Indian Journat of History of Science, 22(1) : 15-28(1987) MEDIEVAL TRANSMISSION OF ALCHEMICAL AND CHEMICAL IDEAS BETWEEN INDIA AND CHINA Visaya Desaranpz* Senior Resoarch Fellow INSA Project in History of Science Panjab University Chandigarh. (Received 17 May 1985 ; after revision 17 April 1986) ‘The possible points of contact in the development of alchomy in India and China during the modioval poriod is considered. ‘The fact that alchemy developed on parallel lines in India and China, viewed in the light of intonse Sino-Indian contacts in the medieval poriod, suggests transmission of al- chemical ideas botwoon thom. Contacts through Buddhist monk-travellers continued for over a thousand yoars from tho carly conturies of the Christian era, These monks wore trained in Buddhist philosophy and also in the secular arts and scionces of the day. They translated an immense number of Sanskrit aud Pali, canonical and non-canonical, works into Chinose which contain reforences to alchemy. ‘Examples aro given of alchemical references in the Buddhist canonical work Ganda Vyuha Satra, This work was trans- lated into Chinese in the early medieval period and is included in the Chinese version of Tripitaka, References to Tndian alchemy are also found in a number of Chinoso toxts, dynastic records, dictionaries and compendia. A number of episodes involving Buddhist monk-travollors, well-versed in chemical, metallurgical, and alchemical operations, are also found in Chineso texts, Roferences to Chinese knowledge of alchemy are also found in Indian toxts, A Tamil alchemical toxt Bogar Karpam is discussed. ‘Tho author Bogar is traditionally thought to be a Chinese alchemist who visited India in the third-fourth contury 4.p. Charactoristics of modioval Chinese alchomy fre discornible in this text. Sineo direct evidences of transmission of soientific ideas aro rare, this toxt presenta itsolf as @ valuable specimen for investigating the oxchango of idess occurring as early as tho fourth century AD. ‘Thus, it is argued that froquont travels betwoon the two countries by Buddhist monks and other travellors, who had knowledgo of alchemical, chomical, and metallurgical operations, led to a somewhat parallel develop- ment of alchemy in those two culture aroas. ‘*Addrose for correspondence: 76/37, Erandawana, Pune-411 004,16 VIJAYA DESHPANDE Alchemy developed on parallel lines in India and China during the medievat period. Origin of alchemy is found in the ancient idea of herb of immortality in both the cultures. It changed to metallie-mineral elixirs, especially the bold mercurial preparations in the early medieval period and then to the elixirs prepared largely from substances of plant origin, a trend of the late medieval period, again in both the cultures, ‘Thus we see a similar progress in Indian and Chinese alchemy. In both the systems gold-making and olixir-synthesis were the characteris features of alchemical practices. A closo study of Indian and Chineso alchemy reveals that not only the goals but also the ingredients and methods wore similar. A notable fact is that during this entire period China and India had very close con- tacts through Buddhist monks and other travellers. It suggests the possibility of the exchange of scientific ideas between them. Buppuist Monks anp THEIR TransLaTion AcTIVITY India and China had contacts with each other since ancient times. ‘The con- tacts became closer and more frequent after Buddhism was introduced in China in tho early centuries of the Christian cra. Tho cultural gulf was narrowed by the frequent visits of Buddhist monks, their translation activities and by the exchange of philosophical ideas in general. Indian as well as Chinese monks participated in those activities wherein thousands of texts were translated over a millennium from the third century 4.p, to the fourteenth. There are a number of instances of texts on secular subjects being translated into Chinese. In this way along with Buddhist religious idens, other aspects of Indian culture such as art, architecture, and sciences also became known to the Chinese. Central Asia played an important rolo in the development of Sino-Indian con- tacts in its early stages, It was via Central Asia that Buddhist ideas reached China for tho first time. The first Buddhist text to be translated into Chinese was The Siitra of Forly Two Sections and this task was carried out by the earliest known missionaries Kagyapa, Matanga and Dharmarakga in 65 .p. Later in 179 a.p., Shih Kao, a Central Asian monk, translated one hundred and seventy nine si: into Chinese. These visits and translations continued during Han dynasty, (—202 to +220) by which period the number of translations reached four hundred and thirty four. Kumérjiva (401 a..) is considered to be one of the greatest translators of Buddhist works into Chinese. He also hailed from Central Asia. He rondered one hundred and six works into Chinese, including important treatises of Nagarjuna and Bryadeva. Further, in the fifth and sixth centuries Param&rtha and Bodhi- ruci translated hundreds of more texts. Thus, by tho beginning of the seventhMEDIEVAL TRANSMISSION OF ALCHEMICAL AND CHEMICAL IDEAS vw century over two thousand texts were rendered into Chinese. This figure indicates the colossal magnitude of the work carried out by medieval traveller-scholars. Visiting holy lands of India, collecting valuable Buddhist texts and manus- cripts, bringing them back to China and rendering them into Chinese became a common practice among Chinese Buddhist monks after the first visit by Fa Hien in 309 a.p. During the Thang dynasty which ruled China over three hundred years these visits were intensified and this period can be appropriately regarded as the golden period of Sino-Indian contacts. During this period the celebrated Buddhist monk-traveller Huan-Tsang came to India. He stayed hore for sixteen years and returned to China in 645 a.p., with a large number of books several of which he rendered into Chinese. Yi-Tsing came to India in 673 ap. and returned in 695 4.0. He took back four hundred different texts. Dharmadeva (973 .”.), Dharmarakga (1009 a.p.), Jii@nadri (1053 a.v.), Shao Lu, and Hwai-Sung were some of the later translators. The Chinese Buddhist Tripitaka was first printed in China in 972 4.0. in Sung dynasty and was reprinted several times in the succes- sive dynasties. On the whole there was extensive activity of this kind for over @ yn during the reign of the Thang dynasty. ‘The intellectual exchanges of this period influenced the philosophical, religious as well as scientific life of these two culture areas. millennium with greater concentré Secutak Sropres ap PaXca Viovi The interests of the Buddhist travellers were not limited to religious studies. Many of the Indian travellers were originally Hindu Brahmins who were later con- verted to Buddhism. They had learnt the secular sciences as a part of their tradi- tional basic instruction in their studentship. This is also true in the case of Nagarjuna, the famous Buddhist patriarch of tho second century a.p. A study of biographies of some of the travellers reveals the remarkable fact that they had studied Paficavidy@*, i.e. astronomy, lipi, mathematics, medicine, and tantra in their early life. A number of them had also studied at Néland& where alchemy was @ part of the curriculum. In 247 4.D., one Kang Huei, who was a great scholar from Central Asia had collected largo number of canonical and non-canonical texts from India and had translated fourteen of them into Chinese. Tao lin, who had taken the Indian name Silaprabha, visited Tamralipti in Bengal in the fourth century 4.D. and studied sanskrit, vinaya (Buddhist philosophy), yoga and tantra, Subsequently, Ching Sheng in early fifth century became a Buddhist monk and visited Khotan in Central Asia. Ho studied various branches of Hindu science including modieine, under the Indian monk Buddhasen&. Further, J8dnabhadra in sixth ontury a.p. had studied Buddhist Tripitaka and specially mastered vinaya. He translated » work called Paficavidyd or 318 VIJAYA DESHPANDE Wu Ming Lun in collaboration with three other monks. The five sections of the books were Sabdadéstra (scionce of words, grammar, philology) Bhaigajya-Sdstra (medicine), Silpasastra (architecture), Mantradastra (probably tantra with alchemy), and Mudradastra (printing). Gunabhadra was an Indian monk who visited China during the Sung dynastry (960-1279). Ho had learnt the art and sciences in his early life and was an adept in Paficavidyd. From the aforesaid accounts it is clear that the Buddhist travellers’ interests were by no means limited to religion. They contributed immensely towards the exchange of scientific ideas as well. Buppuist Monks AND THEIR IxTERESTS IN ALCHEMY The Buddhists were interested in minimizing the miseries and sorrows of the people and therefore in medicine as a means of achieving this goal. The medicinal properties of mercury were studied by them. Mercury was supposed to cure many illnesses, confer longevity and even immortality. The investigation of these pro- perties of mercury and its compounds was thus of prime importance to the Buddbists. Buddhists’ interest in alchemy and tantra are noticeable in various texts. Modern researches have revealed a vast ancient literature with alchemy as a part of it, written by the Buddhists. From the Chinese and Tibetan sources we know that a large number of tdnirik texts were written in the sixth to eighth century a.v. in India and were translated into Chinese and Tibetan. Some of these deal with alchemy. Ray* has given an account of three such toxts. Rasaratnékara is a manuscript of alehemical tanéras and was found in Bengal. It is a tantra of Mahaydnist school and the invocations are addressed to Buddha. Researches by Bendal, H. P. Sastri, L. Lévi discovered a few more ténirik texts dealing with alchemy. Kubjikamata is one such Mahayénist toxt with alchemical literature. Four sanskrit treaties on alchemy viz. Rasasiddhiéastra, Dhdtudda- Sastra, Sarvesvararasiyana, and Dhdtuyada of eighth, ninth century a.D. were tran slated into Tibetan and are recorded in the great Tibetan scriptures Kanjur and Tanjur, the Tibetan equivalents of the Buddhist Tripiiaka, Matrkibhedatantram* is a tantrik text probably writton in early medieval period. Several of its chapters contain alchemical subjects. We come across a reference to Cindtantra in its first chapter, It is therefore evident that Chinese alchemical ideas and methods were also known in India and were incorporated in Indian scientific tradition of that period. A sanskrit alchemical text Rasaadra’ also refera to the Buddhist knowledge of alchemy.MEDIEVAL TRANSMISSON OF ALCHEMICAL AND CHEMICAL IDEAS: 19 Buddhists’ interests in alchemy are noticed in Chinese Buddhist Tripitaka as well. Waley® gives an account of ‘References fo Alchemy in Buddhist Scriptures’ He quotes from Taigo Tripitaka and various other stitras as AvtamSaka sittra, Mahd. prajid paramitopadesa and Mahayana Samgraha Bhagya, where alchemical practices such as transmutation of base metals into noble metals are mentioned. It refers to # drug juice called Hatake and also a atone-juico AA YT which would change thousand measures of other motals into gold, This stone-juice is probably the Sailodaka or mountain water described in Rasdrnava’ and Rasérnavakalpa® texts. Waley also hints at the possibility of a good amount of transmission of scientific ideas between China and India, especially the alchemical. Hence it is plausible that the Chinese and Indian scholar-travellers contributed to the exchange of scientific knowledge prevalent in the two culture areas. Rarwrences To Inpran Sciences iv Curves Texrs References to Indian sciences are found in numerous Chinose texts. Most of them are of the time when the visits of the Buddhists were at its peak, i.e. during the Thang dynasty. Tho official history of Sui dynasty (581-628 .p.) compiled in 610 4.». by Wei Cheng contains in its bibliographical catalogue the names of nume- rous books of Indian origin. ‘They are called the Po lo Men® or the Brahmin books. ‘These deal with astronomy, mathematics and pharmaceutics. Though they are all extinet now their titles enable us to guess what kind of scientific ideas must have reached China from India by sixth century a.p. A certain paragraph in a Chinese text! Shih Yao Erh Ya by Mei Piao refers to the visit of a Buddhist monk to China in 664 a.p, and about his knowledge of salt- potre, its extraction and applications such as a flux in smelting, and also in trans- mutation of metals, ‘The above Indian Buddhist monk also knew about the flame test for examining saltpetre. After narrating this story Needham comments : “This passage raises several important questions, notably the appearance of close Indian-Chinese chemical contacts during the Thang period and the exact time when potassium nitrate (i.e. saltpetre) was reliably discovered, identified, and used. It has a great significance with respect to the problems such as the first knowledge of mineral acids, the invention of gun powder, and the mutual indebtedness of China and India”. Further, one more episode! quoted from the text Yu Yang Tsang Tsu des- cribes how knowledge regarding minora) acids wae transmitted to China through ® brabmin scholar, who was brought to the Chinese court along with an Indian20 VIJAYA DESHPANDE prince-prisoner of seventh century 4.p. This brahmin scholar gave the Chinese emperor the information about a mineral acid Pan Chha Cho Shui and its uses in transmutation of metals and in elixir-making. Nicarsoxa anv AévacHoga The most prominent personality in the field of Indian alchemy is Nagarjuna, the author of the text Rasaratndkara. There exists a great controversy over the question whether this alchemist was the same person as the Buddhist patriarch of the same name who was a second century figure and was the founder of Madhya- maka system of philosophy." Tarandtha wrote a biography of Nag&rjuna in Tibetan in soventeenth century a.p. Discounting some romantic tales this biography clearly indicates that Nagarjuna was born! and brought up in a brahmin family and was afterwards converted to Buddhism and that he was a celebrated alchemist. Life of Bodhisattva Nagarjuna was translated into Chinese by Kumérajiva as early as 401 to 409 a.v. There are a number of chapters in the Tripitaka, which are attributed to Nagarjuna and some of them contain alchemy. Nagarjuna’s discourse on eye diseases was studied in China till Ming times. Advaghoga’s case is a similar one, His name is also connected with Chinese and Indian alchemy. He was a Makdydnist monk, His namo was translated into Chineso as Ma Ming meaning neighing of a horse, It was also transliterated as A Shih Po Chu Sha. A famous Taoist alchemist Yin Chang Sheng is said" to have acquired the art of preparing The Grand Purity Golden Potion Magical Blizirs from the adept Ma Ming Sheng and also that of making gold. Yin Chang Sheng was believed to have imparted his knowledge to Wei Po-Yang, Lu Tzu-Hua, and Chu Hsien-Sheng. Woi Po-Yang was the famous author of the text Tshan Thung Chhi and was a figure of second century a.v. This tokes Aévaghoga’s time to as back as the first century A.D. Aévaghoga’s name also occurs in Chinese Buddhist Tripitaka. All these go to suggest the closeness and interdependence of Chinese and Indian alchemy in early medieval period and the Buddhists’ contribution in it. Reflections of such an, interdependence is evident in Indian and Chinese texts. Borrowing of alche- mical ideas from one tradition by the other is noticed frequently. Chao Nai-An, a Chinese compiler of the eighth century a.p., compiled a book cntitled Chhien Hung Chia keng chih pao Chi Cheng (complete compendium on the porfect treasure of lead, meroury, wood and metal). This book contains alchemical writings in five chapters, and in one of them preserves an alchemical mantram in an Indian language. RurERENcEs To ALCHEMY Ix Gaypa VyuHA SOTRA Ganda Vyuha Sutra” is a Mahdydnist text which is one of the nine original canonical texts and was written at the beginning of the Christian era, It was tran-MEDIEVAL TRANSMISSION OF ALCHEMICAL AND CHEMICAL IDEAS: 2 slated into Chinese, for the first time by Cheng Kien of Ho Nan province. (c. 388-408). Again in the seventh century Divakara (c.613-687) translated it into Chinese, Finally Praja in the early ninth century translated this text into Chinese for tho third time, All these translations are included** in Chinese Buddhist Tripi- taka. Mahavyutpatti? the ninth contury Sanskrit Tibetan-Chinese dictionary gives synonymous Chinese-Tibetan words for those appearing in Ganda Vyuha ‘Sutra, This text was critically edited by Suzuki and Tdsumj in 1949. Another edition!® was brought out by Vaidya in 1960. One finds a number of references to alchemy in this Buddhist siiira : (a) Jarémaranapakianam Amptadhitu datukamah p.492 —To give Ampiadidtu or mercury to the people ridden with old age and death. (b) Aham dhatutantréni Prajandmi ce ped —I know metallurgy. (c) Rasadhatubhutam sarvakarmaklebivarana Sandodhanataya =... p.A95 —To investigate the medicinal (lit. all ilness-destroying) pro- perties of merenry. (a) Rasdyanopayuktah Purugi, Dirghamayuh Palayati Na Ca Durbali: Bhavanti p.506 —The person who has taken Rasiyana or elixir of life, attains longevity and does not become weak. (ce) Hatakaprabhasam Nama Rasajatam Pasyeka palam lohapala- sahasram Svarnikaroti, ne ce tadrasam palam dakhyam, ten lohapalasahasren maryadatum na lohikartum poe —A single measure of an elixir Hatakaprabhasa (meaning the substance which makes other substances appear as gold) transmute a thousand measures of other metals into gold, but if it is rubbed with # thousand measures of other metal it does not get converted into other (inferior) metal. It is interesting to note that the elixir Hatakaprabhdsam mentioned here is also referred to as Rasajatam i.e, made of mercury, giving a clue to its method of preparation. Probably Hatakaprabhasam was one of the various elixirs made from mereury by adding other ingradients, such as sulphur, cinnabar, realgar, orpiment, etc. Such elixirs were known in Chinese as well as Indian alchemy at that time. These references to alchemy in Buddhist text Ganda Vyuha Stra strengthen the belief that the Buddhists had a great interest in alchemy and medicine, and that they praccised alchomy with a dual purpose, one of making gold and the other22 VIJAYA DESHPANDE of preparing modicines of mereury to cure various illnesses and achieve longevity. Further, the fact that this sitira was translated into Chinese in early medieval period suggests the transmission of alchemical ideas to China. Rerigotions or Meprevat Curese ALOHEMY IN THE TAMIL Axowemrcar Text Bocar Karram—Tager HuxpRep Bogar Karpam—Three Hundred® ie a Tamil alchemical text and was translated into English by the late Mr. A. Sundarmurti, ‘This is a smaller version of the origi- nal Bogar text which contains seven hundred verses and which is not yet available in English. ‘This text. contains recipes of certain powders to be used for transmuta- tion of base metals into gold and silver and also in elixirs of life, A portion of this text is devoted to kaya-kalpa treatment by which rejuvenation and immortality can be achieved by dietary restrictions and consumption of elixirs, A large number of plants are mentioned in these three hundred and odd verses. Tho extracts of these plants are used in the preparation of elixirs and also in kaya- kalpa treatment. Bogar the author of Bogar Karpam is traditionally supposed to be a Chinese who visited India in the third-fourth contury a.p. He stayed in South India and taught his methods to the Tamil alchemists and also learnt some of the latter's alchemy, On his way back to China he visited Arabia. His teacher Kalaaging- thiir, also a Chinese, visited India alongwith him. In that case they must have beon instrumental in the transmission of alchemical ideas between these three culture areas. Though there is no direct evidence of transmission as in the case of Ganda Vyuha Sitra, the fact that characteristics of medieval Chinese alehemy are seen in this text suggests that the transmission of alchemical ideas must have occurred. Therefore the study of this text is interosting from two points of view, one being the History of Science in general, and the other the exchange of scientific ideas between India, China, and Arabia in early medieval period. The primitive nature of elixir making described in this text, where poisonous substances like potassium nitrate, copper sulphate, ammonium chloride, etc. are included as ingredients, suggests its antiquity. We come across these substances as elixir ingredients in early medieval Chinese alcremy also. Later, Chinese alche- mists criticized such a use and declared them inedible. ‘Thang dynasty (upto the tenth contury a.p.) saw @ large number of emperors dying of elixir poisoning, which gave setback to elixir-alchemy in Chine after that poriod. Hence Bogar is probably a figure not later than the tenth century a.p.” Bocar anp Wer Po-Yano’s ALCHEMY Evidences of alchemical practice in China go back to the fifth-sixth century 3.0. Wei Po-Yang’s book entitled Tshan Thung Chi is the earliest book on alche-MEDIEVAL TRANSMISSION OF ALCHEMIUAL AND CHEMICAL IDEAS 23 mical theory, extant now. Its author Wei Po-Yang was a second century figure and he is known as the Father of Chinese Alchemy. This book has been extensively commented on and there are ten commentaries of the original text. Though the basic alchemical reaction in 'shan Thung Ohhi is not clear, yeu action between the Dragon and Tiger is repeatedly mentioned in it2® Dragon and tiger signify lead and mercury. An amalgam of lead, mercury, and gold is propared in the above method and a cyclically transformed elixir huan tan is obtained from it. The ingredients and the method by which this reaction is carried out has a striking resemblance to the one frequently described in Bogar Karpam. In Bogar’s mothod® mercury is fixed with the juice of one of the seversl plants like Sphaeranthus zeylanicus, Ocium sanctum, Oassia fistula, Cadaba indica and is then melted in a crucible. As it melts, one fourth of its quantity of gold is added. Lead is also added, equal to the woight of gold and all the ingredients are melted together. ‘Che crucible is allowed to cool and the contents of the crucible are ground in @ stone mortar. ‘To this powder an equal amount of cinnabar isadded. After further addition of orpiment, sulphur, and realgar—one fourth as much of each as the amounc of cinnabar—the mixture is moistened with the juice of the leaves of the above men- tioned plant. It is then ground thoroughly to a paste and is transferred to a cru- cible called Meru Kuppi. ‘The kuppi is hoated for twelve periods, each of two hours, when the contents turn into a red powder. This powder has a high alchemical value, according to Bogar. When it is added to one of the nine metals in proportion of one to hundred, the metal turns into gold and when taken internally with the juice of the above mentioned plant for forty days, the body is rendered very strong. In Tshan Thung Chhi also, the reaction is carried out in two distinet stages. In the first stage an amalgam of lead, gold, and mercury is obtained by melting them together. In the second stage this amalgam is cooled, ground and mixed with subs- tances like cinnabar, sulphur, realgar, or orpiment. This mixture is transferred to another crucible and is heated again for twelve periods, each of two hours, yielding the elixir in the end. It is interesting to note that in the elixir-proparation methods described in both these texts, equal amounts of lead and gold are used and that of mercury is more than either of them, Thus the chief reaction given in the second century Chinese text T'shan Thung Chhi is the same as the one described repeatedly by Bogar in his text.Dye VIJAYA DESHPANDE Bogar anp Ko Huno’s AtcuEMY After Woi Po-Yang the next important figure of Chinese alchemy, Ko Hung, appeared in the third century a.p. He was the greatest alchomist of his age and wrote a book entitled Pao Phu Tzu, Nei Pien** which contains twenty chapters, three of them being of alchemical interest. ‘Types of elixirs and their preparations are described in the fourth chapter. The eleventh chapter describes various natural substances useful in bringing about longevity and the sixteenth chapter transmutation of base metals into gold and silver. Chapter four mentions of an amalgam of lead, gold, and mercury in elixir-preparations, which is characteristic of the alchemy of Wei Po-Yang and also of Bogar. There are a number of parallels between elixir methods of Ko Hung and those given in Bagar Karpam. The elixirs in Bogar Karpam** are prepared using several ingredients and the methods are quite cosnplicated just like the methods of Ko Hung. One striking resemblance is in the fact that all the elixir powders used in transmuting metals are also prescribed as edible elixirs, notwithstanding the fact that some of the ingre- dients are poisonous substances like potassium nitrate, copper sulphate, ammonium chloride, and borax. (On the other hand, it is not so in Sanskrit alchemical texts of eleventh century and later like Rasarnavakalpa.) It is in accordance with the ancient belief that the powder which can perfect a metal to its imperishable form, gold, can also perfect human body and make one immortal. Only a few elixirs with simple and harmless ingredionts are mentioned in the alchemical texts of the late medieval period for internul use. This fact suggests that Bogar Karpam is a text of early medieval period. The potable gold formulae of Ko Hung use salv petre, sulphates of copper, arsenic, and iron, ec. Use also of substances like egg, egg shells, pig’s fat, earth worms, blood are common to both Ko Hung’s and Bogar’s methods. A mixture of alum, realgar, and mercury ** which is found in a certain elixir formulae in Bogar Karpam is also found in Ko Hung’s elixir flower mothod. Cuma SILVER In certain dloka® in Bogar Karpam, the author gives a metallurgical process for the synthesis of a silver coloured alloy which he calls China Silver. ‘This is the only place where we come across @ mention of China. It is an alloy of tin, iron, copper, silver, mercury, and arsenic. The final product must have been silvery white and lustrous, since the author writes ‘This is not an alloy but pure China Silver.”MEDIEVAL TRANSMISSON OF ALCHEMICAL AND CHEMICAL IDEAS 26 It is well known that silver maintains its colour and lustre when debased or diluted, and even when it is combined with a relatively large amount of another metal. Thus, when copper is added to silver in large quantities, the resulting alloy is silvery white when a little arsenie is also present. One such silver coloured alloy was imported from China to Europe in the seventeenth century. It was used in making dinner-table articles and looked very much like pure silver. ‘This was named Pak Tong or pai tong (white copper). Its exact nature was not known till the eighteenth century. Von Engerstrom reported his analysis of the pai fong ingot in 1776. It contained equal percentage of copper and zine with 15.6 percent nickel. Also, two other nickel containing alloys are listed in modern European manuals as China Silver and Chinese Silver. They contain only 2.0 percent of the precious metal, while one of them contains 11 percent cobalt and the other 19.5 percent tin. ‘Their composition is given below : Porcentago of ea Zn Ni Go China Silver 2 65 19.5 = 13.0 = Chino Silver oC OCC Tho origin of the names of these alloys is not known. A similar alloy without nickel was much used for coins in Medieval Persia. Tan-Yang transmutation of copper is much talked of in ancient Chinese texts, where silvery alloy was mado from Tan-Yang (a place in China) copper by adding refined arsenical powder. The method for China Silver given by Bogar is not exactly similar to any of the above methods. He probably gave an carlier method for the synthesis of dobased silver, which differed from Pak Tong as it did contain a little silver ; and also from European China Silver as it contained no nickel but iron instead. Bogar’s method for China Silver is described below. Tin is melted in a crucible with certain padanam or poisons (acids) which are previously treated with the juice of the plant Vellerukku. Iron filings and borax are added to this tin and melted. Silver, equal to the weight of the combination is added to it. The molten mass is cooled and ground in # stone mortar. ‘To this, mercury, borax, and arsenic are added and the mix is ground thoroughly. The powdered mass is moistened with milk and ground again to form a paste. Tho paste is pressed into pellots, which are dried in the sun, The dried pellets are encased in certain soil and calcined for four periods, The resulting powder is added to copper in the proportion one to fifty turning copper into silver. The author remarks “It is not an alloy but pure China Silver”. 426 VIJAYA DESHPANDE The resulting alloy must have a large percentage of copper and a little of tin, silver and iron, Though it was not exactly European China Silver or Pak Tong, it was quite near it. Tt seems these ideas of making silvery alloys reached India many conturies earlier than they reached Europe. Coneneston Sino-Indian contacts became closer and more frequent after Buddhism was introduced to China in the second contury 4.p. Buddhist monks, Chinese, Indian, and sometimes Central Asian, carried out the gigantic task of translating thousands of Buddhist works into Chinese in early medieval period. ‘Texts on secular subjects were also translated into Chinese. Considering Buddhists’ interests in alchemy, tantra, and medicine one expects @ great amount of transmission of scientific ideas, especially those pertaining to chemistry, between them. Studies by Waley Needham, Sivin, Levi, Ray efc. strongly suggest close alchemical contacts between the two culture areas through Buddhist monks, which resulted into parallel develop- ment of alchomy in India and China, A study showing the similarities in gold- making processes in Indian and Chinese alchemy has been reported. Ganda Vyuha Sitra is a Mahdyanist text which was translated into Chinese in early medieval period. A number of Slokas in different chapters of this book refer to alchemy, indicating Buddhists’ interest in alchemy and medicine as also trans- mission of alchemical ideas from India to China in carly medieval period. A comparison of the chemistry of Bogar Karpam with the early medieval Chinese methods reveals similarities between the two. The chief reaction in the second century Wei Po-Yang’s Tshan Thung Chhi is repeatedly described by Boyar for making an elixir, effective in transmuting metals as well as when taken internally. Elixir formulae of Bogar Karpam are very similar to those given by Ko Hung, a fourth century Chinese alchemist, in Pao Phu Tzu. Moreover, a recipe given by the author for China Silver parallels the one known to the Europeans in later cen- turies. This strengthens the traditional belief of Bogar being a Chinese alchemist and indicates the transmission of alchemical ideas from China to India at an early date. Thus, the two casas viz. those of Ganda Vyuka Sutra and Bogar Karpam subs- tantiate the claim that travels of alchemists between China and India contributed largely in: the parallel development of alchemy during the medieval period. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: ‘Thanks of the author are due to Dr. Kamal Sheel and Professor 8, K. Trehan F.N.A., for generous help during the above work.MEDIEVAL TRASMISSION OF ALOHEMICAL AND CHEMICAL TDHAS 27 Rurerexces *Mulkhorji, P. K., Indian Literature in Ohina and the Far East, Prabasi Press, Caloutta, 1931. *Ibid., p. 139. °History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India incorporating the History of Hindu Chemistry by Acharya Prafalla Chandra Ray, Ed. by P. Ray, Indian Chomical Society, Calcutta, 1956, pp. 115, 128. “Bhattacharya, Chintamani, Matykabhedatantram, Csloutta Senskrit Sories, No, VII, Motro- politan Printing and Publishing House Ltd., Caleutta, 1933, p. 17. "Rasasara of Govindacarya, Ed. by Jadavji Tricumji Acharya, Ayurvediya Granthamala, 6, Bombay, 1912, ‘Waley, A., References to Alchomy in Buddhist Scriptures, Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, VI, Pt. I, p. 1102. ‘Rasarnava, Ed, by P. C. Rey and Haris Chandra Kaviratna, Bibliotheca Indica Series, No. 174, Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1910. “Rasarnavakalpa, Ed, and Tr. into English by Mira Roy and B. V. Subbarayappa, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi, 1976, p. 114. "Needham, Josoph, Science and Civilization in China, Vol. V, pt. TIE, Cambridge University Pross, Cambridge, 1976, p. 160. 10, $00, Vol. V. pt. THT, p. 139. ___, S00, Vol. V. pt. TV, p. 197. “Ray, P. 0., History of Hindu Chemistry, Vol. Il, Tho Bengal Chemicals and Pharmaccutical Works Ltd., Calcutta, and Williams and Norgato, London, 1909 (Introduction part). s9Sivin, N., Ohinese Alchemy—Preliminary Studies, Harvard University Press, Cambridgo, Mass., 1968, p. 67. uNeodham, J., SOC, Vol. V, pt. TIL, p. 159. Ganda Vyuha Sitra, Bd. by D. I. Suzuki and H. Idsumi, Society for the Publication of Sacred Books of the World, Kyoto, Japan, 1949, The Taisho Shinshu Daizokyo, (Tho Tripitaka in Chineso), Ea. by J. Takekusu ond K. Watanabo, Mojirodai, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, 1968, Vol. 10, pp. 293, 24, 295, “Mahavyutpatti, Compiled by R. Sakaki, Suzuki Gekejutsu Zaidan (Suzuki Academic Foundation), Tokyo, 1965, Vol. I, p. 501. Ganda Vyuha Sitram, Ed. by P. L. Vaidya, Buddhist Sanskrit Series, No, 5, Mithila Rosoarch Instituto, Darbhanga. .Bogar Karpam—Three Hundred, ‘Tr. into English from original Tamil by A. Sundarmurti, Indian National Science Academy, Now Delhi. History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India incorporating the History of Hindu Chemistry by Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray, Ed. P, Ray, Indian Chomical Society, Caleutta, 1956. 2H, Ping-Yu and Needham, Josoph, Theories and Categories in Early Medieval Chinese Alchomy (with transl. of tho Tshan Thung Chhi Wu Hsing Lei Pi Yao, 6th to 8th contury), Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute, 22, 173, 1959. *Neodham, J, SOC, Vol. V, pt. HI, p. 73.28 VIJAYA DESHPANDE *Bogar Karpam, Slokae 52, 65, 120, 147, 174, 181. Alchemy, Medicine and Religion in the China of a.p. 320. The Nei Pien of Ko-Hung, Tr. and Ed, by James R. Ware, Dover Publications, Inc., New York, 1966. *8]bid., pp. 81-82. ‘%*Bopar Karpam, Slokas 69, 80, 106, 141, 161. *Tbid., loko 83. a8Noodham, J., SOC, Vol. V, pt. TIL, p. 83. *©Rogar Karpam, Soka 170. s°Neodham, J., SO, Vol. V, pt. II, p. 226. ‘Deshpande, Vijaya, Transmutation of Baso Motals into Gold es Described in the Text Rasarpavakalpa and ita Comparison with Parallel Chinese Methods, Indian Journal of History of Sciences, 19, 186-192, 1984.