Journal of LGBT Youth

ISSN: 1936-1653 (Print) 1936-1661 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wjly20

Homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools: The

experiences of LGBT university students

Kehinde Okanlawon

To cite this article: Kehinde Okanlawon (2017) Homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools:
The experiences of LGBT university students, Journal of LGBT Youth, 14:1, 51-70, DOI:
10.1080/19361653.2016.1256244

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/19361653.2016.1256244

Published online: 13 Jan 2017.

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JOURNAL OF LGBT YOUTH
2017, VOL. 14, NO. 1, 51–70
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19361653.2016.1256244

Homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools: The experiences

of LGBT university students
Kehinde Okanlawon
Institute of Social Studies of Erasmus University, The Hague, Netherlands

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

There is a dearth of research on homophobic bullying in Received 2 November 2015
Nigerian schools. Using data from 14 in-depth interviews and Revised 1 March 2016
public media sources that were analyzed thematically, Accepted 4 March 2016
this formative research examined homophobic bullying using KEYWORDS
Nigerian universities as a case study to bring attention to the Bullying; heterosexism; LGBT
need for policies and interventions to make schools safe for students; safe schools;
lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender students despite the homophobia; discrimination
criminalization of homosexual acts. The findings reveal the
severity of homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools fueled by
several factors, coupled with nonexistent protective educational
policies for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender students. The
implementation of culturally sensitive antibullying programs is
needed to make schools safe for Nigerian lesbian, gay, bisexual,
and transgender students.

Education experts worldwide have acknowledged homophobic bullying as a prob-

lem that affects the learning conditions of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender
(LGBT) students in schools around the world (UNESCO, 2012, pp. 7, 12). Given
the diversity of cultures, beliefs, and sensitivities toward this subject globally, there
is a need for nuanced local and national analyses of the problem to facilitate better
recognition and understanding of how it plays out in different contexts. In the past
decade, homophobic bullying has been identified as a problem in schools in the
United States, the United Kingdom, and South Africa (Francis & Msibi, 2011, pp.
160–161; UNESCO, 2012, pp. 18–22) despite their progressive LGBT legislations.
As a result, LGBT students in these countries have been recognized as an impor-
tant target population for the educational sector response to homophobic bullying
through different policies and programs (Francis & Msibi, 2011, p. 157; UNESCO,
2012, pp. 31, 33, 37–38).
By contrast, in Nigeria, where homosexual acts remain criminalized and where
the majority disapproves of the lifestyle (Ilesanmi, 2013; Okanlawon, 2015), which
mirrors homophobic bullying, LGBT students have been overlooked in educational

CONTACT Kehinde Okanlawon okanlawon_kehinde@yahoo.com Institute of Social Studies of Erasmus

University, The Hague, Kortenaerkade 12, 2518 AX Den Haag, Netherlands.
© 2017 Taylor & Francis
52 K. OKANLAWON

sector research and response to bullying. This neglect may be the result of
unawareness about the extent of the problem or a lack of political will to address it
because of its controversial nature. As a result, there are no protective educational
policies to address homophobic bullying, which may limit LGBT students from
being safe in schools. However, in recent years, the homophobic bullying preven-
tion needs of some African LGBT students are beginning to be recognized and met
(Francis & Msibi, 2011, p. 158; UNESCO, 2012, p. 31), thus, increasing attention is
being drawn to an unmet need for homophobic bullying prevention and response
in Nigerian schools.
The term homophobic bullying is used throughout this article to describe differ-
ent kinds of bullying that affects students in schools on the grounds of their real or
perceived sexual orientation or gender identity. This definition therefore includes
transphobic bullying. Given that homophobic bullying sometimes happens in vio-
lent forms, this definition encompasses forms of anti-LGBT violence, which some-
times accompany bullying, some of which may require police attention—as
opposed to school authorities—because of its seriousness (UNESCO, 2012, pp. 13,
16). In the Nigerian context, bullying and physical fights in schools are significantly
associated and thus hardly separable (Owoaje & Ndubusi, 2010). The researcher
therefore justifies the use of the term homophobic bullying in this article. This study
explores homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools by using Nigerian universities
as a case study.
Several Nigerian education experts have identified bullying as a problem in
Nigerian schools (Aluede & Adegoke, 2010; Egbochuku, 2007; Omoteso, 2010;
Owoaje & Ndubusi, 2010). Scholars have identified its prevalence, nature, and
extent (Egbochuku, 2007; Omoteso, 2010), its psychological consequences on stu-
dents (Omoteso, 2010), and its contributory factors and causes (Omoteso, 2010),
whereas others have recommended interventions to prevent bullying in schools
(Aluede & Adegoke, 2010; Egbochuku, 2007). These previous studies have focused
on secondary schools. Nevertheless, there is a dearth of research on bullying in
Nigerian universities. Instead, most studies on Nigerian universities have focused
on examining the sexual harassment of female students by men. On the whole,
there is a dearth of research on homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools whether
at the primary, secondary, or university level. This formative study therefore
explores this problem of homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools using Nigerian
universities as a case study.

Postcolonial queer and decolonizing framework of the study

Multidisciplinary constructions which examine the intersection of postcolonial and
queer theory have shown that some repercussions arise from the globalization of
Western notions of gay identity (Hawley, 2001). In recent years, many African
LGBT groups have adopted Western notions of sexual identity and Western-style
activism in advocating for their rights (Ilesanmi, 2013; Okanlawon, 2015). This
 JOURNAL OF LGBT YOUTH 53

sexual rights advocacy has had a backlash because many Africans portrayed it as a
promotion of Western values, Western sexual perversity, and an un-African prac-
tice (Ilesanmi, 2013). As a result, African LGBT persons were perceived as agents
funded by the West to promote cultural imperialism and were thus made scape-
goats (Okanlawon, 2015). Given this background, applying Western approaches to
this controversial postcolonial issue may thus be counterproductive because of the
hypocrisy of the West and their imposition of culturally insensitive foreign policies
and notions that has angered many Africans (Okanlawon, 2015). For this reason,
there is a need for a decolonizing framework to find culturally relevant and locally
meaningful solutions to address this problem.
This article recommends local ways in which homophobic bullying can be
resisted and potentially transformed by using culture as an asset to undermine vio-
lence rather than as a rationale to support violence. This article argues for culturally
relevant knowledge and approaches using locally meaningful values and terminolo-
gies in proposing solutions to the problem. This approach correlates with recom-
mendations of queer African activists who have made a case for Africans to reclaim
their histories and decolonize their minds so as to build an inclusive society with
their own rules, where tolerance, solidarity, and unity in diversity can thrive (Abbas
& Ekine, 2013, p. 227) as opposed to a society where we are psychologically
colonized by the ideology of U.S. Evangelicals and antiquated colonial legacies.

Context and background

Nigeria is a former British colony which became independent in 1960 and inher-
ited English as its official language. Nigeria has borders with Cameroon, Chad,
Benin, and Niger. Nigeria has a secular constitution and a federal form of govern-
ment that is democratic and civilian in nature. It consists of 36 states, a federal cap-
ital territory, and three major ethnic groups: Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba. Nigeria is
Africa’s most populous country and currently Africa’s largest economy. Religion
plays a major role in the lives of most Nigerians who largely are Christians or Mus-
lims. About 80% of Nigerians can read and write in whichever language as shown
in the National Literacy Survey 2010.
On the one hand, Nigeria has a protective constitution that guarantees everyone
the right to education without discrimination and also the right to privacy in Sec-
tion 18 and Section 37 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, respectively. On the
other hand, Nigeria has laws that criminalize homosexual acts in the Criminal
Code and the Sharia penal code, with punishments varying from 14 years impris-
onment to the payment of fines or even a death penalty in some states in northern
Nigeria. Over the years, no convicted LGBT person has been sentenced to death in
northern Nigeria, but some have been imprisoned using the harsh antigay laws
inherited from the United Kingdom during colonialism.
It is startling that the British who had exported the harsh laws to Nigeria have
repealed their own similar laws in the United Kingdom after realizing they are
54 K. OKANLAWON

outdated. However, Nigeria has refused to repeal these laws despite pressure from
the international community, with claims that homosexuality is alien to Nigerian
culture (Ilesanmi, 2013; Okanlawon, 2015). The colonial legacy of the British mis-
sionaries regarding morals and the inherited draconian antigay laws have greatly
impacted Nigerian school policies where consenting homosexual acts among stu-
dents are considered an offence. Accordingly, students found guilty are punished
in diverse ways.
The subject of homosexuality is highly controversial in Nigeria partly because of
the high level of religiosity of Nigerians who consider it unacceptable. Homosexual
behavior has been disapproved by most Nigerians who perceive it as a “bad influ-
ence” from the West (Ilesanmi, 2013; Okanlawon, 2015). As a result, most Niger-
ians supported the 2014 anti– same-sex marriage law. Over the years, many
Nigerian media outlets have contributed to fueling homophobia by reinforcing
negative stereotypes about LGBT persons including LGBT students. Given these
heterosexist attitudes of many Nigerians, most LGBT persons, including students,
stay closeted to prevent discrimination that can affect their lives and learning
conditions.1

The role of religious leaders in fueling homophobic prejudice and heterosexism

in Nigerian schools
Religion plays a major role in the lives of most Nigerians to the highest level of
leadership where the current Nigerian President and Vice President are a devout
Muslim and Christian, respectively. Because of the high esteem Nigerians have for
religion, religious leaders enjoy tremendous authority in the society. This influence
is sometimes used in engaging in worthy pursuits such as HIV-prevention pro-
grams and in funding donations to education, which popular evangelical pastor
Enoch Adeboye of Nigeria has been known for. In contrast, respected religious
leaders sometimes abuse their powers for oppressive agendas against LGBT per-
sons by inciting hatred against them through religious messages.
For example, an influential evangelical pastor, Dr. Anthonios Seyoum, orga-
nized a large antigay campus crusade for Nigerian university students with hun-
dreds of students in attendance where he made hate speeches against LGBT
persons.5 Similarly, Pastor Adeboye, during a huge Christian outreach program in
the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife condemned homosexuality as being
against God’s will (Ilesanmi, 2013, p. 18). Anti-LGBT programs or messages such
as these from respected evangelical pastors, some of whom are funded by
American evangelicals or even Islamic clerics,1 may fuel heterosexism on campus.
This study acknowledges the role some American evangelicals play in fueling
homophobic prejudice on campuses through the funds they provide their African
partners who organize antigay programs in universities that are sometimes
disguised as “Campus Crusade for Christ” such as in the Pamoja Conference.5
Some antigay evangelical pastors have also incited homophobic prejudice among
 JOURNAL OF LGBT YOUTH 55

Nigerian high school students by mobilizing them to protest against LGBT rights
in the parliament in 2011 with an inscription on their T-shirts saying, “Same-sex
marriage is unnatural and un-African.”
Given this context and background, this formative study therefore seeks to explore
homophobic bullying in Nigerian Universities through these research questions:
1. What forms of homophobic bullying occur in Nigerian universities, and
what are the justifications for this bullying?
2. What are its negative consequences on the lives of affected LGBT students?
3. How do LGBT students cope, endure, and resist homophobic bullying?

Method
Researcher
I am a Nigerian sexual health and rights advocate and social worker, who doubled
as a master’s student in the Department of Demography and Social Statistics at
Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria at the time of the study. I had pro-
fessional contact with many LGBT students of this university through my social
work prior to this research. My emotional involvement as an insider was therefore
beneficial in achieving a more equal and relaxed relationship with participants dur-
ing interviews. This confirmed the findings of Westmarland (2001), who
highlighted the benefits of being an insider, one of which is its usefulness in gather-
ing rich data (Westmarland, 2001). From the decolonizing standpoint, being an
insider can facilitate the rewriting of the stories of previously colonized people for
their own purpose as part of efforts to achieve self-determination (Tamale, 2011, p.
23). In this case, I utilized my advantage as an insider to reflect the Nigerian con-
text in which the data were gathered as learned from Westmarland (2001), and I
theorize from this context to provide contextually relevant knowledge that can
help transform the situation.

Participants and procedure

The method combined in-depth interviews with data from public media sources.
Interviews have been found to be useful in exploring social problems and to help
theorize with the intention of achieving social transformation (Westmarland,
2001). Given the preference of social scientists for making knowledge claims using
findings confirmed by diverse sources of evidence (Westmarland, 2001), this
research complemented the data from interviews with those from diverse public
media sources. The in-depth interviews targeted gay students of Obafemi Awolowo
University, Ile-Ife. The inclusion criteria for participation were being a gay, bisex-
ual, or transgender student of this university for at least 2 years who has ever expe-
rienced homophobic bullying on campus. Purposive sampling was used in
recruiting initial participants while snowball sampling was used in selecting more
participants. Fourteen participants were recruited (3 lesbians and 11 gay men).
56 K. OKANLAWON

The interviews were conducted from March to May 2012 in Ile-Ife, Nigeria, in
English language, and tape recorded. A one-page interview guide with open-ended
questions was designed to answer the research questions. Each interview was con-
versational in nature and designed to be participant-friendly (Westmarland, 2001).
The researcher asked participants questions such as the following:
 Could you tell me about your experiences of homophobic bullying on cam-
pus; how did it happen?
 How did you react to such experiences?
 How have you been coping?
 How has it affected you?
Each interview lasted 45 min to 1 hr.

Ethical consideration procedure

All interviews were conducted with respect and empathy in safe venues selected by
participants after they all gave their informed consent. This research used ethical
principles from the Declaration of Helsinki World Medical Association, which
included protecting participants’ confidentiality. After the study, participants were
compensated with top-up recharge cards on their phones, lunch at the Forks and
Fingers restaurant on campus, and later given two LGBT books generously sup-
plied by the House of Rainbow.11 The interviewees were also provided with
counseling services and vital safety and security orientation needed to avoid homo-
phobic abuse on campus.

Secondary data
Online news articles published in Nigerian newspapers, television sources including
online documentaries and blogs that contained reports of homophobic bullying in
Nigerian universities were compiled from 2004 to 2014 and used. Some important
published data sources were handpicked, some were suggested by the researcher’s
colleagues, and additional sources were located using Google search engine. The
search terms used were gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgender student and university
and Nigeria and homosexuality or lesbianism. The lists of sources used for the anal-
ysis were Palm Avenue Films, Date360, City People, Nigeria News, Linda Ikeji Blog,
Daily Post, Afro Pop, and New Dawn Talk Show. The quality and credibility of the
secondary data was accessed using the researcher’s familiarity with the stories as an
insider, referral from knowledgeable LGBT colleagues, enquiry from LGBT stu-
dents at the Nigerian universities involved, and the reportage of different angles of
the stories by media outlets that investigated and updated the news reports.

Data analysis
The data collected from interviews and public media sources were transcribed and
analyzed thematically using the model of thematic analysis by Braun and Clarkes
 JOURNAL OF LGBT YOUTH 57

(2006). The analysis involved identifying and categorizing repeated themes that
emerged from the interviews and the public media sources after they were thor-
oughly read and reread. The coding process suggested by Braun and Clarkes
(2006) helped to highlight the patterns. Each interview or public media source was
coded, and the codes were matched across other interviews and media reports.
The researcher’s reflexivity involved exploring his emotional involvement and
assumptions he might have had that may affect the data collection process and
analysis as well as contextualizing to reduce bias.

Limitations of the study

All 14 participants interviewed at Obafemi Awolowo University identified as
either gay men or lesbians; none identified as bisexual or transgender. This may
mean that the bullying experienced by gay students may be more revealed here
than that experienced by bisexual and transgender students. Therefore, the sam-
ple size is not a perfect representative of LGBT students on this campus.
Accordingly, this research does not intend to generalize to the greater popula-
tion of Nigerian LGBT students but rather provide perspectives about homo-
phobic bullying in Nigerian universities. Given the limitations of the interview
data, the researcher strengthened the study by using additional data from public
media sources on homophobic bullying experiences of LGBT students in differ-
ent Nigerian universities. This helped improve the study’s validity (Westmar-
land, 2001) with experiences of bisexual and transgender students and the
experiences of LGBT students from other universities. However, given that
news media reports were used as part of the data from public media sources, it
may have revealed extreme cases of homophobic bullying and violence in
Nigerian universities that made headlines.

Findings
Several themes emerged from this study and were divided into three major catego-
ries: (a) forms of homophobic bullying in Nigerian universities; (b) consequences
of homophobic bullying on LGBT students; and (c) coping strategies used in resist-
ing homophobic bullying.

Forms of homophobic bullying in Nigerian universities

This study identified and explored several forms of homophobic bullying and other
anti-LGBT violence faced by LGBT university students in Nigeria. It highlights the
diverse forms of mistreatment they experience from fellow students. The hetero-
sexist social and structural context was often used as a justification to abuse,
exploit, and oppress LGBT students because of the lack of protection from the
school authority and the larger Nigerian society. Many LGBT students perceived
the bullying from fellow students as inevitable and as a better option than being
58 K. OKANLAWON

suspended or expelled by the school authority. Nevertheless, a few LGBT students

had positive experiences of being defended by some tolerant students and lecturers
who consider homophobic bullying as unjust.
In general, the attitude of many students toward LGBT students was that of
overt stigmatization. Many LGBT students spoke of the common practice of being
called names on campus such as homo, faggot, lesbo, woman, and gay lord. Their
narratives revealed that name calling triggered other forms of homophobic bully-
ing. For example, a gay student was publicly ridiculed when he competed for stu-
dent union election.6 He said: “Some students wrote ‘homo, ‘king of homo’ on my
posters, so I went round campus to [take] down those posters.”6 His experience
indicates how the stigma associated with homosexuality can be used to frustrate
the ambition of LGBT students. Equally common was stigmatization from some
lecturers. “One lecturer asked if I had a girlfriend and suggested I must be gay. I
later started avoiding him.” However, a handful of participants reported nondis-
criminatory experiences from mostly students of the opposite sex who felt com-
fortable with them as opposed to the members of their own sex who feared they
could lure them to commit homosexuality.
The notion that homosexuality is a sin emerged from students toward their
LGBT colleagues. The high level of religiosity of Nigerians and the general belief
that homosexuality is condemned in the holy books took expression in the manner
in which LGBT students were intimidated. Participants mentioned how they were
generally being advised to “change their lifestyle.” One participant stated, “My
friend, who was formerly gay who has now ‘stopped,’ encouraged me to stop
homosexuality and give my life to Jesus. He said the wages of sin is death.” This
pattern echoes a popular perception of some students that homosexuality is a sex-
ual immorality that can be unlearned. Equally common was the condemnation of
LGBT students for their perceived LGBT status. One participant stated, “My class-
mates used the bible to argue that I’m going to the hottest place in hell.” However,
not all participants had negative experiences. A lesbian student reported how her
considerate heterosexual roommate who caught her having lesbian sex was kind
enough to have kept it secret.
The condemnation of homosexuality by Nigerian school authorities on moral
grounds often took expression in different punishments. For example, one student
stated, “A final-year student of Covenant University was expelled for committing
lesbianism.”7 This harsh punishment enforced on moral grounds constituted a
waste of 4 years of her education, effort, and tuition and resulted in a denial of her
educational rights. This student was unable to graduate after 4 years. Similarly, a
gay student was almost deprived of his certificate by the university despite his aca-
demic excellence. “He was on the disciplinary committee twice because he is gay.
The disciplinary committee acknowledged that he graduated with a good grade
but that he didn’t have the morals required for a student who ought to be a good
ambassador of the university. Fortunately, with the interventions of family and
friends, he was eventually given his certificate.” 6
 JOURNAL OF LGBT YOUTH 59

Not all LGBT students had completely negative experiences. A transgender

student of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria, for example, received
counseling support and referral from the former vice chancellor of the university
who is an open-minded professor of psychiatry.1 Some heterosexual students
took advantage of the illegal nature of homosexual acts and the restricted access
of LGBT students to social justice to extort or blackmail them. A gay student
shared his traumatic experience. “After my roommate caught me having sex in
the hostel, he started demanding money from me so he would not tell anyone. I
was scared. I was always giving him my stuffs but I wasn’t happy. My parents
noticed I was demanding more money not knowing what I was facing in school.”
Some heterosexual students used their privileges to control LGBT students by
making them feel guilty about their sexuality and threatening to expose or out
them.
Closely linked with these experiences are several threats faced by LGBT students
from fellow students on campus such as the following: “Your secret will soon leak
… we know you are gay”; “We will publish your photo in the next edition of our
magazine”; “If you don’t give us money, we will report to the school authority that
you are gay so they can expel you.” These threats made LGBT students feel unsafe
on campus and treated as second-class students, an environment where they
should have the same rights as heterosexual students. Nevertheless, most LGBT
students who were closeted were safe and did not experience these threats. The dis-
regard for homophobic bullying as an offense in schools makes it difficult to fight
these injustices against LGBT students.
In addition, some LGBT students were outed in campus magazines. This outing
was carried out by cruel student journalists who exploited the victims’ legal inferi-
ority. For example, “A gay student of university of Lagos was outed by a magazine
called Campus Lifestyle, which exposed him to risks.” A similar incident happened
at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, where a campus magazine, Campus Gist,
exposed lesbians and bisexual women with a caption on the front page saying
“Exposed: Faces of Lesbians on OAU Campus.” This unethical journalism is some-
times employed by the campus editors as a strategy to attract the attention of stu-
dents in an attempt to sell many copies. Campus journalists often justify this form
of bullying with claims that it is their responsibility to expose immoralities in the
society and is related to the dominant heterosexist climate.
Similarly, this form of oppression may be carried out by the school authority as
observed by one of the respondents who shared the experience of his bisexual
friend, a student who was publicly humiliated in the News Bulletin of Ahmadu
Bello University, Zaria, some years ago for allegedly engaging in homosexuality.
While this public humiliation seeks to deter other students, its disadvantage is that
it invades the privacy of the students involved, fuels prejudice against them, and
puts them in a state of anxiety and fear. For example, most students interviewed
reported experiences of being socially isolated by their fellow students once their
sexual orientation became known.
60 K. OKANLAWON

This exclusion was found to have been caused by the fear of homosexuality,
which many students obviously did not understand. Because many Nigerians are
not generally aware of same-sex issues because of the silence around the subject,
many heterosexual students felt uncomfortable with LGBT students whom they
had different stereotypes about. “When I came out in university, it was a big blow
for me as I started seeing friends move away from me. You move around school
and people point at you.”3 A lesbian student said: “Girls started avoiding me in the
hostel thinking I would want to have sex with them.” Some LGBT students nar-
rated how their friends ostracized them once they found out their sexuality. This
unnecessary fear is partly attributable to the sexualized myths often disseminated
about LGBT persons.
This study uncovered four ways in which physical violence occurs along with
homophobic bullying in Nigerian universities. The most common is when LGBT
students make sexual advances toward heterosexual students they find attractive
and whom they mistakenly assume to be LGBT. A gay student was beaten by some
men after making sexual advances toward a heterosexual male whom the student
thought was gay. “I toasted a straight guy. The guy encouraged me by pretending
he is gay as well. So, whenever I call him, he puts the phone on speaker so all his
roommates heard. One evening, he invited me over and they beat me seriously.”
Participants expressed concerns about how a few LGBT students mistakenly make
sexual advances toward heterosexual students who they perceive to be LGBT per-
sons and how this gives LGBT persons in general a bad name on campus. Partici-
pants explained that many homophobic students often attribute the mistakes of
these few LGBT persons to LGBT persons in general. This reinforces a stereotype
of LGBT persons as being eager to lure or seduce heterosexuals to have sex with
them.
Violence also occurred when heterosexual students made fake sexual advances
toward LGBT students to ascertain their sexual orientation after which they attack
them. “Some straight guys want to know who you are. They organize someone to
talk to you. After they find out you are gay, they set you up and beat you.” Third,
LGBT students who are open about their sexuality may be attacked for that reason.
“In university, my roommates with some guys attacked me in my room.”3 Fourth,
LGBT students who are exposed may accept violence from fellow students because
of their legal inferiority:
My roommates beat me after they caught me having sex with a guy in the hostel. They
threatened to report me to the school authority so I would be expelled. So, I had no choice
but to allow them beat me. It is still better that way than for them to report me to the
school.

This illustration of powerlessness of LGBT students and their failure sometimes

to report abuse to the school authority is largely the result of the fear of being pun-
ished by the school authority, which considers homosexuality as an immoral act.
In contrast, one participant reported positive experiences of being defended by
 JOURNAL OF LGBT YOUTH 61

some student’s union executive members when he was being beaten on campus.
Furthermore, a common theme that emerged among a few lesbian students was
sexual-based bullying such as sexual harassment, corrective rape threats, or even
sexual assault in a few cases. For example, “Three female University students who
were alleged to have been caught engaging in lesbianism in their room were forced
to perform sexual acts on themselves against their wish while they were being
recorded by some men who locked them in their room.”8 This sexually violent act
was done to degrade and humiliate the lesbian students for their consensual same-
sex behavior in the name of dispensing immediate punishment that many Niger-
ians call “jungle justice.” However, this so-called punishment by male neighbors
who took the law into their own hands is not only a criminal act but also a cruel,
inhuman, and degrading act that was carried out through coercion and intimida-
tion. The good news was that the perpetrators were subsequently brought to jus-
tice.8 In addition, a female student in another institution narrowly escaped being
raped by four male students who wanted to “teach her a lesson” for allegedly pre-
ferring girls.9 The intention of the perpetrators was to teach her “how to receive.”9
Some lesbian students experienced sexual harassment and corrective rape
threats from some male students. “After I was ‘outed’ by a campus magazine, some
guys threatened to rape me to cure me of homosexuality … Some boys persuade
me to sleep with them so they can satisfy me … One guy keeps telling me he has a
hot dick.” Some angry male students labeled lesbians as “a waste” who frittered
away their bodies with fellow women. “Boys claim we snatch the girls meant for
them.” This clash reflects anxiety about social reproduction in a patriarchal society
where some men consider women’s same-sex attraction as a form of rejection and
an affront to their male status.
Even though sexual harassment is an offense in Nigerian universities, some les-
bian students did not report instances of it because of the fear of being victimized
or reprimanded for being lesbians. In general, some lesbian students interviewed
reported being accepted by many heterosexual male students on campus who felt
comfortable with them because they are of the opposite sex. Nevertheless, they
highlighted their fear of the few “bad boys and cultists on campus” that may con-
stitute a threat to them. This pattern echoes their vulnerability and powerlessness
to challenge the perpetrators.

Consequences of homophobic bullying on Nigerian LGBT students

The link between homophobic bullying in schools and its consequences such as
absenteeism, early school dropout, and poorer performance have been identified
by several studies globally (UNESCO, 2012) and is therefore difficult to overlook.
Themes regarding loss of educational opportunities, absenteeism, exorcism, and
emotional and mental health consequences emerged in the analysis of the experi-
ences of Nigerian LGBT students. Some universities denied LGBT students the
right to education by expelling them, whereas others were clearly unsafe for LGBT
62 K. OKANLAWON

students who were open about their sexual identity. This section highlights how
heterosexism from students, teachers, the school authority, and the media cause
injustices in schools that can limit future opportunities for LGBT persons and
affect their well-being.
Homophobic bullying was found to have damaged learning opportunities for
Nigerian LGBT students. For example, “A final-year transgender law student
dropped out of the university (after spending 5 years), without completing her L.L.
B. as a consequence of bullying.” Her experience was worsened because she did
not conform to gender norms. This sad experience reveals the manner in which
LGBT students sometimes end their education because of the danger they face in
schools. In this case, she lost an opportunity to become a lawyer, which could
increase her career options.
Similarly, a frustrated gay student narrated his experience. “I was fed up with
the disgrace I face in class every time being called ‘a girl.’ So, I stopped attending
classes. Now, I photocopy notes given to them in class, and I ask a friend to explain
what was taught to me so I can have my peace.” Absenteeism, suspension, and
expulsion by school authorities can not only affect their academic achievement but
may also open doors to other vulnerabilities, such as economic hardship, which
may influence LGBT students to engage in criminal activities or risky sexual
behavior for livelihood and cause health problems. This theme confirms the diffi-
culty that LGBT students face in reporting homophobic bullying because of the
lack of protection for them in schools, which may compel them to skip school or
drop out of school as a way out.
Many LGBT students who had experienced homophobic bullying in Nigerian
universities reported having emotional health problems such as depression, flash-
backs, sadness, crying, anxiety, suicidal thoughts, loss of confidence, low self-
esteem, fear, and psychological stress. In some cases, condemnation from parents
at home worsened their problems. One student said: “Some girls outed me to my
parents that I’m a lesbian after I was ‘outed’ on campus, and my parents made life
unbearable for me. They said I was a disgrace to the family.” In addition, a lesbian
reported almost committing suicide after she was exposed by a campus magazine.
The unavailability of safe schools for LGBT students has clearly subjected some to
self-harming and suicidal thoughts among other negative consequences.
Some LGBT students attempted to change their sexual orientation as a result of
the religious condemnation of homosexuality in the society. A gay student said: “I
have considered correcting my sexuality three times. I surrendered myself for exor-
cism—7 days [of] fasting and praying [to cast] out demons, locked up in a room.6
The role of teachers in sometimes fueling homophobic bullying was identified and
its ability to put the emotional health of LGBT students at risk. “I came out to my
teacher, a born-again Christian. She introduced me to Romans 1: 28-29. She con-
vinced me to go for exorcism again and I went. It didn’t work.”6 The disappoint-
ment in the failure of this effort affected the emotional health of this student who
subsequently experienced depression, suicidal thoughts, and attempts at suicide.6
 JOURNAL OF LGBT YOUTH 63

Alternatively, exorcism can be embraced as a resilience strategy through the

denial of one’s sexual orientation or believing it can change through prayers.
LGBT students may be motivated to do this to avoid the negative repercussions
associated with the acknowledgement of one’s LGBT status, which may limit
opportunities in a heterosexist setting. Strategic denial through exorcism may
therefore be seen as a potential solution, which can help to get rid of the unwanted
same-sex attraction that some Nigerian Christians perceive to be an “evil spirit.”

Coping strategies used in resisting homophobic bullying

This section reveals the ways in which LGBT students resist and potentially trans-
form their experiences of homophobic bullying and anti-LGBT violence in Niger-
ian universities. Diverse themes emerged in the analysis which demonstrated their
resilience and the ability to cope in the face of the heterosexist climate in their uni-
versities. Many LGBT university students have refused to be undermined and have
attempted to mitigate the burden of heterosexism on campus in different ways.
A strong theme that emerged from this study is the optimism, hard work, and
determination of LGBT students who have refused to be undermined by the preju-
dices they have experienced in schools. Despite facing serious homophobic bully-
ing in university, a gay man said: “I’m happy I can boldly say that I graduated with
a very good grade. I am proud of my work and my ability to prove myself that
being gay should not be a barrier to attaining self-fulfillment.”6 He continued to
explain his goal of distinguishing himself and embracing excellence to make an
impact. He said: “I left the University of Lagos with a second class upper [grade]. I
won the best actor and the best dancer in the orientation camp … I’ve got to bring
out the best in me.”6
Aside from these empowering words, LGBT students have attempted to demand
acceptance and tolerance in society. “I tell people my sexuality is just a small per-
centage of who I am. It’s not my totality. I have so many aspects of my life and peo-
ple should please look at me in my totality and not just who I am.”3 LGBT students
also show their leadership skills on campus. “I was the welfare secretary of my fac-
ulty, and I [competed] for the student’s union election.”6 LGBT students of
Obafemi Awolowo University have distinguished themselves by engaging in thriv-
ing businesses such as events management, catering, modeling, and fashion design,
which helps them earn extra income. Some students reported that their economic
independence had helped them gain respect from their family despite the prejudi-
ces against their sexual identity. Many remained devout to their religions and
active in church choirs and other religious activities.
A major strategy some LGBT students used for staying safe in schools is the
denial of their LGBT status and staying closeted. This theme occurred in several
instances and in some cases it was helpful in getting justice for abused LGBT stu-
dents. “I reported to the police that I was beaten and wrongly accused of being gay.
The police arrested the students and detained them. The next day, the police told
64 K. OKANLAWON

them to apologize to me and sign an undertaking never to harass me.” Another

strategy LGBT students utilize is having arranged relationships with people of the
opposite sex to give an impression of being heterosexuals. Third, participants
revealed how they protect their privacy in hostels. “I’m always careful with my
phone and laptop so that people don’t see any evidence that I’m gay.”
Participants narrated how seeking support from fellow LGBT friends helped
them carry on after experiencing homophobic bullying or anti-LGBT violence on
campus. A gay man said: “When I’m attacked, I cool down. I refuse to let it get to
me. When I get to my gay friends, they cheer me up.” The solidarity in the LGBT
student’s community in Obafemi Awolowo University is powerful as most LGBT
students on campus have fellow LGBT students as their best friends. “After I was
beaten by students in the hostel in 200 level, I moved to my friend’s place off cam-
pus, which was safer for me.” LGBT students support themselves, attend gay par-
ties together, travel to meet lovers, and sometimes assemble in their friend’s
houses off-campus to relax. These opportunities provide an avenue to share experi-
ences, comfort each other, and crack queer jokes. Some seek support from skilled
social workers, LGBT-friendly activists, and counselors who provide them services.
Safe spaces such as workshops organized by nongovernmental organizations such
as House of Rainbow11 also provide solace for LGBT university students.
Some participants endured bullying by ignoring the abusers or pretending not
to be hurt. Some also sometimes went along with the bullying they were experienc-
ing as a strategy to silence their bullies. This courageous effort was a little helpful.
“I make fun of myself as a lesbian in the presence of girls [who] mock me to give
them an impression that I’m not hurt. I’ve noticed [that] it reduces their harass-
ment. Once you make them feel you are angry, they keep laughing and continue.”
Other participants’ narratives bring the saying “silence is the best answer for a
fool” to truism as they ignored their bullies rather than confronting them, which
they believe fuels the bullying or make them lose friends through regular quarrels.
“I have developed a thick skin. Let them say whatever they want to say. I can’t
change myself.” In one case, a courageous gay student went on national television
to inform Nigerians about his experience of homophobic bullying and anti-LGBT
violence on campus. This was empowering and gratifying for him as he made his
honorable voice heard, although this incident subsequently caused a backlash
against the gay student and the journalist who interviewed him.10

Discussion
This study fills a gap in previous literatures on bullying in Nigerian schools
(Aluede & Adegoke, 2010; Egbochuku, 2007; Omoteso, 2010; Owoaje & Ndubusi,
2010) with evidence of homophobic bullying in Nigerian universities. The LGBT
students studied experienced diverse forms of homophobic bullying in Nigerian
universities, some of which are similar to those experienced by LGBT students in
South Africa (Francis & Msibi, 2011, pp. 160–161, 163). In addition, this study
 JOURNAL OF LGBT YOUTH 65

identifies its consequences on LGBT students’ lives. It also uncovered the creative
strategies used by LGBT students in coping with and resisting homophobic bully-
ing in schools. This study identified the role of some evangelical pastors in fueling
heterosexism in Nigerian schools. Some homophobic bullying experiences of the
LGBT students studied are similar to those identified by Mark Jennett (UNESCO,
2012, p. 16). Besides, the findings on sexual violence corroborate those reported in
South African schools (Francis & Msibi, 2011, pp. 160–161; UNESCO, 2012, p. 18)
and in Middle Eastern and Southeast Asian schools (Leach, 2008, p. 30).
However, this study identified additional forms of homophobic bullying in
Nigerian schools such as extortion and blackmail, bullying by magazines, and reli-
gious intimidation from teachers who encourage LGBT students to exorcise their
sexual orientation. These newly identified forms of homophobic bullying in
schools were not highlighted in the long list made by Mark Jennett in (UNESCO,
2012, p. 16). They may possibly be less likely to occur in countries where both legal
and social approval exists for LGBT persons as the perpetrators could easily be
brought to justice. Furthermore, the findings of this study corroborate that of
Nyanzi (2015, p. 131), which revealed high school dropout rate among LGBT
Ugandans.
This study reveals an unmet need for the prevention of and response to homo-
phobic bullying in Nigerian universities. This confirms the findings of Leach
(2008) on how gender violence cases often go unreported and unpunished in
schools because of the fear of victimization or inability of teachers to punish perpe-
trators. This study recommends that the education sector make concerted efforts to
ensure that Nigerian schools are safe for LGBT students. Sexual diversity and
empathy trainings should target teachers with the skills needed to prevent and
respond to homophobic bullying among students. LGBT students need to be
taught the importance of reporting harassment, exposing perpetrators and seeking
help to address their emotional health needs.
The Nigerian media, including campus journalists, have a role to play in
addressing the negative stereotypes they sometimes portray about LGBT persons
that fuel homophobia. The unethical and exploitative campus journalism that
hurts LGBT students deserves to be condemned by Nigerian universities. The stu-
dent editors need to be brought to justice and subsequently trained on how to pro-
tect the vulnerable in their journalism. To move forward, the misinformation
about LGBT persons needs to be replaced with correct information. This can be
done through storytelling by Nigerian LGBT role models as shown in Okanlawon
(2015).
Universities are the best places to begin to break the silence about heterosexism
for ethical reasons considering that the taboo subject may cause unnecessary moral
panic if discussed with children and may be labeled as “recruitment into homosex-
uality” or “a pollution of our children’s minds.” A good entry point is to take
advantage of religious messages of tolerance, love, and compassion to make stu-
dents see homophobia as a problem that needs to be fought on social justice
66 K. OKANLAWON

grounds. Powerful religious messages such as “love your neighbor as yourself” and
“thou shall not judge” can help challenge homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools
as opposed to an assertive LGBT rights approach, which may be seen by Nigerian
students as a promotion of homosexuality and thus be labeled “a Western agenda.”
Teachers and religious leaders have a major role to play in helping to achieve
this desired tolerance by condemning homophobic bullying and making students
aware of not only the suffering LGBT students face but also how this discrimina-
tion contradicts “African Ubuntu” (humane-ness), which calls for solidarity, com-
passion, and respect for human dignity (Tamale, 2011, p. 7). Nigerian teachers
need to be informed that homophobic bullying prevention will not violate their
religious beliefs but rather help prevent violence in schools. Muslim teachers need
to be informed that antigay Islamic views influenced by Sharia laws are an Arab/
Middle Eastern import.
To move forward, one option is to incorporate antihomophobic bullying poli-
cies into gender-based antibullying/harassment-related policies in Nigerian
schools. Alternatively, new policies can be designed to achieve zero tolerance for
any form of sexual or gender-based bullying in schools so as to achieve safer
schools where there is respect for diversity. Such policies can be backed up with
campaigns and educational programs that seek to promote peaceful coexistence,
compassion, love, tolerance and the values of African Ubuntu among students.
The emancipatory potential of our African culture (Tamale, 2011, p. 20) including
the philosophy of African Ubuntu (Tamale, 2011, p. 7) can be an important entry
point in promoting a supportive school environment for LGBT students by using
quotes from respected Nigerians who support LGBT rights in emphasizing respect,
dignity, and compassion for fellow students.
Given the several challenges facing Nigeria with regard to ethnic strife, reli-
giously inspired acts of terrorism and violence in some communities, this situation
affords Nigerians a unique opportunity to raise concerns about the need for love,
tolerance, and compassion for everyone so as to bring out the best in our diversity
as a nation. After all, the concept of sexual rights has always been a part of many
African communities (Gaudio, 2011, p. 41; Oyewumi, 2005, p. 270; Tamale, 2011,
p. 24) including documented tolerance for sexual and gender diversity (Abbas &
Ekine, 2013; Gaudio, 2011; Ilesanmi, 2013; Murray & Roscoe, 1998). In terms of
research gap, quantitative studies are needed to understand school climate, the
prevalence of homophobic bullying, and the attrition rate of LGBT students from
Nigerian schools, among other related issues.
Because of the highly controversial nature of the subject of homosexuality in
Nigeria, most Nigerian researchers do not want to be associated with this subject
because of their prejudices and that of others who may question their morality and
ridicule or label them as LGBT persons for being interested in this subject.
Researchers who are interested in this subject should therefore be prepared to
respond to any criticism, suspicion, questioning, and probably ridicule from col-
leagues and others who perceive this subject with disgust. Nevertheless, studies are
 JOURNAL OF LGBT YOUTH 67

needed to clarify the strategies used to circumvent the difficulties and danger asso-
ciated with doing LGBT research and LGBT work in this setting. This can be bene-
ficial to researchers conducting research or interventions in similar settings.
Dankmeijer (2007, p. 12) rightly pointed out the fierce resistance which exists
with regard to teaching about LGBT issues in African schools; however, this can
be attributed to the terrible foundation laid by the “White European colonizers”
who imported homophobic laws and Christian missionary ideology to Africa,
which has recently been reinforced by the global culture wars of the antigay
American Evangelicals (Okanlawon, 2015, pp. 104–105). Meanwhile, the similar
“fiery resistance” toward teaching LGBT issues in African schools as mentioned
by Dankmeijer (2007, p. 12) also exists in Netherlands (van Maaren, 2011) and
many European countries (UNESCO, 2012, p. 39) where some teachers are part
of the problem as well as the United States where resistance to such teaching has
been documented in the classroom (van Dijk & van Driel, 2007, pp. 127–138).
The situation in many Western countries is therefore far from being perfect
despite the availability of LGBT-friendly policies and programs (UNESCO, 2012,
pp. 17–22, 39).
Despite this resistance, there are several signs of hope for Nigerian LGBT per-
sons (Okanlawon, 2015, pp. 108–111). One such is the ability of Nigerian univer-
sity students to engage brilliantly and sympathetically with debates about
homosexuality (Epprecht & Egya, 2011, pp. 378–379). To move forward, Nyanzi
(2015, p. 133) makes a case for queering formal education and African scholarship
through multidisciplinary curriculum development, which can help contribute to
challenging heterosexism on different levels. This will require challenging domi-
nant discourses (Oyewumi, 2005, p. 271), which portray the issue as “not pressing”
or “not important.” Because of the dominant heterosexist legacies of colonial
authorities (Okanlawon, 2015), many of which have been constructed as part of
our African culture today (Tamale, 2011, pp. 20, 25), it is important to decolonize
our minds and challenge the colonial legacies causing division and hatred among
us today. This requires challenging the role of Western dominance in understand-
ing our reality as Africans (Oyewumi, 2005).

Conclusion
This formative study sheds light on homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools and
brings attention to the need for the educational sector to make schools safe for
LGBT students. This study fills a knowledge gap which has not been previously
covered by any study on bullying in Nigerian schools. This research also fills some
knowledge gaps identified by Leach (2008, p. 30) on how homophobia may expose
gay students to abuse. Rarely are studies such as this conducted in the Nigerian set-
ting which has some of the harshest antigay laws in the world. This study has bro-
ken new ground by adding specific insights to the international discussion on
homophobic bullying in schools from an African country where homosexuality is
68 K. OKANLAWON

criminalized. This can provide an opportunity for comparison with countries

where homosexuality has been decriminalized.
Homophobic bullying impedes educational rights which every student is enti-
tled to according to Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution. Therefore, there is a need to
implement programs to address homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools and to
lobby the education sector to revise rules that deny LGBT students their academic
rights through suspension or expulsion in schools. The Nigerian educational sector
needs to be aware of its obligation to protect all students, including LGBT students
in schools, irrespective of antigay laws. Thus, appropriate policies are needed to
punish perpetrators of homophobic bullying in Nigerian schools.
It is unjust for LGBT students to face expulsion in schools while their abusers go
scot free. This should be unacceptable for social justice reasons. Perpetrators must be
brought to justice to serve as a deterrent to others. Culturally sensitive efforts are
needed in advocating for the rights of LGBT persons to education as enshrined in
the Constitution and international treaties. Nigerian sexual rights activists should
engage politicians in repealing the draconian antigay laws inherited from the British
during colonization and also the recent antigay bill signed into law by Nigerian Pres-
ident in 2014 which upholds heterosexism. Survivors of homophobic bullying in
Nigerian schools such as the celebrated gay rights activist, Bisi Alimi who has made
a success of his career can be a mentor for Nigerian LGBT students who are facing
homophobic bullying by inspiring them about a possible bright future for them.
To move forward, we need to challenge the problematic constructs that “homo-
sexuality is un-African” and “a Western sexual immorality” and educate Nigerian
students that it is actually homophobic bullying that is “un-African” because
Nigerians and many Africans have been historically tolerant of diverse forms of
sexual and gender diversity including the “yan daudu” before colonization
(Gaudio, 2011; Murray & Roscoe, 1998). Homophobic bullying is therefore a
product of heterosexist legacies from the British colonizers who introduced antigay
laws in Nigeria which has been reinforced by the global culture wars spearheaded
by antigay American Evangelicals in recent years (Okanlawon, 2015).
For example, most homophobic comments used in Nigerian schools are learned
Western terms that are not in native Nigerian languages, thus illustrating the role
of postcolonial factors and globalization. Therefore, Western countries have a
moral responsibility to correct the negative legacies of colonialism that affect their
ex-colonies. This can be achieved by bringing antigay American Evangelicals who
fund and fuel homophobia in African countries to justice. Similarly, the West
needs to revise their foreign policy strategy on LGBT rights in Africa that has unin-
tentionally fueled homophobia in Africa because of its culturally imperialistic
approach that has made African LGBT persons scapegoats (Okanlawon, 2015).
Last, Western countries have a moral responsibility to grant asylum status to
African LGBT youth whose lives are at risk at home given that the heterosexist
and homophobic climate in many African countries are results of colonial legacies
(Ilesanmi, 2013; Okanlawon, 2015).
 JOURNAL OF LGBT YOUTH 69

Notes
1. “How I Became a Homosexual. Confessions of a 26-Year-Old Student.” Interview with
Dapo Adaralegbe, City People, 14.
2. “Meet Mr. Dapo Adaralegbe, now Ms. Stephanie Adaralegbe.” Linda Ikeji’s blog. Retrieved
from http://lindaikeji.blogspot.nl/2012/02/meet-mr-dapo-adaralegbe-now-ms-stepanie.html
3. “Bisi Alimi on New Dawn.” Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com
4. “Homosexuality and the Nigerian Cultural Heritage (Yoruba).” Retrieved from :http://www.
youtube.com/watch?vDSXA3WmdPC88&listDTLqplZLXhFW1JPtxxg5nRoIgSWujwXwzYr
5. “Africa Says No for Homosexuality.” Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch
?vDaG2jAV2RLRI
6. SAGBA. Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch?vDUZwO3RwBnYg
7. “Final-year student at Covenant University expelled on grounds of lesbianism.” Retrieved
from http://news2.onlinenigeria.com/headline/168924-final-year-student-at-covenant-uni
versity-ogun-state-expelled-on-grounds-of-lesbianism.html
8. (Update) “The UNIBEN ladies were not raped.” Retrieved from http://date360.net/profiles/
blogs/update-the-uniben-ladies-were-not-raped-full-details-download-lin
9. “The incidence of hate crimes against the LGBT community.” Retrieved from http://daily
post.com.ng/2012/09/20/okechukwu-effoduh-the-incidence-hate-crimes-lgbt-community-
a-tale-systemic-idiocy/
10. “Afro Pop: The Ultimate Cultural Exchange (Seeking Asylum Bisi).” Retrieved from http://
www.youtube.com/watch?vDa69Vy6jjbpY
11. House of Rainbow is an inclusive religious community which focuses on helping LGBT
persons reconcile their sexuality and religious beliefs. In Nigeria, House of Rainbow pro-
vides different services for LGBT persons such as human rights education, counseling, safe
shelter at-risk LGBT persons, and skill training programs.

Acknowledgments
Thanks to the gay students of O.A.U, Ile-Ife for sharing their experiences. I thank Dreilinden
foundation in partnership with the Institute of Social Studies of Erasmus University, Nether-
lands for supporting me with capacity building on LGBT rights issues. I thank GLSEN and
UNESCO for supporting me to present an earlier version of these findings at the 15th Compara-
tive Education World Congress, Argentina in June, 2013. I thank Reverend Jide Macaulay for
educating gay University students in Ile-Ife on how to reconcile their sexuality and faith and for
providing copies of two LGBT books which I gave the interviewees. Thanks to Dr. Kunle Oginni
for his voluntary psychiatry work with gay University students of O.A.U, Ile-Ife. Special thanks
are due to Bisi Alimi, Funmi Iyanda and Palm Avenue Films.

Note on contributor
Kehinde Okanlawon, MA, MPH, is a sexual health and rights educator, activist, and researcher
in Nigeria. He works with the House of Rainbow, an LGBT-Rights Organization, as the Project
Coordinator on Human Rights Education and Counselling for LGBT persons in Nigeria.

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