“Caesar spouse not only has to be honest but also has to show that she is

honest”

Anonymous

Abstract

Likewise the European Union not only may be a major global player1 but it has to show it.
In plain terms that is any economic advantageous position must be associated by political action.
Decisiveness is by virtue an attribute of leadership and EU cannot be the “least common
denominator” house any more.

European Union took the pledge to enlarge in the Western Balkan region at the Salonica
Summit in 2003, where Albania, as well as the other countries of region were identified as potential
candidate for membership.

The underpinning objective of such political rationale of EU toward the region of Western
Balkan associates with growing the stability throughout the region and of course with need to
structural reforms on behalf of the region to join the European Union.

Almost 15 years have passed since that and the challenges have piled up not only on behalf
of region but on behalf of EU as well. The credibility of the enlargement process- a crucial
instrument of EU foreign policy - has lost the possibility of building momentum, however in the
light of the “Berlin Process” and more specifically the focal points which are tackled through the
“Connectivity Agenda” or RYCO-Regional Youth Cooperation Office, products of the “Berlin
Process” the case of “taking the bull by the horn” is being made.

Too little too late -maybe- thought much is on stake here and not only on WB Region
behalf. The region integration is a crucial test for the EU’s credibility to becoming a global player.

Western Balkans (WB) provides a strategic case study to examine the engagement of the
European Union in making the family complete. In February 2018, together with Serbia,

1
http://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/headlines/economy/20180703STO07132/the-eu-s-position-in-world-
trade-in-figures-infographic
DR. ERMIR I. HAJDINI, AUG ’19. 1
Montenegro, Albania, The Republic of Northern Macedonia, Kosovo, WB was given a European
perspective with accession negotiations moving forward. In the words of the High Representative
of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, it is “merit-based, each under different
conditions and at its own pace, but with a strong commitment on the part of the EU to make this
goal credible and finally become true.”2

Given the Union’s general reluctance towards further enlargement per se, the return of
geopolitics in the old continent and emergence of transnational security threats, the region has
entered into an uncertain phase, characterized by a general resistance to democratic reform
processes, lack of trust and flirting with third countries (namely Turkey, Russia, China and the
Gulf Countries). The Union’s general climate does not allow to push forward the enlargement
process, and, to a certain extent, this is also due to the resurgence of populistic movements and
nationalism and their respective influence as new game-changers in town. Even though the
Western Balkans in principle are not yet ready to become Member States, the need to keep them
‘anchored’ to the EU goes beyond particular political parties or member states’ interests and is
firmly linked to the overall security and stability of the European continent.

The accession negotiations are a promising development for a region that needs to leave behind
unrestrained conflicts, cycles of external and internal oppression, dysfunctional state structures,
underdevelopment, as well as an impoverished citizenry and issues of depopulation.

However, the new European perspective is only the beginning of a long and challenging task for
the region. For years, the EU has been involved in a variety of interventions within the WB with
mixed results. Past failures can be primarily found with governance structures which prevented
essential reforms from being implemented at the national level. This Discussion Paper intends to
address and answer the questions: 1) What the EU is “missing” if the EU family is not complete?
and in the second part of this paper will discuss 2) What are the short term expectation of Albania
vis a vis EU?

2
Speech by High Representative/Vice-President Federica Mogherini at the European
Parliament Plenary Session on the Western Balkan Strategy, online at:
http://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/39451/speechhigh-representativevic%20 e-
president-federica-mogherini-european-parliamentplenary_en.
DR. ERMIR I. HAJDINI, AUG ’19. 2
On the bright side, the “Berlin Process” is worth mentioning3 – the brain child of Chancellor
Angela Merkel is a cooperation platform designed to advance the Western Balkan states on their
way to European Union. The “Berlin Process” since its conceptualization in 2014 is becoming
popular at the midst of member states of EU. The flesh and bone of such initiative is – of course-
the economic cooperation, noteworthy is the emphasis given to the concept of regional economic
cooperation- regional free trade area and the rest.

Regional cooperation in the Western Balkans has recently entered a new stage of development,
after the initial externally (EU) driven phase. Originally, this cooperation was conceived as rather
distinct and of secondary importance with respect to other EU priority areas for the region i.e. rule
of law, security, etc. and the countries of the region were mostly expected to “work on, jointly […]
rather than collectively”. As such, the entry into force of the Stabilization and Association
Agreements between the EU and every Western Balkan country sanctioned the obligation for each
of them to cooperate with the other countries of the region, in respect of the principle of good
neighborly relations.

As the matter of fact the region –previously famous for its “neighbor hostile approach”- has been
working together rather fine. It’s worth mentioning the agreement reach within the framework of
Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) lowering the roaming tariffs 4 throughout the Western
Balkan states, showing that the region can work and produce good results for its citizen.

Keyword: Western Balkan, European Union, European Commission, foreign policy, enlargement
process.

3
https://berlinprocess.info/
4
https://www.rcc.int/news/551/roaming-prices-drastically-drop-across-western-balkans-speak-more-surf-more-
pay-less
DR. ERMIR I. HAJDINI, AUG ’19. 3
 EU: The Need to reinvent itself

The current state of affairs is not the most favorable for European Union and to argue in
favor on a proactive enlargement policy nowadays resembles a mere heresy. Following the widely
shared feeling of ‘enlargement fatigue’ of the Juncker’s Commission and the outburst of the
migration crisis and related Balkan route, the general perception was that of a rising sense of
insecurity and overall EU disengagement in the region. Counteracting uncertainty before
instability and third countries could take over the Western Balkans became a leitmotiv of the
political elite as well as media discourse.

The challenges are multifaceted and they are deep-rooted a) on EU level and b) on
national/regional level– to mention a few:

EU level

 EU leadership demonstrated by the proper personality not only a political

common denominator- The tensions between Member States that have already
emerged over the designation of the new President of the European
Commission illustrate this5;
 Brexit;
 Belt n Road Chinese initiative vis a vis *dept. trap* diplomacy6;
 Italian mini BoT “threat´;
 The next EU Parliament would be more fragmented;

The leadership of EU has been its Achilles’ heel – on many occasions Europhiles have declared a
clear tendency toward i.e. a “political Commission”. This tendency is de facto the root- cause of
challenges mentioned above. National political agendas of member states represent a monolithic
obstacle on the way ahead of EU.

5
https://www.dbresearch.com/PROD/RPS_EN-
PROD/PROD0000000000488232/EU_elections_countdown_%232%3A_Tough_race_to_the_top_o.pdf
6
https://qz.com/1497584/how-chinas-debt-trap-diplomacy-came-under-siege-in-2018/
DR. ERMIR I. HAJDINI, AUG ’19. 4
The euro project would not be possible without the decisive and strategic guidance of Delores
Commission7, this endeavor seems quite impossible under the current day “political Commission”.

Precisely this kind of leadership is needed today in order to make European Union complete and
more competitive, thus able to address geopolitical issues like “Belt ‘n Road” initiative8. The later
and the so called “dept. trap diplomacy” are instruments –quite successful- appealing even to
member states (i.e. Italy).

Not being able to digest your own plate9-meaning the enlargement toward Western Balkans-
translates in inability to play a global role. That inability of course has a financial price tag and if
we add to that the budgetary deficit from the “Brexit” the EU does not have the luxury to miss a
“golden opportunity” – that is broadening the internal market through absorbing the Western
Balkan region. This move is advisable both a) politically- giving a clear geostrategic message not
only toward China- and, b) making a long term investment thus off-setting some of the financial
deficit on the EU budget.

Surely, we would not find a wide consensus for EU membership in the Western Balkans
as existed in Central Europe. Apart from the weakening of the Union, to make this equation even
more complex there are quite a few challenges –the whole region is astray i.e.

National /regional level

 Weak institutions;
 Wide spread corruption;
 Economic fatigue;
 Profit driven Pol. elite;
 Yet to be impartial/professional bureaucracy…etc.

However, the challenges confronting the Western Balkans are the same challenges the EU faces.
The EU and its partners are together on that, be it the fight against transnational organized crime,
the management of migration flows, ensuring energy security or the security of all our citizens.

7
https://www.cvce.eu/en/education/unit-content/-/unit/02bb76df-d066-4c08-a58a-d4686a3e68ff/021072be-
929c-4ca0-ad76-32760b5dc2ff
8
Ludger Kühnhardt: The New Silk Road: The European Union, China and Lessons Learned, Zei Discusion Paper Nr.
C-245/2018
9
Bildt, Carl (2005). "Europe must keep its 'soft power'". Financial Times on Centre for European Reform.

DR. ERMIR I. HAJDINI, AUG ’19. 5

Today’s threats do not respect national borders. It is not idealism that leads populations in Serbia
or Albania to seek to bind themselves with other Europeans. It is realism and a recognition of our
mutual interests that tell us that we need each other. Only by working together we can meet our
shared challenges and successfully respond to common threats.

It is time for the Union to launch a strong initiative to make its reengagement in the Western
Balkans even firmer, by honoring the promise made fifteen years ago in Thessaloniki, to reduce
the attraction of external sirens and to prevent further violent crises10.

Nearly one year ago, HRVP Mogherini presented, and EU Heads of State and Government
endorsed, the EU Global Strategy. The Global Strategy recognizes that our citizens want a
stronger, more secure Europe, yet it also recognizes that none of the countries of Europe has the
strength or resources on its own to seize the opportunities or address the threats of the 21st
century. This feature of the modern world, the ineffectiveness of trying to go it alone, applies
equally to EU Member States and our partners in the Western Balkans.

Indeed, this was witness during the Poznan Summit11 – under the auspices of the Berlin Process-,
judging from the strong statements of EU heads of state and Governments and off course
prominent EU officials; EU is taking up the pace vis a vis the Western Balkan region. To make
this “reinvented approach” even more credible robust financial commitment12 was made available
for countries of the Western Balkan region.

Albania’s expectations

“The European Union integration is a major national objective” – this is strategic prerogative
familiar to Albanians for almost 30 years now13. As the matter of fact, Albanians have been and
still are among the EU enthusiast and fierce supporters of the integration process, and this
because of some simple truths, namely:

10
Pierre MIREL Director at the European Commission 2001-2013 (DG Enlargement)
11
https://www.gov.pl/web/diplomacy/poznan-summit
12
https://europeanwesternbalkans.com/2019/07/04/cadez-and-calavera-sign-project-for-more-competitive-
region/
13
INSTAT of Albania (2010). "Population of Albania on 1 January 2018" (in Albanian). Institute of Statistics of Albania.

DR. ERMIR I. HAJDINI, AUG ’19. 6

  Consolidation of democracy14;
 Establishment of rule of law;
 More (fair)economic opportunities;
In order to get some perspective, the country-now days- is most famous for its justice sector
reform – most often referred “vetting process”. This specific reform is quite unique as it has
blessing and support of European Union15 and the United States, the monitoring body of such
reform is chaired by an EU official, and its objective is very much desired by the Albanian society
at large.
Based at latest statement of Miss Genoveva Ruis Calavera- Chairwoman of the International
Monitory Operation for the “vetting process” as well as Director for the Western Balkans at the
European Commission's Directorate-General for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Negotiations
- “…the reform is well on its way…” but still to see some hard cases brought up to courts, the
country public opinion is craving for this.
Thus achieving results on this- hampering the wide spread corruption- is a clear expectation of
Albanians.
Opening negotiation is expected to last 8_10 years, and during this time there are many structural
reforms: Digital Integration, Mobility and Investment to name e few, Albania has to implement
in various fields and the EU administration has the means to make this happen.
After all, no one wants to carry “dead weight”- and we all ought- especially the EU- to make that
weight a little lighter before final membership16.

14
"COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT: Albania 2016 Report" (PDF). Eur-lex.europa.eu. Retrieved 9 February 2019.
"COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT: Albania 2019 Report" (PDF). Eur-lex.europa.eu. Retrieved 9 February 2019.

15
https://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/albania/20144/most-frequently-asked-questions-international-monitoring-
operation_en
16
Culbertson, Alix (1 February 2017). "Albania and Bosnia fail to impress at EU membership meeting over
democratic value concerns". Express. Express Newspapers Ltd., UK. Retrieved
DR. ERMIR I. HAJDINI, AUG ’19. 7
 Conclusion

In the era of austerity … of anti-multilateralism and populist nationalism, this is no time

to have a European Union on the block with its future up in the air.

Inevitably the Western Balkan’s Region vis a vis Albania integration to EU is a safe bet –
that been said- the timely fashion though will greatly depend on the political circumstances on
behalf the EU and of course on the credibility of structural reforms on behalf of Albania.

This paper argued in favor of a stronger and decisiveness EU policy over the individual
member’s states policies. Of course, the Western Balkan Region presents - as explained above –
a huge challenge however on the other hand that challenge represent an indispensable
investment opportunity for European Union, with attributes both (geo) political and economic
features.

The “Berlin Process” is not only a testimony of fact that “EU is strong here” but may also
serve as a mean to “calcify” a coalition of willing among its member states looking beyond “mini
BOT quarrels” thus reinventing EU though a “New Approach Directive” style…this time breaking
the last remaining monolithic cartel …. that is member states political divergence, with regard to
this remark “Schnitzel regulation” stance of the former Commission does not help.

Albania is determined to continue the EU path and its citizens are very much in favor of
EU. These two crucial fundamentals during these times where the nationalistic elements are on
the rise must be special appealing to EU and must count for:

 A fully functional rule of law state;

 Structural Reforms.

Those are what Albanians expect from EU and vice versa, a paradox that EU must tackle.

DR. ERMIR I. HAJDINI, AUG ’19. 8