 2006, p.10
2. Tratatul Privind Funcționarea Uniunii Europene C 326/50 Jurnalul Oficial al Uniunii
Europene 26.10.2012
3. European Union Foreign Security and Defence Policy : basic documents , Romanian Institute
of International Studies “Nicolae Titulescu”, Bucureşti, 2003, p. 39
4. Jurnalul Oficial al Uniunii Europene, TRATATUL PRIVIND UNIUNEA EUROPEANĂ, C
326/13, 26.10.2012
5. Solomon Constantin. Conflictul transnistrean și procesul de negocieri în formatul „5+2”,
MOLDOSCOPIE (Probleme de analiză politică), nr.3 (XLII), 2008, p.8.9
6. Nicu Popescu , Noile oportunitati de solutionare al problemei transnistrene prin mecanismele
Europei moderne, Institutul de Politici Publice, Chișinău 2003, p.13.
7. Consiliul Uniunii Europene a prelungit pentru un an sancţiunile împotriva liderilor de la
Tiraspol, 1 Octombrie 2011 08:43, accesat 05.03.18https://www.publika.md/consiliul-uniunii-
europene-a-prelungit-pentru-un-an-sanctiunile-impotriva-liderilor-de-la-tiraspol_501241.html
8. Ministère Des Affaires Étrangères, Guide de la politique étrangère et de sécurité commune
(PESC) Ce guide de la PESC a été réalisé par les agents du service de la politique étrangère et
de sécurité commune du ministère des Affaires étrangères : Mlle Corine Crespel et MM.
Alexandre Escorcia, Erkki Maillard, Nicolas Thiriet, Thierry Vallat et Pascal Le Deunff, sous la
responsabilité de M. Jean-Louis Falconi. La coordination de ce travail a été assurée par M. Denis
Guillerme , Août 2006, p.40
9. Politica externă și de securitate comună dusă de către statele membre UE prin prisma
prevederilor Tratatului de la Lisabona https://dreptmd.wordpress.com (accesat la 05.03.18)
10. Sursa: Strategia Europeană, p.1.1, IPP, 2005
11. Site-ul official al UE. https://europa.eu (accesat la 05.03.18)
12. European Union Border Assistance Missionto Moldova And Ukraine (Eubam), Achievements
Of Eubam Increased transparency about import/export flows from the Transnistrian region of
Moldova, Ukraine, November 2007, p.1
13. Site-ul oficial al Poliției de Frontieră, Ministerul Afacerilor Interne al Republicii Moldova,
http://www.border.gov.md (accesat la 05.03.18)
14. Nicu Popescu. Republica Moldova în sistemul de securitate european. Institutul de Politici
Publice, Chişinău, 2005, p.22-25
15. Tiraspolul adoptă tactica "paşilor mici" în negocierile cu Republica Moldova, 03 Aprilie
2012, http://radiochisinau.md(accesat la 07.03.18)
16. La République Moldave du Dniestr (ou Transnistrie), décembre 19, 2014,
http://www.geolinks.fr ( accesat la 15.03.18)
17. LEGE Nr. 112 din 02.07.2014 pentru ratificarea Acordului de Asociere între Republica
Moldova, pe de o parte, şi Uniunea Europeană şi Comunitatea Europeană a Energiei Atomice şi
statele membre ale acestora, pe de altă parte. Art.1, 2
18. Tiraspol : « Certains politiciens moldaves et ukrainiens veulent anéantir l’indépendance de la
Transnistrie »28 SEPTEMBRE 2015, https://www.lecourrierderussie.com(accesat la 15.03.18)
19. MOLDOVA: Transnistria economic problems may grow, Oxford Analytica Daily Brief
Service, n°1, 27 aout 2015
20. OSCE Permanent Council No 1139 Vienne, le 30 mars 2017, Déclaration de l'UE en réponse
au rapport du Chef de la Mission de l'OSCE en République de Moldavie, S.E. l’Ambassadeur
Michael Scanlan, p.1-4
17
21. Planul
naţional de acţiuni pentru implementarea Acordului de Asociere Republica Moldova–
Uniunea Europeană în perioada 2017–2019, Aprobat prin Hotărîrea Guvernului nr. 1472 din30
decembrie 2016, p.15

Scientific coordinator: Diana BENCHECI, doctor, conferențiar universitar

18
 SIGNIFICANCE OF COALITION GOVERNMENTS IN ACTUAL
CONDITIONS. CASE OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA
Silvia BOGONOVSCHI
The American University of Moldova, student

The historical experience demonstrates us that countries that are in a transition period,
have their main strategies based on model of governance as the main tool for elaborating
reforms in society. Today, the Republic of Moldova is passing through a transition process from
a totalitarian system to a democratic one, using all the methods of state of law and the coalition
governance.

Keywords: system, coalition, government, state of law, parties.

The creation and functioning of the ADR - the first coalition government in the RM
and the ex-Soviet space.
The Republic of Moldova sees itself as a rule of law where the law becomes a force that is
not subject to political conjuncture, constitutional and rule of law functioning independently of
the change of leadership, coming to power and the departure of parties. However, we can not
deny the influence the parties have on the state's vector and the uninterrupted struggles in the
monopolization of political power. The existence of several parties, which are meant to create
political pluralism, is one of the basic characteristics of the rule of law.
The party system in the Republic of Moldova has a short history and is not yet fully
consolidated, but the trends show a development in the right direction [4]. The lack of experience
and the reminiscences of the totalitarian regime, but also the errors committed in the post-
totalitarian regime, which is supposed to be democratic, represent a major problem in
establishing a fully-fledged state of law. The political games that have ended, the desperate
tendencies of some political leaders to promote their latent interests turned the political arena
into a theater where the real action takes place behind the curtain. Compared to such model
states, such as the United Kingdom and the USA where there are bipartite systems that succeed
in governance, there are currently about 45 political parties in the Republic of Moldova [2]. Due
to a mix of parties that have different goals and ideologies, their degree of influence changes at
an accelerated pace every day. Thus, we can assert with certainty that while some parties are
acceded to power and are raised in glory, others become phantom parties, after which they
finally disappear. A classic example of this process can be the Democratic-Agrarian Party of
Moldova and the Socialist Unity, who have suffered a paradoxical shift from absolute success
and domination in Parliament to total failure and failure to meet the electoral threshold. [5]
Giovanni Sartori in his party, Party and Party System, launched the party's relevance
criterion to unveil the potential of the parties. Thus, we perceive two criteria of fundamental
relevance: 1) the role of parties in forming governing coalitions; 2) the role of parties to
influence and manifest the activity of governmental coalition.
In the Republic of Moldova the first alliance emerges after the collapse of the USSR and
the independence of the Republic of Moldova. The Alliance for Democracy and Reform
(abbreviated to ADR) represents, in the vision of researcher Victor Saca, a unique phenomenon
in its way in the post-Soviet space "[5]. The ADR was a governing coalition of non-communist
parties that succeeded in gaining the parliamentary majority after the 1998 elections, only for a
short time. Chronic instability within the alliance was marked by the exchange of three Prime
Ministers in one year, which greatly prevented the formation of a favorable reform system.
Foreign policy has created a deeper discordance through the duality manifested by alliance
parties that, on the one hand, have a greater interest in the CIS, and elsewhere they have been
trying to take small steps towards a possible closeness to Western Europe.

19
 During the Ciubuc government, talks between Alliance leaders and the Prime Minister
lasted about 5 hours, and at the end a consensus was reached but one "illusory." Although the
deputy ministers' candidacies were approved, CDM leader Mircea Snegur emphasized that
Alliance 2-2-1 algorithm was not taken into account when deciding on the nomination of
candidates [12]. On November 9, 1999, the ADR government was dismissed, being accused by
the opposition and chairman of latent purposes, the promotion of personal interests and
corruption. ADR leader Alexandru Moroşanu said the Sturza government was dismissed not
because of the so-called corrupt nature of the cabinet. The real reason stems from the reformist
tendencies promoted by the Sturza government, which opts for European integration, stopping
"theft and lawlessness" [7]. Political analyst Oazu Nantoi believes that the main cause of the
dismissal of the Sturza government lies in the contradictory relations between the government
and the President. The Alliance for Democracy and Reform has begun to promote a line of
independent behavior with the head of state, and the so-called animosities have emerged that
have led to alliance tensions [8]. Although the leader of the Communist Party of Moldova,
Vladimir Voronin, is openly saying that he will end this Alliance, the real cause comes from
inside it. Oazu Nantoi believes that the Ciubuc II government was in peaceful and cooperative
relations with President Lucinschi, while Sturza no longer identified himself with it promoting
an individual line. This led to a visible delimitation between the Executive and the President,
which led to the dismissal of the government with the vote of about 60 MPs. Due to internal
divergences and the inability to find a compromise, the ADR has not only collapsed, but also
created a beneficial space for the Communist Party, which in 2001 won an overwhelming victory
in the parliamentary elections, winning 71 seats out of 101 Thus, we can talk about a
considerable decline in the pro-European popularity quotient of popularity and an enormous
increase in "pro-Russian" parties.
Alliances for European Integration: Realities and Desiderators.
On May 20, 2009 and June 3, 2009, two attempts were made in the Republic of Moldova
to hold the presidential election, which had failed [6]. The president was not elected because the
opposition boycotted the election, and the majority factions, such as the Communist Party, did
not get a vote, nicknamed "the golden vote." According to art. 78 of the Constitution of the
Republic of Moldova [1], paragraph 3, the President is elected by the vote of three-fifths of the
elected deputies, ie 61 votes, which was not real then. Following the failure of the President of
the state, the President in office Vladimir Voronin dissolved the Parliament and announced the
anticipated legislative elections for 29 July 2009.
It should be noted that the Electoral Code was amended before the elections. Respectively,
the electoral threshold was reduced to 5%, while on April 5 it was 6%. This decision was voted
in Parliament by the Communist Party, although pro-European parties have proposed to reduce
the electoral threshold to 4%. The PCRM also voted for the elections to be valid following the
participation in the vote of at least one-half of the population (ie 50%) of at least one third of the
population (33%), and in the case of repeated elections the exclusion of the need for a percentage
voting to be able to validate the election. The opposition accused the ruling party of amending
the Electoral Code in its own interest without thinking of the good of the citizens of the Republic
of Moldova.
In the electoral race, 10 electoral contestants were registered (only 8 competitors remained
at the end of the campaign), and in Parliament they succeeded: the Communist Party with 48
seats, the Liberal Party with 18 seats, the Liberal Democratic Party with 15 seats, the Party
Democrat with 13 mandates and Alliance "Our Moldova" with 7 seats in the legislative). The
mayor of Chisinau and the PL vice-president, Dorin Chirtoaca said the elections were defrauded
and if they were correct, then PCRM would not gain more than 30-35% and the leader of PLDM,
Vlad Filat, made a appeal to Moldovan citizens that it is time to stop the hatred that the
Communists have promoted in society. In turn, the CDPP did not agree with the results of the
elections and demanded the recount of votes, a request rejected by the Constitutional Court. The

20
four opposition parties, which together could form the Government, excluded any alliance with
the PCRM [9].
The Alliance for European Integration was made up of the following parties: the Liberal
Democratic Party (18 seats), the Liberal Party (15 seats), the Democratic Party (13 seats) and the
Moldova Noastra Alliance (7 seats). On August 8, 2009, the four parties agreed to form a ruling
coalition to send the Communist Party to the opposition. The leaders of the four parties: Vlad
Filat, Mihai Ghimpu, Marian Lupu and Serafim Urecheanu signed a 22-point declaration for the
creation of an Alliance at the 8 August 2009 press conference.
The Liberal Democratic Party, the Liberal Party, the Democratic Party and the Alliance
"Our Moldova" took the responsibility to accomplish certain goals such as breaking down
economic and social crises, ensuring economic growth, reintegration of territories, European
integration, consistent and responsible foreign policy. The coalition said it wanted an association
agreement with the European Union. He also said he would have strategic relations with both the
Russian Federation and the US.
One of the goals of the Alliance was to elect a new President, which was impossible
without the vote of eight Communist MPs. In turn, the Communist Party has criticized the new
coalition, calling it a "reconstruction of the Alliance for Democracy and Reforms" that missed
the attempt to lead the country. [3] However, despite opposition grievances, the AEU managed
to complete the implementation of the Visa Liberalization Action Plan; to paraphrase and sign a
series of agreements that will anchor the process of European Integration of the Republic of
Moldova. It seemed that the parties finally reached consensus and will cooperate in the future in
an efficient way, but internal tensions were inevitable. The conflicts have grown especially since
the incident with the Princely Forest on December 23, 2012, which led to the death of Sorin
Paciu. The resignations of Chief of Moldsilva, Ion Lupu and General Prosecutor Valeriu Zubco
followed. The atmosphere grew even worse when LDPM President Vlad Filat denounced the
Alliance's agreement on February 13, 2013, citing the impossibility of implementing the
government program due to the concentration of state institutions and the media in the hands of
some "oligarchic structures."
The culmination took place on February 15, when the PLDM and the PCRM voted for the
DP Deputy Chairman Vladimir Plahotniuc and dismissed him from the presidency of the
Parliament [11], liquidating the position of Prime-Vicespeaker. The outcome followed on March
5, when the Filat II Government was dismissed. The motion of censure was voted by the PD and
PCRM faction, as well as by the non-attached deputies. This breaks down the Alliance for
European Integration [10].
The Alliance for Integration II was a coalition of parliamentary pro-European political
parties in the Republic of Moldova, created on July 23, 2015, to form a parliamentary majority
and a government. The agreement on the establishment and functioning of the alliance has
become public on July 24 through the press. This alliance has the same clearly defined
perspectives, namely the intensification of the European Integration process. However, after the
PLDM leader's arrest, the situation becomes very complicated. PL leader Mihai Ghimpu says the
Alliance will not fall apart for this, even if it remains a parliamentary majority, but after the fall
of the Strelet government, failure is obvious.
The Alliance for Integration II was dissolved on January 29, 2016, when, following a
political crisis, the PDM and PL formed the government alone. On January 20, 2016, a Filipino
government was chosen by a hidden procedure just days after Vladimir Plahotniuc's candidacy
was rejected by the President of the country, which triggered great revolts from civil society.
Throughout all governing coalition, the parties in their composition are selfish, manifesting
conflicting behavior, and largely dominated by the logic of monocolor, oligarchic, exclusive, and
antagonistic governance. Their main interest lies in the pursuit of power and the creation of a
strong image that would help them to accumulate both enormous amounts of capital and votes of
the electorate to the detriment of its partners. Their evolution showed the lack of cohesion and
coordination of the coalition, both in the executive plan, where the party parties attacked each
21
other, as well as in the Parliament, when the legislative initiatives were not taken into account.
Conjuctual and punctual collaboration led either to the loss of the majority, or to reconfiguration,
in a manner that assumed a melange of power and opposition.
It would not be right to say that the alliances from the government have only negatively
influenced the development of the Republic of Moldova, but they have, however, made a
considerable contribution. Because of political instability, during coalition governments, today
we are facing a number of extreme problems. Their main cause lies in the development of no-
limit oligarchism, the theft of the bill, which is a deliberate escape from alliances, the slowing of
European integration.
What would be the solution in the given case? One of the features of a democratic regime
is pluripartism, but both in the US and the UK, which are considered to be examples of perfect
democracy, the governing system is a bipartisan one. Although there are a number of parties
unable to accede to power, much of the political life is led by only two parties that have a long
history of work and a reputation and ideology that does not change overnight, which is not
characteristic for the Republic of Moldova.
As long as no consensus can be reached between the parties, all alliances will fail and the
main cause is their inability to cooperate and find optimal solutions. In most countries of the
world, there is a concrete delimitation between left and right parties, in our case pro-European
and pro-Russian parties. But what do we see? The current situation in the Republic of Moldova
is chaotic, and our system is so affected and destroyed that we serve as a model of failure for
other states. Parties that live in a breath and promote the same ideas in power, try to destroy each
other, to hold more posts in their own interest, and in an alliance they manifest their own
domination. For them an alliance is not cooperation for the benefit of the people, but an internal
struggle for domination, a group where a party-power has to be asserted, and the others to
execute its orders.

Bibliography:
1. Constituția Republicii Moldova, art. 78, aliantul 3
2. http://lex.justice.md/md/327053%2520/
3. Moldova’s pro-Western Parties Reach Coalition Deal, The New York Times, 8 august
2009
4. V. Moșneaga, Gh. Rusnac, V. Sacovici “Politologie”, Chișinău, CEP USM 2007
5. V. Saca, Transformări politico-partiinice în dimensiuni de sistem: reflecții asupra
societății moldovenești, Moldoscopie (Probleme de analiză politică), №1 (XXV), 2004
6. www.alegeri.md
7. www.europaliberă.org, Conferința susținută de liderii Alianței pentru Democrație și
Reforme, 22 noiembrie 1999
8. Oazu Nantoi, Ca și astăzi, Alianța de guvernare din ’98-’99 a fost distrusă din interior, 28
februarie, 2003, www.glasul.md,
9. Sondaj: PL, PLDM, AMN și PDM vor putea forma viitorul Guvern, 15 iulie 2009,
www.unimedia.info
10. Alianța pentru Integrare Europeană, 14 februarie 2012, www.ziare.com
11. Probleme în Alianța de guvernare. PLDM iese din acordul AIE, 13 februarie 2013,
www.ziaruldeiasi.ro

Scientific coordinator: Diana BENCHECI, doctor, conferențiar universitar

22
 REGIONAL COOPERATION - MEANS OF INSURANCE OF THE
INTERNATIONAL SECURITY OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA

Mariana ARICOVA, The American University of Moldova, student

At the end of the 20th century - the beginning of the 21st century, the process of
globalization is intensely developing, undergoing major changes in the chapters of the
international system structure, shaping the international security architecture, increasing the
role of international organizations in the international environment, decentralizing the monopoly
of the application of violence on the world arena. These factors have undoubtedly played an
important role in reconfiguring the world order and in modifying to a different extent the way
and the level of action of some actors of international relations, including the Republic of
Moldova.

Key Words: international security, regional cooperation, identity, concepts.

Shaping the current security system, especially after the collapse of the bipolar
international system, the collapse of the USSR - which generated the crisis of international
relations, by reorganizing international security organizations and establishing common goals for
all actors of international relations on global security. This largely determines the topicality of
the research topic.
The actuality of the research theme is determined by the need to study regional
cooperation as a way to ensure the international security of the Republic of Moldova through the
international security organizations at both regional and world level. Although they have
emerged later than States, international organizations have experienced a rapid development,
both in numerical terms and in terms of improving the structure, methods and means necessary
for carrying out activities, a process that has been under pressure from political, economic and
social causes. Simple at first in terms of structure and organization, they have become
increasingly complex in order to cover the multitude of aspects of international cooperation.
The existence of debates on the security of small states, as an analytical concept,
concerned the specialists, both theoretically and in terms of interstate relations. Being for or
against the small-state concept, its security approach has been made in terms of power
inequality, compared to major powers or larger neighboring villages. Methodologically, the issue
of state co-operation and security will be attempted to be presented both from the point of view
of small states on the one hand and the great powers on the other. The current stage of
contemporary ocite development, whose pillars are nanotechnologies and information, is
characterized by a profound transformation of all spheres of activity of mankind. Despite the
positive changes in the development of society as a result of securing the independence and
sovereignty of states, the impact of various economic, social and political crises continues to
produce grave consequences for both domestic and international security. For this reason,
ensuring security, being one of the most important national policies, becomes a conceptual and
practical priority of the Republic of Moldova in directing its actions towards regional
cooperation.
In this context, the national security strategy encompasses, in the first place, the issue of
recognizing the existence of internal and external factors that disrupts the national security of the
country and, secondly, the formulation of positions and principles of internal and external policy,
taking into account the regional cooperation and promotion national authorities of the Republic
of Moldova.
In their evolution, human activities had as a priority concern the preservation of the
identity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. States as organizational political

23
structures of human communities have developed the concepts of cooperation and security for
the defense and promotion of their own interests. Security can not only be achieved through its
own powers and requires cooperation between states, which are always concerned about having
their own foreign policy in order to develop military alliances, and also to build security
structures in other areas, such as the economic and social.
In the 21st century, it has a new phase in the development of international relations,
which is characterized by a massive increase in political, economic and cultural relations of
cooperation, thus enhancing the process of cooperation and, at the same time, globalization. The
world community is moving its actions towards massive and rigid cooperation. The main level of
modern integration is the level of the regions. Particular attention of scientists is directed to
European, North American and Asian cooperation on different issues of contemporary societies.
Until we have to establish a correlation between cooperation and security, it is necessary to
determine the significance of the integration phenomenon as well as that of security.
The issue of security, and above all international security, is one of the most difficult and
complex questions in the current global context. In general, many debates on how to achieve
international security can now be identified.
Understanding the issue of international security involves addressing a variety of issues.
Here we refer to defining the concept of security, the concept of cooperation in general; the
relationship between security-cooperation, traditional security issues and alternative ideas that
have emerged in recent years as a result of the latest developments in international relations.
From the analysis of the structure of the international security system, we infer the levels
of relations between its components. The first level is the one among the states. All states claim
to be the ultimate authority to resolve conflicts between them, having legal and moral rights
equal to achieving this claim. Regretfully, when other non-coercive means of dispute settlement
are exhausted, conflicts between states are reduced to an armed confrontation. The second level
is the relations within the state system. The power system created by states through interactions
has a significant impact on the willingness to apply or not to force. K. Waltz states that states are
not only concerned about their relative power compared to their rivals and allies, but also about
their relative power position within the state system.
Level three is characterized by the relationship between the state and transnational civil
society. New national, transnational, regional and international actors have been imposed as a
result of recent changes in the global arena. The state is always seeking to increase and
strengthen its strength and security in relation to other states
The selfish nature of states and the supposed competitiveness of these conditions make
international security a particularly delicate problem, as the tendency of states to secure their
individual security leads, through the spiraling of arming and mistrust, to increasing insecurity in
the system.
The concept of "security," is today radically changed. Securing a community (society,
system, etc.) no longer means "putting a few cannons or tanks at the border" today. Increasing
the complexity of the 21st century issues generates a re-evaluation of the field of "security
studies" with major consequences at the theoretical and applicative level. This material attempts
to answer the question of security issues in the eastern border region (NATO and the EU). The
main stake is the plea for launching an urgent debate in the Republic of Moldova and not only
related to the quickest accession of the Republic of Moldova to the North Atlantic Organization.
To substantiate this necessity, this material will begin with some theoretical and conceptual
clarifications related to the definition of "security" and NATO functions, attributions and agenda.
At the same time, we can identify some arguments for supporting these theses. The first
argument is external and has two levels: 1. Internationalization of the Black Sea and recent
developments in the European Union. The second argument is internal and refers to NATO as an
organization that is able to rationalize the systems that include them. State security means the
protection of the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the country, its
constitutional regime, the economic, technical and scientific potential of defending the legitimate
24
rights and freedoms of the person against the informational and subversive activity of special
services and foreign organizations against the criminal assassinations of certain groups or
individuals. State security is ensured through the establishment and implementation by the state
of a system of measures of an economic, political, legal, military, organizational and other
nature, oriented towards the discovery, prevention and counteraction on time of the threats to the
state security, either at the domestic or international level.
Starting from its national interests, as well as from the commitments imposed by the
European integration process, the Republic of Moldova is led by the following lines of directors
in its security policy:
- restoring the territorial integrity of the state, eliminating the foreign military presence,
strengthening the independence and sovereignty of the state;
- maintaining in an advanced dynamic state the processes of European integration and
strengthening relations with NATO, as well as developing cooperation with the EU and NATO
member states.
In the context of the current transformations of the international and European security
environment, the evolution of security efforts in Southeast Europe is highlighted. Speaking of the
dynamics of security in modern terms, it is necessary to provide a definition of the term security
and regional security. The concept of "security" is a multidimensional term that includes a
variety of aspects and elements not only related to political and military aspects but also to
economic, social, cultural, ecological and even demographic aspects. Largely, regional security
represents the degree of protection of mutual relations between states of a region, a common
territory against destabilization of the situation, crises and military conflicts of regional
proportions.
Republic of Moldova, has chosen its democratic development path to become a state of
European law. Chia in its first years of independence, the Republic of Moldova has been
identified in the area of influence of a wide range of threats and risks that posed real dangers to
the existence of the state, but efforts have been made to overcome these negative influences. The
destiny of the countries in the region, some of them choosing the way of development and
integration, others of the confrontation and the raising of barricades, attest to the importance of
the political will of determination to solve the problems through dialogue, negotiation and
cooperation. South East Europe is in a turning point. There are good developments to enhance
optimism for the success of the reforms that have been initiated. It is worth mentioning the
changes that have taken place in Croatia as well as maintaining stability in Bosnia Herzegovina
and Kosovo, Albania, Serbia-Montenegro and Macedonia. At the same time, we highlight some
developments that worry and concern at the same time: incomplete cooperation and tension
between Kosovo Albanian and Serb communities, relations between Serbia and Montenegro
within the former Yugoslav federation, actions by Albanian insurgents in Macedonia and
deterioration of inter-ethnic relations this country, the centrifugal trends of some nationalist and
extremist forces in Bosnia Herzegovina, the economic instability in Albania, the conflict on the
left bank of the Nistru River in the Republic of Moldova. Here we can also add cross-border
crime (trafficking in human beings, arms and drugs), corruption and illegal migration, which are
sources of instability and mistreatment of mistrust and unpredictability. At the current stage, the
road that several countries in the region are facing is unfortunately two-way, with a number of
risks and threats to Southeast European security. Thus, the key elements that could be considered
are the conflicts in this region, human trafficking and drugs phenomena of migration and
terrorism.
The emergence of a large number of states after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the
former Yugoslavia brought about a large number of frozen disputes, with a territorial or ethnic
basis, which have remained unresolved at the moment. The involvement of the international
community has also been made, but it should be emphasized that all these issues presently pose
risks to European security and the whole region. The creation of new independent states has
brought attention to the problems of transition to democracy and the difficulties inherent in the
25
crystallization of national identity, the consolidation of statehood and good governance. Despite
frequent use, so far there is no unanimous plausible opinion of the small state concept. As a
generally accepted methodological notion, the small state emerged in the theory of international
relations in the post-war period, with the beginning of the collapse of colonial empires. As a
result, a number of new political parties proliferated on the political map of the world, the
absolute majority of which had small territorial dimensions. For the designation of this type of
state, the term small / low power has come into use. One of the small states is also the Republic
of Moldova.
The national security of the Republic of Moldova depends directly on the developments in the
international security environment. The processes of enlargement of the European Union and
NATO are favorable to the development process of the Republic of Moldova and the building of
national and regional security. At the same time, the unbridled effects of the bipolar world and
the cold war, as well as instability in the post-Soviet space, represent the circumstances that
generate multiple threats and risks to the national security of the state. This situation is placed in
a globally changing world dominated by the process of globalization, which, in its turn, attributes
a new nature to the risks and threats in the contemporary world. In addition to these, the
globalization process makes a profound correlation of the domestic situation in the country with
the processes in the international arena and other countries.
The new risks and threats generated by the changes in the international security environment
are: international terrorism; proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; organized cross-border
crime; illicit trafficking in human beings, arms and narcotics; illegal migration.
The national security of the Republic of Moldova depends directly on the developments in the
international security environment. The processes of enlargement of the European Union and
NATO are favorable to the development process of the Republic of Moldova and the building of
national and regional security. At the same time, the unbridled effects of the bipolar world and
the cold war, as well as instability in the post-Soviet space, represent the circumstances that
generate multiple threats and risks to the national security of the state. This situation is placed in
a globally changing world dominated by the process of globalization, which, in its turn, attributes
a new nature to the risks and threats in the contemporary world. In addition to these, the
globalization process makes a profound correlation of the domestic situation in the country with
the processes in the international arena and other countries.
The process of combining and interconditioning international terrorism with cross-border
organized crime and proliferation of weapons is a continuous one. Conflict states turn into
favorable environments that favor these phenomena. Therefore, the national security system of
the Republic of Moldova is to assign its adequate functional character and to obtain the
necessary capacities to combat these phenomena and to resolve the related conflict situations, or
which may become related to international terrorism. Such advancement of the national security
system can be accomplished by connecting the Republic of Moldova to the Euro-Atlantic
security area, expressed through the implementation of the respective standards in the national
security system. This connection, as mentioned above, should not affect the neutrality of the
Republic of Moldova.
Under the above-mentioned conditions, the need for closer bilateral and multilateral
international cooperation in the field of security is becoming increasingly apparent. However, the
ability of international bodies to intervene and resolve concrete security issues remains to be
unrealized.
The pace in which international contacts develop, including those not related to international
law, implies a greater internationalization of social and environmental issues. Against this
background, the Republic of Moldova is increasingly facing dangers originating outside its
borders. Due to the small size and openness of the Republic of Moldova, the country's economy
is strongly dependent on the global economic situation, especially the mutations that occur on the
traditional markets of Moldovan products. Strengthening the national security of the Republic of
Moldova calls for greater development and diversification of transparent and well-balanced
26
economic relations by the state. Creating a stable climate favorable to foreign investment is an
important element in this respect.
Moldova's favorable situation in the European security system will remain uncertain,
especially as Moldova does not have the resources to promote a consistent foreign and security
policy. However, it is possible to achieve some results if the internal and external efforts to
increase security are rationalized. This objective can only be achieved by a co-operative
approach of subregional and regional conduct.
Given that NATO and the European Union will remain the pivotal elements of the European
security system in the short and medium term, the tendency towards self-isolation and / or
asymmetric orientation towards the East risks further marginalizing Moldova in the European
processes, which can contribute both to the European integration of the country, as well as its
isolation. In the next decade, the likelihood that Moldova will remain a regional instability
generator, compared to its neighbors, is quite high. Even in the case of the formal resolution of
the Transnistrian conflict, the military, political, economic and social integration of the left bank
of the Dniester will take long enough and could in the long run generate tensions with
repercussions for the whole of Moldova, which would be projected on a regional scale.
Moldova's security planning should provide for the possibility for the republic to use the
political and military capabilities of NATO and the EU to stabilize the country, and they foresee
an increase in interoperability and a rapprochement with NATO standards. Taking these into
account, Moldova is interested in developing a framework of relations as much as possible
developed with Western security structures, which would not only be a stabilizing factor for the
country but also a key instrument of European integration of Moldova.

Bibliography:

1. Buzan B. Popoarele, statele şi frica – o agendă pentru studii de securitate internaţională în

epoca de după Războiul Rece. Chişinău: Cartier, 2014. 404 p
2. Concepţia Politicii Externe a Republicii Moldova. În: Monitorul Oficial al Republicii
Moldova, nr. 20, 06.04.1995
3. David A. Naţiunea între „starea de securitate” şi „criza politico-militară”. Bucureşti:
Licorna, 2000. 67 p
4. Eşanu C. Politica de securitate a Republicii Moldova în spaţiul Sud-Est European:
avantaje şi perspective. În: Studii internaţionale: viziuni din Moldova (publicaţie periodică
ştiinţifico-metodică), vol.I, 2006, nr.1, p.284-288
5. Gorincioi R. Securitatea internaţională în condiţiile globalizării. În: Materialele
Conferinţei internaţionale „Perfecţionarea cooperării în domeniul securităţii internaţionale şi
regionale. Noi ameninţări teroriste – pericol pentru securitatea naţională: surse, condiţii de
apariţie şi metode de contracarare. Chişinău, 2003, p.52-61
6. Juc V. Edificarea relaţiilor internaţionale post-război rece: aspecte teoretico-metodologice
şi replieri geostrategice. Chişinău: Sirius, 2011. 248 p

Recenzent: Alina SLOBODANIUC, magistru, lector FRISPA, USM

27
 MIXED ELECTORAL SYSTEMS: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE (DE, HU, MD)

Petru ZLOI
American University of Moldova, Faculty of International Relations, 1st year student.

In this article I will define mixed electoral systems and explain how they work in Germany and
Hungary. I will explain why I believe that the Republic of Moldova is not ready for a mixed-
electoral system, and will support that opinion with an exploration of the issues the country
faces.

Keywords: Mixed electoral system, votes, party

Historic as well as present-day constitutional engineers assume that electoral systems play
an important role in how democracies function. Electoral systems are serious business—
changing an electoral system means changing the rules under which democracy is practiced. [1,
p.158] The general message is that electoral systems have significant role in modern world.
Mixed electoral systems, defined as electoral systems that provide voters two votes for the
legislature—one for a party list in a proportional representation (PR) and one for a candidate in a
single-member district (SMD) tier—have emerged as a major alternative to strictly PR or SMD
systems.
All mixed electoral systems share the distinction of allowing the electorate votes in both
PR and SMD elections, but four characteristics distinguish mixed systems from one another:
1. linkage/compensatory seats;
2. the ratio of seats in each tier;
3. the SMD electoral formula;
4. the district magnitude and legal threshold of the PR tier.
Each of these institutional variations potentially has its own effects on the number of
parties in the system and the level of disproportionality. [2 p.578]
The most important distinction of the mixed electoral systems is between those countries
where at least a significant proportion of elected representatives are elected in single member
districts and those where all elected representatives are from multimember districts. In the case
of those countries with single member districts, we can distinguish between those where all the
seats in the principal legislature are elected in single member districts and those where only some
are elected in this way.

Germany
Nowadays there is a good deal of examples of countries in which the main electoral system
is mixed. Germany’s electoral system has always been associated with the archetype of a mixed-
member proportional system, which has become an influential model in the design of post-
communist and post-authoritarian electoral systems as well as the reform of existing electoral
systems in mature liberal democracies. Germany uses the mixed-member proportional
representation system, a system of proportional representation combined with elements of first-
past-the-post voting. The Bundestag has 598 nominal members, elected for a four-year term;
these seats are distributed between the sixteen German states in proportion to the states'
population eligible to vote.
German citizens use this system to elect representatives to thirteen out of the sixteen Land
Diets (Landtage) at the subnational level and to the Federal Diet (Bundestag) at the national
level. [3, p 209] The Bundestag`s design was deeply influenced by the desire for political
stability and consensus after a big length of time of instability and socio-political division
between 1918 and 1945, moreover the need to generate democratic legitimacy for the freshly
established Federal Republic in 1949.
28
How do they vote?
Every elector has two votes: a constituency and a list vote. 299 members are elected in
single-member constituencies by first-past-the-post, based just on the first votes. The second
votes are used to produce an overall proportional result in the states and then in the Bundestag.

Seats are allocated using the Sainte-Laguë method. If a party wins fewer constituency seats
in a state than its second votes would entitle it to, it receives additional seats from the relevant
state list.[2, p.635] Parties can file lists in each single state under certain conditions; for example,
a fixed number of supporting signatures. Parties can receive second votes only in those states in
which they have successfully filed a state list. In brief, every party gets their seats depending on
the amount of votes they received and that every region is represented equal.
If a party by winning single-member constituencies in one state receives more seats than it
would be entitled to according to its second vote share in that state (so-called overhang seats),
the other parties receive compensation seats. [4, p.202] Owing to this provision, the Bundestag
usually has more than 598 members. The 18th and current Bundestag, for example, started with
631 seats: 598 regular and 33 overhang and compensation seats. Overhang seats are calculated at
the state level, so many more seats are added to balance this out among the different states,
adding more seats than would be needed to compensate for overhang at the national level in
order to avoid negative vote weight.
In order to qualify for seats based on the party-list vote share, a party must either win three
single-member constituencies or exceed a threshold of 5% of the second votes nationwide. If a
party only wins one or two single-member constituencies and fails to get at least 5% of the
second votes, it keeps the single-member seat(s), but other parties that accomplish at least one of
the two threshold conditions receive compensation seats. (In the most recent example of this,
during the 2002 election, the PDS won only 4.0% of the party-list votes nationwide, but won two
constituencies in the state of Berlin.) The same applies if an independent candidate wins a single-
member constituency (which has not happened since 1949). In the 2013 election, the FDP only
won 4.8% of party-list votes; this cost it all of its seats in the Bundestag. [5]
Altogether 38 parties have managed to get on the ballot in at least one state and can
therefore (theoretically) earn proportional representation in the Bundestag. Furthermore, there
are several independent candidates, running for a single-member constituency. [6]
Members of parliament are only subject to themselves and free when it comes to voting for
a new law for example. They do not have to obey their party. (but in most cases they do).
29
Hungary
Following a reform in 2012 - The New Parliament has 199 members with 106 mandates
obtained in single-member constituencies along with a maximum of 93 mandates allocated from
the national list.
Moreover, these shifts are even closer to the majoritarian principle as more than 53% of
mandates will be allocated in single-member-constituencies, and the relatively proportional pillar
will also benefit the winner. Furthermore, the elimination of the second round creates a situation
where mandates can easily be obtained by relative majority. Nevertheless, since 199 is an odd
number, there will not be a stalemate situation in Parliament. [7, p.2]

[7, p.4]
The new electoral system introduced a single-round majoritarian model, one that ensures
increased transparency, creates stronger governments capable of pursuing much-needed reforms
and is easy to understand for the voters. At the same time, in the ‘new system’ - adopted in 2011
- the size of the parliament shrank to 199 members. As noted above, 106 of those are elected in
single-member electoral districts with the remaining 93 qualifying from national party lists.
The new system reduced the number of MPs and also diminished the inequalities of the
electoral districts that existed under the old electoral law. Take, for example, the 6th electoral
district in Veszprém with 27000 voters and the district in Gödöllő with 67000 voters. Both of
these districts elected just one member of parliament. However, in a proper democracy every
vote should have equal or similar weight and the electoral reform did just that: the law allows no
more than 15 percent difference in district size. [8]
Historically, we can clearly see how mixed electoral system affected on legislators. Two
members, one from each tier, may behave alike because they share professional backgrounds,
policy preferences, and career goals. The mixed electoral system is a result of adaptation of
recent reforms, one from each tier, may have long histories of serving in the legislature together
under a single, different set of electoral incentives. Given the shared patterns of behavior they
developed during their earlier legislative careers, recently adopted electoral reforms may not be
sufficient to make them behave differently.
After all, countries rarely change their electoral systems from one type to the other, and
even when they do we can expect a time lag in the reactions of elected representatives and voters
to a new system.

Republic of Moldova
In July 2017 in the Republic of Moldova, the electoral Law was changed – from a
proportional to a mixed electoral system. It envisages that 50 MPs should be elected by a
proportional closed-list system in one single nationwide constituency and 51 MPs shall be
elected in as many single-member constituencies, under a plurality system, where the winning
candidate receives the highest number of votes of the valid votes cast. [leg., chpt. 3, art. 73]
30
 New amendments to the electoral legislation of the Republic of Moldova will move
electoral threshold. Thus, in the Moldovan Parliament will remain only two electoral thresholds,
but not four as at present: for a party or socio-political organization - 6 percent, but for an
electoral block no matter how many parties are formed - in 8 percent.

How will it work?

The voter would have two ballots, one for the proportional component and one for the
plurality component of the election. Unlike in the mixed system proposed in 2013, an absolute
majority of the votes in a single-member constituency is not required and a second round is
not envisaged: a classical first-past-the-post system would rather be introduced for the SMD-part
of the election. Candidates may run simultaneously in the national and a single-member
constituency, with the latter taking priority if a candidate is elected in both constituencies. [9,
p.9]
The Venice Commission and the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of
the OSCE (OSCE/ODIHR), noted in particular a lack of consensus on the reform, and based on
specific concerns identified (e.g. risk of influence taking at constituency level; high thresholds;)
Meanwhile, the Council of Europe Venice Commission and the Organization for Security and
Co-operation in Europe, Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR)
in its 17 June 2017 opinion had recommended that "such a fundamental change, while a
sovereign prerogative of the country, is not advisable at this time".
Which problems did raise the new electoral system in Republic of Moldova?
- In the present Moldovan context, the proposed reform could potentially have a negative
effect at the constituency level, where independent majoritarian candidates may develop links
with or be influenced by businesspeople or other actors who follow their own separate interests;
- The responsibility vested with the CEC to establish single-mandate constituencies for the
majoritarian component is based on vague criteria that pose a risk of political influence on this
aspect of the work of the CEC;
- The use of administrative resources was pointed out by nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs) as an issue during the failed referendum to recall the mayor of Chisinau and the by-
elections on 19 November 2017. The media landscape remains characterized by concentration of
media ownership and monopolization of the advertising market.
- Detailed and comprehensive criteria for the establishment of constituencies for the
Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova and for citizens abroad are not stipulated;
- Proposed changes are unlikely to enhance the representation of women in the Parliament,
and no additional special measures are introduced to compensate for this.
- The proposed transfer of responsibility for control over campaign finance as well as of a
number of aspects of the electoral process from the CEC to District Electoral Councils, as well as
the involvement of district courts, would pose further challenges to effective control and
supervision. This includes lack of appropriate resources.
- Furthermore, while not included in the merged draft law, it ought to be underscored that
provisions for the recall of elected candidates, as provided for by draft law No. 60, contradict
provisions of the Constitution and are not in conformity with international standards. [9]
Any fundamental change of the electoral system should take into account the effects of
such change. The debate on an electoral system should be broad and allow relevant stakeholders
to bring forward positive and negative effects of this reform.
While it is certainly true that experiences from other states can provide valuable insights
when considering a reform of the electoral system, comparative law arguments should be used
with caution. State institutions and legislative arrangements function within a specific legal,
political and cultural context. Moreover, there is a variety of mixed systems that may have
different effects on the way citizen interests are represented and more generally on democratic
development. The system considered in the Republic of Moldova provides for a parallel
application of the first-past-the-post and of the proportional systems, while, for example, the
31
German electoral system (often called “personalized proportional representation”) provides for
compensatory seats and therefore for the final result to be more proportional. [9] In the present
Moldovan context, this reform could potentially have a negative effect at the local level, where
independent majoritarian candidates may develop links with or be influenced by local
businesspeople or other actors who follow their own separate interests.

References
1. Klingemann, H.-D. (2009) "The Comparative Study of Electoral Systems." OUP Oxford,
2009.
2. Robert G. Moser, EthanScheiner (2004) "Mixed electoral systems and electoral system
effects: controlled comparison and crossnational analysis"
3. Gallagher, M. and Mitchell, P. (2006) "The Politics of Electoral Systems’, The Politics of
Electoral Systems. " OUP Oxford, 2005, pp. 1–688.
4. Matthew Shugart, M. P. W. (2001) "Mixed-Member Electoral Systems: The Best of Both
Worlds? " OUP Oxford, 2001.
5. "Wahlsystem der Bundestagswahl in Deutschland – Wahlrecht und Besonderheiten".
http://www.wahlrecht.de/
6. "Bundestagswahl 2017 – Übersicht: Eingereichte und zugelassene Landeslisten der
Parteien". http://www.wahlrecht.de/
7. László Róbert , (2012) "The New Electoral Law in Hungary – In-depth Analysis".
8. Zoltan, K. (2018) ‘How Hungary’s electoral system works and why it was changed in
2011"
9. Barrett R, Holmoyvik E. , Kask O. , Hilscher-Bogussevich T. (2017) "Electoral system
for the election of the Parliament "

Coordinator: Alexandru ROSCA, PhD, Associate professor.

32
 ECONOMIC SCIENCES

THE ECONOMIC FUTURE OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA

Vitalie Diulgher, The American University of Moldova, student

This work is about the economic evolution of the Republic of Moldova from independence to
the present stae. It also analayzes the economic activity of the country and finally offers some
solutions to solve the existing problems.

Keywords: economic evolution, Moldavian business, economic strategies

The Republic of Moldova enjoys a favorable climate and a fertile land. The agricultural
sector has the largest share in the economy. The main Moldovan products are fruit, vegetables,
wine and tobacco, however, the country has recently also exported wiring, electronic equipment
and tools for cars. After 1990, Moldova entered a strong economic downturn, of which it only
recovered in 2000. With a per capita GDP of $ 5,300 per year (2017), Moldova imports oil, coal
and natural gas, mainly from Russia.
The construction of Giurgiulesti Harbor increased Moldova's access to the international
oil market and diminished its energy dependence on Russia. The port was completed at the end
of 2006.
As part of the ambitious liberalization of the economy in the early 1990s, Moldova
introduced a convertible currency, liberalized prices, ceased granting preferential loans to state-
owned firms and companies, began the privatization process, eliminated controls for exports and
froze interest. The economy returned to positive growth of 2.1% in 2000 and 6.1% in 2001,
respectively.
Determining its developmental vector, based on the liberal values of Western culture, has
been practically completely revised and recreated the entire legal normative framework. In the
context of the economic transition, reforms must take place in accordance with the following
structure: liberalization, privatization and creation of institutions and mechanisms characteristic
of the market economy. The reforming concept of the Republic of Moldova has been achieved in
this context: the liberalization of prices and the abandonment of the planned system of economic
management, while being necessary for the functioning of the market economy - the creation of
the banking system, the establishment of the capital market, the introduction of the national
currency, other institutions and the ample process of producing the new legal framework. By
reviving the private property, the mass privatization of the state property was carried out in the
Republic of Moldova, the national currency - the Moldovan leu was introduced and put on the
feet. From a permanently deficient state in all, the market for domestic goods and services is
becoming more and more civilized.
The national industry and agriculture, construction and transport, the trade and services
sector, the financial sector, despite the still low competitiveness, no longer have those state-
owned companies producing goods for "warehousing" with an illusory "quality mark", followed
by the distribution planned. Keep in mind the past and centralized price formation, which largely
ignores the basic principles of economic efficiency. Throughout this time, a new generation of
specialists and managers has been formed, able to think and realize their potential under the
harsh conditions of a competitive environment and market economies. Information technologies
33
become a vital part of our reality and a source of pride. It turns our cities into becoming more
and more European, and the "monuments" of panel buildings show dissonantly on our streets.
The middle class, undergoing training, still claims more firmly the rights to the formation of the
principles and conditions for the development of society.
Majority of science and higher education has been transferred to market reforms. There
has been a positive trend in increasing funding for scientific research. In 2008, 388.2 million lei
or 0.7% of GDP were already invested in science and innovation, and this obviously reflected the
increase of the contribution of science to the country's economy. Science has begun to turn
young. Positive trends have been registered both in increasing the quantity and quality of
scientific achievements, as well as in their implementation. Regretfully, funding for science has
declined over the next few years in both absolute and relative terms.
During these 20 years of Independence of the Republic of Moldova, the intentions of
reform were a constant of the political discourse, but successful in the field of essential
transformations were not registered. With some exceptions, the political class could not take
responsibility and the costs of promoting cardinal transformations, respectively. Obviously,
reforms aimed at creating a functioning market economy could not have been achieved without
incurring social costs, but these "losses" were inevitable and would have been small compared to
the benefits of creating a competitive economy that would to ensure sustainable and qualitative
development.
On the other hand, non-involvement in profound transformations has generated a
situation in which the national economy has accumulated structural and functional imbalances.
Thus, after 20 years of existence, the Republic of Moldova has a social-economic situation that
can hardly be categorized as at least with the "satisfactory" rating.
Public policies have not stimulated enough the creation of production capacities, and our
state now has little productive potential. In turn, delays in reforms will aggravate existing
problems in the national economy sectors, speeding up their transformation into imminent
constraints for economic development. The high fragility of the economic construction makes
the process of growth in the Republic of Moldova extremely vulnerable to shocks, both external
and internal. The likelihood of shocks will steadily affect the national economy in the medium
term, which will negatively affect growth.
Generally, during these 20 difficult and often dramatic years, we have crossed the path
that even our predecessors have gone through for decades. We have to recognize, however, that
much of the reforms that have been carried out have been most often launched in a hurry, with
disastrous consequences for both economic agents and the population. In particular, the older
generation was severely affected. Many of them are at the limit of survival. In industry, even half
of the production level of 1990 has not been achieved, in agriculture the labor productivity is less
than 20 years ago, and the production volumes have generally decreased several times. Freight
transport has also decreased several times, along with transit through the Republic of Moldova.
Today, most roads are in a disastrous state and, according to foreign experts' assessments, by
their quality, we are among the last places in the world.
Every year, tens of thousands of citizens leave the Republic of Moldova. In particular, the
exodus of young people and people in the most productive age is particularly high. Their foreign
earnings have become the basis of our "welfare" relative. Only in the past year, 2010, through
the official exchange offices, the country's economy has reached nearly $ 1.9 billion, equivalent
to around 60% of the national goods and services market. Noteworthy in the context that in 2011
the foreign currency inflow increased by another 25%.
The main problems of today's reality remain political instability, large corruption and the
monopolization of the internal market, penetrated by collusion (cartel) collusion. That is, in
disregard of the principles of democracy and transparency, dictates to the Republic of Moldova
the inflationary prices and prices, as well as their "right" to personal enrichment without taking
the last piece of bread from their fellow citizens.

34
 At the current stage of human development, it is generally accepted that an alternative to
the knowledge-based economy does not exist. But the level of knowledge and science in our
country, as in the whole world, is an adequate reflection of our own economic, social and
cultural development. In order for science and knowledge to develop, forming the basis for the
future rebirth of the country, they demand their economic and business environment. And as this
does not exist today, the state must come to the aid.
Positive developments to date are fragile and fragile. Remuneration of scientists remains
shamefully small, especially among young researchers. It continues to be based mainly on
scientific and pedagogical seniority, academic titles and degrees, but not on research results. The
state scientific institutions are also stuck in a diverse mass of formal reports, especially financial
ones, which have long been used in the civilized world.
But the formation of cadres in the upper school? The primitive gaffe of a large number of
contract-based students, with an infinite range of specialties offered within an educational
institution, has dramatically worsened the quality of teaching. Many teachers teach students only
from obsolete textbooks and conspiracies, broken from the realities of today's practice. Today,
science schools in universities are more of an exception. In developed countries, the most
important condition for teaching - is activity by cumulation in a scientific laboratory or
successful production activity. This Moldovan "business" of the upper school is built on a weak
professorial quota.
Currently we have a quite interesting situation, Moldova has good growth rates, but the
positive dynamics is not generated by internal factors. Consumption, financed by remittances,
determines the economic dynamics, and the Republic of Moldova has internally reduced
capacities to generate a qualitative increase. The current model, although allowing the state to
grow and does not involve increased efforts to maintain it, is a long-term challenge for the
national economy. It is unlikely that this increase in remittances could be maintained for a long
time. With the absorption of migrants by the host countries and the reunification of their families
abroad, the volume of remittances targeted to the Republic of Moldova will be greatly reduced.
At present, any delay in achieving deep, liberal reforms through essence - because the
modern economy is a liberal economy - will for a long time hold the Republic of Moldova at the
last stage of development. In this context, it is necessary to change the "model" of functioning of
the national economy. Sources that could ensure sustainable economic development remain
investments and exports. At the same time, the remodeling of the national economy requires
profound structural changes.
In the light of the above, the new National Development Strategy needs to reinforce
reform efforts in the following directions:
a. Taking into account the fact that public institutions have a central role in ensuring the
competitiveness of the national economy, the Government must keep reform of public sector
institutions as its policy priority. An important element of the reform in this area is the
development of a new remuneration system within the public sector, based on the efficiency and
return of employees.
b. A risk to public finances comes from the retirement system. Reforming the retirement system
becomes an imperative for the Republic of Moldova. Delaying a profound transformation of the
retirement system can generate constraints both for the public finance system and for the social
sector. In order to improve the functioning of the pension insurance system it is necessary to
examine the following possibilities:
- review of the current pension insurance model;
-riding the retirement age and unifying it for men and women;
- modernizing the mechanism for organizing and financing pension insurance.
c. Creating favorable conditions for business activity should be a major priority for Government
activity. In this respect, it is necessary to carry out reforms on the following dimensions:
- further simplification of operations / business start-ups;
- removing barriers to cross-border trade;
35
- improving the dialogue between the public and private sectors;
- creating a genuine competitive environment.
d. In order to support the knowledge pillar, the following measures are recommended:
- taking into account the fact that the number of pupils has dropped considerably compared to the
number of teachers and the number of schools has decreased insignificant; in the medium term it
is necessary to adjust the number of teachers, together with the increase of their salaries, and to
optimize the network of educational institutions;
- reforming the education system should focus on changing the curriculum and improving the
process of teacher training;
- improving the quality of vocational and higher education. An important role in reforming
would be the establishment of partnerships between academia and business.
e. The quality of national infrastructure can be qualified as quite poor, and a number of measures
are needed to improve it. Infrastructure efforts should be geared towards the following
directions:
- diversification of sources of energy supply;
- improving energy efficiency;
- Restructuring of tariff policies to adjust costs to costs;
- restructuring state-owned enterprises that manage the infrastructure by promoting efficiency
and commercial practices in their work.
Crisis exit solutions have been, and still are, endeavoring to unify our forces and to grasp
the importance and imminence of reforms that, intelligently and in good faith, would change our
lives for the better and help us we are actually moving towards the European Union. Despite the
fact that the Republic of Moldova is confronted with many difficult problems, which, somehow,
eclipses and this anniversary, our state is still moving forward. We would all like this move on
the way to progress, to be quicker, more energetic and more resilient, without zigzags that would
throw us back, and for this we need two key elements: political will and mobilizing all the
citizens of the Republic of Moldova around the National Idea of EU Accession.

Bibliography:

1. BNS:„Situația social-economică a Republicii Moldova în anul 2014”.

2. Forța de muncă în Republica Moldova: ocuparea și șomajul în anul 2013 statistica.md;
(accesat pe 26 aprilie 2018).
3. Evoluția social - economică a Republicii Moldova (conform datelor disponibile la
31.03.2014) mec.gov.md; (accesat la 27 aprilie 2018).
4. Impactul sărăciei în Republica Moldova Ministerul Economiei.
5. BNS: Activitatea de comerț exterior a Republicii Moldova în anul 2017 15.02.2018.
6. Lista companiilor rezidente în ZEL Bălți zelb.md (accesat pe 28 aprilie 2018).
7. Cum a evoluat economia Republicii Moldova în ultimii 20 de ani (.accesat la 28 aprilie
2018).
8. www.statistica.md - Biroul National de Statistica al Republicii Moldova(accesat pe 29
aprilie, 2018).
9. BNM, www.bnm.md, (accesat pe 29 aprilie, 2018).
10. International Monetary Fund: Republic of Moldova: Statistical Appendix.

Coordinator: Stelian MANIC, PhD, Associate professor.

36
 THE INFLUENCE OF EMIGRATION ON THE ECONOMIC STABILITY
OF THE COMMUNITY

Cristina MOLESTEAN, The American University of Moldova, student

This article examines the issues and problems generated by excessive population migration
in both on the host country that obtains a considered number of inhabitants and the effects
caused to the origin country. Also this article highlights the negative effects such as the
demographic aspect of the state, the decrease in the number of the working population, the
evolution of the economic-financial imbalance and the decrease of the general level of living of
the country.

Keywords: Brain Drain, exodus, emigration

This article examines the issues and issues generated by excessive population migration
both on the host country that obtains a considered number of inhabitants and the effects caused
to the country of origin. This highlights the negative effects such as the demographic aspect of
the state, the decrease in the number of the working population, the evolution of the economic-
financial imbalance and the decrease of the general level of living of the country. Migration is
influenced by a combination of economic, political, social and environmental factors: either in
the country of origin of a migrant or in the country of destination. From a historical point of
view, it is considered that the relative economic prosperity and political stability in the European
countries have exerted an attraction effect on immigrants
According to a statistical survey organized by the International Republican Institute (IRI),
population migration is considered to be a major problem for every 10th person and ranked 5th
in the ranking of the most important negative issues faced by the Republic of Moldova and other
underdeveloped countries , whose population is geared towards looking for future prospects and
better living conditions in other countries.
Domestic specialists in the field consider that more than half of the Moldovan emigrants are
qualified specialists. Thus, of the total number of emigrants, 39% have specialized secondary
education, 12% - higher education and 4% - incomplete higher education. At the same time, of
the total number of migrants with higher education in EU countries, 15% are trained in the
hospitality sector, 14% - in the private sector, 13% - in commerce, ie they are engaged in
activities that do not require a qualification high.
The overall causes of migrations are multiple. They are attributed in particular to the
over-popular processes, unemployment and the general socio-economic situation, which take
place in a huge range of so-called secondary conditions, which reside in the economic, cultural,
health and psychological situation. Overpopulation is the rupture that can occur in one country or
another between the population and resources. When the natural growth of the population is not
followed by an adequate increase in the use of the labor force, by an increase in income at
country or region level, then overpopulation occurs directly and objectively movement of the
population from one place to another. [1]
As a result of the relatively permanent migration, the Republic of Moldova faces a multitude of
economic problems: excessive inflation caused by a generalized price increase and a
simultaneous decrease in the purchasing power of the national currency, decreasing the number
of highly qualified persons in various fields: the loss of engineers well-trained professionals,
lawyers, doctors, educators, scientists and other professionals are negatively affected by the
productivity of the countries' home economy.
Labor migration has affected men and the rural area to a greater extent. Thus, 2 out of 3
people left / returned are men (67.6% men versus 32.4% women) and 3 out of 4 persons are from

37
rural area (75.0%). Approximately 3 out of 5 migrants are married, both among women (59%)
and among men (56%).
The factors that led to work abroad are largely of economic nature, represented by the
lack of opportunities to obtain adequate income for living. Thus, 3 out of 4 (76.5%) migrants
have indicated as the main reason for the low salaries in Moldova. Among other reasons, there
was a lack of jobs according to the competences / qualifications (8.8%) and poor working
conditions (6.0%).
Migrant families use the money received abroad mainly to cover current household expenses
(food, clothing, payment of services, etc.). For each second migrant (49.7%), the costs related to
the purchase, repair or construction of houses / dwellings are equally important, and for each
third (36.0%) - the purchase of durable goods (automobile, TV, computer, etc.). Other purposes
of using the money received are: payment / payment of debts (16.7%), payment for treatment
(13.1%), payment for studies of family members (12.6%), investments in agriculture (10.2% ),
rest / fun (6.0%). 3 out of 10 (28.7%) responded that they were saving the money they received
[2].
At the same time, migration is not lacking and some beneficial effects. Among the
positive aspects of migration on the economy of the countries of origin, it is pointed out that the
massive exit of the people in the country is often a rescue for the authorities from the big social
problems. Many poor countries, with a large number of unemployed and unskilled people,
promote emigration in order to lower pressures on social services and escape unnecessary labor.
Due to the fact that immigrants are becoming more and more numerous in well-developed
countries and so the country's labor force is rising, the minimum wages on the economy are
decreasing. In contrast, in the countries of origin of immigrants, the situation is quite opposite:
because most of the country's labor force emigrates, the remaining human resources are therefore
fewer and therefore more expensive, which leads to an increase in wages in the countries of
origin of immigrants, particularly in the case of developing countries, those with a rising
economy that are creating new jobs - more and more jobs and less workforce, obviously
employers are forced to raise the amount of salaries. Migrant earning in the country of origin,
such as wage decline in the country of destination, has increased global welfare and triggered a
slow process of wage equalization.
Another frequently invoked argument about the positive effects of migration on countries
of origin is that they may be interested in promoting emigration to ensure that their money is
remitted by their citizens (remittances), which for many countries are an important source of
income. It is worth noting that the money transfers from the citizens working abroad are one of
the basic sources contributing to the increase of the incomes of the population in the countries of
origin. It is also considered that some home countries can promote emigration in order to
encourage the formation of qualified staff abroad [3].
Data from a study by the Hilfswerk Austria International Public Association in
partnership with the CBS-AXA Sociological Investigation and Marketing Studies Center shows
that the phenomenon of migration has both positive and negative effects on the socio-economic
life of the country of origin:
Positive effects of population migration (for home country):
- Increasing the standard of living of migrant families
- Increasing population education capacity
- Increasing the overall level of living conditions
- The emergence and opening of new businesses
- Declining the percentage of unemployment
Negative effects of population migration (for the country of origin) ::
- Increase divorce rate, unpaid children
- Loss of workforce / youth
- Increasing young people's dependence on money received from abroad
- Increasing crime and trafficking in human beings
38
- Favoring imports of goods
Positive effects of population migration (for the host country):
- Determining increased demand for goods and services
- Strengthening national production
- Contribution to state taxation
Negative effects of population migration (for the host country):
- Employment in the host country
- Contributing to lowering average wages in the economy
- Improving the burden on the social protection system
Frequently speaking, brain drain migration is a phenomenon, which is the emigration of
the highly skilled workforce to some more developed countries. There are many countries, the
Republic of Moldova being one of them, whose educational systems are trained by many
specialists who, however, when finishing their studies, can not find a job in the field because of
the significant difference between the number of graduates and the few places available on the
labor market. This can lead to important political and social issues, which is why many
governments are encouraging.
Although some researchers point out that there are some positive aspects of the migration
of specialists in their home country, most of the consequences are negative. The emigration of
highly skilled labor from a state is undoubtedly a significant loss of human potential for the
country, for the society in question, which is practically private by its own specialists. It has
therefore been noticed how lately educational investment in less developed countries has begun
to be transferred to highly developed countries.
It is also well known that the emigration of qualified and skilled young people with a
high potential for work can lead to a significant drop in income, slowdown in growth and
economic growth, declining productivity and a reduction in foreign investment in the country of
origin. In addition, the emigration of a significant part of the labor force also determines the
increase in financial obligations, such as taxes, taxes on workers remaining in the country due to
contributions to the state budget. However, emigration of the highly skilled labor force is
considered to increase the opportunities for those left in the country of origin and to de-stress the
labor market.
However, it is necessary to recall that many times the state makes considerable investments
for the professional training of these specialists and that, with their departure, this leads to
negative effects on the country of origin. In the case of highly qualified scientists, their
emigration means that the country will be devoid of specialists that are hard to substitute, which
will make the development of local scientific investigations even more difficult. Exodus of
medical staff, such as doctors, nurses, psychologists and teachers, also generates great loss and
usually leads to the lack of professionals in key sectors such as health and education. At the same
time, it is required to mention that in many developing countries the state tends to train many
specialists than it would be able to absorb the labor market. [4]
In the Republic of Moldova, the financial and economic situation is currently facing
several problems caused by the permanent migration of the population from the country. Thus, if
at the end of the 1980s, the Republic of Moldova had a population of about 4.5 million people in
2016, according to the National Bureau of Statistics in Chisinau, there are just over 3.5 million
people living in the country. At the same time, according to a study, the Republic of Moldova is
the country with the highest population decrease rate in the world, and about 106 people daily go
to other more developed countries. In general, labor migration has turned into a definitive
migration from a socio-economic point of view, the most important socio-economic effect is the
loss of a young, well-trained working population that will contribute to the growth of European
economies and not of the country of origin. [5]
However, it is necessary to recall that many times the state makes considerable investments
for the professional training of these specialists and that, with their departure, this leads to
negative effects on the country of origin. In the case of highly qualified scientists, their
39
emigration means that the country will be devoid of specialists that are hard to substitute, which
will make the development of local scientific research even more difficult. Exodus of medical
staff, such as doctors, nurses, psychologists and teachers, also generates great loss and usually
leads to the lack of professionals in key sectors such as health and education. At the same time, it
is required to mention that in many developing countries the state tends to train many specialists
than it would be able to absorb the labor market.

Bibliography:

1. Migrațiile – Noțiune generală, https://ru.scribd.com/doc/168111801/Migratiile ( accesat

la 23.04.18 )
2. Biroul naţional de statistică. Migrația forței de muncă
http://www.statistica.md/public/files/publicatii_electronice/migratia/Sinteza_MFM_2012.pdf
( accesat la 24.04.18 )
3. Impactul migraţiei asupra securităţii statelor: cazul Republica Moldova
http://bsclupan.asm.md:8080/xmlui/bitstream/handle/123456789/523/9.pdf?sequence=1
( accesat la 27.04.18 )
4. Migraţia economică: pierdere sau beneficiu pentru ţara de origine?
https://newsint.ro/business/migratia-economica-pierdere-sau-beneficiu-pentru-tara-de-
origine/
( accesat la 27.04.18 )
5. Fenomenul migraţiei din Republica Moldova, http://epochtimes-
romania.com/news/fenomenul-migratiei-din-republica-moldova-pierdem-populatia-tanara-
apta-de-munca-si-bine-pregatita---248892 ( accesat la 27.04.18 )

Coordinator: Stelian MANIC, PhD, Associate professor.

40
 RETHINKING MIGRATION: TURNING CHALLENGES INTO
OPPORTUNITIES

Evghenia MARTINIUC, The American University of Moldova, student

Migration is as natural as breathing, as eating, as sleeping. It is part of life, part of

nature. So we have to find a way of establishing a proper kind of scenario for modern migration
to exist. And when I say 'we,' I mean the world. We need to find ways of making that migration
not forced’’ (1 )Nowadays, migration is one of the most powerful problems of our society ,
migration knows no limit , migration knows violence , death and family breaks . On the one hand
,migration is the way of hope and the way of freedom , on the other hand migration can result
terrorist attacks, millions of children had died during this way of hope ,others have experienced
the bitter loss of their parents. Humans try to migrate in order to find new perspectives ,values
,better education and medical care, but what are the most common problems when we are
speaking about migration. How can we make our life better in order to survive the
contemporary world.There are some push factors that contribute to the migration process like :
few opportunities, natural disasters, pollution , discrimination, war , desire for more political or
religious freedom.

Keywords: Culture, value, migration, human, education, freedom, medical care, natural
disasters, pollution,immigration, emmigration.

The primordial condition of the whole existence resides in the specific human activity of
creating knowledge and receiving values. The supreme form of objectification of human essence,
the act of producing and transmitting values marks the full fulfillment of man's demiurgical
forces, the realization of his ever-increasing possibilities of mastery and transformation of
nature. Values measure the levels of civilization of society, dimension the creative capacities of
man, give meaning and the purpose of his actions, materializing in reality the goals, intentions,
projects, desires and ideals present in any kind of human attitude.
Man lives, forms and asserts himself in a climate of values, giving humanity the fruit of his
physical and intellectual energies transformed into various forms of value. If you want to enjoy
your own value, then it gives value to the world (Goethe) [2, p. 18]. Thus, people who are
immigrants are constantly seeking out ideals, superior values of existence, which will enable
them to take advantage of all aspects of life. Thus, as an example of the migration of the
population, is the "Great Migration of the Population" that took place in Europe between the 3rd
and 11th centuries in the transition from Late Antiquity to Early Middle Ages. This migration is
rightly known as the barbarian invasion (Völkerwanderung, the migration of the Germanic
populations) and represents a historical phenomenon that consisted of an intense period of
massive migration of populations of Germanic, Slavic or Asian origin. The migrations were
complex, at the basis of population movements being political, economic, social, demographic
and climatic reasons. When there was growing political and economic pressure on the part of the
empires, there was a response from the outer populations, forced to accept obedience, either to
refuse and to interfere with the neighboring power. Additionally, declining demographic
growths, pastures or farmland that have been excessively exploited by semi-subsistence
populations are becoming insufficient. Climate change has also caused displacements
overlapping with climate cooling periods. Thus, a number of factors that caused the "domino
effect" underpinned the displacements, such as the migration of the Huns and other Asian
populations that determined the displacement of the Goths and other Germanic populations
within the empire. At the periphery of the empire, the Germanic tribes grouped themselves into

41
confederations [3]. As we can see, the preconditions of migration have resembled the premise of
day-to-day migration, as people are guided by political, economic, social, demographic and
climatic reasons.
There are a variety of causes that cause mass migration. People have been on Earth for
more than 130,000 years. They originally appeared in Africa and gradually spread due to the
Globe migration. It is known that they have probably traveled in the search for food either by
following the flocks of animals or harvesting fruits to survive. Now about 10,000 years ago, the
Earth's population has come to practically all regions, some of them becoming sedentary.
Globally, about 7.55 billion people live on the globe, but they are not evenly distributed. Some
areas, such as China, India and Europe, are densely populated, while others, less populated
because of low migration, because in the course of time people were orienting towards the urban
environment, so in 2007 half of the population living in the urban area. Moreover, it is expected
that this figure will amount to about 60% of the total population by 2030. Scientific researchers
claim that in many developing countries the urban population is growing two or three times
faster than the population we see an important contribution that the urban environment plays in
the migration process, people migrate to urban centers in order to have access to administrative,
educational centers, numerous industrial and commercial centers, but this mass migration takes
place in these industrialized centers also faces economic problems, such as poverty, also faces
environmental problems, ie pollution and already with problems related to delinquency.
Research by scientists shows that in the second half of the 20th century, the rate of migration in
developing countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America, for example, increased, especially
among men. However, birth rates have not declined at a significant rate, leading to rapid
population growth, so the Earth's population is expected to reach about 8.6 billion by 2020.
An important component of the demographic phenomenon, which exerts direct influence
on the workforce and at the same time a fundamental feature of the population of our day, is the
movement of the population, moving from one place to another. This right has been recognized
for more than 50 years with the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which
states in Article 13 that any person has the right to move and live within the boundaries of any
state. At the same time, everyone has the right to leave the country and return to it.17 Since
1994, the UN General Assembly debated the issue of international migration every year and
adopted Resolution 56/203 of 21 December 2000 [ 4].
Factors such as: low fertility, population aging, unemployment, export intelligence,
human rights, social integration, xenophobia, trafficking in human beings and individual security
forces international bodies to reconsider policies on international migration as well as potential
benefits or disadvantages involving sending countries / welcoming migrants. Two commonly
used terms of immigration are: immigration and emigration. Immigration in turn is the situation,
the status of the immigrant.
Total immigration from a given period. - From fr. immigration. [5] and emigration is the
situation where an emigrant is found.2. The time someone is emigrating. 3. The total number of
emigrants from the same country, in the same place, over a given period. 4. (Rare) Emigration.
[Var: emigration s. F.] - From fr. emigration, lat. emigratio, -onis. [5] . Thus, within the country
of immigration, the country that allows the reception on its territory is more economically,
politically and culturally developed, that is, it has the possibility of individual development, that
country allows employment, if we compare the possibilities on the Republic of Moldova has
about 41% of the population that migrated to know another life in order to survive. Republic of
Moldova Today, the Republic of Moldova is ranked last in the rating analyzing the share of the
migrant population. is also aware of a loss of workforce, namely from the young population,
because young people go to the highly developed countries in the world, statistical data show
that about 1 in 5 young people would have wanted to go abroad to ensure a way of decent living.
Emigration in turn represents the displacement of the population between the country of origin
and the work place, so the country of origin can be characterized by a low economic
development, in such countries there is a high share of the young population, also the high birth
42
rate . At the same time, it is known that the country of origin is called a country of emigration.
Moreover, emigration has certain selection parameters because not all are able to emigrate, these
factors are usually age, gender, level of education, civil status. Studies show that men migrate to
a higher proportion than women, and when dealing with family migrants, there is obviously
balanced movements between children, old women and women. The selective nature of
international labor migration has the effect of determining differences in the composition of the
migrant population and the populations of the countries where they are migrating.
In the particularly complex context of today's labor migration, two new phenomena are
observed: the extremely rapid migration of highly qualified specialists, that is, the process of
intellectual exodus, called draining of intelligence, brain drain, export of brains , leakage of
intelligence (brain drain), which is an expression used to designate the mass emigration of
groups of intellectuals or well-trained professionals from a particular country. The reasons may
vary for the country of emigration, the social environment (lack of opportunities, political
instability, economic crisis, health risks, religious persecution, etc.) being one of the reasons. For
the target country for immigration, one can include: material opportunities, career opportunities,
freedom, political stability, high standard of living, religious freedom. Although the term initially
referred to technical staff leaving a country, its meaning changed into "the departure of educated
people or professionals from a country, an economic sector, or a field in another country, usually
for better remuneration or living conditions better "[6].
Specifically for developed countries is the large number of this category of immigrants.
From the third world countries, where relative overpopulation has much larger dimensions, this
exodus is heading for developed countries and for capital-developing countries such as Sweden,
Germany, Ireland, Liechtenstein, Norway, the Netherlands. Another factor contributing to
population migration is the lack of decent wages, as wages determine how insured individuals
can be, for example, individuals with a decent wage can afford good health care, a healthy
lifestyle, and here a well-thought-out food program is already in place. The low wage level in
developing countries causes part of the workers to emigrate to developed countries, where wages
are lower than the average wage of domestic workers, but higher than those in their homeland.
This allows economically developed countries to attract the most productive labor potential into
the labor market. Currently, some 175 million people move to a country other than the country of
origin. Since 1975 the number of migrants has doubled, 60 % of their global number live in
developed world regions and the remaining 40% in very poorly developed areas. Many migrants
live in Europe (56 million), Asia (50 million) and North America (41 million). Nearly 1 out of 10
people live in the developed regions with migrant status and, at the opposite end, almost 1 out of
70 people in developing countries are migrants. By the end of 2001, the number of refugees
worldwide was 15.9 million, 3 million refugees in developed countries and 12.9 in developing
countries. Asia has the largest refugee population (9.1 million) and Africa second with 3.6
million refugees. In the period 1995-2000, many developed countries around the world earned an
estimated 2.3 million migrants of the least developed countries. North America housed 1.4
million migrants annually, followed by Europe with a net annual earnings of 0.8 million and
Oceania with a modest figure of less than 90,000 migrants annually. Between 1995-2000, the
highest migration rate was also recorded in North America, with an annual average of 4.6
migrants per 1000, followed by Oceania with an average net rate of about 3 migrants per 1000
people, Europe registering 1 migrant per 1000. The highest emigration rate was recorded by
Latin America and the Caribbean, with 1 migrant per 1000 people. For Africa and Asia, net
migration rates were estimated to be very low, ie 0.4 - 0.6 migrants per 1000 people. As a result
of the migration, the economic level of the receiving country and of each country's home was
raised, as they sent money to the country of origin. For many countries, these amounts are quite
important because they make up a large part of the national product gross. For example, the
Republic of Moldova largely retains the money transferred from abroad; for example, the
amounts sent from abroad to the country of origin such as El Salvador, Eritrea, Jamaica, Jordan,
Nicaragua and Yemen contributed 10% to increase in gross national product. At the
43
microeconomic level, this money is an additional source of income for home-country or even
savings, and can be used to buy consumer goods, eg apartments, cars, etc. Approximately 44%
of developed countries and 39% developing countries have implemented policies focused on low
immigration.
One of the most important aspects of migration is the demographic issue because it
primarily affects the composition of a particular nation as well as the population of the receiving
country. If the demographic situation of a state suffers, the state is prone to an aging population.
it forms many problems of different categories, such as the lack of labor, the economic
slowdown, because the working population is not enough, so the resources for collecting the
taxes are not sufficient and thus for the formation of an amount of money destined for the old
population, in the form of pensions and incentives. And the impact of aging on the labor force
and the labor market is equally intensified by high rates of early retirement, deliberate
withdrawal from the labor market, and an increasing amount of time spent by youth in the full
educational system and structural unemployment. Thus, the rate of dependence of those who do
not work or do not fit into the labor force towards those who work began to grow slowly, putting
the developed countries under fiscal pressure.
Immigration currently contributes significantly to population growth, alleviating some
issues of aging in OECD member countries. Net immigration is the absolute and most important
factor contributing to population growth in Austria, Switzerland, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg
and Sweden. Migration equals the growth of indigenous people in the US, Canada, Australia,
Greece, Norway and the Netherlands. Migration ultimately contributes very little to the
demographic change in France, the UK, Belgium, Portugal and Spain. [7]
A study on Pakistan and Sri Lanka stresses the impact of migration on the economic and
social sphere, for example, the impact of contemporary migration on unemployment, yet
migration is likely to attract people who have not joined the internal workforce, and from this
perspective, not to affect high levels of unemployment.
Contemporary migration, in comparison with earlier periods, sometimes has the aim of
bringing the most educated and qualified higher workforce into some sectors of the workforce
with an internal economic consequence. UNDP reports that only India, China, South Korea, and
the Philippines lost 195,000 workers with scientific background to the United States between
1985 and 1995.
From the point of view of medical insurance, according to a study by the International
Organization for Migration (ILO), the study denotes a negligent attitude of the population
towards their own health, most of them resorting to medical services only in serious cases.
Migrants generally show a greater degree of negligence. At the same time, most migrants admit
that they do not lead a healthy lifestyle. This is largely due to a lack of stable income to allow
people to buy basic foods. Furthermore, the perception of the participants in the qualitative study
is that a healthy lifestyle requires, first of all, a healthy diet, the practice of sport, and the
avoidance of alcohol abuse, smoking and drug use. Excessive work in harmful conditions is also
perceived as an important factor affecting health. A special emphasis on migrants has put it on
the psycho-emotional aspect of health with reference to stress. Due to migration, migrants are
exposed to health risks, starting with the emigration process, continuing with poor living and
working conditions in the host country, and up to psycho-emotional distress with their closest
friends. However, some migrants argue that the host country may in some cases provide a more
health-friendly environment, that is, what would include a balanced diet, and better living
conditions. Also according to that study, migrants rarely resort to state-guaranteed medical
services compared to the rest of the population. Two out of ten migrants know their family
doctor, this situation is more characteristic of female migrants compared to males, which is not
the case for the whole population. Participants in different groups have noted several
shortcomings in the mandatory health insurance system. Moreover, the study shows that
migrants are more restricted to medical services abroad more in CIS countries, whose legal status
is less advanced [7, pp. 56-58]
44
 The consumption of medical services abroad is very low. Eight out of ten migrants
abroad had no access to a medical service. At least, male migrants, young people, those with
temporary or unlawful registration, or seasonal migrants are at least accessing foreign medical
services. Some groups have found that migrants are the least included in the health insurance
system, with only 25% of migrants are secured against 62% of the beneficiary remittance
population and 69% of the non-beneficiary remittance population. Most migrants do not have the
benefits of health insurance, as these medical care impose restrictions on consulting certain
physicians, limiting immediate access to medical services, it is known that in most cases the
gratitude of the medical services offered by the policy is often formal and migrants do not can
take advantage of all its possibilities.
There are certain conditions for insurance, including: the possibility of occasional
sickness insurance and the fight against corruption in the system, which affects both insured and
uninsured persons, a reduction in the cost of policies, a condition imposed much of the
population not involved in migration, and less of migrants, and the promotion of a more
attractive, longer-lasting medical insurance system, by at least parting the contributions of other
family members. [7, pp. 56-58]
Natural disasters are rare, but when it happens, they successfully supply the destructive
potential of the wars, making colossal damage both in human lives and in material life. Natural
disasters are also one of the well-known factors of the migration process, history has seen a lot of
such disasters, for example, the overflow of the Yellow River (Huang He), China - sept.-oct.
1887, it is prone to overflow, due to the smooth and stretched territory on one side and the other.
Floods caused in 1887 by the Yellow River ravaged this area, killing between 900,000 and
2,000,000 people. The flood of that year was one of the worst catastrophes in history. For
centuries, farmers who lived near the Yellow River built dams to contain the swollen waters
because of the alluvium accumulated on the bottom of the river. In 1887, there were many
torrential rain days, which came from the hacities of the dikes, causing a massive indolence. The
waters of the Yellow River are believed to have entered the Huayankou dams, close to the city of
Zhengzou in Henan province. Due to the low plains in the area, the flood spread very rapidly
throughout northern China, covering an estimated area of 80,000 square kilometers and
destroying agricultural and commercial centers. Following the flood, two million people
remained on the road. Thus, the population in this area had to migrate due to geographic and
climatic factors. However, people have not lost hope, much of them have gone to build their
lives again.
Migration is today a major issue for society, because it is caused by several factors that show us
what our lashes are, if we analyze these more advanced factors, we could understand and find the
solution to halt mass migration. If we are talking about population migration for economic
reasons, we need to implement economic reforms to support the population, to give people the
necessary life, but of course all these efforts will not succeed if we do not address other areas of
a state such as the political, legal, medical, because no one leaves the state in which it feels safe,
no one leaves the state in which the salary allows for personal maintenance. Throughout history I
noticed in more detail what were de facto causes of migration, for example political, economic,
religious reasons.
At present, a large proportion of the population migrates due to the religious factor, more
specifically because of the battles taking place on the basis of religion, since the supremacy of
religions has left its mark on the population since ancient times, and this fight between Orthodox
and Muslim Christian religion today a deaf struggle that knows no limits, thousands of people
leave their homes to secure their lives, these people migrate to new continents, to a new life. As
A.Einstein mentions, "If humanity still wants to live, it needs a new way of thinking," we can
deduce from this that religion should not be a primary factor in order to force the mass
population to migrate, we are all people, and the change always starts from us.

45
Bibliography:

1. Gael Garcia Bernal, Istoria și filosofia culturii ,Universitatea de stat din Moldova ,
Catedra de Istorie a culturii și religiilor F.E.P Tipografia Centrală ,Chișinău ,1998
2. Thomas Burns, Rome and the Barbarians: 100 BC-400 AD, John Hopkings University
Press, Baltimore, 2003Rezoluţia 56/203 din 21 decembrie 2000
3. Dex online 2009
4. Douglas S. Massey and J. Edward Taylor; International Migration: Prospects and Policies
in a Global Market, (2003) online edition
5. https://biblioteca.regielive.ro
6. http://www.migratie.md

Coordinator: Stelian MANIC, PhD, Associate professor.

STUDENT MIGRATION

Erica TAȘCA,
The American University of Moldova (AUM), student, 1st year.
ericatasca@yahoo.com

The article contains information about student migration, opportunities and threats. It also runs
about human migration, mass migration, some facts from history. The problems, types of
migration, statistics, destination countries and reasons to study abroad.

Keywords: Migration, issues, reason, destinations.

Human migration is the movement by people from one place to another with the intentions of
settling, permanently or temporarily in a new location. Mass migration refers to the migration of
large groups of people from one geographical area to another. Economists distunguish a lot of
types of migrations. Student migration is a modern types of migration. Global number of
students enrolled in education outside their country of citizenship was two million; by 2016 that
had increased to four and a half million, representing an average annual growth of almost 7
percent. Among all groups of migrants—including labor migrants, family migrants, and
refugees—international students are the fastest-growing group. Universities in many countries
take an entrepreneurial approach to higher education, and several use global strategies to attract
international students in the interest of increasing revenue. This phenomenon is known as the
globalization of international education. Secondly, several governments view international
students as valuable future skilled migrants and devise measures encouraging them to remain
after completion of their studies. Finally, students and their families recognize the labor-market
value of obtaining foreign qualifications.Between 1963 and 2006 the number of students
studying in a foreign country increased 9 times. In 2006 there were 2.7 million students studying
abroad and there are predictions that the demand for cross-border education will increase to 7.2
million by 2025. Some of the main destination countries are USA (740482 students), UK
(427686 students), France (271399 students), Australia (249588 students), Germany (206986
students), and others.
Why students migrate? Student migrate for many different reasons. The most common
reasons are: greater life opportunities, improving qualification, language skills, moving to find
46
work or follow a particular career path, urbanisation, higher wages, travel, safety and stability
freedom, better environment. Reasons to study abroad: It’ll look good on your CV. If you can
explore a new country at the same time as picking up the international skills to gain a decent
graduate job, then that’s pretty good going; Brush up on your language skills. Remember the
foreign language skills you picked up in school? No, me neither. Refresh them by studying
abroad; you might be surprised at how much you remember; Living in a foreign country is
completely different to a holiday. You’ll actually get to experience your place of study in the
long term, picking up local knowledge such as where sells the best coffee, what tourist traps to
avoid and how to get the most out of your new city. Another reason is to meet a diverse range of
people. Also we can gain life experience. You’ll learn how to organize your life and condense it
into one suitcase, handle unforeseen situations, be independent and self-sufficient.
In conclusion, I want to say that student migration is natural process which is most
reasonable to accept than ignore & negate because it can be used in the forming of high level
professions in different area of human and social activity which could build a strong economy in
different country of the world.

Bibliography:

1. https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internat
ionalmigration/articles/internationalstudentmigrationresearchupdate/august2017
2. http://www.bbc.co.uk/schools/gcsebitesize/geography/migration/migration_trends_rev2.s
html
3. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/254427737_Why_do_Students_Migrate_Where
_do_they_Migrate_to

Coordinator: Stelian MANIC, PhD, Associate professor.

47
NATIONAL AND GLOBAL TRENDS IN HUMAN TRAFFICKING

Stanislav ZABRIAN, The American University of Moldova, student

Human trafficking forces millions against their will to beg, prostitute, or work in sweatshops
for the profit of others. It is a crime against humanity that affects almost every country. Trafficking
in persons is a serious crime and a grave violation of human rights. Every year, thousands of men,
women and children fall into human trafficking . Nowadays HT has become a social issue and a
global crime and the world must join the fight to end it.

Key words: trafficking in human beings, power, human rights

According to Article 165 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Moldova, trafficking in
human beings is the recruitment, transportation, transfer, housing or reception of a person, with
or without his consent, for the purpose of commercial or non-commercial sexual exploitation,
forced labor or services, begging, slavery or conditions similar to slavery, for use in armed
conflicts or in criminal activities for the procurement of organs or tissues, committed by: -
threats of physical or mental violence, including by kidnapping, confiscation of documents; -
deception; - Abuse of position of vulnerability or power.
The state of crisis that they were forced to bear, especially the countries in the ex-Soviet
space, pushed society into the face of virtually unexpected problems, absolutely new, problems
where solutions are not at all simple. Among them, trafficking in human beings is not only the
extent and the pace of enlargement, but also through the consequences deriving from a
phenomenon with widespread implications of the criminal elements. In the case of the Republic
of Moldova, the problem is much higher than the country's capacities to create the necessary
protection mechanisms. Trafficking in human beings is a criminal activity that ends with
disastrous consequences not only for the victims but also for the whole society. Obviously, to
overcome this scourge, the international community has made considerable efforts, but human
trafficking is based on schemes involving more countries, and even political power in some
cases.
The phenomenon of commerce with people first appeared in the ancient times and peaked
in the slavery era, where the sale and purchase of people represented a basic economic
relationship. Unfortunately, trade with people has not been completely diminished even today,
where human rights are the pillars of society. It has been preserved under some attenuating and
disguised forms. Traffic patterns vary depending on: the number of people involved, the type of
traffickers, the victims or the "customers" or "consumers", the degree of organization on which
the increase in traffic is based and in relation to which the traffic remains national or expands
borders. From trafficking organization perspective, trafficking takes the following forms:
Trafficking occasionally (when referring only to domestic / international trafficking of victims)
Trafficking in gangs or small groups (when traffickers are well organized and specialized in
trafficking citizens outside the borders using the same routes) International traffic (the most
labor-intensive, organized by dangerous and hard-to-reach networks.) Depending on the actual
purpose of trafficking, we distinguish several types of trafficking: trafficking in human beings,
especially women and children, sexual exploitation, trafficking in human beings for the purpose
of slavery, trafficking in human beings, especially children and invalids, in begging.
Although trafficking in human beings in the Republic of Moldova reaches the highest
level in Eastern Europe and even in the world, the notion of trafficking appeared in our
legislation only in 2001, after tens of thousands of people had already left the country, being
kidnapped, sold, beaten, raped or, in some cases, killed in foreign territory. Most of the time,
they have arrived illegally there without having any identity papers and therefore without any

48
social or legal protection in both transit countries and destination countries. In order to prevent
and combat this phenomenon, a number of international and notional documents have been
adopted. History begins with the International Agreement for the Suppression of the White Slave
Trade, dating back to 1904. This document focuses on victim protection rather than punishment
of offenders. For this reason, in 1910, the International Convention for the Suppression of White
Slave Trafficking was adopted, obliging 13 participating countries to punish the villains. Under
the auspices of the League of Nations, the 1921 Convention on the Suppression of Trafficking in
Children and Children and the International Convention on the Suppression of Trafficking in
Women reached the 1933 Convention. These four trafficking conventions have been
consolidated in the United Nations Convention on the suppression of trafficking in human beings
and the exploitation of prostitution by other persons in 194913.
The document on Combating and Preventing Trafficking in Human Beings is the
Convention for the suppression and abolition of trafficking in human beings and the exploitation
of prostitution of another, concluded on 2 December 1949, obliges the States Parties: "1. Adopt
the necessary regulations to protect immigrants or emigrants, especially women and spikes, both
in the places of arrival and departure, and during the journey; 2. Provide for appropriate
propaganda to draw attention to the danger of such trafficking; 13 13 3. Take appropriate action
to exercise oversight at railway stations, airports, seaports, on the journey and in public places to
prevent international trafficking in human beings for the purpose of prostitution; 4. Take
appropriate action so that competent authorities are prevented from arriving to persons who
appear to be guilty, complicit or victims of such trafficking "(Article 17 of the Convention).
Another series of UN conventions on preventing and combating trafficking in human beings are:
the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (15 November 2000,
New York), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(18 December 1979, New York), International Convention on the Rights of the Child (20
November 1989, New York) Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on
the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography (25 May 2000, New York).
The Republic of Moldova has also ratified several international acts on trafficking in
human beings, including: the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, the
Protocol on Preventing, Suppressing and Punishing Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women
and Children (2000); Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale
of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography (2000),
The Law on preventing and combating trafficking in human beings No. 241-XVI of
October 20, 2005 was adopted in the national legislation. In 2006, the Framework Regulation on
the organization and functioning of the centers for the protection and assistance of victims of
trafficking of human beings. Given the fact that trafficking is a problem in the Republic of
Moldova, the Government has set up the National Committee for Combating Trafficking in
Human Beings ("National Anti-Trafficking Committee"), which consists of representatives of
different ministries and convenes in monthly meetings in different regions of Moldova. Members
of the international community and NGOs have observer status and monitor the progress of the
committee in the implementation of the current National Action Plan to Combat Trafficking in
Human Beings ("National Anti-Trafficking Action Plan"). The plan is not in itself a legislative
act, so it should not be perceived as a applicable law. The plan sets out the measures that the
Moldovan government should take to prevent trafficking, punish traffickers, protect trafficked
victims and cooperate with other states in order to combat the phenomenon more effectively.
In spite of these facts, the Republic of Moldova continues to be among the most exploited
countries for prostitution, forced labor and organ trafficking. After declaring Independence on
August 27, 1991, about 800,000 people emigrated to search for better conditions the traffickers
use this massive emigration, and the official data indicate the number of 60,000 people
trafficked. I believe that this is due to the lack of information to citizens about what it is and how
it can be prevented, and the state is also taking a far-off policy towards the direct problems faced
by citizens. It is necessary to take a series of measures: all citizens of the Republic of Moldova
49
should be informed about the right of access to diplomatic and consular missions of the Republic
of Moldova abroad, and they should be prepared to assist trafficked persons, the State must to
prohibit the publication of publicity announcements of agencies and firms that do not hold the
appropriate license. The media must play a key role in informing society about human
trafficking. The competent governmental organizations must ensure the publication of brochures,
studies and other material about trafficking in human beings.
Thus, trafficking in human beings is a serious violation of human rights as declared in the
International Conventions, and our country is also seriously affected by the phenomenon.
Unfortunately, the most affected in this impact are women - especially young women, who are a
vulnerable category in the face of the economic crisis. The problem is that trafficking in human
beings does not take age, gender or borders into account, as this phenomenon affects not only
developed countries but also developing countries. The phenomenon of trafficking in human
beings will be annihilated if the economic development indicators of our state will increase, but
in such conditions (taking into account the global phenomenon) Moldova as other states can turn
from exporting state to destination country. Therefore, the system of protection and assistance
oriented to the issue of Trafficking in Human Beings needs to be perfected, developed and
expanded, because in the contemporary society the basic objective is respect for human rights.

Bibliography:

1. Codul penal al R.Moldova din 18 aprilie 2002

2. Legea R.Moldova nr. 473-XIV din 25.06.99
3. Protocolul pentru Prevenirea, Suprimarea şi Pedepsirea Traficului de persoane, în special a
Femeilor şi Copiilor, Supliment al Convenţiei Naţiunilor Unite pentru Combaterea Crimei
Organizate Transnaţionale, ONU 2000
4. Convenţia „Cu privire la drepturile copilului” din 20 noiembrie 1989 (New York)
5. Gheorghită Mateuţ, Trafilul de fiinţe umane: infractor, victimă, infracţiune, Asociaţia
Alternative Sociale, Iaşi, 2006.
6. Gh.Gladchi, V.Cuşnir, A.Clefos, A.Andronache, A.Spoială, R.Condrat „Cercetarea
infracţiunilor de trafic de fiinţe umane de către organele afacerilor interne” Academia M.A.I.
„Ştefan cel Mare”, 2004
7. Revista „Anti-trafic magazin”, nr.1, 2001,editat de Centrul de prevenire a traficului de femei
8. Gheorghe Botnaru, Valeriu Bujor, Caracterizarea criminologică şi juridico-penală a traficului
de fiinţe umane, Chişinău, 2008, pag. 159.

Coordinator: Diana Bencheci, PhD, Associate professor.

50
 MANIPULATION: INSTANCES OF MOLDOVAN POLITICAL
REALITY

Petru ZLOI
American University of Moldova, Faculty of International Relations, 1st year student.

The article examines political manipulation in modern Moldova, answering the following
questions: Why do politicians manipulate people, and how do they do it? What are the negative
effects of electoral manipulation? Moreover, I will provide examples that will help you realize
the urgency of the problem.

Keywords: Political manipulation, elections.

We live in a world in which people receive many spiritual and material gains from politics.
There is not a single government in our modern world that is not inclined to receive political
power, authority and social order as quickly as possible. One of the most attractive ways to
achieve it is through political manipulation which is used not only by totalitarian regimes, but
those which are based on freedom in all fields of society. Their main differences are the methods
which politicians use.
Political manipulation is a latent management of the people political consciousness and
behavior, in order to force them to act or not to act in the interests of the manipulator. In fact,
supporters of Nikola Machiavelli believe that politics is the art of manipulating people.
There are important characteristics of any manipulation, for example: closeness, illusion,
invisible mechanism, psychological influence, in order to form certain beliefs and preferences. If
the manipulation object believes that everything that happens is natural, the success of
manipulation is guaranteed.
All tools of political manipulation are based on the creation and introduction of social
myths into the society consciousness. The goal of political manipulation is obtaining,
implementation and maintenance of power. Erich Fromm claimed: “political manipulation
denies a person ability to make a complete picture of the world, replaces it with an abstract
mosaic of related facts”.
One of the most useful tools for politicians or other public figures is the mass-media
mainly because it has a high impact on people. Politicians can without any remorse, publish false
news in order to manipulate the younger generation of the country. As a rule, it is always
detrimental to the political culture of the country and it reduces the chances of resolving political
crises.
Political manipulation can be done in several ways:
• False and negative campaigning against political opponents;
• Scandals and false accusations against opponents;
Often, scandals and false accusations against public figures leads to the allocation of attention
that makes you forget that news could be fake.
• attracting individuals who are guarantors of politicians;
For effective political manipulation, politicians attract public figures who have significant
authority among people. The candidate should constantly satisfy his voters that is why
sometimes they invite sportsmen and well-known artists as attributes of their campaign. As a
result, the attention of people can be easily distracted from actually important issues. People
often believe in the words said by authorities only because he/she has a high social status and is a
media personality.
• Substitution of the results of political and social polls;

51
 Political figures can provide with the false results of political and social polls in order to
attract more supporters. The distribution of this data will mislead people and they can mistakenly
support liars.
More countries today call themselves democratic than ever before in history, but the
elections they hold are often marred by electoral manipulation. Electoral manipulation – the set
of practices that includes, among other things, stuffing ballot boxes, buying votes, and
intimidating voters or candidates – violates basic political freedoms, undermines the function of
elections as mechanisms of accountability, destroys confidence in electoral and democratic
institutions, and can lead to social strife, to list only a few of its damaging effects. And electoral
manipulation is widespread: about one in four country-level executive elections in the past two
decades were substantially manipulated.
Negative latent elements of electoral technologies
• Candidates may bribe various groups of voters, primarily pensioners, by offering them products
and services with discounts, either at reduced prices or free of charge. Candidates spend tea-
drinking, lunches for pensioners, charitable actions, free legal consultations, hot telephone lines.
All these methods attract the sympathy of the elderly as the most active group of the electorate.
• Word manipulative role
American political scientist Harold Lasswell is the founder of the scientific direction, devoted to
the role of the word in propaganda. He studied the methods of selection words to transfer the
right meaning and developed the system of creating political myths. In addition, Adolf Hitler in
his book “My Struggle” said: “…only the magical power of the spoken word change history”.
For example, introducing a free market, international terrorism, protecting human rights – all
these phrases force a person to judge not the events, but the names themselves.
• “Labeling” is also the element of language manipulation. This method allows to discredit a
person or an idea, for example, to present a patriot as “fascist”. The labeling is based on
stereotypes in the mass consciousness.
• Corrupt facts in the media during electoral campaign
Politicians use manipulation to win, as a final push to bring their vote totals past the post.
A similar logic underlies indirect effects of the electoral kind. The actions of potential
voters, party activists, donors, opposition party leaders, regional governors and notables, wealthy
individuals and businessmen, labor unions, business organizations, and other organized groups
(including ethnic and religious groups) can importantly influence not only the ability to govern,
as in the case of non-electoral indirect effects just discussed, but they can also shape electoral
outcomes. [1]
For instance, in 2016, on the eve of the first round of the presidential elections,
metropolitan bishop Vladimir called on church members to cast their votes for Igor Dodon, the
pro-Russian leader of the Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova. In accordance with
National Bureau of Statistics in 2014 in the Republic of Moldova were 90.13% or 2 528 152
Orthodox people. [2] A group of Moldovan clergy of the same church, headed by bishop
Marchel, later called on citizens to vote for Igor Dodon in the November election runoff, stating
that the Socialist candidate supported the Orthodox Church, while his competitor Maia Sandu
would fight against it. Therefore, Dodon would have struggled more to connect with Russian-
speaking Moldovans and religious rural voters. In fact, having the Church in his corner. [3]
How leaders interpret the world around them and succeed in manipulating their internal
and external contexts to their advantage often poses a puzzle. Despite the tendency of hindsight
to judge that a situation was “just right” for a leader to get what he wanted, careful scrutiny often
shows that success was in fact unlikely. [4]
The Moldavian presidential election of 2016 is a great and recent example of this puzzle.
Returning to the theme of the last presidential elections in the Republic of Moldova, we
can conclude that without the covert support from Vladimir Plahotniuc - an oligarch and leader
of the biggest pro-European party in the ruling coalition, Igor Dodon - the leader of the pro-
Russian socialists and current President of the Republic of Moldova, would have found it
52
difficult to get his message across. After all, it is Plahotniuc who controls more than half of the
Moldovan media market, including the rebroadcasting rights of the leading Russian news
channel, which promoted Dodon as the Kremlin’s favorite. Dodon’s ties with Plahotniuc go
back to when Dodon was the Minister of Economy (2006-2009) and Plahotniuc was laying the
foundation for his business empire, including by privatizing government-owned real estate. After
Plahotniuc switched sides in 2009 when pro-EU parties came to power, Dodon stayed in
opposition, but soon defected from the Communists and took over the Party of Socialists. He has
been in opposition for the last seven years, but has nonetheless cooperated with the Plahotniuc-
backed government on a number of crucial occasions. Most notably, in 2012, he helped to
provide the necessary votes in the parliament to elect the President Nicolae Timofti, thus
maintaining the pro-European parties in power. Despite this cooperation, during the 2016
campaign, Dodon not only absolved himself of any responsibility for electing Timofti, but also
was instrumental in channeling the anti-government corruption sentiment to cast a shadow on
Sandu even though she was not connected to a major bank fraud case known as the billion dollar
scandal. As Sandu was running on an integrity platform, these allegations caused significant
damage. Lacking the traditional media access enjoyed by Dodon, Sandu’s camp failed to respond
to these and other allegations effectively, making the damage irreparable. Furthermore,
manipulating messages on the "invasion of immigrants", close of schools, union with Romania
or legalization of same-sex marriages are promoted intensively by media institutions affiliated to
Igor Dodon. For example, full pages of newspaper “Socialistii”, published in Russian are
covered with electoral false information. A headline in a recent edition of the newspaper says
that "Voronin hinted that Maia Sandu has a non-traditional sexual orientation», in other, refugee
problem being addressed - "The scandal is getting worse." Also, the media affiliated to PSRM
made public a video in which some Syrian students from the University of Medicine and
Pharmacy "Nicolae Testemitanu" declare their support for Maia Sandu and say that they would
like that many Syrians come to Moldova. [5]
The electoral processes are not only occasions for deciding who is to hold office, but also
processes through which parties might shape public information with the potential to influence
the subsequent behavior of social and political actors. In this context, electoral manipulation
emerges as an instrument of political control. [6, p.30]
To draw the conclusion, I can say that Political manipulation is a difficult process which
significantly change social and cultural lives. Nowadays there are as many ways of political
manipulation as many factors which it triggers. Moreover, political manipulation is an effort to
"structure a group choice situation in a manner that maximizes the chances of a favorable
outcome or minimizes the chances of an unfavorable one" but we are as persons should keep our
rationality and always struggle in finding truth which are so important and valuable in modern
world.
References
1. Beleaeva А. (2016) Political manipulation in election campaigning
2. http://www.statistica.md/pageview.php?l=ro&idc=479
3. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Religion_in_Moldova "ȘTIRILE, PUBLIKA.MD - AICI
SUNT (4 November 2016). "Moldovan clerics get involved in electioneering, make
SCANDALOUS assertions"
4. Zahariadis, N. (2005) Essence of Political Manipulation: Emotion, Institutions, & Greek
Foreign Policy.
5. Mihai Popșoi. (2016) Why Did a Pro-Russian Candidate Win the Presidency in
Moldova?
6. Simpser, A. (2013) Why Governments and Parties Manipulate Elections: Theory,
Practice, and Implications. Cambridge University Press.

Coordinator: Diana Bencheci, PhD, Associate professor.

53
 ENLARGEMENT OF NATO OBSTACLES AND PERSPECTIVES

Denis CULEV
The American University of Moldova, student

North Atlantic Treaty Organizations (NATO) was established in 1949 as a military

organization. At first it was only a military organization, an alliance against the Soviet military
threat. But after the Cold War and the dissolution of the Warsaw pact and the Soviet Union,
NATO was restructured in an organization which fundamental role is to “safeguard the freedom
and security of its member countries by political and military means”.

Keywords: NATO, security environment, Central and Eastern Europe.

Having a mission as such, NATO became an organization toward which many countries
shown aspiration, especially the ones that were part or under the big influence of the Soviet
Union. The great interest shown in becoming part of the organization was mainly because the
new NATO was seen as an organization that would lay rock-solid security by enabling
democracy and market economy where the favorable security environment would allow many
businesses safely to infest capital in these countries and provide them prosperity.
From its foundation, NATO has had several enlargements. The NATO founder countries
are Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, France, the United Kingdom, United States, Canada,
Portugal, Italy, Norway, Iceland and Denmark. Today NATO is an organization of 29 member
countries and 24 partner countries.
Nowadays NATO is more than the world’s most powerful military alliance. With lavishly
funded offices, representatives, think tanks, and other advocates not only in Brussels but in many
Western capitals, it is also a powerful political-ideological-lobbying institution—perhaps the
world’s most powerful corporation, also taking into account its multitude of bureaucratic
employees in Brussels and elsewhere. In the United States alone, scarcely a week passes without
media “news” and commentary produced by NATO-affiliated authors or based on NATO
sources
NATO Enlargement & Open Door
Article 10 of the Alliance’s founding document, the North Atlantic Treaty (1949) states
that NATO membership is open to any “European state in a position to further the principles of
this Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North Atlantic area”. It states that any decision
on enlargement must be made “by unanimous agreement”. NATO enlargement has helped
increase stability and prosperity in Europe. It is aimed at promoting stability and cooperation,
and at building a Europe united in peace, democracy and common values.
NATO respects the right of every country to choose its own security arrangements. Each
sovereign country has the right to choose for itself whether it joins any treaty or alliance.
Obstacles to NATO expansion
Many believe that NATO expansion in Central and Eastern Europe is not a wise idea
because it is not necessary and would be counterproductive and even dangerous. Their primary
argument against expansion is that the main threat to NATO has disappeared, since today neither
Russia nor other CIS countries represent a military danger to Central and Eastern Europe. NATO
is more likely to expand if and when real threats to vital interests emerge, rather than now when
the Russian military threat to Europe is nonexistent. Today the Central and Eastern European
countries do not seem to be frightened. "Observing that Poland and Hungary are reducing
military conscription and the Czech Republic is reducing its mechanized and infantry
forces...These are not the actions of states worried about military threats," according to
observers. It is also considered that NATO enlargement will be expensive, and the allies show no
willingness to share the costs. The Administration once estimated the costs to be $27-35 billion
over 12 years, but other estimates range as high as $60-125 billion.
54
 Arguments in Favor of Expansion
Perhaps the most prominent of the arguments in favor of the expansion of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization is the by so doing, political stability will be "exported" to Eastern
Europe. As these countries are only recently emerging from underneath the thumb of Soviet
domination, they are experiencing the bittersweet pill of sovereign responsibility. Specifically,
countries like Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Romania, Slovenia, Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia,
and Estonia are, compared to their Western European neighbors, experiencing serious political
instability accompanied with intention for rapid liberal democratic reform. After years of
authoritarian rule, these countries are trying to establish firm civilian control over the military,
protect the rights of minorities within their borders (particularly in the Baltic states), ensure
overall respect for basic human rights, and, at the same time, convert their economies to a
competitive market-orientation. In order for these countries to complete this transition to true
democracy, many believe that NATO needs to extend its umbrella of military and political
protection to these countries.
Arguments Opposing Expansion
By analyzing an interview of the famous American scholar and professor emeritus
of Russian studies at Princeton University and New York University Stephen Frand Cohen I
singled out some argument against expansion of NATO.
First argument is that NATO expansion has bred political-ideological insecurities.
NATO’s continuous, ubiquitous media saturation and lobbying in Western capitals, particularly
in the United States, has been a major driving force behind the new Cold War and its rampant
Russophobia. One perilous result has been the near-end of American diplomacy toward Russia
and the almost total militarization of US-Russian relations. This alone is a profound source of
insecurity—indeed of possible war with Russia.
Second argument: Meanwhile, the vast resources devoted to NATO expansion have
scarcely contributed anything to resolving real international crises, among them economic
policies in Europe that have helped inspire secessionist movements; international terrorism in the
Middle East and the refugee crisis; the danger of nuclear proliferation, which NATO has abetted
by spurring a new nuclear arms race with Russia; and others.
Nor does NATO’s vast expansion resolve its own internal crises, as, for example, the
growing alliance between NATO member Turkey and Russia; and undemocratic developments
in other member states such as Hungary and Poland. And this leaves aside the far-reaching
implications of an emerging anti-NATO alliance centering around Russia, China, and Iran—
itself a result of NATO’s 20-year expansion.
Thirdly Cohen ends by considering the counter-arguments made by NATO expansion
promoters over the years: “They say the small Baltic and other Eastern European countries
previously victimized by Soviet Russia still felt threatened by post-Soviet Russia and therefore
had to be brought into the alliance. This makes no empirical sense. In the 1990s, Russia was in
shambles and weak, a threat only to itself. And if any perceived or future threat existed, there
were alternatives: acting on Gorbachev’s proposed “Common European Home”—that is, a
security agreement including all of Europe and Russia; bilateral security guarantees to those
once-victimized nations, along with diplomacy on their part to resolve any lingering conflicts
with Russia, including the endangered status of their own ethnic Russian citizens. This argument
makes no historical sense either: The tiny Baltic states near Russia were among the last to be
granted NATO membership.
It is also said that every qualified nation has a “right” to NATO membership if it wishes
to join. This too is illogical. NATO is not a non-selective fraternity or the AARP. It is a security
organization whose sole criterion for membership should be whether or not membership
enhances the security of its members. From the outset, it was clear, as many Western critics
pointed out, it would not.
Have 20 Years of NATO Expansion Made Anyone Safer?

55
 Asking whether “enlarged” NATO has resulted in more insecurity than security requires
considering the consequences of several wars it led or in which several of its member states
participated since 1997:
The Serbian war in 1999 resulted in catastrophe for Kosovo. The 2003 Iraq War was a
catastrophe for all involved and a powerful factor behind expanding organized terrorism,
including the Islamic State, and not only in the Middle East. The same was true of the war
against Libya in 2011, no lessons having been learned.
NATO promises that Georgia might one day become a member state was an underlying cause of
the Georgian-Russian war of 2008, in effect a US-Russian proxy war. The result was the near
ruination of Georgia. NATO remains active in Georgia today. Similar NATO overtures to
Ukraine also underlay the crisis in that country in 2014, which resulted in Russia’s annexation of
Crimea, the still ongoing Ukrainian civil war in Donbass, and in effect another US-Russian
proxy war. Meanwhile, US-backed Kiev remains in profound economic and political crisis, and
Ukraine fraught with the possibility of a direct American-Russian military conflict.
Meanwhile, of course, there is Afghanistan, initially a NATO war effort but now the
longest (and perhaps most un-winnable) war in American history. Any rational calculation of the
outcomes of these wars, Cohen points out, reveals far more military and political insecurity than
security, which is mainly pseudo-security or simmering crises
Conclusion
In my opinion in the post-Cold-War era, securing European stability should be left to
political institutions, such as the European Union, and not to military institutions, such as
NATO. Central Europe's true needs are strong economic structures and democratic institutions,
which are in the EU's realm and not NATO's. It would be better to negotiate a new security
architecture that benefits Eastern Europe after Putin exits the political stage and the United States
has a president more committed to European prosperity and stability. However, now is the time
to discuss creative and bold ideas, for a future moment when such progress is possible. But
unfortunately it is most likely to be an utopian idea, but one without which the world is in ever
graver danger—a world with less and less real security.
Bibliography:

1) Understanding NATO Enlargement - Gabriela Delova

https://muep.mau.se/bitstream/handle/2043/9735/Master%20Thesis.pdf
2) Have 20 Years of NATO Expansion Made Anyone Safer? By Stephen F Cohen
https://www.thenation.com/article/have-20-years-of-nato-expansion-made-anyone-safer/3)
NATO Enlargement: Pro and Con Arguments Paul E.
Gallishttps://www.everycrsreport.com/files/19980414_97-
18_81adcdfb86b36372da1040de989ca396710b5422.pdf
4) 2.1. Gordon, Philip H., Steinberg James B. (2001), “NATO Enlargement: Mowing
Forward” The Brookings Institution;
5) Bilinsky, Y. (1999) Endgame in NATO’s enlargement: the Baltic States and Ukraine
(Westport, Conn: Prager);
6) Gheciu Alexandra (2005) NATO in the New Europe: the politics of international
socialization after the Cold War (Stanford University Press);
7) Stephen F. Cohen (Wikipedia) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stephen_F._Cohen

Coordinator: Diana BENCHECI, Phd, associate professor

56
 THE MECHANISM OF THE UNITED NATIONS FUNCTION: THE REALITY,
PERSPECTIVES AND EXPECTATIONS IN 21ST CENTRUTY.

Mihaela BIVOL
The American University of Moldova

This work is a study in the field of international relations of UN involvement in ensuring

international security. The aim of the work is to follow developments and processes in the UN
system and their impact on the international system. Also, the need to study the definition of the
UN's work to ensure international security, as well as the role of the UN in international society.
Among the objectives of the investigation we can name: the analysis of historiography of security
research and its role in the international environment, the research of the theoretical and
conceptual approaches of international security, the analysis of the involvement of UN
institutions and also the cooperation relations between the Republic of Moldova and the UN.

Keywords: United Nations, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, peacekeeping forces,

International Monetary Fund, the World Bank

Actuality and importance of the issue addressed. The United Nations is the most
important international organization in the world. Respect for human rights was the main reason
for the creation of the UN. The savages of the Second World War and the genocide have
prompted the new organization to prevent similar tragedies in the future. A first objective was to
create a legal framework to consider and take decisions on human rights violations. The United
Nations forces all Member States to promote universal respect for human rights and to take
action in this regard. The UN and its various agencies play an important role in implementing
and observing the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Such a case is the
support given by the organization to countries in transition to democracy. Technical assistance in
making free and fair elections, improving judicial structures, reviewing constitutions, engaging
human rights officials, and transforming armed movements into political parties have greatly
contributed to democratization in the world. The United Nations is an international body
bringing together 193 countries that work together to promote peace and security in the world,
social progress, improved living standards and respect for human rights. The main tasks of the
organization are as follows:
Save lives - a) provide food to 90 million people in 73 countries; b) makes it possible to
vaccinate 58% of the children of the world, saving 2.5 million lives a year; c) promotes maternal
health, saving 30 million women each year; d) provides assistance to 36 million refugees and
people fleeing war, famine or persecution; e) mobilizes $ 12.4 billion in humanitarian aid for
people affected by emergencies.
Protects the environment - a) contributes to the fight against climate change; b) Run a campaign
to end the use of lead fuels in more than 100 countries.
Maintain peace - UN peacekeeping forces (120,000 people) are active on four continents.
Protects human rights and democracy - a) promotes democracy, supporting around 30 countries
each year during the elections; b) protects and defends human rights on the ground and through
80 treaties / declarations.
Combating poverty - In the last 30 years, the UN has helped to improve the living
conditions of 30 million people in rural areas. Although it does not draft legislation, the UN
offers the means to solve international conflicts and formulates policies in areas that affect the
lives of each of us. An important step was the accession of the Republic of Moldova to the
United Nations. Under UN Resolution 46/223 of March 2, 1992, the Republic of Moldova
57
became a member of the UN. At the beginning of the 21st century, the UN - being the only
international organization able to cope with the problems faced by mankind, continues to assert
itself as a guarantor of international peace and security, economic and social development
throughout the world.
This significant event occurred less than a year after Moldova declared its independence
and launched itself on the path to a prosperous and developed society. Since then, several UN
agencies have begun their work in the Republic of Moldova. It is worth mentioning that the
assistance programs have recorded significant results in several areas of great importance for the
Republic of Moldova. Significant issues have been in combating poverty, implementing
democratic processes and governance, developing the private sector, protecting children's rights,
promoting health reforms, providing assistance to refugees and displaced persons. The activity of
the Republic of Moldova in the UN has contributed to the dynamism of our state's presence in
international life, the development and expansion of friendly relations and cooperation with
international community members. As a member of the UN, the Republic of Moldova has
gathered to international standards and norms by adhering to over 30 UN conventions and
treaties, of particular importance being those related to the protection of human rights and
fundamental freedoms, the fight against nuclear proliferation, international terrorism, drug traffic
and environmental pollution. The Republic of Moldova has paved the way for plenary
integration in the international community, deepening its relations with international bodies in
the UN and participating in the elaboration of regional and global strategies for sustainable
development. As a member of the UN, Moldova is making efforts to increase its work in peace
and order-building structures in the world, attaches great importance to the peacemaking work of
this organization on the prevention and settlement of international, regional and local conflicts,
and opts for increasing the effectiveness of the sanctions mechanism implemented by the United
Nations, the goal of which is to involve this organization more actively in solving the problems
of maintaining peace and security in the world, real disarmament, environmental protection. For
the purpose of economic, technical, scientific and cultural development, the Republic of
Moldova uses the experience and resources of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank,
the United Nations Development Program, the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, the World Health Organization, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization, other organizations and specialized institutions of the UN. In this respect,
all efforts of the Republic of Moldova will be channeled towards the use of the opportunities of
the UN and its specialized institutions for the financial and consultative support of the
democratic reforms taking place in the country, the development of the economy and culture and
the international cooperation in this field. A special place in our relations with UN programs and
funds lies with the United Nations Development Program - the main source of funding for
sustainable human development.

Bibliography:

1. The United Nations Today, New York 2008, Department of Public Information.
2. See: Premiul Nobel pentru Pace pe anul 2001 decernat Secretarului General al ONU și
Natiunilor Unite, în "Adevarul", nr. 3573, marți 11 decembrie 2001.
3. Charter of States' Rights and Duties of 12.12.1974. d) Constitution of the Republic of
Moldova. Adopted on 29 July 1994, in force since 27 August 1994. In: Official Gazette of the
Republic of Moldova no. 1 of 1994.
4. The Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. Adopted 24.04.1963, in force for
Moldova from 25.02.1993. International treaties to which the Republic of Moldova is a party,
Chisinau, Moldpres, vol. 4, 1998.
5. Parliament's Decision on the Approval of Foreign Policy Conception of the Republic of
Moldova, No.368-XIII, of 8 February 1995. In: Official Gazette of the Republic of Moldova, no.
20, April 6, 1995.
58
6. Grigoriu B. A., Stefan T., Treaties of the European Union, consolidated version,
Hamangiu Publishing House 2007, p. 184.

Recenzent: Țîu Nicolae, doctor habilitat, profesor universitar.

PROBLEMS OF MODELING AND COGNITION OF THE "WORLD VEW" AND

COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS

Natia CHAGANAVA
Invited Lecturer at Faculty of social sciences, The Euroregional Teaching University, Georgia
chaganavan@yahoo.com

A person strives to create simple and obvious world view by using adequate methods.
This strive implies an attempt to create “view “and to find convenience and self-confidence in it.
It is impossible to act sensibly without the rationalization of the world. Structure of the universe
creates the prism through which people see the world and themselves. By naming objects and
events existing in the real world, determining their place in the world , a man “fits” the real
world. This is the way the view of some ethnic group’s representatives on their existence is
created.

Key-words: cognitive linguistic, world view, language

Peolple’s experience and knowledge is recorded in the linguistic system. In the process of
mastering the above mentioned system, people absorb the experience generalized in language.
He does not invent the definition of the words- a man applies already existing values set in time
and space, a man applies the classification system given in native language. Just for this reason,
language affects the process of gaining knowledge and performing activity.
Problems of Modeling and Cognition of the "World Vew" and Cognitive Linguistics
The most valid statements among the numerous concepts on the essence of the lingual world
view are the following:
1. Lingual division of the world is different in different nations;
2. Subjective image of the exiting world is formed in human consciousness during human
activities;
3. A man adopts the language as well as the surrounding world;
4. Next to the logical image of the world arises linguistic one which doesn't contradict to
logic, but still it not identical to it.
The lingual world view is determined as lingual image of the actual subjects and relations,
peripheral areas of verbal performance, being the additional source data on our surrounding
reality.
The world view is determined by reflecting the peculiarities of solving the problem of
existence with the help of the language; Two approaches are identified:
According to the representatives of the first approach, there is no difference between the
semantic systems of different languages as far as the reflection of the reality is based on the
universal logical principles and categories. It is possible to identify the regulations:
1. Language reflects the world objectively;
2. All nations exist in the united field of existence and create the whole mankind;

59
3. Existing difference between different cultures and languages of the nation have accidental
character;
4. Despite the existing difference between languages and cultures, adequate perception of
information is still possible;
5. Logical categories represent the core of expressing lingual world view.
The second approach focuses on the Sapir–Whorf’s hypothesis of linguistic relativity and
Vaisgerber’s views:
1. Language reflects the world in a subjective way;
2. Nations exist in various fields of existance and don’t create the whole mankind. The
existing difference between different cultures and languages and nation has non random
character;
3. Due to the existing difference between languages and culture it is impossible to
adequately convey the information.
Physical, philosophical and lingustic interpretation of the world view creates the basis for the
analysis of the lingual world view. Language directly participates in two interconnected
processes in terms of the world view:
1. Firstly - the lingual world view is formed within the language;
2. Secondly - Languages itself expresses other images of the human world. The mentioned
images enter with specific vocabulary. They bring the characteristics of the man and his culture
in the language. The knowledge based on the individual experience with the help of the language
is transformed into linguistic collective achievement and experience.
Linguistics forms the relation with the world view and language, studies the content fixation
methods, in other words, the lingual world view, formulated on the basis of the conceptual world
view. The world view as the subjective image of the objective reality is revealed in the form of
signs.
The primary purpose of the cognitive linguistics is to link the linguistic form to mental
representation.
The structures fixed in the language represent the structures of human experience, world
perception and assessment, recognized by each member of the specific lingual society .
The problem of the cognitive linguistics can be defined through the analysis of the following
issues:
1. The essence of cognition: cognition represents the force that supports the process of view
formation. Cognition regulates the usage of definitions within the specific culture. Under the
definition regulations we mean giving awareness to definitions for every member of society. The
awareness of definition is connected to social and cultural experience of a man;
2. The essence of information processing system: cognitivism discusses a man as a
processing system of information. Functioning of this system means to acquire, process, save
and mobilize the information. These actions are aimed at adequate solution of the reasonable
task;.
3. Differentiation of “definition” and “information”: definition and information are
radically different from each other: even an non-informative message has a meaning for the
information processing system, only informative messages are valid. The message is
informative only in the way if it is placed in the advance-compiled code;
4. Peculiarities of language structure: the structure of knowledge is not a static construct - it
is constantly formed. The knowledge structure is capable to form the "world view" where we
live;
5. The specifics of the cognitive world view: the cognitive world view is realized as the
mental model of reality. The mentioned model enables to explain the cause of actions, event
prognosis and the organization of human sensitive and rational experience. This is the very form
of experience that is accumulated in the memory;
6. The relation between mentality and the cognitive world view: mentality is realized as a
style of perception and realization of the reality. The peculiarity of the style is stipulated by the
60
peculiarities of the cognitive stereotypes of consciousness. The mentality of a particular person is
determined by national or group mentality, as well as by the characteristics of human
development, i.e. by his education, culture, event perception and interpretation specifics.
While the main part of cognition is a language, the problem of the cognitive linguistics can be
regarded as the space of ratio analysis between cognition and the lingual issues.
The above mentioned analysis implies the research on the contradictions within the continually
developing natural cognition on the basis of the world perception and human daily experience.

Bibliography:

Виноградов, В. (1947).Фразеологичеслие сочетания.

Демьянков, В.З. (1989). Интерпретация, понимание и лингвистические аспекты их
моделирования на ЭВМ. Изд-во Моск. ун- та
Демьянков, В.З. (1992). Когнитивизм, когниция, язык и лингвистическая теория // Язык и
структуры представления знаний
Кунин, A. (1972). Курс фразеологии современного английского языка
Маслова, В.А. (2001). Лингвокультурология
Alexander, R.J.(1978).Fixed expressions in English
Anderson, A. (1996). Functional Theory of Cognition. Mahwah New Jersey
Altenberg, B. (1998). On the phraseology of spoken English: Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Burger, H, Buhofer, A., & Sialm, A.,(1982). Handbuch der Phraseologie. Berlin/New York: de
Gruyter
Burling, R.(1964). Cognition and Componential analysis. In American Anthropologist 66. Man's
Many voices, New York, Holt, Rinehart & Winston Inc.
Corson, D.(1995). “Worldview, Cultural Values and Discourse Norms: The Cycle of Cultural
Reproduction. International Journal of Intercultural Relations
Croft, W.,&Cruse, A. (2000). Cognitive Linguistics
D'Andrade, R. (1985). Character terms and cultural models. In Janet W. D Dougherty (ed.),
Directions in cognitive.
Das-Smaal, E.A. (1990). Biases in categorization. Amsterdam: Elsevier
De Mey, M. (1992). The cognitive paradigm: An integrated understanding of scientific
development. Chicago University of Chicago Press
Dierks, A. J. (1983). Communication and Worldview. Missionalia
Dirven, R, Roslyn, F., & Pütz, M.,(2003).Cognitive models in language and thought: Ideology,
metaphors and meanings. Berlin Mouton de Gruyter
Dirven,R., & Verspoor, M. (1998). Cognitive Exploration of Language and Linguistics.
Amsterdam Benjamins
Dirven, R., & Taylor, J.(1988). The conceptualisation of vertical space in English. Amsterdam
Duranti, A. (2013). Linguistic anthropology. Cambridge University
Erickson, P., Murphy, L.(2003). A History of Anthropologycal Theory
Eugene, H.(1996).Cognitive Linguistics in the Redwoods: The Expansion of a New Paradigm in
Linguistics.
Evans, V.(2013). Language and Time: A Cognitive Linguistics Approach
Fauconnier,G.(1994).Mental Spaces. Aspects of Meaning Construction in Natural Language.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

61
 ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES WITHIN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Elena REPIDA
Universitatea de Stat din Moldova, FRIȘPA, studentă, anul I.

This article presents climate change as the most complex global policy problem. It tells about
the appearance of this issue and how international actors act together to deal with it. The article
also, tends to inform about the effects of climate change that provoke natural disasters and
catastrophes from which suffer a lot of people. In this work is described the current situation and
events that are related to the topic in order to make the research more understandable.

Key words: international relations, environment, gas emissions, political leaders,

international meetings, climate diplomacy.

Environment is now a key component of international relations and has high priority in
diplomatic circles. It emerged after the Cold War as a priority matter for scholarly analysis
because scholars were concerned with matters of pollution, conservation and resources. Global
environmental politics became a relatively new field of study within international relations that
focused on issues related to the interaction of humans and the natural world. As early as the mid-
19th century, there were scholars writing about the role of natural resources in global security and
political economy. The 1992 Earth Summit raised the profile of the environment as an
international issue. [2] A landmark diplomatic accomplishment was The Kyoto Protocol signed
in 1997. It was linked to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. The Kyoto
Protocol was seen as an important first step toward achieving global emissions reduction. In
addition, it provided a favorable framework of the international community in order to reduce the
emission of greenhouse gas. But it failed, because most of the states were concerned about their
economic growth and not about the environment. In 2010 was created The Green Climate Fund
(GCF). It was a new global fund established to support the efforts of developing countries to
respond to the challenge of climate change. It was set up by the 194 countries who are parties to
the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The Fund pays particular
attention to the needs of societies that are highly vulnerable to the effects of climate change [3].
In continue I would like to speak more about one of the environmental problems of our
times – Climate change. It is a long-term process that is characterized by changes of the weather
with many influences on environment and humankind. Historically, climate variability existed
before and was produced by natural events, like volcanic eruptions and sun activity. However,
climate change is currently associated with human impacts on Earth. Changes in the natural
system are also the result of modifications in agricultural production, of rapid urbanization
processes, and of population growth. Furthermore, unsustainable productive processes are
polluting natural resources and creating health threats for human beings. Energy, transportation
and production sectors pollute the atmosphere due to their use of fossil fuels. In addition,
deforestation is reducing the capture of carbon dioxide (CO2). Hence, the emissions from
greenhouse gases have increased exponentially and I consider it is really a big problem that
needs to be solved as soon as possible. Climate change demands a prominent role in foreign
policy. In light of the slow pace of progress in international climate negotiations, a stronger role
for foreign policy in international climate policy has been called for– namely through climate
diplomacy. Climate diplomacy is the practice and process of creating the international climate
change regime and ensuring its effective operation.
Today many states seeks to promote the shared use of natural resources or common
environmental threats as a platform for dialogue, confidence-building and cooperation between
divided communities or countries. That’s why are organized different summits, conferences and

62
forums that have the goal to improve relationships between states and to help those which are not
capable to face and fight with this issue alone. For example, to overcome this problem has been
created The Climate Vulnerable Forum – a global partnership of countries that are affected by
the consequences of global warming. It was found before the 2009 United Nations Climate
Change Conference in Copenhagen. The forum addresses the negative effects of global warming
while countries actively seek a firm and urgent resolution to the current intensification of climate
change. For the same reasons, was organized the Conference of the Parties (COP) serve as the
formal meeting of the UNFCCC Parties to assess progress in dealing with climate change. It also
has the mission to negotiate the Kyoto Protocol to establish legally obligations for developed
countries to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions. The Conference of the Parties is the
governing body of the UN Convention and advances implementation of the Convention through
the decisions it takes at its periodic meetings. The most important actions are taken
internationally through UN Conferences on Climate Change [3]. They make the connection
between the international environmental and development agendas, expressed in the important
concept of sustainable development. The recent ones are: The 2015 United Nations Climate
Change Conference and the 2017 United Nations Climate Change Conference. The first one was
held in Paris, France. Its aim was to negotiate the Paris Agreement, a global arrangement on the
reduction of climate change. On 22 April 2016 (Earth Day), 174 countries signed the agreement
in New York, and began adopting it within their own legal systems. [4] According to the
organizing committee at the outset of the talks, the expected key result was an agreement to set a
goal of limiting global warming to “well below 2 C ”Celsiuscompared to pre-industrial levels.
The agreement calls for zero net anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions to be reached during
the second half of the 21st century. Speaking about the 2017 United Nations Climate Change
Conference, it was an international meeting of political leaders and activists to discuss
environmental issues. The conference was held in Germany and its purpose was to discuss and
implement plans about combating climate change, especially the Paris Agreement.
As we know, climate change provokes a lot of negative phenomena that affects the whole
world. Among them is global temperature that rises more and more. It was revealed that the
planet’s average surface temperature has risen about 1.1 degrees Celsius since the late 19th
century, a change driven largely by increased carbon dioxide. Most of the warming occurred in
the past 35 years and the warmest year was 2016. Another effect of Climate Change is warming
oceans. They have absorbed much of this increased heat, with the top 700 meters ocean showing
warming of 0.302 degrees Fahrenheit since 1969. Climate Change also causes shrinking ice
sheets. For instance, The Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets have decreased in mass. Data from
NASA’s Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment show Greenland lost 150 to 250 cubic
kilometers of ice per year between 2002 and 2006, while Antarctica lost about 152 cubic
kilometers of ice between 2002 and 2005. And at the same time, another consequence that is
related to this issue are extreme events called anomalies. [1] In the United States for example,
the number of record high temperature events has been increasing, while the number of record
low temperature events has been decreasing, since 1950.
Currently, most of the states understand the danger of the environmental issues. The EU
contribution in solving the problem of climate change is visible. For instance, it organized the EU
Climate Diplomacy Week 2017 in Indonesia with the purpose to highlight green finance,
renewable energy, sustainable land use, poverty eradication and clean transport. The EU is ready
to increase its financial contribution to tackling climate change at international level in order to
meet the USD 100 billion annual target set for industrialized countries by 2020 and beyond
through 2025. Despite this fact the American president Donald Trump has confirmed that he will
withdraw the US from the Paris climate agreement. Considering that the US is the largest
greenhouse gas emitter in the world in the near future it could warm the world significantly by
2100. This would help push the global temperature rise well beyond 2 C, causing sea level rise and
the loss of ecosystems. The Russian Federation is one of the world’s largest emitters and fossil

63
fuels producers. As a consequence, it has a large mitigation potential, and could play a major role
in international climate policy. However, Russia is the only big emitter that has not yet ratified the
Paris Agreement, and instead has presented a national strategy that may delay ratification until at
least 2019. Russia’s INDC emissions reduction target is one of the weakest put forward by any
government. Climate Change became really a big issue and it is inevitably because of human
activities. Our duty is to make an impact by acting together from individuals, diplomats, scientists,
countries to international organizations. Also, a good solution can be to reduce the use of fossil
fuels and to focus more on renewable energy. Additionally to this, states should control the
Methane Leaks and implement laws that will punish those who pollute the environment. Moreover,
there will be a good solution to teach children about environment and to explain how dangerous
can be their actions against nature for the future generations. Another important action that will
help to stop the climate change issue is to build support for national climate policies. At the end, I
am absolutely convinced that by agreeing common objectives and rules countries will lay an
objective foundation for ensuring stability and maintain an intact environment.

Bibliography:

1. Joyce P. Kaufman, Introduction to International Relations, Copyright, 2013

2. Baylis, Smith and Owens, The Globalization of World Politics, Oxford University Press,
2017
3. Gustavo Sosa-Nunez and Ed Atkins, Environment, Climate Change and International
Relations, E-International Relations Publishing, 2016
4. http://www.e-ir.info/2016/05/23/environment-and-international-politics-linking-
humanity-and-nature/

Coordinator: Diana Bencheci, PhD, associate professor AUM

SOME PROBLEMS OF INTEGER-VALUED OPTIMIZATION

AVTANDIL LAPACHI
MIKHEIL NIKOLEISHVILI
VAJA TARIELADZE, Euroregional Teaching University

Abstract. We survey several problems related with the integer-valued optimization.

Introduction In what follows, N = {1, 2, . . . }, Z+ = {0, 1, 2, . . . } . Let L > 1,n > 1 be natural
numbers and let B(L, n) := ( (x1, . . . , xn) ∈ N n : Xn i=1 xi = L ) . Moreover, we fix (k1, . . . ,
kn) ∈ Z n + and (s1, . . . , sn) ∈ Z n + and consider the set B(L, n; k1, . . . , kn) := {(x1, . . . , xn)
∈ B(L, n) : xi > ki , i = 1, . . . , n} . Clearly, (1.1) B(L, n; 0, . . . , 0) = B(L, n). We assume that
(1.2) L ≥ Xn i=1 ki + n . The condition (1.2) guarantees that (1.3) B(L, n; k1, . . . , kn) 6= ∅ .
Since (1.3) is satisfied and the set B(L, n; k1, . . . , kn) is finite, the extremums b 0 (L, n; k1, . . . ,
kn; s1, . . . , sn), b 00 (L, n; k1, . . . , kn; s1, . . . , sn) of the set (Yn i=1 (xi + si) : (x1, . . . , xn) ∈
B(L, n; k1, . . . , kn) ) are well-defined by the equalities: b 0 (L, n; k1, . . . , kn; s1, . . . , sn) =
max (Yn i=1 (xi + si) : (x1, . . . , xn) ∈ B(L, n; k1, . . . , kn) )
64
Key words: Cardinality, algorithm, estimation

and b 00 (L, n; k1, . . . , kn; s1, . . . , sn) = min (Yn i=1 (xi + si) : (x1, . . . , xn) ∈ B(L, n; k1, . . . ,
kn) )
Problems The exact formula for b 0 (L, n; k1, . . . , kn; s1, . . . , sn) is known only in the
following particular case: Proposition 2.1. ([1]) Let k ≥ 0 and L, n be natural numbers such that L
≥ n(k + 1). Then b 0 (L, n; k, . . . , k; 0, . . . , 0) = (1 + q) r q n−r , where q = [ L n ] and r = L −
nq. It would be interesting to solve the following problems:
Problem 2.2. Find a formula (or find the sharp estimations from below and from above) for the
cardinality (number of elements) of the set B(L, n; k1, . . . , kn). Problem 2.3. Find a general
algorithms for calculating of b 0 (L, n; k1, . . . , kn; s1, . . . , sn) and b 00 (L, n; k1, . . . , kn; s1, . .
. , sn).
In connection with Problem 2.2 from known results of Combinatorics it can be derived the
following assertion: Proposition 2.4. Let L ≥ n > 1 be natural numbers. Then the set B(L, n)
contains C n−1 L−1 = (L − 1)! (n − 1)!(L − n)! elements.
In general, Problem 2.2 remains open. Problem 2.3 remains open as well.

Bibliography:

1. Mikheil Nikoleishvili, Vaja Tarieladze, About a problem of extremum, Proceedings of the

Fifth International Scientific-Practical Conference ”Scientific Issues of the Modernity” at
Sukhishvili Teaching University, Gori, Georgia, December, 13, 2014, pp. 401–403.

MICRO AND SMALL BUSINESS AND GOVERNMENT SUPPORT

POLICY IN GEORGIA

Vasil GAGNIASHVILI
Euroregional Teaching University, Faculty of Social Sciences (Business Administration), student

The existence of such potential of Georgia's economic growth has led to the Prime
Minister's initiative, implemented by the Ministry of Economy and Sustainable Development and
Agriculture for two years already within the framework of the program "Produce Georgia",
which is directed towards development and promotion.
It should be noted that according to the data of April 2017, 246 projects are supported by
the program "Produce Georgia", with total investment of more than 565 000 000 GEL and
totally 11,000 people will be employed.

Key-words: economic growth, Free Trade Area Agreement, CIS

Georgia is the leading country in the Caucasus region in terms of reforms, economic
development and progressive democratic institutions. The priority of the country is to pass the
path of Euro-Atlantic integration and offer investors a favorable environment for doing business,
and to establish relationships with the subjects beyond the borders.
Georgia is geographically located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia and is the shortest
transport route between the two regions. The unique and strategic location of the country allows
for the use of growing trade flows between the European, Caspian, Central, and East Asian

65
 countries. One of the lowest and easy-to-manage tax regimes in Georgia, political stability,
improved business climate with low operating costs and the business-oriented government is
creating an attractive environment for investments across the country.
After signing the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area Agreement with the
European Union, Georgia is actively pursuing its efforts to move towards EU integration.
Over the last two years, Georgia has experienced significant economic progress.
According to the World Bank forecasts, the annual GDP indicator will increase by 5% over the
next few years, creating a prospect of Georgia as one of the fastest-growing economies in the
world.
The agreement on the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area Agreement between
Georgia and the European Union allows Georgia to conduct part of the EU market (which
includes 500 million people), and with the free trade agreement with Turkey and other
neighboring countries and CIS countries, Ada Jens offers access to the EU market. In addition,
Georgia has signed GSP (preferential trade agreement) trade agreements with the United States,
Japan, Canada, Switzerland and Norway.
The number of direct foreign investments is also increasing in Georgia. At the same time,
the production, which contributes more than 17% of GDP, represents an important driving force
for economic development of the country. In fact, in the last five years production has grown an
average annual 19% growth. In 2014, agriculture sector grew by almost 10% and industrial
products - by about 7%. As for the transport and communications sector, it has increased by 13%
since 2009 and accounts for almost 11% of GDP.
Doing Business in Georgia
Georgia is consistently ranked as the TOP performer in country policy and institutional
assessments (CPIA) complied by international financial institutions (WB, ADB, ETC.)
 Standard & Poor’s: BB- Stable (Affirmed in May 2014)
 Moody’s: Ba3 Positive (Affirmed in August 2014)
 Fitch Rating: BB- Positive (Affirmed in October 2014)
 The Heritage Foundation ranked Georgia the 22nd among 178 countries Economic Freedom
Ranking
Corruption Free
According to the Transparency International Global Corruption Barometer Georgia is
perceived as a corruption free destination.
Best Place to Start a Business
Georgia is in top 15 best Doing Business Destinations according to World Bank.
Reasonable Tax Policy
According to 2009 Tax Misery & Reform Index, released by Forbes Business &
Financial News, Georgia is the fourth least tax burden country after Qatar, UAE and Hong Kong.
Strategic location
Located at the crossroads of Europe, Central Asia, Middle East and Africa Georgia is a
key link in the shortest transit route between Western Europe and Central Asia for transportation
of oil and gas as well as dry cargo.
Stable macroeconomic environment
In recent years, Georgian GDP has growth tendency.
Liberal and free market oriented economic policy
The Government of Georgia implemented reforms in tariff policy as well as in technical
regulations sphere. As a result, Georgia has one of the most liberal foreign trade policies in the
world, which implies the facilitated foreign trade regimes and customs procedures, low import
tariffs and minimal non-tariff regulations.
Developed infrastructure
One of the top priorities for the Government of Georgia is coordinated functioning of
transport fields, modernization-construction of transport infrastructure in accordance with
international standards. The Government of Georgia is being implementing important
66
infrastructure projects, which shall facilitate new cargo volumes through Georgia and increase
effectiveness of functioning of transport systems.
Enhanced Economic Prospects
Signing of the Association Agreement with European Union will encourage
improvements in the rule of law and in effective governance, as well as further moves towards a
well-functioning market economy through the removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers.
Key Economic Sectorial Overview
Industrial Manufacturing and Processing
Georgia provides significant investment opportunities in manufacturing sector, which has
attracted more than USD 0.5 billion foreign direct investments since 2010 – 2014*. New
opportunities are expected to be grasped by Greenfield investments in export oriented
manufacturing sectors, for which access to the European market would be attractive. The share
of industry sector in Georgia’s GDP is 17.1% in 2014*.
There are significant business opportunities in processing of the primary agricultural
goods into a higher value added products and supplying equipment and services (greenhouses,
storage, deep-freeze facilities, packaging, etc.). Georgian agriculture offers foreign businesses
the opportunity to invest in areas of unmet market demand, significant cost efficiencies and
strong profit potential.
Tourism and Retail Sector
Tourism is another field, which witnessed significant growth in recent years and is
considered to be an important driver of economic development and the creator of jobs as well as
generator of revenues. The industry offers a wide diversification in terms of its sub-industries:
summer sea resorts, four season mountain resorts (including skiing), spa-wellness, gaming and
more. In fact From 2003 year to 2014 the number of international visitors to Georgia has
increased from 300 thousand to 5,5 million.
According to Hotel Market Report, prepared by Colliers International, the highest
average occupancy rates in Tbilisi are in international midscale brand hotels 75% and in
international upscale brand hotels 74%. In addition, the ADR (Average Daily Rate) for
International upscale hotels is - 203 USD.
With 17.4% of National GDP in 2014, trade is one of the largest economic sectors in
Georgia. Annual per capita retail expenditure has doubled over the past decade. More than 9%
out of total international visitors visited Georgia for shopping purposes in 2013 year.
Energy Sector
Energy sector is attractive from the perspective of both existing natural resources and
developing infrastructure, as the country possesses huge hydro resources and offers untapped
potential for investment. For the last years, Georgian has become net exporter of electricity and
currently utilizes only 18% of its vast hydro resources. Georgian power grid is connected to the
grids of all of neighboring countries, which are faced with either a structural power deficit or
expensive power generation. From 2010 to 2014* Georgian energy sector has attracted almost
USD 750 mln.
Transport and Logistics
Georgia is in a highly strategic location: It serves as an entry gate to the Caucasus and
Central Asia as well as a stepping stone to the region. The country is the shortest route between
the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea region. Construction of Baku-Tbilisi-Kars new railway line is
on the final stage and it will further advance trade of goods in the whole region. The government
is investing heavily in the development of road infrastructure-highways as well as local roads. At
this stage, the government has negotiations with potential investors to build a new deep sea port
in Anaklia on Black sea, with an ability to receive vessels of at least 6,500 TEU capacity. The
new port will bring Georgia's logistical capabilities to a new level. Therefore, Georgia wants and
can be the best place for regional offices, regional stocks, and a part of various value chains.

Area: 69,700 sq. km

67
Population(2015) 4.5mln
Life expectancy: 76 years
Official language: Georgian
Literacy: 99.7%
Capital: Tbilisi
Currency (code) Lari (GEL)
GDP (2014*) US $ 16.5 b.
GDP real growth rate (2014*) 4.7%
GDP per capita (2014*) USD 3 680.8
FDI Inflows (2014*) USD $1 272.5 mln
Unemployment Rate 2013 14.6%
External Trade Turnover Growth in 2014 5%

Conclusion
The existence of such potential of Georgia's economic growth has led to the Prime
Minister's initiative, implemented by the Ministry of Economy and Sustainable Development and
Agriculture for two years already within the framework of the program "Produce Georgia",
which is directed towards development and promotion.
It should be noted that according to the data of April 2017, 246 projects are supported by
the program "Produce Georgia", with total investment of more than 565 000 000 GEL and totally
11,000 people will be employed.

Bibliography:

1. Avtandil Lapachi, Ivane Okromchedlishvili, Shalva Kereselidze: The essence and

consequences of the state program "Produce in Georgia" in the development of the country;
Proceedings of the International Scientific-Practical Conference ”Scientific Issues of the
Modernity” at Euroregional Teaching University, Georgia, 2017, pp. 115–121.
2. http://qartuli.ge/
3. http://www.economy.ge/
4. http://www.moa.gov.ge/

68