Sonderdruck aus Studien zum antiken Sudan Akten der 7. Internationalen Tagung fiir meroitistische Forschungen vom 14. bis 19. September 1992 in Gosen/bei Berlin Herausgegeben von Steffen Wenig 1999 Harrassowitz Verlag - Wiesbaden{List so SUP THOME OFA * ie Sanat i nga ie R. MORKOT, Exeter Kingship and Kinship in the Empire of Kush Contents Inroducton 1 Ringsip in Nubia before the Napstan Period “Terminclogy ‘The Lower Nubian rock drowings and insertions ‘The kings ‘The tock drawings [New Kingdom Nubia Conelsion 1, ‘The Kushite royal succession: patalineage or maulineage? “The royal genealogy “The Work of MPL: Macadam and D. Dunas Resposes othe Macadam teodes| “The succession af the God's Wives of Amun ‘The genealogy of queen Nasalsa ‘The Konite uccesion “The chronology ofthe Egyptisn 25th Dynasty 1 Manethon and the desea eadon 2. The monumental evidence ‘The Kushte succession from Tanwetaman to the end ofthe *Napatan Period” Conclusion: the sucession during the “Napatan"pesiod 1m, Women and mazliny in Kush “The mut newt ‘The Royal Ancestors; the Medinet Habu relies 1V, Alerative modes of succesion 4. Patalineal succession 2 Brother succession 53. Roztion through houses ‘Dual monarchies 5. Heston LY, Tie Kushte ruling house: one fly? VI. Conclusion kingship ad kinship in Kush ‘Bibliography 180 181 183, 183, 185, 20 m Ra a as he 217 hy 218 20 me180 1. Kingship and Kinship inthe Empire of Kush Introduction The wring ofthe paper was undertaken at shon notice and it inevitably reflects the suhors preoccupations atthe time of wag. The tite ofthe paper (noe of the 30 tha can aged 2 wy fe scemlnw eed.Se of he ontrutonsYocised on ber aspects of kingship. The emphasis ofthe paper fs OF tiesr phase ofthe Rest sate, whether choose o eter toa8-Napan. ot bythe Egypiclopal descrpon “25th Dynasty As the conference already foctaed on the eign ofthe 25h Dynasty it scemed appropriate that this examination of suse ‘Son sulk took col atthe pase. “One of the major questions wisn Nubian studless: what extent dd the Kushe ‘monarchy (heginig wi the 25th Dyasy) adope is KingshipWeology fom EsypO A stew whi requenly presented in herature propose tha the Kuaiesinered 3 Inodel of kingship from dhe Egypiin occupation cng the vceregal period, which Formed the ouncaon forthe Napatan and Meroe monarchies. Related tots 1 he Suppesed intucnce ofthe “Egyptian priesthood frequen assumed to have heen 3 Zankst Transmssion of Egypt kingship ideology has ote, inthe lteature, been noted to these rests and tei (presumed) close conucs wih the Teban ten es Teer eraure hs placed ater hte emphasis on indigenous fom of rleship ‘whlch might predate Ne Npsian monarchy. The older erature emphasised the “Gnctnence ofthe non Egypisn clemens 38 4 “ecline™ What evidence 1s there lor ‘Stattshing models of inulgenous kingship sich might have beens, not more, triers Did he Keshnes adopt he pharionle model 363 poll mewe relating © theveconqucst of Egype In what hay dd they adopt pheraonic models of kingship To what extent dd kingship In contemporary Egypaea the delogy and konog- raphy ofthe Rushes There cenainly ewene ha changes inthe Pickem period ‘ety refeetcontemporineous development in Egypt This paricualy noble in the formation f ules “The tncry of inatlinal succession his heen inlet a Nubian suds relating to the Napann and Merokie periods, This goes Pack tothe original work of Macadam Sind Donkam on the royal genealogies and the insertions from Kawa. The idea that iatlinesge ss amponast has haraly ever been challenged and i i sll widely {greed tht te royal women were of rea importance both nthe Weology and wo he ‘A reexamination of the evidence relating 0 the royal genealogies leads me 10 uewion the reconsrucion of Macadam and’ Dunham. Tndeed, 1 believe thit ‘construction, whieh has over the yeors acquired the auhonty of fc, he ena ‘ently ineorect. ‘The onography and role of the royal women should be examined in the ight of Egypttin monic of qucessnp which might hive been significant. The bascy of Egypologeal ssoomplons should also be reviewed. ay Robins fas challenged the ier wh had tke roe in Egyptology” that te suceasion passed through the fe tle inet the New Kingdom, the inflvence of this theory on Macau aed eter ‘riers should he considered “Tete span of the Mero tat from is appearance as the kingdom of Kur i far woo long to ae vagoe generalsaions and there may well ave been diferent Scie in play ot ifletem pends according Yo the various “dymasies “wibes” or Merkot: Kingspan Kieshap 181 ruling families that held power The image of continty should be constered a ‘hough the evidence for changes might be ver dificult Ken. ‘hts of election and coronation have frequenly discussed on he evidence ofthe post 25th Dynasty inscriptions Regalia and Neroite practices Mave heen discussed by Flofatana (1971, Rusamann (1970) and Torok (1996; 1987; 1990 1992). “The Egypsan iconography of kingship might heguil ws into emphasing Eaye functions of ser, What exaety can we know about the prea. malar, nd civ Functor of kingship? We should also consider the unty ofthe sat: was tere simply fone king ruling over he hole tea? Again, we might have heen unduly nluenced Py the Egyptian eology which allows only one ruler tobe Son of Re" |. Kingship in Nubia before the Napatan Period David O'Connor has recently published 2 challenging series of papers in which he backs many ofthe preconcepeons of Egypiology and Nuon studies regarding the postion and extent ofthe Nuban locliies (O'Connor 1986, 1987; 1991). Whether oF fot we accepe O'Connor’ lcatons, and the implicaions which inevitably anise fom. them, we can cenanly re-exarine our atudes towards the nature of dhe Nubian Sates, Terminology ~ cehifdon, “princedom’ or “kingdom” has heen extraord ‘aly love, 28 O€Connor rightly poins Ow There has ao heen atendeney 0 dismiss ‘he New Kingdom loet ruler le more than “shes el eled” and wo see them 25, Df ite politcal significance, 2 view thi wer has chillenged (Modkoe 1987; 1991; 1994-3750). in Tooking hack over Nubian history & i clear that forms of ruership developed there as ealy a2 they did in Egype. Wht remains less cleat isthe ideological hack {pound andthe iconography of rlership. Bruce Willams’ (1980) proposal that the A- Eroup Qustol monarchy. es actualy the engin ofthe pharsonie state has received Ie Soppon from Nubisogisi. probhly nigh: the evidence does aot Seem to Sup- pon his eds! proposiion. Wise t does do, however, I demonsrate beyond any ‘out that the A-Group, 3 Tea in ts ater pases was socially much more hirarchie than se had hitheno heleved, and that there were, undoubtedly, euler, whether we {erm them "chiefs" “princes” or “kings. Unforunstely, we can say litle about them, beyond the likely seats and possible extent of thelr erores, tha they were the con- {tllers ofthe Nie wfc, nd probably, 39 15. Smid C1991) eoperly argues, cquinng the gold and stones of ihe sounding regions. Sih ls undoulvedly correc in his reconstnton of the A-Group collapse: that was the very power of these ners ‘Shich brought abou thei Gowafall a he hands of the Ist Dynassy pharaohs, most notably pertns. Dir "The heat appearance of sates in Nubia, nthe late Old Kingdom, presents us with many wellknown problems, How exaciy do we tie the texwal sources, nobly TMarkhurand Went, withthe archacological evidence? “The material is extensively di ‘cussed, most eeenly by O'Connor (1986). Ain iti certain that we are dealing with Significant sates may ukimately he possible tobe more exact abou thei locations, nd O'Connor, ofthe more conveniona, scheme vinlcated. It cenainly took major impaigns by dhe Middle Kingdom rulers eqain contol of Nubia nd ts resources Sand the nature ofthe foniatons aires us that Kushte opponent was formidable (Tagger 1982.a2 1 Ringship a Kinship inthe Empire of Kush ei ae ate a ipemet See tel car i goo ahaa 1940). Py Georaes) ake penta a iy enn amt a lead roe, eran ae ne eee Tha rn oer, ar ay ‘influential matrilineal system. aaa 1 of ping 1. Moko: Kingship and Kinship 163 soem of ate, which suggests at ues ef the aes were in alae th Farm te may ponculy have een te ules ofthe Meda,» group ft ite imo te amy Novenhles the Gedence des nt shed any fuer Hit on ‘Sere te elon ofc om Neb Mts tne, Nothing as yt Deen a re nul or satury to represen any of hese rls and we have ile re eee oly ake he Egyptian wihraval nde carly 130) eek go any cation ef ow he Kase rer nas eprseted Terminology No indigenown tims of rltship are known inthe eae pesods i, fay and Mid 23 Rats) om Nuhia woe However, the terminology employed by the Eyptins in ‘org abou te Nubian rulers informative o thei aude, ae de OW Kingdon and su term forthe moet of Kush inthe Kamone insetGon his used of Asaie rulers and thus dadicates tha the Kushie rules were regarded 2s cl those of Asi ar eatin the Exccraon Tents and as the general tem dhoughout the New ingdou for indigenous rulers. This writer (Moekoe 1991) has angued that the Egy reeds no gre cistnction hetween the rlers of Nubia and those ofthe Asiatic se "tne teminglogy supors this view ris applied ooh groups of rules (Lonion Tb ttr defy indeates»Forvign rer who had seme sor of contractual agreement ‘Shite pharach, and there t ap reason to believe dat che Egyptians distinguished emedn senrnies on elo grounds Ron cleny the sme as the Merolic gor Found in Egypaan ext of the Late and pokenie Roman petods The Salve I fext, which also uses the tem, of oman (Sine "ete woe presumably the local Weed for dhe rulers of Kush (etween the 3rd SAU Giccracts) his mgt Supe thot Mezoise was being spoken i that region. ‘SFeoure ie word might no}, wong, be Merle, aod might be a Kingship xm of cnet Nubtan lngwage which es ransoited and adopted io the wadons ofthe Meroe speakers (cx rou, Caesar Rater Cra) ‘he tower Wuhan rock cdrauctns and serps The Bulien mca has heen discussed in exemplary manner by HS, Smith (1976). ‘Suu dened a numberof figures os depicuons ofthe indigenous rulers refered 2 Fmimriptons fom Dulaen Sia 61 (Smit 1976 11-12, pI, shows 2 figure with weane eeen and arses caring 2 mace und large How with arrows. The obverse of ‘SeUSS32 tina 1213, ph ID hs one scene of Nuvan captor, with feather in his Tit nd bs apaive. ‘The ses qe Egypion and Smith noes tne smal toa lass 2g he tai en Uk 1120; Wen (6G 35) Un, 54-10. 4 Tike pte 5085 al at ela ce Wl 1989, i pn En gt verse rs 1900).18 1. Kingship ad Kinship othe Empire of Kus ‘of end sealing found in Nubian fortesses* He concives the scene fs Eyam work Df the te Mile Kingdom, The verse ofthe some sila corss a simi scene. ap ‘Parmly sn indigenous ruler with the wate cron, the whole very scheme “Thete ts. clove rekuonsup besween the Buhen depictions and these to he found inthe rock drawings of Lower Nubet Rock dating th snl ligores existed throughout Lower Nubia, hut have been snuerprcted ins numb of ferent wy. Some have heen deserted a "Prodynssi™ ‘ihe: at “Nev Ringdon, but the ssmpkion has eal heen that hey were dep. tions of Egypian phariohs Their simlanty to dbe Bue siclae ad toa group oft Serptionssttrbuthle 4 Nobéin kings, make more likly shat they were seul) {Entended vo represen nagenous rulers Some have no row and are often desenhc ‘8 Nubwan wnor schihs* “he kings are known from rockiscrptions in Nubia but cannct be idemied ‘wu say known Egyptin rlers:Qakare In for Init, IylvkhentRe and Wa0iene Segcrsen The dating of the insepuons, and the enue the kings remain obser, Sa here i sll no schol consenei=, Dating these roles has proven dificul. Meyer (1907-08115) Rowe (1938, 686Hf) sand Sive-Sodebrgh (1911, 30) placed. Qakare atthe heginning ofthe 11h Dynasty. “The time of the early 11th Dynasty snd the accession of Nebhepete-Memthuhowep le favoured hy Drcton and Vander (1952: 243) nd by Hayes 964, 25), ‘winlock (940: 161,196) though the end of he 1th Dynasty is more Uke, as ‘ia Steck (1999. 8145) An ely 2nd intermchate Pied dae ws prefered by Neville ‘api 18), ‘Winlock (1947. 100) reconsidered he mater and decked on 8 late 2nd Intesmed ate Peto dt Kemp 58) has abo sed he inserpon 1 the 2d nem ‘One of the inseriptions was rediscovered hy the Czechoslovakn expedition te aN Ease nd ipsbonate wer ebay ef Eytan entacin, Pt Tegan paris yor amar, hvig wiped une the A Kgs, ep thes Bees Eon thy were of yp ong: bt Paces them nthe dn mediate Period ‘ive soderbergh (1941: 47) gave a list of known nseripsions, some of which have see heen republised 2.tyabekhentre 45) are the names ofthe ‘lose 10 the Gehl ag inscription of Qakare (Simpson 1965: 45) ae th Fons Geng.awyet te. Renee). Simpson ote hat ts inseition the ist pe he uur) Lr nu hy, cleary ad nealy erate, but tha the eartouc Bre salir and casely done. He asks whether they have replaced eater ones ‘Shnpuom srpucs thst the relative posiions suggest I-lmkhent-e was ltr, perhaps 3 successor vo Qakare 3. Wadlare Segersen! . “Two rock inscriptions of Wadikate Segersen! @) a Khor Deh” were aurbuted to hey I by Gahuer (1907 205) 1s fs cleat fom this resume, there very lle ely solid evidence for dating the in- RE Sia. or thee auch likchhood of material Belg found which sil elanify the HRE'GRE ldsnce perhaps favours the 1h-12h Dynasty ans, ia which case (ieSues would have heen leaders ofthe C-Group agains Egyptian expansion Thorocedrawings 2 umber of rock “The Spanish Mision to Nubia published (Almagro - Almagro 1968) a number Tiringe whlch were usvally described 25 “Nw Kingdom", sometimes 25 "ipo Ft aor are song stares with boxh the Buon mate and wih the ‘Gore inscriptions: Nag Kolorodna Calmagro-Almagio 1968 NK. 91, 117-118, fig, 93, lam. rc, 2A Pharaoh in “double Cfown sath uraeus shown, 7 wei 197 ple 19C4.29,210% er 1H pL. 1089), 1094.186 1 Biegship and Kinship in the Empire f Kush ior Kilo {bil : KK. 8 16.167, 199, lam. x) Cesely 2 Nubian igure holding + eaptive in fone fund and brandishing 2 simiar. The figure weas len cloth wich Is ales KKnoe-lengih at he ick, het The photograph sggests 2 Phahasosche, though his ‘Snot reprodured inthe tet figure, and is possibly damage tothe rock surface. The ‘capi his Plallasasche Te wholes desenbed 3 “Moric UD: RD, 168170, fig 160, lam. sh, ah 1 Coo at New Kalabsha). lage nding figure with Ji, Prandshieg mace, wearing white crown, eye shown. Also smaller figure with Sankhsgn andsshite crown sl Hones fig heli Nag Migr ‘id NM. 3, 245, fg. 246, am. 3) A figure with pointed fl, shield ©) 20d tong ‘Saf wih curved tp, white crown, ‘Other rock denwing of 8 sir type muy have exited i other pans of Lower ua, ‘Strikingly simdar to these tock-deawings are dhe cay seakings from the “Case” a ‘Anda. This “sle" wae desceed hy the excavators a the semi forted resklence ‘Of patie Nabian chic at te te ofthe Eigheemih Dynasy™ (Randalk Nucl ‘Woolley 1909.9) Bured at dhe non eastern corner of the hulding were ten mod seilings, appurcaly used 35 2 Toundiion deposi. Two well-preserved examples of th seating tb p96) were ikiate they dept» Nubian sth oti feather his ir, ho holds + keting captive by 3 cord, the expive’s am are hound behind his hack, The excavator noted thatthe “conception and exeeuion of the Work are duite Egypuar an character convast withthe syle of achacctre and the malonty of cther find rom sh sie. ‘The ste was dated on the evidence ofthe wheel made Egyptian potery of the broad period Vath“ eatlyTBth dynastics, and more closely to the ely Vath Dynasty on some specific examples, slong with 2 few scabs (One Nenknepeme) Other ansfacts ncioded ania and human figrins of pst Ruan types (Randal-aaeiver = Woolley 1909 pS) and lange qunties of sherds of Toes ‘ites, some ypiclly Group. The sea are remarkably lose ins vo the Buhen Biola 722, and ae might he tempted to queson the date aiehuted to the ste by Rindai’actvsr and Wooley If the “case” Is of 2nd Intermediate Period date the later objects coud simply be signs falter te-occupation, A closer examination of the power, needy eter anerstood, might resolve ths prohlem™ eve Kingdom bio The princedoms of Lower Nubia doving the New Kingdom have heen extcnsively di cissed, noeiliy hy O'Connor (1983). Kemp (1978). Prindsen (1999) and Sive Soderbergh POD This weer (Morkot 1987; 1991; 1994) has proposed « model for Upper Nubia di ‘ng the New Kingdom wy argues that direct Egypaon conrad nt extend beyond] rn sen compote sae Wegner 195 A. MorkotKingship and Kinship 187 he Eau ut hat he region exwen the 3d and Cataracts wa ef in the Md et iect lee This weak have enabdned lferzone barween the Viera {Shain snd the acl ont Thee local ules woud, ggened have heen Sponsor hc uansmison od rl Sodanese price month int the Egypsn Pins existence ef gyptan temples in dis region (a Kawa and Bark) ~ and she ross tha ts mgt be dont hen eon he rps Eran of my iccy This nore what bow to be one of the fname pois thatthe mor ence ave ob ote 3d Cataract, in he AbD Reach "OtConnor {158 as abo argvd for # ore forme epesiton to Eeypsan Viera rte thanbithena eceped. ite Saamung he evidence or New Kingdom Rub, abandoning some ofthe pre dite of eat ring should slow nes views ofthe Egy shine elaionship \othe developed, un stemsuve vices ef what happened afte the Vceegsl period {peste posi hath omer yar ofthe 20h Dynany ste fragment sion of Mutts the Vceoy Panchesy was manly sete t Egy, appar for an Shrendedpenod, lis acvtes nunt ve sen he wih ftowps = wot neces Stil" rom ba to Egype Tis would have prescred any local rulers wih fie opporunay torched agate Egypaan sovereign, prohahy eo ea f Egy ihe evidence forth period fllowing the dea of Panches neglige.‘Ther is no revson'o sue» food oF sgraton. Ns fat more telat the eed of de ‘ica pid was mre by the toe flaca a ho may have adopted ay haji dd le Tn pss and yon proposal thatthe neo ames” Kings ‘oatd he pheed in tis pono ath than e. 3207280 B.C in doeussed elsewhere ‘lorket 190 DID Conclusion Th shve evi i ud dein, any ake emphasise the contin ctf clog ase pon the rvoplgl cao. ne ‘ipa mse in ome a he spp scoring othe eset oe ‘thu tl pops whch oppor pera © Sono! posh oe site weh ts wang The we set resp im ba te peo Pavd domme nce sane "oust tn sey ewe ayers ni, ren inch mms pert on anno that te Wee hn Mies the fe Gace Roman soe as re 0 teres ie ha he ‘ie trys aye Ranke) Whi wee emp sod viata one a other source woh eonscrng te pss Tease tapi ase mogencon, cenmined unt ee At pow Egyp Te sof Hasyn Resch ree nono wot my Re ines ben stato he Moen. Thee ahve188 1 Kiogship and Kinship inthe Empie of Kush then confer hewveen the seed sveine peoples and nomadic groups from the lesen, rex Duan The goographiel regions of Nuh donot low the deel pment owed at uch ay, ts woul Tae afaneed may specs tMeroite roles Fr the emergent Napatan monarchy, his ace should nox be ‘excluded either. = " ma “The Eyptin Kings undouwedly seve 2 medel 10 indigenous rulers Nut, sa idm Wester As, but Ws alee o fea sen apd wage, For {xample; the rocledawings, Ben sla re sugges tat in depcuons i uth pre tee the Nubian rulers could he shown wearing the White Crown, The lack of tp Sra fi Rel Gown tl shows Non uesaning fe meaning érown, and thst Nubia ould adopt the Kconogaphy of Upper Egypt Ths may be ig nese in considering the se of sr Torte Rosie cope (Fork 1987 The fai ved em he yin sh, one fhe anes oe ‘White crown, Tor (195-9 nee hash cap crown can replace the White Crown, auth hoe relaonsp might wel eet se sap The Kushite royal succession: patrlineage or matrilineage? The sytem of she Kushie sucesion has heen extensively dcused, but opinion fs all divided so winches nauinealor pain Eene fon Meron hes ios bana sng th yo tiny pea he reserved in Hellenistic Roman seuces ako apr this For the eater phases the Exidence& Yr ks cle idence trom the Excraion evs shows that oe ofthe Nubian foealies hada mle res. te would heey foo ach emphosis on ths wolted example, swale aan example o fens rin Nate afore the Merete pend. yo coun ema es dno ecesany neater Sysems The mater has heen somewhat comple hy the wey of "othr succes Son, which has been fay widely acepued forthe 2h Dynasty “any aon to undestin the kisi ol succession us begin by esablshing 2 gencalogy oe the amy and tying tthe vase cvicence for he evens the ower of scceson, wth ny addon evidence regrng te mode te soccer, seas pment ny tao) cr fas conan been some Confslon in Mertue show “motlineage” 2 patina! descent atte unebicd inorance of th ashe roy won hoth Eaiy 28h Dynasy"Napatan and she nd @ BC" Is © AD) Meroe tines: has ade ts olan male BE " The royal gencagy “The gencalogy ofthe 258 Dynasty and is immediate successors was reconstructed by Macadam (1949) and Dynkam - acadam (1949) hased on the insenpional moter 9 Soe Til 192 pd anh = 1999) a sis conevence than 1973 19m seca mam 1 . Moskot:Kingship and Kinship 189 from Kava and dhe Kusite royal cemeteries. Ths recomsirvcion was undoubtedly Iiucnccd by Macadan prmies shout the nature of the Ruste stead his se Cersion theories The reconstruction proposed by Dunham nd Macadam fas singe een dieunsed but largely acepeed by teclant and Yoyate (951), Kichen (1973) Spd TorOK (1986) The enly msjor dscns have been Leah's (1964 propostion that ‘Tinwetamani swe the son of shsbaqo, not of Shohtgo, and Preae’s (1970) doubts abou Pie, Wenig (1990) and Leahy (1998) have reviewed the evidence relaing + Peat, Pekarelo and Pequerens ite-cxamination of al ofthe materil and ofthe reconsmstons, forces a cical review: The reconnection hase upon a ery lage numer of premises about he Fiatory ofthe early 25th Dyraty, abot the royal cemetedes and atu of graves to eevain reigns, and ahour succession theoves ost fndumenally Dunham ed ‘Macadam presupposed only one major faly and only one cere of rfeshp in Kush the generative ge of th monarehy Many ofthe ial known fem the royal ‘emoiencssnply cna paced in he genealogy wiih any great confidence. This dxctston Ihave sdopted (pep Pete Ihave becn forced 1 adopt) an ceatemely negative postion in gard hath dhe Dunfum - Macadam reconsiction Shu coany possnity of Peusring i Eremc neat however, 9 ef Sarg point we can discard de preconcepwons and to he ishonahle, deconstruct Ihe {Eat we might find new posses Tor understanding the early monary To this tnd; | fave reconsidered the mater published by Dunham and Macadam in thie Fondamentl act fE3«Duehamt= Macadsm 1549)" ‘The work of FL. Macadam and D.Dunbara ALE L Btacadam appended an examination ofthe relationships ofthe royal famaly of Kush ¢Biaeadam 1919) his publication of the insenptions of Kawa. This as supple Inerued in his flee ane wih Dows Dunham (Duahann = Alaeadam 1949). These ‘Works have hacome the stand theoretical dcwsions ofthe succession and genes py. Beene of the mponance ofthis work and Hs wade acceptance, worth exam ining the evidence and assumptions closely and eal. isesdam procecded lageally wth his argument, Beginning ih a discussion of tne God's Wife of Amun, Armenia l, Erman (1897. 26-29) had demonstated the dopive none of the fiatons inthe texts af the God's Wife of Amu, which other ‘erters (auch as Lichen 1873 and Petre 1918) took vo he marital and bio relation. ships. tacadam’ fist assumpsion (1949: 120) was that ma designated only an adoptive relationship, nota bloed rlsvonship. So, dscusing the Abydos door of Pekoater/Pearesto, he noted that this dy, ike Amenieis I, vefewed to." Pebatjma", He concluded that "Peksster tas probably the adoptive daughter of Pebatima, is esaishing a prep that queens who Were not Gods Wife of Anan ould adopt daughter, and thatthe could dapt more than one 1 nem version ofthe prospograpiy was eculed atthe Conference as am Append 10 {hemo Tas wile be pnts opal.190 1 Kingship and Kinship in the Empire of Kush Macadam alo noted that Feats tide si ssut “makes he the sister aswell 35 the wife of Kasia In making this assumption Macadam reveals that hes Wing inerasof only ane Kushite hing exsting st this ine Shatsgo i aestcd as brother of Amenitds {and was therefore a son of Kasha” Tiss clearly the core interpretation ofthe evidence Macadam rea the “Netigen Adoption Sica" asa record of Nekiqen’s adoption by Shepenwepet I. Prom this he argued tht Shepenepe It had heen given to he ste of er futher: since ter father s known by numerous inscriptions 1 have been Pye, then Piye mast have been brother of Amends On his understanding ofthe ext as irgiment was logical, However, Caminos (1961) demeonstated quite coneuseely dt the text must be understood assaying that Nekiqen wae adopied by Ament HThe ext therefore wells us tae Ameritas given by her father Tahorme to ts siter Shepenwepet Il daughter of Pye. Macadam sso notes that “the adopave mother of 5 pancess tends 10 he het aunt, eng Pebaijma Pekster “probably Amenins | = Shepenweper |» Amenirds Il (a conelssion dawn fram is immeciatly preceding argunen bu cot. of course, the poliiel adoptions of Shapenwepet t= Ament Ta these arguments Macadam established some pinciples which rere 10 come inte Play later in his reconstructions. It should be emphasised a ths pin that there 8 single inscription which idenufes Amenisds 1s ster of Pye Indeed, there 18 no ‘esainly contemporary monument which names hese evo together “The “Netigen Adoption Stel", 3» Nacadam (1919. 219 ohwerved, tells us that ahargo had given his daughter. Amerie Io his own ster, Shepenwepe Hs et res. Since Shepenwepet ts known Irom many inscripuons to have heen daughter of Pye, them fe fllows that Tatingo also was 1 child of Pije, Tahargos ‘mother, ar, wis ths wife of Pye. Ahse ess given te ie st Macadin then turned his atenion to the Kawa mele and references 0 Alar Kawa IV, 1620 (Macicm 1949.16) refers to the "mothers Cnet) of my mother bing cotomived 10 Amun by ther Proer,Ala. Kawa Vi, 29°24 bid: 3) des the singule, Noaing that mur later quale by the ph sufix sn, Macadom bid 36) sed his elie chat the plural Was not writen in ero. The speech of Ala i ‘Kawa VL. sn which the king refers ois Sster as "4 woman hon together wih ene i ‘one wom Ghd: 36), Macadam takes a indiation tht Aled sd his sate ere {wins This can he neither proven nor iyproven: kc gould mean more simply that tey shred the same mother, ruler than, for example, the sane father aod diferent other, H might ever hin that they shared a mother, hat had eleren Eber. This {olden tnaeaton of mataieal fel in whi dn ance eae OU the mother respective of puernty ‘Macadam Ged 123) discusses the female descent recone in the inscription of ‘Aspen He argues thatthe du nf princess way Ament bu, ince he ofce eaqited her to he a vggn she could not ave heen the natal mother of Nasal” ‘Macadam concise “Tiss roo! thar some atleast of the relationships enumerated ‘thi list were adoptive. Perhaps they ll were." He them argues, que lgiely that "he ancesiresses of Amends I hse do not pues the kowwn ike Shepenwvepe 12 Ni oniy deste fer in Macadam 19 121.03 1. Motkot: kingship nd Kinship an “Ameri I Shepenwepet |, Therefore, Macadam cons, Ameri mst have ‘iw opine metho He epan hs e, propa thar apn as {Ged amonge te Rusite royal women 3s an lanisen separate Rom tha ofthe Gods We of Amun ot Thebes, ving steady agucd thot Mloigeh had adopted her SiSer iemuskheh, Macadam fs she to propose 9 theey i which royal women ‘ould adop erst or she marl due, nd io which ihe adoptive elon SBlpswas more impomant an he sal one "fncadum sate th "l dopaonsprocsed by de hopin royal amily scem to have been win that family excep some of those made by the vesareses forthe sake ef eligou altace win Eaype Gad 122 The apie of ths theory Heads, Nesleve to Mcadam’s major and fonda ror. He urs to Aha. Aha tr of Pie and of Shave, sce he ase tem 4 hae heen Pr. We know that her murt were ster of Ase sceepred. One of Alas wes Was Rasa. ae sim then emphases shat “amor manages tere expecta common’, efor com in shot Aor was Kss's dager (as ster f hahaa and Pye hon he aeady tented as sons of Rasa 2 thar Aar was adopted by her sunt Kas 3. that ars was Rech broic Gwoshersiter mariage fllowing on assumption (Ginctvd 22. These conclsons, that Abra and Kasha wore others: that they both married hele ‘nn ssl, that lye apd Shahaqo were Iwothers, sons of Kasha, have remained frony rota in Nan ston, at have aly ever en challenged In his dscusson, Noeadam (1949. 124-129) iroduced the second major dheoy, tht the kingship psed from hether to brother and then o the children of the eldest Son. Macadsin ie sates that “ics clear tha the royal succession didnot go from eldest son to eldest son, for in that case Heth Shabulo and Taharga ould have been wsurpers. Under this system Tanecetuman would have had no ght o sueceed ier, if he were only a Son of Kashuas second son” eos the ‘Macadam then proposes thatthe siccexson sent from brother o brother, snd then to the children of he elds other nthe sume miner, het aks Hoing doerned by the rank oftheir respective mater (Table A Tale a min O mle . CS . 7 _——-—__ —— . =» a a — . wo oo Sui unhappy shout Tanwetananis right 10 the drone, Macadam emended the Assytlan record which sate tha Tabarg’s sueceser, Tanwetaman, was "son of192 1, Kinship and Kinship inthe Emplte of Kush Shaako", Nearly all writers have followed Macadam in “correcting” this 1 “son of big" ‘Macadam (1949: 15, 27-28), on the evidence of Kawa IV, 9 and, 1344, sw the possiblity that a reigning monarch could inluence the succession, aknough 3 ank of Grown Prince is ns clearly atesed This observation did pot alec his genera theory of brother suecestion: he Scemsto have elieved tht prince sich a8 Tahar ool fave heen selected from amongst the eligible prince. From this erique of Nacadsn’s analy, which | hope has heen fat, wll be seen that, whilst making many vali observations, Macsdam had rambr of preeoneep, tions about heth the Kushite royal Family an the nature ofthe Rush ste the host ‘iniicant in vfisencing hs recantation are TI"An assumpuon that there ws only one stat, or chidom in Kush during this est stage of development. From this Macadam applied the terms asus ns ee ‘nly 10 those known kings Kasia, Pye, Shahago, ete. He seems not have cor. sidered the possibilty tha tere weie other rulers to whom these invite could have heen retard, 2 Dic relate 0 (1) i the idea that there was ony one family involved. Responses tothe acadam theories -Macadamn's genealogy and socession theory has been generally accepted, Prese 1981) emphasised the mates! nate ofthe kingsip ellowing the ind ‘ations ofthe Meroite pesod ae, principally the statement inthe work of Nicholas of Damascus tha the Aithopian king were succeeded by the sons of thei ses Since k 's established tht a numer of tings were also sons ff prevens rulers i must eas sumed that kings maried thee sisters, or the sser who ws the “hetes” Prise de cusses he possible schemes, in wiih the tone passed to the eldest son ofthe dest Sister Cable Bt all sons ofthe eldest sister (Table C), eal sons ofa seers abe DD) and to al sons ofthe ebdest ster who was marie tothe eldet brother Table “The surviving inseiptional evidence cones that kings married wemen designated su, “ser, hun the informatica Is insulicienly detailed to suppor any. pareve model: Priese adopts the most complex model Table E) athe Mit solaion, Torok (96) has argued sgainst the meine mode holder f the succession King O mie 0 female A. Moxkot Kingship and Kinship 3 “Table C-Throne passed overto all sons ofthe eldest sister ° ae oe 6 be ts 8 ore es soe ° So a 7 >? oe ¢ ef toe re a or ry .-.e =O — eee #-d0 dodd on ee : 66 -e # od 0 “Heiress” theories have fora longtime forme pan of the “Received Knowledge” of Egypiology. specially i discussion of the T8th Dynasty. Gay Rabin (1963) has con- clsvely demonsustod tht these were a fiion and that there fs no evidence fo sup Por them. This idea, along wih the emphasis placed upon matliny as an “African” Phenomenon, have doubles played a Key role inthe formulation ofthe Kushie suc Eession theories Robins also emphasises that the record of female ancesey does not, i sel, pred- ‘cate a matlineal system, Nor does presuppose an imporant rele for women fn the Society. All hat ican indeate is that the female lines of descent wore as dopant 2 male ones. This is very clear in Egypt in the New Kingdom and Ted Imermedhate Petiod. Claims on high ofice could be made Urough the female line as wells though ‘the male line, Many later cultures have similarly placed impanance on female lines of194 1. Kingship and Kinship in the Empire of Kush descr, eve f women were excluded rom hoki ofc, Mlny examples could be ‘ted, vo wl slice to the Bysinne emp t was quis perme oe 5 no assume theme of hit mothers amy sas more dsinguhed han hs hors Briain many faaies have psscd les and esses tnoaph he female line tone snap omy cen epg smn cen su when wore hl Polish power. tm Kush, recor of female aicey and rpresenaons of royal ‘omen cot i themlves, be used. evidence of een “ Mahe tha'astrighorward psinesge tn shih the sos ofthe elds son held tight © te throne (a ae the system may have funtemed 0 al sone ot kings were gover roles: th stongest being the one who seed power, Beams tuten of autcsion i cher. more resem, Alcan ses indetes he wide fags ‘pons addon to thos ey proposed ty seas or Ness 13 te Sons ofthe tro eldest dager, or 2) sons cle ig, bn only hess bern ofr veaceeon sce fuer bon). in both patlinet and matin system he role of the kings Chic Wife ms Portis pole that her sons wee the hls. Egy the he We see ak sways a kings ste, Du irene unr whut cnc ciated est pe nent sun tht Neo- Assyrian empire the he Wile wa (probaly the fst feo ane the king, presumaly he Crown Ponce) ams chi Wah stent sss ithacomesinpossie to tlonaice he hate we hors The posihiny should not he excluded tha the fay combined a pain (he dtaceni oR ands mln he las of Alaa) Sch combs ‘otuninon cheno ‘The succession of the Gods Wives of Amun ‘The succession ofthe Gods Wives of Anion by adoption was an imponan influence pon Saeadaas thconies of adopson inthe Rest royal family Mocs ose ‘ac ong he 25th Dyas princesses were adopted Py an aun lead hokkny ie lice Saradin'sthoores have. however, heen employed in erclar argument chen (1773 151) proposed that Ameri f had been inalled sy Rees to hepentepe hy her breher Pye He argued from the analogy ofthe bother sucees, Son tory of Mcalam, comin whe ak of clear see for eas ner eg lone cho 7551 39 ah ged hart was more key dh Phos igh, hepenwepe M, tan insalled by Shahago or Shebces ‘athe than by her ae ™ Py Sige oF Seer ‘Given the mporance ofthe postion of Gods Wie of Amun inthe 25h Dynasy, {he abundans monuments felaing fo them, and heir mponance tn de roca ofboth genealogy and pail histo, is wont ravewing he mateel Poet fst aoe cosieted or any nen may have ad on nape of ol woe ina Springing from the role of the Great Royal Wie, the sepate inition of the ‘Goes Wife of Amun developed dung te Laer 2th Dynasy and Third Incense Period ands ot puree ponanee during the 25h Dyna Dung the Se Ds ‘asthe holder ofthe ofice was viral ruler ofthe Tchad and a sssomed te eke ‘fae High Pret of Arun Despite the ist body of ma al eating o the 25th and 26h Dynasty ofeians, BR. Morkot Kingship nd Kinship 195 the development ofthe istation sot aogether ces. The mos ifomaive mon mets and tens all dae from ete of the God wives Netigen and “Authnasteerbe, Fragment mesa rag o saoe hols sugges tet the various tes ef passage recorded a gin ear, ttm exactly what oun semsins tncear. Indeed there may have been a grok accretion of royal stacy sd cs “EErai peas wit he Ncigen text mpl that sar cs Ho been psf fr ier mexher, amen I, However, ke egos 10 profes hack om the Het ‘the carkest Nevertilem the cones and iconography othe Hog-Dys cpa t Kar nak do sugges ta some imporam specs ote ole ay go hack to Shepenepe Inne eat inde, Shepenwepet Facies far pres prominenc hin Ret Peres ame eon ole that he princes sled oe ue Gs We wat the ele daugver os king. ut ths ean, press fe proven Te princes “was sdopedy he earn hela of he fice a her-lgest dan, rom is ine ‘oa ieenpons would record er parentage a “Onegin of King X: her meat the Gods le 1 W er natural moter wss’menoned would wey be Sah te formula “bom of 2" (natn), These fons fed any cases 1 SG mariage cen he Libya, Kushite aed Sane royal ames. She act of adoption i aiated he welrhoown pssuge Flom the “Nekigen Adepion sel °fave hove hata King’s daghr i there, (a daughter cP he Hows Lay Diadems, the good god CTaharge, fed, Sho he gare wo his sister to Pee len daughic, and who itt Adora the God T wll 9 do shat fet Soulmates dane and expan bl om ee) sat til gow rt hers ise her eden cughner fot ay abe. was gwen over to the Stuer of her fr ther" Now ser se clme 10 she Gods We Speweper te Ener he and was peed wi her sh loved er more tan ahi and made ove er the vexamenn which ber ar aod msn had execued fr hen ander eldest ‘Eughcr Aeris, dager of King athago, ted: tieae “Tho at adoption waste sunctoned hy egal Gece, wha hy pont ‘igntsries. From this pen he ees soe the Ado he God ta Ts ‘Ws the asumpion of Sander Hansen 90) an ether andthe objections raised by ‘Camieos™-nontanding, the majonty of sens which name both princes, the ‘Gods Wife ander ature succson, como diinguh them they. in all known te nscpona cords) insta the pines was isle nies by hr ae Ankenes eo by her ahr Penk Reger was sey her er Ps = Ameren i by her her bargo." 13 Camino 1964 7413.4 ad commentry pp 7879 1 Gomis 1954 35:1 15:18 15 Comins 195478, ping tH. Zeist (194: 6 argue 17 "Negeri Sea" (Caminos 1908) i cre Inge196 1. Kingship and Kinship athe Empire of Kus ~ Shepenwepet ws stile by her ae ie” = Shepenwepet wan elle hye her Osotkon Il (on the evidence of he Osis Hogsbp haps, ~ Masta is dpited Ni Rr Father Pinon | Lor apd Karak (Kichen 1973 5859 ~ i wns by er ater Ramses V1 (perhaps the Fesval ef the Valley, se ‘Kitchen 1972; 190), - er ‘The evidence for the ober Thi Iemedate Peiod incumbcns Is ks certain Karomama was comernporay ofthe High es of Amn and ing anes (pea ter fhe and of Taklth I (Kuchon 1973423) Te tml of Kedron ot ‘new connection wah Pedulost perhaps posible ‘in adation the follewing should note! Pye tailed his daugher Mus 38 Prophet of Hahor apd Hu aed all known Chants the tet Me of Aah ‘ere given hy the ater “Tere sno good reson assume that a princess was given by hee bother unless there speci documenta evisence toa lec, For hie Armen sep {Gwa Vi Ngeadam 1519. 4490) ould be ed, Anion specced fave insted sour sites tsar inte empl ot Napa Santos Gems Aten and Puts. Smt, Tahargo thaws Vs et: Macadam TOI: 1) sas a Alara diated is ster (one of them Taargos grandma to Arion at Kan, ‘hare sa clear ference bemen these dodcanens Sd ination ofthe God's Wie aC Tshex one (Madiga), pes two islet) of Ankaman's sites Were sso ‘oyal wives; Alan ster was abo mared presumahiy ate date). parte ‘night also he found in the role of Pera, we of Resin and mater of Ame Ss Ehanress of Amun. chen suggestion tha Pie insted his “ser” Ameri, s thus without aay dict parallel fearing Rito’ aes that Shepeamepet ws nse en Wy he, futher. ut by alate King. one might a= wy woul shaogo ot Sebago tel Foye doughs in prefrnce to daughters ofthe ow In this ase, ches oony {2m he dgproven by reeence to the aesdy chew sacion ofthe “Newer Aon Sica" which snes that Shepenwepetstexony was maus for herby he ae sa ‘other who ean onl have heen Pie and meni ‘The qussion again aes who dhl intall Ameri B The most obvious candidate est rman Kasha. This becomes more likely we queion that Pye sed ens ‘vere, fc. Ieother ad sater ‘There sre no documena Which clery soeite them gether nd allo he desenpion f ments sn texto tage, The goncatowy/queen Rasta “The genealogy of queen Rasals is one ofthe Few which extends beyond simple fila: ‘on, Nasala as ihe sisi of king (generally assumed io have heen SenkamansskeA 9 of n tka536, 20 Loaee Sch € 100 21 See for example, the sla of Pj Tat tDarey 1920) myst Cais JE 45348 Daren 1917) ad Cai Moro: Kingship and Kinship 7 as his wife (Asp her ws named a8 king) snd meer of Anlman, Aspa Sind Madge inserpionl documented, She was hed in the royal cmetry 3 Nir (un 24 Gecorted. apd ih nse alec). She depicted nd refered Yo in Ewa iscnpson ithe secession Selo Apel the Sle of prince Kab (reign ofaple,FIIN na 0) andthe Deicon ek of Madge Ger 3. Aspe Fee ” sta "The genealogy of Queen Rasals is recorded on the “Accession seta of Asp" ‘spel fumed hs father, hs mother an het fens ance wo unher si poner tte The names conned i alo he acs cmouches wore cated mig. Te dubation ofthe sic to Aspe seni, as his Hons, Two Laces. and Coen Horus ames se undamaged inn 1 Coral 98%. pV) an ape Meal wh those of aspcha on the “Dedication Sel" of hscgen. The suing inormeon sted helo) gives ae generation of female Sacer, mst wth the te a the cules abo "Queen of Kesh Nossa herself the fst queen for which conten forincovsiscpional mca gves ths ile, which thertee of no help in cs fying te originator of he line. Gusen Maes alo has hee ad shugo ‘right he denied wth one ofthe ters of Anam her exact pacemr wnce “ie inscription, despite ts obvious imponance, hs ceived rer cunory teat ment in Nobam sides Prise (190.23) mde ile meve sommes ‘Die Genco gel sel Genertonen Ober ALARA haus Nacadam (19991254130) devoted more ateiion ok, Pu ome asthe isi of sen complied network of adap” relatoshipe Badge (912 xe) slone drew {he clmius coneleion fom the imacrpon ad used so allt de lot of tha tales queen. Assuming Asp fo hive reigned in he at quarter ofthe Mh centiy Snd estimating four (giving 175 year) or ve (giving 150 Year) generalions 10 the emu, he conchudd thatthe queen of Mutts who wat the gene anceone ot ‘spel amy lved abou the Pegining ofthe eign eer BC Nosls's mother is gen the ie“ Adre fhe God o Amen, king ofthe od, of Thebes, which i mtely sssmed Yo indiete Amenin I iscadam 1949: 128). The evidence sugges that espe Pam protesaion that od not itend to prevent her secession as God's Wile of Amun, ln scusay Amer dk pou sued Shepenwepet Id may have rene o Napa: Habach C97?) sagested that she ‘ned he valor Menitshosp,n which he hasbeen flowed by a pur of wt ts However there sno cvdence thatthe hig’ ager Amend whe mano Mlomhahowep wana Jager of faargondood secs gly wily thts se Irpances and destined fr nro he mares aif oa mete ech, eve sv Zier Her oni equal would have hoon 3 King, nd if he was maid eos ily tote armed ong ‘Macadum (1949: 129 proposed that the mutcaionship throughout the Aspela cnesiogy wa adoptive ince the do i nents H wae 3 win and thexetore ould not have en the natural mother of Raza. As he had sed the mother ‘elauonsips in the iserpionw Be adoptive, andl yt the mother Fae dt Mp ws 22 Anlamani presi year I Mac 1949:4450;¢6 HN a3 35 Ghat need PHN ows?8 1. Kingship and Kiaship nthe Empite of Kush cleanly not meant wo he understood as Shepenwepet I welhttested as hee adoptive mother at Thehes), Macadam (1949: 127) was forced to concle thet Arnis ‘nt have had vo adoptive mcthers. Within Macadam scheme Asslga ws pohly 3 niece of Amenity It if adopted therefore Alancrss twas other of Amerie an Senkamanisten was his son (Rosas nse Macadans sluon wa ths sdoprion (Faberge) aulancna) ‘Amehirs ee (Senkamaniskea) = Resaba (Aolamin) dee daughters Madge Caapel) Here the possibility is considered thatthe genealogy should he ead srighnfonwanly asthe ecord of Aspelis actual female descent “The inseption marates the prexeraion ofthe royal hethren to Amun and che selection of aspel, followed y the speech of Amun Re for his ther is Geb the Som of (1 me, is morris the Royal Sse, the Royal Mote, the Msress of Kus, Daygtner of Re CY)! given life forever, hes mother was the foya ise, the Adorr af the Gow of AmutRe Hing othe gone, in Thebes (ADI hee mother was the Royal Sister, (B)! 71 es her meaner we the Royal Sister, (Crt fra hee mother was the Royal scr, (DIT met Ba, Ber ‘mother was the Royal Sister, (ED. mt bn, her meter was Une yal Sec, the Mises of Kush (F191 bro ‘spel enersthe sanctuary toe crowned and receives rom the god “the sdivcronn of thy brother Cn dking (nr iy) (291 198128) This presumably means that Aspelts was hyoher of his predecessor, Anlamani, The ‘cartouche sarge enough or swo squares of hieroyphs Jn this text is noteworthy that Aspeles names his Father. This i contrary to wsua Egyptian practice in accession or coronation texts. Kings may tele to-my fetbor Pat this does not necessnly ince their actu father. There are of couse, note ex ceptions: Hatshepsut emphasises her hers oe in apperning her FR. Modkot:Kingship and Kinship 199 “The genealogy i abated: nt ne Mises of Kas sta ake ante rhage) nt oe fh Cents 9 Wing sur Hse of Ks (saat np atatars opt fo discuions ofthe Aspeks goneslgy have examined the size ofthe lacunae and posileresoraions* Mow aking fe ssl apace or the ne of pels her Leline 19. Ths can only pei wo sqsares whi cannot he slice forthe nae of Senismanisken, Tanweonn igh psy (Alera requles two squares for fat gna ands hal square for upright Senkamanisen gure thee squares nail ‘erkings (Dunham Macadam 191 pV no 67) Tahsrgo es, ba 8 uly on al Taher grounds is prsble thatthe ng’ one moe ws sed, though n Koshte ‘Tecnpions the drone name i only sued In conyonction withthe buh mame; when ‘nly be name used ts imarably he bie nme. Senkamanike's ronename Seat Sprott whch relies the squares, ut some shel ony an abbreviated Toum Shp wich ees only ro ares “Tani of G) the Diane doo had wo squats, enough for Amends, akvougi te possibly canna: be escladed that she fevered to er Kush binh: {G) Occupied thee squares, @ occupied doe pars {Spoccupied wo snd ts squars, rwee quae, ()2bsqutres In sccking an explanation ofthe sal space forthe name of sel’ father, we have {© consider the pomsbiy thatthe soscsion is "wrongly reconsited and ht Senmanoh peeled Amv has ings mong te end. et mel (918 110) considered these posses ‘inf aucmpang to esore the eases ofthe Apel tek, she following my be otc "The Raws tla of Anlamani, | 25, Macadam 19947) scone dat the 24 €f. Grima re-pubicion ofthe “Aspela Aceon Sela" wih sles ofthe ext oma va200 1. Kingshio and Kinship inthe Empire of Kush og deed fou ses 8 yum payers: one 1 Amun of Napa, one Amun Gf Gem-Aien (Kawa). one to Arun of Pe and one wo heen al ‘Gana Ths la wa paren Nace Ie ty 1 renee the genio Sting that represen a ve gene ‘rather than adoptive relauonships: ad 1 The far a the Divine Adorate was Tago: known, suming the the Dine Adora winded meni fr which sume een ea 2% Therefore her malingape Ut of oe Tuas ees fa ener we 3. Thehushind of Amernds shave heen king Since (ie ie shad i incess would have hen maid aijont of ses ak sey he te 3 nt, hetfore Amen mone meter seal ele {Bie erm “Lepmatherwsaly employed os, fe eo spe seen on loaded wih connotations, test nthe Eagle nee es ‘This king must be Tanwetamoa! or Adanersa (assuming the succession to have heen cerwely exabished, Since Amenity Weald have ced her office te eg ot ‘ther king, tis concesabie tha he mand het. ‘The conclusion to be dwn from this genealogy ins preserved sate - and 4s desrvcton fone ofthe grt loses to the sy ths poo as led Sa {aly there is good reason to suppase from this that there mere Reclan res es Repost remambered who ac predated the Une of Alara and Kasha Wirt ey hha adopted Egyptian pharaonic sive is dabateabe the ile st aw aceoeien ea royal semen, may be revospeive. The genealogy, i recording an aceal cafes ng adoptive line of descern, must be tha ofa wife of Faharge The Kushte succession Ta there were problems of succession seems oe implicit in the texts. Kawa telae W and MI (Macadam 1919: 22-41) suggest the posslty tha Tahargo steed the ee nite death of Sebago Shebig hms summoned the royal reise eee, sich oeld have served two purpones 10 srround him tah supper a ind he same ime to preventany ofthe brothers seizing power wee Nahas Se lay, the Khali sila is open to ahemnave interpretations: chic as am aterige Aspelea to placate the descendant of Khaliut who had perhaps had: hence rey) {he done than Tahargo (ihe presumed ancestor ef spel), ot ss honoase Rn the ancestor of Aspeka (Resner's "New Dynasty” theory) Bosh Macadam’ (149) and Fries (181) interpreaios leave a numberof prob: {ems waresolved. The accession of Tanwecaman seal explained lhe iets on of Shebitqo (patlineage), or Shahaqo by Taharges ster anrineagen nis {ver in both reconstructions the sysiem appeae to break down Sihike sees ot ‘Alancrsa, wn is assumed 1o have been a Son of Taharqo on ie imerprcaien Ge ‘Nasaia genealogy. Ax such, clesy the palincage is mex unctcring asl sey cen lineal solaion is impossibly complex. Of course, politcal evens nt Nala ahey ne 25 Sostho Wenig (199m the principle tt he wa genera and here inl A. Morkot Kingship and Kinship 201 28 ey ot oy re ce do sie euch ccc gel ee SiSin et ti not enn nt serie tarts Saracen cer Oe ree pon cn ab ec Deas eebranrneetee Graet meter anata opt iareentia nage ea ane seascape cea igh blivtanrs eres Denes becetoenen ge pubpenenv mana oater pean cere Westerns airtime ies cee Sa ger eee tee dopo Seanathetiy ciotens tare acer ot g cement to fave Sco pon they eer ey fa gn for 1220 Sanus erp fea ene ata inecrptonl e ‘of brother succession, Macadam’s recon- iopecicarieeaioy ciara Se op oo ce rsa planation ofthe auccrson and that ater implscone He pefemed not to ose stein ites et aeamme meno moe ication he The aceepted ordering of kings i ie Bae = aa inc! faa ice rhs there i ie evidence which rete to the suceson. Ror he ner202 1 Kingship and Kinships the Empire of Kush even thelr order ie largely reconstrated feom genealogical mate temple ideas about the development ef the Nom cemetery. All of the ‘materi mst now be reconsidered, n order vo estas 1 what we actualy have clear evidence for, 2 what night be reasonably assumed 3, hatha been proposed on vey uncorain evidence “Te chronology ofthe Exyptian 2b Dymaaty ‘the rt peso of major intervention by Egypt in Westem Asia since the cllapse of the'New Kingdom, and ne ino fs again he ible an Ayan re onthe 25th Dynasty, and is ronology. has gcnerted a vokminows Mera Talo this ltecatie, Manethons lacy his played 3 major ol, and the aca ‘monument secon has been subordinated to What emerges as the cre the ito ef the slam of Scag the hghes dacumented year for whic i Kama Ne Line text 33 of year 3 Betkerah 1966-47 35) Many bial cho, llowng ean cso fh Ka sce, re aoe tha general ow bor for ye dyna. and long co-regency ewween Shebiige and Tahargo to accom Base the lninen TO yes al sowed oe cor ler" Rachen 1079 “nd 339) hs ecey fended is igh chronology, nd casigaed Fabel Schl Ship Torte fret consider the Egypologelenicams of Macadam. Much o the oncom voiced by he Ha scoisfas beea the rference to Tahargos pretence 3 thc bale of kaye in 901 DC and te chronelogis iplcaions. Kchen (973: 165 1), ny challenges some of Macadam nerpretaons, ut ao invokes dubious sgormentantcn deve fom his own preconception and terpcaons th cua chonctony tthe ayteny, a ae aca of Saag onan dictated by exeral fasors diving om the femly exablshed dates of Lae evod Enypt and de comemporiry Near Eas.” Allreconstroions of the dyastys histor. hv nerpretions based upon them re St gnats hackground of evens In Wes. {im Asta: moving evens In egypt by even 3 year can ene lier the complexion of iterate alate ths emphases te sens of sound eronology,Seclang exp tons of “poy” hn the evens ate maplaced erates ene fae perceptions ‘hough dss el eiden, too equ forgten or pred) 1. Manethon and the cassia wadtion Despite is existence as only “much edited extres" and “garbled abidgements (Car ‘iner 1981.46) Mnethon inewkably served 2s the Tass for reconsuvcung Egyptian history and chronology, even after the deeipherment of hieroglyphs. Scholars seem ‘never abe to dent fom dscussing Manethon’s regal year, even when they are fi [Bony contedicied by the monumental record. Ths has pariculerly applied 0 the 25 Alright 1953 1956: Moght 181: 300, 09. 37 Scelumes ef a199. A. Motkot: kingship and Kinship 203 25h Dynaty. Even Gardiner (1961: 335), always aware of the curse of this source, ‘acknowledged shat “(here a ast we are heartened hy sone resemhlanee to authentic histo "The sequence of dhe 25th Dynasy kings preserved in the extant versions of Manethon names only three kings” Sahakon, Sebichos and Tarkos. The ragnal years scribed 1o the kings in these versions bears feation vo the monumental evidence, Indeed, in efiag tele valcty ae source Kitchen (1986. 551-357) way at his most "uncempromising this emphases) ‘As these igus stand inthe text, NOT ONE FIGURE 18 CORRECT: They ate WRONG. i's thesefore, preposterous (0 claim fo hare a sound, factually haved chronology of the 25th Dymisty upon these fauky dats, Only Py cimendation an Sny pluushle chronology he sung fom them. And emendaton sitomatesly femoves syecivay and reduces the stile set of adjusted numbers inte modern Ibypothess ving no ancient hot whatsou vet. Despite this, Kitchen concludes his Teng diate by proposing a manipuation of diferent versions of Maneton, since "thas be advantage Of iting 3M the fs-hand at, without inventing any imaginary coregences" ‘This solution requies vs To ke the 14 years stibuied by Affcanus to Sebichos-Shehago and give them instead to Sahakon stabigo: and the 12 years for Shebitk from the Eusebius figures and aswome no coregency, The dates forthe ewe kings are then 716-702 and 902-650 Bay arved atm IS ‘work oily.” ‘Air the preseding invecve, this conclusion can be desenhed only as bizare Kkchen's determined defence ofa high dte for Shabago, despite acknowledging the false readings of the Assyrian text upon which if hase. ana he athe wot of the argument "The Manethonic and classical wadiions maintain that it wae Shabago’s invasion ‘which brought Egypt under Kushite rule, the hing bursing his opponent, Bocchors Uokenranets awe. There is no direct evidence that Shabago de sty Bakeranct, and akhough earier scholarship generally secepted the tradition, has recenly heen treated more sceptical. Inespecuve of uh cusscal actions, Shabaqe's amp over the Sate rulers apparently sired hy the isciption added othe bal of an Apis bull made in Bakenrancs year 6. The claical record of coil between Shaago and Bakenrant i as peneraly acral with some founlaon tn Peal aves though the oftcted Apis text remains unpubahed, Tes imporano observe that Shabage in the clase record stand for all he 25h Dynasty rulers and the remote posit thatthe confi between Tefnakit nd ye his been tarstere vo shahagqo and Bakenranet, shoul not he dacourned. “The disparty hewween the classical, Merry, sources andthe monusental evidence ‘of the Piye sea has never presented 2 major problem ro Egypicogy. ive has avays ‘heen seen ay n elder contemporary of Shabaqo who inated the Rashite expansion, But after the defeat of the Linjan rues confined his sphere of iniluence to Upper Egypt. Gardin (961) found tt extraordinary that Pye receives no mention the ‘Greco-Roman iterate, bat Leahy (1990: 179-180) emphasises thatthe Manethonke kings records only thse rales who were offically acknowledged inthe ates pro ‘viding his source mate’, possibly Sebennos or Memphis. Eater scholars thousht that there were several kings called “Prank”, but were unanimous in thet placing of the conquerors the fis4 1. Kingship and Kinship in he Empire of Kush ‘The accepted sequence Pye -shabaga hak fected al recent interpretation ofthe sory ofthe dymsty. panicle arguments forthe exact chronology a the Conse dug oft ate Tid imermedate Pen aes. &consoeet le number ‘of factors challenge the accepted charactesalion ofthe ery 2th Dyno, and sop. ‘es tov a alcallydflerem intrpretvon is abl, I nox pretrble * 2 The monvetal evidence ‘ny atempoesalsh afin cronlogy forthe Kuite domination of Egyp must begin withthe Egypuan monumental evidence Sod the synchronise wil ese ‘sb, Too many preconceptions have inluenced schol inerpreation Kitchen has tesueyrefased w accept the include concksion ofthe Tam ve st he shes thd nor rule Egypt in 712 This tance derives fom Rachen’s sien tet the Alagu campaign mist indcate a new ret, nd hence Sheba secession mst he taed a ar ‘The system of hack-datng regal years dorng the 25ih Dyraty, and also in the reign fBakearaef has boon wel-dscussd by Redford (1985) “he cvdence i here considered working Back fom the cenain dates of the ner ects of the jas, since much of ths meal as teen amply scused, is si wth ey. ‘A shor coregeneyherween Tahasgo and Tanwetamani has ofien been proposed ‘ga he evidence ofthe “Dream Stel and the Karnak chapel of Oss Pah Reto, Schafer (197 argued on the bass ofthe tel, hat Tame was “eaed ape ‘ear a king by Tahrgo anda he aceon ale lr ated lar te fox The chapel ela 1965: 11-11. 1981) was decorated by both res the mo, ‘otal feature favouring a coxegency being the ins wih symm decorton of Bonk ter: Rich nos thatthe chapel may have Deen compe by Tana sean act oflegimaton In advocaingaconegecy, albeit bie, Scher was followed by a numberof wit en (og Zeb 1566) Kichun (173.173) eberved that the coseaeey wae uikely o have been more than a few months, and wae chronlogallyisigniicat Murnane 0977 195:196, 236) noted da sere was no dete eden be ahd ok mle wou “The Assyrian evidence gives no indcalon of 9 co-egenc, simpy sting dat Tahatge way suceeded by “Tandamane, son of shatskar ory hs Ge, Tate) ster son, Tandamane”- Macadam a Raed dove, ended te resdag of Ske, Baku” to mean Shehge. Kchen and mow cher writers have (allowed any Leahy 284) has gue fo era eating ofthe Asya eed The tx fe “Drea amples hat Tanwetaract wasn Egypt tte te of Tahargos deh pose ie tat he fd been nemiated asthe ighflsuccsor by Takao, The Assn ‘pur of Merphis sages ot Takano son Ushanukura for spec merton a ine nigh have been Gown Prince Macadam explained Tantctaman'ssccesion by 2 Ciro JE: Gene 196: 3.20, . Motkot: Kingship and Kinship 205 “correcting” the genealogy: be made Tanwetamani son of Shebtg, himself the eklest son of Five "Tanwtamni was acknowledged in Upper Egypt unl his 8h year, ands auesed by a number of dated inscriptions. Kitchen (1973172173) cogenly argued that the transfert Serle was negetated, the dplomaac manoeuvres aking pace hewcen Year 8 por Sof Tanwetamani and year 9 koe? of Psorak , when Netigen aved Inthe aoe yh eshte nce serena Ga we oan “The cronologia elationship of Tahargo wit Pamuk I stated i he Serapeum stela 192 recording an Apis bl istlled in year 26 of Tahargo which ded. aged 71 Years in year 20 of Pama. Since the dats forthe 26h Dyas ae cenan Parker {94D, thi allows the acession dat of Tahago tobe placed G99 Be “Tahargo's reign is well-documenied,paricusy from the Theban region, and iss of dated monuments have been published by Spatingsr and Lectant” The year a ‘exied by monuments or documents are: 23,9, 5, 6,7, 8, 9.1, 13,14, 16,1719, 20, 21,23, 24 and 26 “The svecession Sheitgo - Tahar is inferred from Kawa V 15 (Macadam 1949: 28) (received the crown in Memphis fer the falcon lew to heaven?) comined with aia 1V, 12 Gbid’ 15). Hs Majesty appeared a king. crowned 3s King of Upper and Lower Egy, when the Double Beem was established upon his ead a0 his ‘ame became Hons Lafy-of Diadems" where h i sated that Takargo Was sm ‘moned along wih the other ova retheny king Sehtgo. ‘On the boss ofthe Kaw texts, Macadam (1549-18-50) proposed that dere had been a 6 year eoxegency becveen Shebugo and Taharg. Tis idea Was widely ac cepted by bbical scholars. but not by CypilogstsRichen (1973, T6417) and Murnane (3977: 190-193, 236) have both discosed the evidence and Srgiments st fengih and have rected Nacadsms proposal. The Kats fx. as Kitchen emphasises, takes clear that Tanarqo’s coronation took place after shebgo's death ther W500 ‘acadtm acepted hat the Kawa ens were ambiguous inthe way they descr ‘Tahargo’srelauonship with Shei. Tahargo was “in Nubia as'2 goodly you, 9 king’ brother, plesan of foe” (Macadam 199: 18) that he was summoned along ‘withthe eter goodly youths “since (Sheba) loved him more than a hs brethren (id) tn Kava ¥. 14 Tahargo himself speaks he loved me more than all is rete and al his children (ibid: 28). Maca (1949-17, n 19) read this as “allSheb's ‘ther brethren, andl argues that Tahargo was a ster of Shei. He suggests that Shebiego had chosen Tahar as his sucessor, and thatthe presence Ofte other breshers was necessary fr the “eleclon’ by analogy wih “Aspela sel Macodaet (4549128) shoughe that Tahargo had wsurped the iit of Khai, an elder brother, and was asocsted onthe done wth Shebige in onder to prevent Khaluts ona Cession. Macadam suggested that the descents of Khali may have ascended de throne with Amaninsakelebte. Macadam dsagresd wih Renee wh saw the net lige ofthe royal family assuming power with Anfan,cesgnaung tthe “Second Napatan Dyas 2B Verwoater 1960: 72.76, Maine 1968 146, lL Kichen 197; 161-168 30 Spaingr 7H 44-4, aceon LA VE tn206, 1. Singship and Kinship inthe Empite of Kush Whit the sueession, Shige «Tahara, is cena, the relationship enecen the smo ings remain have, The Kawa Hobe cane fea socio ee lee, Selection 28s hey stchgo; o they canbe ead ance oleganeeron Ae 6f writers fs suggested that Tahargo wan, cr, neigh andsoted ee ee te fant reams of dhe swo less neler, ny ane weapon eek gos igi ncemon nese ‘The length of Shebigas reign snot yet known, and upon ths ang the sbsclte chronology of te cay 25h Dymsy, andthe date of Shalaqus neato, Mh che Genin gna years 3. ecorded by Kara Ne Level Text no. 380 Deckeral ce ‘8.35% Richen (1973 15 argued om his clclaion for hs secon i tage that “W 8 wninipeachably ler that Shey must have reigned foe not more than 13 Yrs ad ot ks tan & jars. Terao, the ow Gate of Yece 3 of soe lghest vale nesting he beng of his reg this underning) chon sgl emphasised that the few monursens sor kono Shige can pot be invoked as evxence ofa shon rign hough hes ecu hepa de sne lack of monuments 35 nave of shon sgn er Amenemnio Considerable confusn hs been eaused by ine donaton sls New York (MMA £6548), Ged by Redon (1985 13, table) and Lean HA V535 ms 59) eee YH 10: This can ony come rom 3 maeading of Meck 1979 25 se SaON eee {he date given a8" for yearumnknewn This sea fom Howe, inte eae as ‘ing’ son and prope of ite, Palen surly he sane asthe Grea Che od Leader, prope of Nomneny, Panty who dedicated sa at Hessen ih oo Set Shabago. The el scl frokem at he hepinng othe tot whee the ye an Despite the Rarik year ea being his highes-known reaal year, Shebiqo 8 acted wih hetwcen 8 and 12 yeu pracpaly onthe bos of the ManetSoas eure Kachen (196 S51) commend et 3 Yea“ nowhere ea hi oleh £18ign on any calcuaon’, evesling his own preference for ledauns decree from the accession dt of Shabagosn 716 * A coxegency buen shaq and Shebuqo hasbeen rejected by Kchen (197% 017), bt is advoested by Murnane (1997 199190, 95239) tue Cook Redford (1985). pangs (197) indeed placing Sage’ invasion alg TiS ore EGR Bum" he eon much ier than noma ane chen observes th the Ramak ile level tent i no. eolonecol sey does low one panacea {tea i Turin CTorn 1467) depicting shahago and Shebigo with Shepense nd Amend, was accened bya numberof wie at even lor seen oe laion (, Wiedemuinn 1884). Pete (DIB. 287) brassy dasmaced Mere fake and hasbeen allowed by thes few ners who menion ttMonine Te sok 31 My hunks othe Mewopalian Museum for supplying 2 pgp of desl, ae wo De ‘Chhoti fr coming sxc ina ar of 13S Mcekot. ings and Kinship 207 ‘fake i conan an despite simi, ca safely he discounted a an iso document aa ese of Shin sung evens egy) mnt pla fer une hegining ofthe covegency of Osteo i snd Takes Hl which began ithe Yor Sof Oukon fen te evden ofthe Os fep-Di chapel a Karl ‘Shore the outer coun an addon to the orignal shrine, was deconnea by Sheitge 3nd Amana. We abould be ated dst in aches etna, Sheba’ eign Regen 52 youn ale. “The problem of Shebigo’s gn i ths manifests leng as ays heen ca bed oe snp seu” cin Smo ae bane) wee ot of Shatgo, Gnu fuer ded monomens can ie cota sued to She, that ean beside ae reign was ot es than tee yeas “ihe secession shhagoseitg nx expicily sed in ny Egyptian or Kushite test ut conan fonva ge sme of monument sd he ete sone of the ited evidence sogyens, Sebgo was a s0m of Shaago then the rls of sce Son ne eificuk io explain Stakago's reign erecorded hy dhe documents fica and pave, om ll over Eeypt At Karnak, Re love oxs are dated to year 2 no. 30, Becher 1968 8, snd year 4? (me. ts bd 52. free ext (ao. 3, a, 33) has no surviving year umber Asc fom Hore yer 2 Voyone 1961 12.21) and another, probly ‘rig fom Bubs, ded to yar 3°" damonarate an cay acknonledjoment ot ‘Shahaqos uli the este de. From he wenn dele are ele of yo pobae ‘ny from Sas nd of year 6 om Buto™ Your etetemed ona papyr of Taborses nd year 10 bya contemporary documenk” Inscptions of Amenis 1 inthe Wack Hammam ae dated o year 12 of Shbago (Couyat » Monet 1912) An abot here text of year 13” attend 4 Shabaqo ot paleopaphical grounds ely Se arta eat ths mii have led to an emphasis onthe queen’ relatos aaa ee org king, in EBV Hid ot prevern the. met rst eing refered © 38 Haan ee Snape theres es signteance attached tothe postion of fr sat vin ash tha here had been in EGY Trae a per also aweved fortes kings’ mothers 2 common Kushite tile ae i nach greater empha placed upon the role of si su in Kus than Idee esc n Bayo Toy (1996, 106) observes that its aot common unl he 1th aa ed then soon on aduional designation of royal wives There sno ev, a oe of he ile a apponrs to have ben wsed in Kush. The “Anloman earlier quocns-can 1 Sco Toy 1986165 G43. See TS i tatadam 1949 32,49 shat sand st su conti 2, he es not refer nn Ce eee ee recited vente Ram Vl, 2224 (Anlamani; Kawa OK #2 elke inet aca HD 284,00.24 1 kingship and Kinship inthe Empte of Kush Se oe. 2 in 9) ane deh 9 the royal site", paralleling those temts which Jeseribed the new or pro- Bene Sinn Sra wee opengl nr fete na ct ial cect“ ‘King a his accession. Death in chuldbih mms! have been quite common in both avr sedi Siar aOR grt fg PE ie at nb ny mcafee heard TaN Nee etapa taarstn fc tn intomple asec decorion sh dp ‘of course, indicate that she was still alive. an eee ae ‘The Royal Ancestors the Modine Habu rhe Ag emt te pc mets ens "Si used spare op tg non sn line, but only half he height of te regiacr, allowing space fora furher row i ia nena ca na aay obs by eel ‘of the Neitigen chapel. Reena SATS Ey avatar opete datas ed saa ae ete at a ae aS wy eelgrass nec a Nasalsa genealogy, anclont mous hi noi nese have deprived us on importnt pant ofthe infor IV. Alternative modes of succession ‘Withow detaed exual ources which toa deta os which might eval a mythic proorype for sto gery whch wl bso ud he orling fhe succes jt theevidence forthe order of kings ong wh some peneslopeal 16 Kawa V7 Ka V, 1-14 Kae 34 Sap Za tt 34 ca 159-15, 228, 5 tea Eton . Morkot:Kingship and Kinship nate Understandably scholars hve wed ronal the moter and Have Br, sme Ure ca of rls sugges 9 epinse vecen, ar Rees fray ind a thcory ue fs the evidence a er tre oye mother ete Te ee ee co cession” fave payed an import le, re face eyo ea sem of ucessen sel or na: nd heat specie of whee Ne Face clement sch a slecton Hy the clr and ie a co pune cgion ae etnicy ave al played pe sors mir Sep he pegn cscs win te coment of MOEN, Pr spe Ree natn of rocecin ong the rameros Aan KiB Yen eve cu vey every poe fom of cession ~ ane Mate shone oe an sat mos have avout pines over main aero provoke dcunion of wider ge of poms te leer om ct ee a xo cl ae mci prey a examples, 2m arc bly consider erie empha has been placed upon African sts her pene et ciyodem manatees have been inetd 1. Patriincal succession potsineat suecession may be affected 2 number of eters: et He rank of & au es may ness hm wth parcel precedence, ines mote 2) ie ede ec mate eb secede Ne ong gg, rita» gandon,o even mare Tre Seen det ue oF +m I eV > Lou AY» Lows Xv. Wn he end 3 nay aucoeeing 8 MGS tines ey he aed other poe groups 8 for ae oe deaf of feabeth of tagland and Anne Pe pe cles suring son scene, and he crn of tina Cay pase ovr (eg Ramewes > Memeni 130) 500) Ae te ea coal ti sccm may ele co eqsney RNP, a tmp 9 ue ormng of 2 Crown Pance (Eye nahh ib i of 12h ym) era the Ne-Asyrin Emp, eferced by oaths EO Ramesses 1) a peur id en prevem palace revchiion 2 Kgs Seat 8 uneage may ake 3 pumber ofr: Fane at Buch; bls apr (197, aacusing ine ccesion of he father fon Kay the Zmhawean pate, 4c that succeion, 8 ore eB cndeny toads ing oltre han nea Thee ts a be cine ad some stances 2 rem er > many exceptions © signed fy ie father, or chonen on te asi of 2 uti favoured nor on eg ne dared By dali or ease eg leproy, tnd. Mono ha curom mated ures ws Puke Py Fone 22 one auemped wo conirol pineal cession Py PPA Ce a Byram) of Crown Princes, Facos, such & STi See a eyelet ich prince was appamed 5 sce IP meth ih Sargon pt eet paces an fils wee ade 1 53" Aa er lee te sicerso,bacven hs dd ex preven hein.216 1. Kingship and Kinship inthe Empire of Kush by father. son, ust eldest: Bugabuls: Busombie, Bushubi; Rwanda; Bulimop, «father 6 son, usually younger. Burund 4. to any cise and sue son, of psi, and occasionally, brother: Dugan © appoinument of successor hy ruler with consshaton among lamdy Sad fading ? king Af Haag te ee = ts bar =~ Tabiry © Piye = Rhona = Polareslo ‘tahargo Khloe Mile Arty Qalbata Sbepenvepett War “Pe ‘Tanewetamant Uidiaoncs 4. The family of Sbabago ashta © Phan Pm os ° Amelia] Shaboqo = Mesbat © Tabatctenanun Gabaia Tabara Haremakier —tonikdbob Amenindis Shebitgo Tanwetamani {igh Pres of 5 ‘Amin King Monthshotep vine Harkhebi (igh Pies of aman) 5. The family of Sbeirgo ona Shabage Phe shebitgo = Arty 6. The fay of Tenactamant ire Qathara ‘Tahargo sabi ‘Tanwelamant = any20 1. Kingsbip and Kinship in the Empine of Kush V1. Conclusion: kingship and kinship in Kush ‘The dacusion of kingship and succession in Kush kave heen dee ARS mode of the Enypian succession whieh bas oe akeays tae ees aceful This, ese, an Egypclogiel avicaton There eden segs, Dune lof iene The prtlem ae In Eaype the decent ofthe kingship was osely inked wih myth linked wth mythic yee, and the {3 terra women within the oe to moder scholar expt suceson by which the thvone passed though te emcee es ine he Ne Kingdon yh Kush, ow aye cycles of Egyptian ong ate documented. The Tahigo sles from Kava emphasise the kings appearance ts Hons snd he ee a ae Pharaoh usualy ws ai Seealopies are questioned, many other aspects ofthe period so de mand atenion The frterskcesion theo so pasteseh ae a anpot hie accord f the gencsloien ate 3s prcsnied here oY ene PY MOE, Malinealsuccesion remains wihout co cn sold supponing evidence in this eat ps ry er se af many Tete which ae supfenne eit Tete i Se too) oeneeeralferen.Indce conan 10 Egypt = roken Ino Wyant ‘changes La of Kush sles rom the converse prclons ee hare een ‘family. a system and dymastesucceson eccumed eH) where itis neces ame te but y-The genealogy as reconsiructed by Dunham and Nacalany eh cession theory they promaed, has dominated Nobog aes "cs appropri to question nox, before hocomes too cnet PE jn atemping to understand the Kush seccesnon as shee of factors which we should conser a? 1. ‘There was no single lepine hei 1. Morkot Kingship ad Kinship a 2 The rank of «prince's mother may have bee signin in determining his own "ann pestion win te stceeeson 3 There poss that eis ere those own afer theacesson ths would have Promded younghssiccesor and also confines opal hinges in ote late fone “ena cn may ve odd by desis sy, wa "ppareny nthe ease im Laypr where, eg Sp ad sulleed polo 5. Strom docs nat water nes tacked by fore Th fer och has ecved Scant recogiton in Nubian ses, akhowgh k must undowwedy be one ofthe tron mportan (tthe Late assynan Emp) 6, The rol of ofcals and oer members the royal family in dexermining the ue {esion In some Arc sce, the fle ofthe Queen Motncr nas mporani. We “tion aun ramsner whether the ual importance ths lady an wc ing’ acwal mother was death 3 Quoen Mather was spouted A Sgr le forthe Queen Mother has heen noted in Nua inthe Pose mediaeval kingloo of otk (Oumin 1580) ‘The nawre ofthe ste undoubidy demanded that new king e mtre and wth suicent charisma oiapone hs story. Tete nay have Deca aheony ef succes Sion: ht unless we ind hs etally ocemeted lve, impossible to cco Sic trom the eidance of seal succession and fri ebnshpe Even i here ‘was suc theory of cession, dou ha it had any ae uns cked by ore22 1. Kiogship and Kinship in the Empite of Kush Abbreviations FIN Bid. ota, Fontes Hitonae Nubiorum, then ie my Mt Nunn, ex Sources forthe Hseny of Bibliography Adams 1958 "Recem Discoveries inthe Eaten Dek 324 ine Easter Dats (Dec: 1980 May 1955) ASH 55 Jol. ‘Adams, Wy. 1985 Douls about the Lx Pheaohs, (NES 44185192. 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