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The comparison of genocide may have evolved throughout the last two decades because
of the second-generation genocide experiments, the Holodomor as just a criminal act of violence
committed by Stalin's establishment towards the Ukrainian state has not yet been examined from
a quantifiable point of view. Furthermore, it is useful to compare the Holodomor with several
other manifestations of genocide during the first half of the 20th century–respectively, the
Ottoman Empire's Armenian genocide versus Nazi Germany's Holocaust in recognition of the
cognitive and structural aspects of genocide that distinguish both (Antonovych, 2019).
Throughout my paper, I would compare deliberate intent, highlighting the dissimilarities and
The steps have been taken in the comparative analysis of the three genocides being
examined, and thus the concepts for these kinds of analyses have been highlighted. Therefore,
Frank Sysyn wrote in 1999 "analysis of the Ukrainian famine provides significant comparative
information for all those learning the Armenian genocide (Antonovych, 2019). This examination
between both tragedies has included questions of purpose and proof Both had been
overshadowed by confusion across the number of deaths and holocaust concepts. Stanislav
aimed to evaluate the forms whereby the Holodomor is differentiated from the Holocaust as well
as claimed that the Stalinist state's philosophy behind genocide was distinctive.
According to (Kul’chyts’kyi, 2015) Stalin was driven by social factors, whereas Hitler
brief comparative analysis of Holodomor with the Holocaust as well as the Armenian genocide,
arguing that perhaps the famine or the Holodomor across Ukraine represented important
elements of massacres and varied by some of the instances of genocide in Europe throughout the
20th century (Relations and Affairs, 2019). He reached to the conclusion that key components of
Ukraine's famine came within genocide as rooted subsequently in international human rights law.
Predictable mortality from malnutrition mirrored some of the main tactics used to finish off
Additionally, even though the initial operation targeting Kulaks started by attacking
leadership saw hunger as proof of Ukrainian national collectivization opposition, and strategies
which often compounded the consequences as well as losses of starvation centered especially on
Ukrainians. Unlike the Armenian genocide and indeed the Holocaust, nevertheless, with few
variations, the Holodomor has not yet been shown for various reasons in historical genocide
studies. First, this was a disguised genocide, rejected by the Soviet Union for even more than
fifty years, and that only the Ukrainian diaspora, predominantly in Canada and the US, spoke out
against it discovered the truth about that kind of criminal activity. Second, almost all of those
historians who consented that there would be a great man-made famine in Ukraine conscripted
this among Stalin's crimes, the large percentage of which (peculation, expulsion, eradication of
political enemies, etc.) didn't quite fit the lawful definition of genocide provided in the 1948 UN
Convention on only the Preventative and Retribution of a Felony of Genocide (the Genocide
Convention). Thirdly, only within the last decades following the initial release of the Soviet
records seems to have an agreement emerged across a large group of researchers that "the
During the first half of the 20th century, Rafael Lemkin, the father of the Genocide
Convention, who developed the term "genocide," distinguished the Kremlin policy in Ukraine as
the perfect example of Soviet genocide, the largest and widest independent study in Russification
– the decimation of the Ukrainian state. Ever since several philosophers have made reference the
Holodomor to genocide offenses. Nevertheless, the focus stays on its in-depth analysis for almost
all articles about the Holodomor, and not just on its contrast with other genocides.
The evaluation of three genocides under review showed the comparative instances of
genocide and portray a variety of differences and commonalities. There has been a common
purpose across all three massacres to kill a particular community, whether in full (the Armenians
and the Jews) or even in portion (the Ukrainians); but, throughout the three genocides, the
essence of the aim was distinctive. Whereas the intention was unambiguous throughout the
Armenian and Jewish cases, the intention was tacit in the Holodomor and can be interpreted from
AUCPB and CPC amendments and rules and regulations, including from their behavior and
ramifications.
As has already been pointed out, a crucial commonality between genocides committed
throughout the Ottoman Empire, the Soviet Union, as well as the Third Reich would be that in
party, the Soviets, and the Nazis, individually, who have been the real perpetrators of the three
genocides (Motyl, 2010). Therefore, except under the tightest definition of genocide, the
Ukrainians' Holodomor may have been positioned among many of the three most
considerable acts during the first half of the 20th century–including the Armenians' Ottoman
Turk genocide and indeed the Holocaust. The comparative study showed that almost all
genocides are distinct and similar at the very same time. The significance in evaluating incidents
of genocide becomes clear–if lessons from either the history are therefore not disregarded and
violence is not prosecuted, attackers can tend to be empowered, as seen in the eastern part of the
country of Ukraine as well as in Crimea, wherein the Soviet Union's sovereign state–the Russian
Reference
1. Antonovych, M. (2019) ‘Specific intent (dolus specialis) in the Armenian genocide, the
2. Motyl, A. J. (2010) ‘Deleting the Holodomor: Ukraine unmakes itself’, World Affairs,