Papyri editae in memoriam Wm.

Brashear I
Author(s): Rodney Ast
Source: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bd. 139 (2002), pp. 177-186
Published by: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn (Germany)
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 177

Papyri editae in memoriam Wm. Brashear I*

1.) Genesis 36.11-13 & 18-19

P. Heid. inv. G 5148 6.6 x 7.2 cm Fifth/sixth century

Provenance unknown Plate II

P. Heid. is a 6.6 x 7.2 cm fragment from a page of a papyrus codex; it contains Genesis
inv. G 5148
36.11-13 and 18-19. Verses 11-13 run against the fibers (on the verso1), and two margins, bottom (2.8
cm) and left (1,7 cm), are extant. On the other side of the papyrus (the recto), verses 18-19 run along
the fibers, with the side margin on the right. The fragment is likely to have belonged to a single-column
codex, since the side margin on the verso does not appear to be intercolumnar, so that it is doubtful that
a column preceded. If a column followed, then we must suppose that the codex was disproportionately
wide, because relatively little text separates the extant verses. Reconstruction of the verso (verses 11
13), of which line beginnings survive, indicates that each line contained 16-19 letters. Since the

fragment clearly comes from the bottom of the page, it is possible to calculate an approximate 32-33
lines per column. Moreover, from the breadth of extant script and the height of extant letters I estimate
that a single page measured 13-14 cm in breadth and 24.5-25.5 cm in height, similar to P. Oxy. XXXI
2537 and P. Bodmer XXIV.2
The script of P. Heidelberg inv. G 5148 is barely legible in many places, especially on the recto,

rendering the processes of decipherment and dating particularly difficult. Nevertheless, enough is
visible on the verso to confirm the identification of Genesis 36.11-13. The text differs slightly from that
established by J.W. Wevers,3 who prints at 36.12 (= 11. 3-4 of the verso of the Heidelberg papyrus) Kai

*
Nach dem Tode von William M. Brashear (5. Sept. 1946 - 2. Febr. 2000) fand sein Kollege G?nter Poethke in
Brashears Arbeitszimmer einen von Papyri vor, bei denen ein Zettel mit der Information es handele sich um
Stapel lag,
Eigentum des Instituts f?r Papyrologie der Universit?t Heidelberg. Als Poethke mir davon berichtete, war mir sofort klar,
da? dies die Texte aus dem ehemaligen Privatbesitz des Heidelberger Papyrologen Friedrich Bilabel (27. Juli 1888 - 22.
April 1945) sein m??ten, die Brashear im Jahre 1984 von einem Nachkommen Bilabels erworben hatte und von denen ermir
bereits im Jahre 1988 Xeroxkopien und fl?chtige Abschriften hatte zukommen lassen. In einem seiner letzten Briefe an mich
hatte er - vielleicht im Bewu?tsein der Ernsthaftigkeit seiner
-
da? er es f?r richtig halte, wenn die
Erkrankung angedeutet,
Papyri nach Heidelberg zur?ckk?men. Er schrieb w?rtlich: ?Gut w?re, wenn die Papyri zur?ck ans Institut k?men." Der

besagte Zettel dr?ckte offensichtlich seinen letzten Willen aus, dem auch seine Anverwandten nachgekommen sind. So
konnte G. Poethke mir im Juli 2000 die Originale ?bergeben, nachdem sie zuvor von Myriam Krutzsch sorgf?ltig restauriert
worden waren. Die Gruppe erhielt inHeidelberg die Inventarnummern P.Heid. inv. G 5136 - 5148. Aus ihrwar bislang nur
ein einziges St?ck ver?ffentlicht, n?mlich die jetzige Inventarnummer G 5139, die Bilabel selbst bereits als VBP IV 55
publiziert hatte; vgl. dazu auch die Neuedition durch N. Kruit und K. A. Worp inZPE 137 (2001) 215-219. [Die Gruppe darf
nicht verwechselt werden mit anderen Papyri, die ehemals Teil der Heidelberger Papyrussammlung waren, nach dem
Zweiten Weltkrieg aber vermi?t wurden und sich erst vor einigen Jahren in Bilabels Nachla? wiedergefunden haben; Bilabel
hatte sie vermutlich zum Zwecke der Bearbeitung mit nach Hause genommen. Die konnte 1999 die Objekte
Sammlung
(bedauerlicherweise k?uflich) teilweise zur?ckerhalten.]
Im Wintersemester 2000/1 wurden einige der von Brashear
der Sammlung vermachten Papyri am Heidelberger Institut
in einer Lehrveranstaltung behandelt, von Anfang
wobei an daran gedacht war, da? die Texte von den Teilnehmern der
zur Erinnerung an den Schenker und verehrten ver?ffentlicht werden sollten. Dies
Veranstaltung gro?herzigen Kollegen
wollen wir nun, beginnend mit dem Beitrag von Rodney Ast, in einer kurzen Serie von ZPE-Beitr?gen in die Tat umsetzen.
Wir sprechen zugleich all denen unseren Dank aus, die geholfen haben, Brashears Willen zu verwirklichen: seinen Ver
wandten, G?nter Poethke, sowie Myriam Krutzsch und ihren Mitarbeitern. [D.H.]

11 use the term to designate

recto the side of the papyrus on which the writing runs with the fibers, and verso the side
on which the script runs against the fibers, even though in the codex to which this fragment the verso the
belonged preceded
recto. For discussion of the deficiencies of these terms, see E. G. Turner, The Terms Recto and Verso: the Anatomy of the
Papyrus Roll. Papyrologica Bruxellensia 16 (Brussels 1978), esp. chapter 3.
2 For other
examples of codices inwhich the breadth of one page is half or nearly half the height, see E. G. Turner, The
Typology of theEarly Codex (Philadelphia 1977), 20-21.
3Septuaginta. Voll: Genesis (G?ttingen 1974).

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 178 R.Ast

8T?K8v. The Heidelberg fragment contains ?xeicev ??, a variant4 attested in nearly all manuscripts of the

hexaplaric 0-recension, as well as in 246 of the /-group of manuscripts and the Syro-hexaplaric trans
lation (designated by We vers as Syh).5 The script seems to bear some resemblance to the developed
stage of the "Alexandrian majuscule"6: M is fairly broad and curved; A begins its left to right diagonal
descent with a curve; H and N are broad; 0, C, and E appear to be very round. I would therefore assign
the papyrus to the fifth or sixth century.
P. Heid. inv. G 5148 is, as far as I know, the second extant papyrus containing Genesis 36.11-13
and 18-19; the other is P. Chester Beatty IV (fourth century).7
Verso

1 I[co<p?p,To0?p Kal Kev??.]

2 ?[apv?c ??rjv] r?aA,[taxiai] 36.12
3 'E?[up??] xo?) |/oio?>'Haat> ?'-]
4 T?K?v?? t[co 'E?acp??x?v]
5 'Apa^r|K- ot>x[oi viol 'A?a?]
6 yuv[a]tKO? 'Hfaau. o?rcoi??] 36.13
Margin

3 The gap in the papyrus between X and x appears to be too wide for the name as it is spelled inWevers' text. The scribe
may have written 'EXeiqxx? rather than 'Eta?a?; the former is found in G, the incomplete fourth/fifth century
manuscript belonging to the O-recension (see Wevers' introduction, p. 12; for brief discussion of the value of G as an

hexaplaric witness, seeWevers' Text History, 55). Both 'Etaupa?, the commonly attested spelling of 961 (= P. Chester
Beatty IV), a non-hexaplaric witness,8 and 'E?ri?a?, which is attested in 30 (an eleventh/twelfth century minuscule
manuscript), are additional possibilities.

Recto

i [ ]..[ i
2 K?p? ]
[lEjX?\l,] T|Y?[p(?V
3 [o?)TOtTlY?p?V?C 'OAl??-]
4 [pa?. owo]i i)ioi 'Ho[at), ica]i 36.19
5 [o{)xot r\yE]\i6vEq a[\rca>v.]
6 [oi)xo??ta]tvmoi 'E[?cu](ji.
Margin

1 Slight traces of two letters are apparent. The second is the lower arc of perhaps an e, o, or c. The first letter is very
difficult to decipher, but i cannot be excluded. One therefore read [fiyejiwv] v].
might 'Ie[ot>?, fiyejx

4 and ?? are commonly in Genesis; see Wevers' note to states

Kai interchanged 15.5, where he that in Genesis Kai and
?? are used without any unlike in Exodus, Notes on the Greek Text of Genesis (Atlanta 1993).
special significance,
5 For the history of the text of Genesis, see both the introduction toWevers' and his Text History
edition, pp. 9-73, of
the Greek Genesis (G?ttingen 1974). For discussion of Origen's hexapla, see, e.g., B. Altaner and A. Stuiber, Patrologie:
Leben, Schriften und Lehre der Kirchenv?ter* (Freiburg 1978), 200-201 and H. J. Vogt, "Origines," in S. D?pp andW.
Geerlings (eds.), Lexikon der Antiken Christlichen Literatur (Freiburg 1998), 461.
6 For the two
primary patterns of the "Alexandrian majuscule" (of which the Heidelberg papyrus seems to exhibit the
square pattern), see G. Cavallo and H. Maehler, Greek Bookhands of the Early Byzantine Period, A.D. 300-800 (London
1987), 23, and for what appears to be a comparable script, see plate 8d; for discussion of the development of the script, see
G. Cavallo, 24 (1975), 23-54; for analysis of particular examples of the script, see A.
'Tpawaaia 'A^e^av?p?va," J?Byz
Porro, "Manoscritti in maiuscola Alessandrina di contenuto profano," S&C 9 (1985), esp. 169-208.
7K.
Aland, Repertorium der Griechischen Christlichen Papyri. Vol I: Biblische Papyri (Berlin 1976), 75f.
8 This is attested in other witnesses as well.
spelling

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 Papyri editae in memoriam Wm. Brashear I 179

2.) Accounts From Oxyrhynchus: Expenditures

P. Heid. inv. G 5144r 12 x 20.5 Sixth

cm century

Oxyrhynchus Plate II

P. Heid. inv. G 5144r contains an account of expenditures written along the fibers of a light/medium
brown fragment from a papyrus roll. The breadth and height of the entire column cannot be calculated,
and no margins are extant. The date is unknown, but the content of the papyrus resembles that of sixth

century accounts, the majority of which are from the middle to latter part of the sixth century,9 and the
script is not unlike that of P. Oxy. LV 3804 (AD 566).10 I am therefore inclined to a date in the second
half of the sixth century. Since line 2 refers to July/August of a fifteenth indiction, AD 552, 567, 582,
597 are all possible years.11 References to the hamlets of Stephanion (lines 13 and 16) and Phacra
(lines 17-19) reveal that the account pertains to estates belonging to the Apion family. Like P. Oxy. LV

3805, the papyrus may come from some central office in Oxyrhynchus responsible for overseeing the

Apion estates.12
The content of the first ten lines of the papyrus is ambiguous. Line 5 mentions a payment for

?ripoota and line 8 appears to include a sale of wheat; otherwise it is unclear in these lines to whom and
for what purpose payments were made. More can be discerned in lines 11-20, where the expenditures
are for services involved in the construction of cisterns (taxKKot). The payments, which were written on
the right side of the papyrus, are in wheat. The exact amounts generally do not survive, so that it is

impossible to know in most cases how much was paid.

1] [ ] p [ cixov
][
2 M?o]op(?i) t? iv?(tKxicovo?)?(px.) p Kai xo??arco
3 ]uhgkoi)ko arco xaK k
4 ] (vac?) A,otrc( ) G?xo\)?(px.) pica [
5 ] vcovo? tHpaK^?oD?'brc?p?rip(ooic?v) vo(p.) (vac.) rc(apocK?p.) (vac.)
6 ]_ai(TOD) a(px.) y, g?x(o\)) a(px.) pa$ ?? ( v) \)(rc?p)?r| ^( )a(px.) ? ?,otrc(ai) g?xod ?(px.) [
7 ] ( )Kax?xo?0o? G?x(o\))?(px.) [
8 Kax?] xo EBoqbuEpvo(p.) ? rc(apocK?p.) ? G?xoua?px.) k[
9a?i{ox>)
] ?(px.) [
10 ] g?x(otj) ?(px.) [
11 ] k[x]t|p( )urc?p?rcx(f|?)rc?,iv0(o\))pi)(pta?cov) r| Xoy((?)
12 ] Kai x oiKo?op(co)Gxot?aG( )?(px.) ? g?x(od) ?(px.) [
13 X?]kk( ) ?v ?rcoiK(?co) lK?(pavtcov[o?] [
14 ] g?x(o-?) ?(px.) K(ayK.) c vo(p.) a?jrc(ap? K?p.) ? (y?v.) G?xoi) kJovk. ?(px.)?
15 v]?OV ?XXKKOV Kai ?I? xtiv
16 Lx?(pa]vi vo? g?x[od
(vac.)
17 Ka^]oi)p( )ZaKa vo? ?v ?rcoudcp OaKp[a
18 v?]ov taxKKov ?v ?rcoiK(?q))
O?cKpa [

9 These include P. Cair.

Masp. II 67138 (AD 541-546) and 67139 (AD 541-546); P. Oxy XVI 1911 (AD 557), XVIII
2195 (AD 576-577?), XIX 2243a (AD 590), LV 3804 (AD 566); PSI VIII 954 (sixth century). Other texts that display
various similarities are noted in the commentary.
10 of P. Oxy. LV 3804 are available at http://www.csad.ox.ac.uk/POxy/papyri/vol55/pages/3804.htm.
Images
11See R. S.
Bagnall and K. A. Worp, The Chronological Systems of Byzantine Egypt (Zutphen 1978), 67-68, 88-91.
12See the introduction to P.
Oxy. LV 3805. On Byzantine estates and the Apion family, see E. R. Hardy, The Large
Estates of Byzantine Egypt (New York 1931).

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180 R.Ast

19 ?]icvotaxKK( ) ?v ?rcoiK(?co)O?cKpfa
20 p]riX(av )KaXo\)p( )Flaxaxox' ?v ?rcotK[(?(p)
21 ]ia? ?v xfi-np?p(a) xo?) cpco[
22 ] ( )^?y(co) rcapap\)9[(?ac)

13 1. lT?(pav?covoc

1 The first three letters of a?xoi) are all that are clearly legible in this line. The descending stroke of a p with a sharp hook
appears to intrude line 2 just before the upright of k in Kai (unless this is actually the abandoned initial stroke in line 2
of this k). oixoi) does not seem to be abbreviated here (nor in lines 4, 6, 8 and 14), and the last letter of the linemay be
k (for KOcyK. ?px.?); see note to line 14. On the tendency in late official documents for o?xo? to mean "wheat"
and not "grain," see H. Cadell, "Le renouvellement du vocabulaire au IVe si?cle," in E. Kie?ling
specifically simply
and H.-A. Rupprecht (eds.), Akten des XIII. Internationalen Papyrologenkongresses. Marburg/Lahn, 2. bis 6. August
1971. (M?nchener Beitr?ge zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte 66) (Munich 1974), 63-65.
3 \)]io?? is attractive, but what follows ? is unclear. A first glance suggests kodkod, while closer examination reveals

possible traces of a descending line after the second x>. Either way it is likely to be a personal name. The place name
after arc? has also been effaced, x and a are good candidates for the first two letters, and the upright of the third may

belong to a x, y, or k. Taic[?]va seems possible; for this village, which was located in the Lower toparchy, see
P. Pruned, / centri abitati delVOssirinchite (= Pap. Flor. IX) (Florence 1981), 190-192. I am unable to determine what
the k near the end of the line belongs to; itmay be a cardinal number.
4 Prior to the X is an extended horizontal line with a knob at the end. Itmay be the extension of an a signifying a(px.). If
this is correct, then the numerical value must not have been entered in the space before Xoin( ), as it is not before and
after rc(apa Kep.) in line 5.
5 The last few letters of the personal name 'HpocKAio'u? appear to have been written twice (as <E>aKpa clearly is in 1. 19),
the second attempt on the first, with e squeezed between Xand o; a stray diagonal stroke above and to the
superimposed
of the rj causes the rj to resemble a k. Preceding the name may be a proper name in the genitive
right (e.g. Zr|vcovo?,
although ?evcovo? is also possible). On the form 'HpaK??ov?, see F. T. Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the
Roman and Byzantine Periods II (Milan 1981), 71-72. It is improbable that 'HpoticX?ou? refers to the city, since in that
case it should be accompanied by, for example, acp', arco xfj?, %r)q, or some form of rcoXi?.
The line records a payment for public taxes Curcep 8tiu.og?c?v). For general discussion of the tax, see Johnson-West,

Byzantine Egypt, 265-288; P. Lond. IV, pp. xxv-xxxii and the introduction to 1419 (though texts in this volume are of a
later period, the taxes resemble those of the Byzantine period, p. xxvi). For the possible identification of the tax with

rent, see J. Gascou, "Les domaines, la cit? et l'?tat en Egypte byzantine," Travaux et M?moires 9 (Paris 1985),
grands
14-16.
Other sixth century lists of expenditures record payments for ?r|uooia; see for example P. Bad. IV 95, passim, where,
when unabbreviated, the tax is clearly given in the singular, vrcep Oriuooiot)13 (contrary to the original editor, J. Gascou

assigns this papyrus to the sixth century, P. Sorb. II 69, p. 39 n. 163). In other places the plural is surely intended, e.g. at
P. Cair. Masp. II 67139 fol.Vr 22 and fol.VIv 12; P. Oxy. XVIII 2195.188, XIX 2243a.82. In several texts it is unclear
whether ?t|jlx( ) refers to the tax. For example, P. Oxy. XVIII 2195.97 has xo?? arco Tay^?co i>rc?p 8rjjj.(oo?cov)
?poDp(cov) ?v ?rcoiK(ico) NekcovGeco?. In his note on this line, the editor makes the ambiguous suggestion that ?tijj.(o

o?cov) ?poi)p(cov) had probably lost its former significance by the sixth century, and he asserts that the expression
confirms urc?p 8r|uooi(a?) yfi? in the record of a receipt from Enoch the Jew at P. Oxy. XVI 2019.20. I suspect that the
editor of 2195 understands apoup(cov) to mean "on account of public aruras." The editors of 2019,
vrc?p ?r||i(ooicov)
who adduce P. Lond. V 1765.9 and P. Oxy. XVI 2037.30, 32 as parallels, clearly interpret imep 8r||noai(a?) yfj? as "on
account of public land," with the yfj ?r||iooia classification of the Roman period (on which see
presumably by analogy
Mitteis-Wilcken, Grundz?ge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde 1,1 (Leipzig 1912), 310-313). This must also be the
of Johnson and West (Byzantine Egypt, 21) who assert, "In the sixth century there is some reference to
interpretation
land on the estate of but the amount was small," and then in a footnote cite P. Oxy. 2019 and
public Apion, evidently
2195. It seems to me, however, that P. Oxy. 2019.20 and 2195.97 may in fact refer to the tax and not to public land.
The texts adduced the editors of 2019 are not conclusive; P. Lond V 1765.9, which in the editio princeps reads
by yr|
?rj[ux)oia ?, has been corrected by P. van Minnen (BL 8,193) to yr|?i[a, and 2037.30, 32, which contain the expression

bnkp i8(ia?) yfjc, do not support the editors' interpretation of 2019.20, if one understands lines 30 and 32 as referring to
due from individuals "in connection with their own land," whether for 8r||??oia or not. In other words, \)rcep
payments
tS(ia?) yfj? need not necessarily refer to "private" as opposed to "public" land, urc?p 8r|jioai(a?) yfi?. PSI VIII 954.23
this claim, for there we encounter the entry rc(ap?) (Kal) llaeia? arco iKuxa^ixiSo? (i>rc?p)
clearly supports 'Aeicovo?
yfj?, "from Aeion and Paeias of Scutalitis for public taxes on their land." I would therefore expand
Srju.oo?(cov) i?ia?

^ The is also used in Coptic see T. M. and K. A. Worp, "The Dossier of

singular consistently receipts; Hickey
Patermouthios Sid?rourgos: New Texts from Chicago," BASP 34 (1997), 84 and n. 24.

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 Papyri editae in memoriam Wm. Brashear I 181

Sr|uooi( ) at 2019.20 to 8rjuoo?(cov) and translate the line "from Enoch the Jew on account of public taxes on his land."
I think that 2195.97 means "on account of public taxes on the aruras in the hamlet of Necontheos." If this
Similarly,
of P. Oxy. 2019.20 and 2195.97 is correct, then I am unaware of any evidence from the sixth century for
interpretation
the existence of public land, at least in Oxyrhynchus. Cf. H. I. Bell's discussion of 8r|uo( )yr|( ) in several eighth
century accounts from Aphrodito (P. Lond. IV, p. 170); he argues that 8r|uo( )yr|( )most likely stands for 8r|uooicov
refers not to public taxes but to the land-tax in particular. For discussion of ?8?a yfj, see the note to P.
yfj? and simply
Oxy. LV 3804.92.
The number of solidi and the carats subtracted were never recorded.
6 What follows \)(rc?p) is uncertain. I am inclined to think that it is Sr||i(ooicov), as in line 5, although traces of the third
letter do not entirely accord with ji, and i may in fact follow 8.
7 A diagonal line ascending left to right can be seen cutting through the vertical stroke of k. I suspect that this is an
abbreviation symbol, prior towhich two or three letters are apparent; cov( ) is a possibility, perhaps for ?\j/cov(io\) ?), cf.,
for example, P. Oxy. XVI 1910.7, 1911.155, XVIII 2195.89, XIX 2243a.81, LV 3804.154.
8 This entry bears some resemblance to P. Oxy XVI 1911.147 and P. Oxy. LV 3804.184, both of which begin e?? x?
uovaaxripiov a??a 'AvSp?ou Kax? x? e6o? vrcep vo(ji), but it is impossible to determine whether the expenditure
recorded in the Heidelberg papyrus was also directed to a monastery. If in fact the payment amounted to, as it seems,

twenty-some artabas, then the solidus here does not have the same high value that it does in the two P. Oxy. texts (cf.
the value of the solidus to the artaba at P. Oxy. LV 3805.46 and LI 3628.11, 25, 39, where the editor rightly points out
the difficulty of determining a standard of wheat; see also the list of sixth century wheat prices in Johnson-West,
price
Byzantine Egypt, 177-178).
1 If. Beginning with this line, remaining text pertains to bricks and cisterns. I am fairly confident with reading K[x]rijLi( ) and
assume that the line was of the following sort: xo?? rc?iv9(e\)xa??) rctav6(e?aaoiv) ?v xo?? ??fi? Kxr|u.(aaiv): "To the
brickmakers who have made bricks in the holdings below, for 80,000 burnt bricks on account of," cf. P. Oxy. XVI
1910.5, 1912.122, XVIII 2195.91, XIX 2243a.79, LV 3804.151. Line twelve might then have begun with \lioQov, "on
account of (^?y(cp))wages" (which seems more natural than taking X?y(cp)with |?v(pi?8cov) r|), followed by the names
of the holdings and the number (inmyriads) of bricks produced per holding. The extant part of line 12 then continued
with Kal xco14o?ko8?|4.(co)oxoi?aa(avxi) ?(px.) 8, "and to the builder who has stacked them, 4 artabas," followed by
the total expenditure. This is of course conjectural, but it seems to me to convey the general sense of these two lines,
even if some of the details may have been otherwise.
Two expressions are of particular interest: a) vrc?p ?rcx(fj?)rc^?v9(o\))15 and b) oxoi?ao( ). P. Oxy. XVIII 2195.91,
190, XIX 2243a.79, and LV 3804.151 have, variously abbreviated,
?rcxfj? nXivQov, "for the wages
vrc?p uioOo? for
burnt bricks," but in the Heidelberg papyrus uaoBou does not follow im?p, so that the expression is most naturally
a rare, if not unique, case of ?rcxfj? nXivQov
rendered "on account of burnt bricks." This then constitutes preceded by a
other than For the view that is a compound adjective that in the koine admits of a third
preposition ??. e^orcxo?
termination in the feminine, e.g. ?^orcxrj? nXivQov, see L. C. Youtie, "Lost Examples of e^orcxoc" ZPE 50 (1983), 59
60. It is not surprising to find burnt brick, as opposed tomud (or "raw") brick (rc^ivBo? couri),being employed in the
construction of cisterns, since mud brick would not suit the damp conditions of cisterns; on burnt brick, see A. J.

Spencer, Brick Architecture inAncient Egypt (Warminster 1979), 140-141.

oxoi?aa( ) is almost certainly an abbreviated form of the verb oxoi?aCco. Both oxoi?aCco and oxoi?aaic are rarely
attested in the papyri and appear to denote a process of stacking. In P. Oxy. LV 3811 (third century) a certain Horion
writes to Pagenes requesting him to compel Pinution the builder (? o?ko8?jj,oc) to stack and fire burnt bricks
(oxoi?aoat Kal bnoKavcai xf|v orcxorcAav?ov). Stud. Pal. VIII 1023.2 (fourth/fifth century) is an order for payment to
an Anouthion ?rcep oxi?aoecoc nX?vQ(ox>)u/upi?Scov xpico[v, and comparison with P. Oxy. LV 3811 suggests that this
means "for stacking 30,000 bricks."16 Judging from the plate to P. Haun. Ill 63 (fourth/fifth century), I think that
something similar may also be the correct reading of line 26, where the editor prints o?ko8?jj,oc i)rc(?p) uiaO?o?)) oxi). a
and x are legible but the third letter is barely so, and I can see the traces that have led the editor to opt fori). rcXivOot)

begins the next line, and I doubt that much text intervened between it and the extant part of the line in question; thus
what may have been written after i)rc(?p) uiaG(o?) was oxoi?aoecoc (or axi?- or even for the interchange
ax\)?ao?coc,
of oi and v, see F. T. Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods I (Milan 1976),

14
Kal xco is uncertain. Above and to the right of iota is a diagonal stroke, consistent with either k or e; instead of Kai,
one might read ki or et. Following ai is also so we -
therefore tau, possible, that may conceivably have the verbal forms
e?xai or K?xat (for Ke?xai), e.g. xpecoaxe?xai, (?rci-)xe?e?xai, vrc?Kixai. I prefer Kal x and think that the co resembles to
some extent that in Ixeq>a]vic?vo? (line 16). Even if I am wrong and a verb was written here, I suppose that either

o?ko8?u.((o) or oiKo8o^(oi?) is the correct extension of oiko8ou,( ), since the passage records a payment to the
surely
builder(s), and the dative is to be expected.
15At first
glance it is tempting to read ?rcxorc?iv6(cov), but there is doubtless an abbreviation symbol following the x;
the same symbol occurs at the end of oxoi?ao.
16LSJ defines as "stuffing" or "heaping
axoi?aaic up."

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182 R.Ast

?rcxfj? or the number

197-198), followed of bricks.17 Based on these occurrences I interpret the abbreviated
by perhaps
form in the Heidelberg papyrus as "to the builder who has
representing oxoi?aa(avxi), modifying xcp o?ko8oji(c?),
stacked (the bricks)." As seen also inP. Oxy. LV 3811, the builder apparently bore responsibility for this task.
For the employment of axoi?aCco in a different context, see CPR I 232.16, re-edited by J. Rea, "On icr|p\)K?vr|: P. Heid.
IV 334, P. K?ln VI 279, and CPR I 232," ZPE 79 (1989), 203-206 (= SB XX 15036). On bricks and brick-making, see
A. J. Spencer, Brick Architecture, passim; G. Husson, Oikia. Le vocabulaire de la maison priv?e en d'apr?s les
Egypte
papyrus grecs (Paris 1983), 232-235; H.-J. Drexhage, "Einige Bemerkungen zur und den
Ziegelproduktion Ziegel
produzenten im r?mischen ?gypten (1.-3. Jh. n. Chr.)," in R. G?nther and S. Rebenich (eds.), E fontibus haurire

(Paderborn-Munich 1994), 263-272; for brickmakers and builders on Byzantine estates, see E. R. Hardy, Large Estates,
122-125; of the papyri thatmention bricks, see above all P. Oxy. XVIII 2197.
13 The bricks enumerated in line 11 were apparently requisitioned to build cisterns in the hamlets of Stephanion and
Phacra, and the following lines record payments for these cisterns. Sixth century accounts commonly report payments
or the distribution of supplies in connection with cisterns; see for example P. Bad. IV 95.216, 224, 226, 228; P. Cair.

Masp. II 67138 fol.IIr 28, 67139 fol.Vr 6, 67139 fol.Vr 20; P. Oxy. XVI 1911.96, 158, 166, 2035, passim, XVIII
2195.134, 137, 2197 (distribution of bricks), passim, XIX 2244 (distribution of axles), 34, 81, 87, LV 3804.169, 213,
217, 221; P. Wash. Univ. I 28.3, 4, 6. On taxKKOi, see D. Bonneau, Le r?gime administratif de l'eau du Nil dans

grecque, romaine et byzantine (Leiden 1993), esp. 56-61, and most recently W. Habermann, Zur Wasserver
l'Egypte
sorgung einer Metropole im kaiserzeitlichen Neuedition von P. Lond. III1177 (Munich 2000), 97 with n. 40
?gypten.
and 255 with nn. 551-552.
Ixecpavicovo? is certainly the hamlet intended here; on which see P. Pruned, / centri abitati dell'Ossirinchite, 185. The
exact location of this ?rcoiKiov is, I believe, unknown. It seems clear from P. Oxy. XVI 2034.6, 16 that Stephanion and
Phacra did not to the same for discussion of the division of estates into rcpovorioiai, see the
belong rcpovorjoia;
introduction to P. Oxy.3804, LV p. 96. Gignac
(Grammar examples I, 68) cites of the interchange of k and x "through

inversion or anticipation." Although in the Heidelberg papyrus the two letters are clearly confused, the confusion cannot
be said to result from inversion or anticipation. it is best explained as a error.
Perhaps phonetic
14 This line records a total, but it is unclear what for. For discussion of the cancellus measure, see the extensive note to
lines 141-2 in P. Oxy. LV 3804.
The symbol used to designate the fraction following vo(u,.) a consists of a loop with a diagonal stroke descending from
to left. I have examined of P. Oxy. 3804 and the symbol appears to bear closest resemblance to that for
right images
2/3, as for example at lines 27, 32, etc. The problem is that in the Heidelberg papyrus it is unclear whether the letter
in the case of 2/3 must precede, an option,
between a and the symbol is ?, which ? is certainly and considering that the
alternative to 2/3 seems to be 1/8, which is by an eta with a straight (not diagonal)
only generally represented
descending line, I believe that 2/3 (i.e. 12/3 solidi) is the best reading.
I am fairly confident that oixod K[ayK. is the correct interpretation of the last letters of the line and that it is better than

o?x(od) ?(px.) k, which suggests itself. As in lines 1,4, 6 and 8, aixou is apparently unabbreviated and ou resembles an
a. The k is likely to have been joined with a to designate K(ayK.) a(px.), which explains the absence of any trace of a
diagonal abbreviation stroke.
15 ?xxkkov? The is paralleled in other P. Cair. II 67139 P. Oxy.
ei? x?v v]?ov expression accounts, e.g. Masp. fol.Vr20;
XVIII 2197. 36; P. Wash. Univ. I 28.6. Bonneau (Le r?gime administratif, 59) draws a distinction between newly
constructed cisterns and reconstructed ones (v?oi taxKKoi).
(icocivo? Wckkoi)
have been followed at the beginning of line 16 by ur|%avr|v or Kprjvriv, but there are surely other possi
ei? xfjv may
bilities.
16 ?v ?rcoiK(icp) Xxecpa]vicovo? seems likely. Following this line is a large gap; there may have been something written
both left and right of it in the no longer extant part of the column. I, however, assign no line number to it.
17 ) KaA,]oi)|i( ) is probable. \n\%avx\ followed by a proper name generally refers to the unit of land under
uj|x(av
cultivation; see note to P. Lond. V 1741.5; A. Calderini "Appunti di terminolog?a secondo i documenti dei papiri,"
1 (1920), 309-313; introduction to P. Oxy. LV 3803; W. Habermann, Zur Wasserversorgung, 155 n. 210.
Aegyptus
Elsewhere which has been shown to have lain in the Lower is described as a Kxfjp.a; see P.
O?cKpa, recently toparchy,
Pruneti / centri abitati dell'Ossirinchite, 212, to which P. Oxy. LV 3805.38 and SB XXII 15365 col. II, 6 may now be
added. For discussion of the distinction between Kxr|jiaxa and ?rco?Kia, see E. R. Hardy, Large Estates 132-133. For

the identification of Phacra within the Lower toparchy, see N. Gonis, "Some Oxyrhynchite Villages in the Eighth
Century," 75 (2000), 128-132.
I assume that totals continued to be recorded at the end of this and the following lines, although beginning with line 17
they are no longer visible.
19 Traces of the upright and upper diagonal stroke the k in o]icvotaxKK(
of ) can be seen on two separate fibers. The word

also occurs at P. Oxy. XVIII 2197.66, 101, 118, 177; P*. Princ.
130, Ill 170.5 (with which see BL 3, 153). P. Mert. I

41.3 has x?v ?kvov xo?) taxKK(ou) and P. Mich. XIV 682.1, ei? %pe?av xo?) ?kvod XaKKoi). As T. C. Skeat has
ei?
shown, by the Byzantine period okvo? probably denotes the shaduf and ?KVotaxKKo?refers to the cistern filled by the

17It is clear from the

plate to P. Haun. Ill 63 that ?Sacp/ is the correct reading in line 5 where the editor prints 8a /.

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 Papyri editae in memoriam Wm. Brashear I 183

shaduf, "OKNOI," in J. Bingen, G. Cambier, and G. Nachtergael (eds.), Le Monde grec: hommages ? Claire Pr?aux

(Brussels 1975), 791-795.

20 Although the r| in u]r|x(av ) is different from how it appears elsewhere in the papyrus, the reading seems indisputable
and makes sense of the final %written in superscript. The name, unattested elsewhere, of this uT|%avr| poses difficulty:
the two letters that I transcribe as the first two x's resemble as well. A similar observation is made
y's by the editors of
P. Oxy. XIX 2244 in their note to line 51 on the urixavri called nax?xo?. It is highly unlikely, however, thatuax?xo?
was written in the Heidelberg papyrus, since the last letter of the name is not consistent with ?. x is the most natural

reading, and an apostrophe

appears to have been written above it, perhaps to indicate that the name is foreign

(presumably as may also be the case with Kiox' at P. Flor. II 259.6; for discussion
of this practice, see E. G.
Coptic),
Turner, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World1, P. J. Parsons (ed.) (London 1986), 11, and W. Cr?nert, Memoria
Graeca Herculanensis (Leipzig 1903), 9. Other names attested with ox in the genitive include the personal and

geographical names 'kXbx (P. Abinn. 73.56), Aeupox (BGU XII 2201.2), narctyox (P. Bad. IV 93.30), Oa?ieox (P.
Laur. Ill 113.5), Givox (P. Lond. IV 1460.54),Tep?x (P. Lond. VI 1914.57), Terc?x (P. Oxy. XVIII 2195.170 and XIX
2243a.48), O?x (P. Oxy. XVIII 2195.172), ?eKox (P.Oxy. XVIII 2195.188).
21 The manner inwhich this date is expressed is highly peculiar. One would expect the day to be given, represented by an
ordinal number, followed by the month. The traces in fact would accommodate Oacocpi, but no specific day is
mentioned. Conceivably, the day may have been stated in some periphrastic construction, e.g. ?v xr\ r|uipa xov Oacocpi

fjxi? ?oxiv x, on analogy with the common formula ?v xf[ orijiepov fjuipa fjxi? ?oxiv month/day. This however seems
unlikely because of the absence in theHeidelberg papyrus of theword or|u,epov. I think it ismore likely that a personal
name followed xo?, perhaps that of a martyr, consul, emperor, or abbot. P. Oxy. XVI 1911.149 and LV 3804.185 both
have ?v xr\ f|uip(a) xo? jiey?^oi) avOpcorcou. The editors of the former text suggest that "the day of the great man" may
have referred to the birthday of the consul Flavius Apion, but the editor of the latter argues more that it
convincingly
refers to the founder of themonastery (a??a 'Av8peou) mentioned in the entry, the day being the anniversary of the
foundation. It is also improbable that a consul was mentioned in the Heidelberg papyrus; Philoxenus, consul of 525, is
not a candidate, since the beginning of his name does not accord with what is on the papyrus. I am tempted to read

OcoK[?l, because of what appear to be traces of a stroke ascending from right to left above what I transcribe as co. Yet,
even if this is correct, I doubt that the emperor Phocas (602-610) is meant, since he did not rule during a fifteenth
indiction. A martyr's name may have been written here to mark his but in that case I would to read
feast-day, expect
ayioi) before his name, as for example at CPR IX 68.3, 5; P. Cair. Masp. II 67141 fol.Vr 22ff.; P. Harr. I 154.6; PSI IV
291.2, VII 791.4. If the papyrus did contain a martyr's name, then Phocas may remain a it
perhaps possibility, although
is doubtful that Phocas of Sinope (on whom see K. Savvidis, DNP 9 (2000), 942) would have been honored as far away
as in Oxyrhynchus. A of this passage eludes me.
fully satisfactory explanation
22 Faint traces are visible at the beginning of this line, including an abbreviation mark before but I am unable to
taSy(co),
decipher them and welcome elucidation.
often means or "compensation," in accounts to the estates;
rcapauA)0ia "salary," "wages," particularly pertaining Apion
see P. Princ. II 96.6-7n. and Johnson-West, 296.
Byzantine Egypt,

3) Accounts from Oxyrhynchus: Receipts

P. Heid. G
inv. 5144v 12 x 20.5 cm Sixth/seventh century
Oxyrhynchus Plate II
An account of payments received from various individuals, heirs, and guilds is written against the fibers
on the verso of P. Heid. inv. G 5144. It is of a type found among other accounts from the Apion estates,
for example, P. Oxy. LV 3804, XIX 2243a, XVIII 2195, XVI 1912, PSI VIII 954. The left side of the
papyrus is stripped, possibly reflecting the former presence of a kollesis. The band of missing vertical
fibers measures 2.4 cm at the top left part of the papyrus, where the breadth of missing fibers is greatest.
The text has been crossed out, perhaps indicating that it served as a preliminary draft. Letters on this
side are larger than those on the recto, and the ink is thicker. The hand appears to be different from that
of the recto, but the differences in script are not significant to suggest that a very
large interval
enough
of time elapsed between the recording of the two accounts.
Thus, also written the verso was, I believe,
some time during the second half of the sixth century, or the of the seventh.
perhaps early part
I am fairly confident that n(apa), presumably designated by n and a long diagonal slash, began each
entry (see commentary 5f.). Traces of either the diagonal abbreviation mark or the letter n (or both)
appear in varying degrees of legibility at the beginning of lines 7, 8, 10-14. At the end of each entry,
the amount received (in wheat, money, or both) would have been recorded; these sums have all been

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 184 R.Ast

lost, however. Numerous personal names appear, but I have been unable to identify with people
attested elsewhere the individuals whose names can be clearly deciphered (e.g. Tcoavvri?, 'Icoaf|(p,
Sapo\)T|^io?, Aavif|?io?). Of greatest interest in this account is the occurrence of icupiva in line 3.
Unfortunately, however, the reading of the word preceding it is uncertain, so that I cannot determine
whether icopiva refers to a person, place, or occupation.

1
1. t..R.]..U...v[
2 ?]ock?oc'Ico?vvo-? [
7t(ocp?c)
3 7i(ap?) I?]app?xo-u an Kupiva[
4 7t(ap?c)]K?,r|p(ovopcov)napo?v ypapp(ax?co?) ?i(?) [
5 7r(ap?c)]xo?)koiv(o?>) x v Yecop(y v) Kal ?[m(EXox>py&v)[
6 'Ekoik??od) [] [
7 7i(ap?) lcoof|(p Kal xcov???|X)(p[c?v
8 jc(ap?) K?,r|p(ovopcov)LapoD?i^?oi)?i(?) [
9 7c(ap?)] 'IaKcb? ixatao\)[
10 7i(ap?) xo?>am(ov) 'IaKtb?o[
11 7t(ap?) K^rip(ov?pcov)Aavirj^io-o [
12 7i(ap?c) x?v airc(c?v) K?rip(ovopcuv) Aavi[r|?,io\)
13 Tc(ap?)xo?>koiv(o?)) xc?[v
14 7i(ap?) xo?> koiv(o?)) x[a>v
15 7i(ap?)] o [ ]i aXiouAf

2 The name naKea? is attested at P. Mich. XV 736.14 (sixth century); for the genitive ?aKea the editor cites SB VI
9378.24 (second century), where the name is identified with ?aK?a, genitive of ?aK?ac (see D. Foraboschi's entry
under naKea, Onomasticon Alterum Papyrologicum (Milan 1967)). SB VI 9378.24 was republished as P. Mil. Vogl. II
103; in the re-edition the editor changed the name to IJaxea and suggested the alternative na%e? (from ua^ea??).^
Prior to the first a is sufficient space for one or perhaps two letters, so that naKea (or ?aKea) is a possibility. There is
no reason to believe that it is the same person as in P. Mich. XV 736, for which the editor postulates a
possible
Oxyrhynchite provenance. Otherwise, 'AKe?, which is attested at P. Oxy. XVI 2058.112 (sixth is also
century),
possible, though less likely because of the apparent loss in the Heidelberg papyrus of one or two letters from the
beginning of the name.
3 The name is not uncommon, and
in several is attested
other sixth century from Oxyrhynchus, P.
I]ap|x?xoi). papyri
Oxy. XVI 1861v, 1990.13, 2055.8, XIX
84; PSI VIII 953.9.
2243a.21, Otherwise, 'Apu?cxo? (genitive 'Apuocxou), the
name of the consul of 476/77, is attested in several papyri; see P. Jena 3.2 (= SB III 7167.2); P. K?ln III 152.2; P. Rain.
Cent. 123.2; R. S. Bagnall, A. Cameron, S. R. Schwartz, K. A. Worp, Consuls of the Later Roman Empire (Atlanta
1987). It seems more probable that lapumoi) is the name in the Heidelberg papyrus.
The letter that follows arc is either one of three: i, a, or o. The horizontal of the rc extends fairly far to the right, before
at a 90? angle and descending 2/3s the length of the verticals of the rc. There are traces within the angle which is
turning
created by the intersection of the horizontal and vertical lines that appear to belong to part of an oval. Hence, i seems to
I wish to consider since our under
be the least likely of the three possible letters. Nevertheless, all three options,
of the following word, Kuuava,^ (i.e. whether it designates an occupation, person or place) on the
standing depends
three letters that precede it.

a) "Arci? The name "Arci, a short form of the genitive of ?Arci?, occurs elsewhere; for a brief discussion of the name and
additional references, see note 5 in P. Oxy. XLIII 3102. If in fact the name was written here, then what follows is likely
to be Apis' title, KDjiiva, seller of cumin, and the line might therefore be translated "From Sarmates, son of
professional
Apis the cumin-seller;"20 SB V 8092.26 (with which see P. J. Sijpesteijn "Short Remarks on Some Papyri III,"

18 Foraboschi treats SB VI 9378 and P. Mil. II 103 as different entries for the
Vogl. documents, providing separate
names without supplying cross-references.
respective
19 to resemble is not is no of a
Upon first glance, the |i appears p, but the descender long enough for p and there sign
head.
20 -
KDUAVorccb^ri? is the usual term for this; see L. Casarico "Repertorio di nomi di mestieri. I sostantivi in -rcco^rjc e

rcpaxrjc," StudPap 22 (1983), 23-37 along with H-J. Drexhage, "Die Komposita mit -rcco^rj? und -rcpaxrjc im hellenistischen

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 Papyri editae in memoriam Wm. Brashear I 185

Aegyptus 66 (1986), 148-149) and O. Narm. I 57.3 offer possible parallels; cf. too, e.g., SEG VIII 143, XLIV 608. If i
were certain, this would be, I believe, the best of the passage; note that Pamoun's title is
interpretation professional
given in line 4.
b) ?rca? Paleographically, this reading seems better than the because itmakes some sense of the traces to the
preceding,
left of the vertical line, yet we have to assume that the clerk inadvertently drew the vertical line and then tried to create
an a by a semi-circle. I would rather expect him simply to have written a regular a over the vertical line, arca
adding
also complicates our understanding of the following word, since it requires us to read in KDUiva the personal name

Kvjiiv? (genitive of Kuuiv??), "From Sarmates, son of Apa Kuminas."21 This name is very rare, occurring in O.

Eleph. DAIK 161 (sixth/seventh century), where it is spelled Kujieiv??, and in perhaps two Latin inscriptions (ICUR I
3142 (= ILCV 1479) and CIL VI 23636; see H. Solin, Die Griechischen Personennamen inRom: Ein Namenbuch, vol.
2 (Berlin 1982), 1094?he lists the name in ICUR 3142 as incertus).22 The personal name should not, I suppose, be
excluded as a possibility in theHeidelberg papyrus.
c) arc?? o may best accommodate what is on the papyrus, but one must assume that this is an o that consists of two

parts, the right one of which is in this case straight, and not curved. If arc? is correct, then what follows is likely to be a

topographical name. No such place, however, is known of in Egypt. Outside a mountain and monastery of the
Egypt,
name are attested in literary sources; for references and discussion of the evidence, see O. Masson, ZPE 11 (1973), 17
18. The only other possibility that I can think of, though I consider it highly improbable, is that arco is to be
compounded with kduivcx to mean "a former cumin-seller" arc? being the equivalent of ex. Such are
compounds
attested from the Byzantine period, but they normally refer to a former official, e.g., arcorcpaircooixoi), P. Cair Masp II
67127.23, III 67296.3, 15, 17, 18, 67328 p.4.29, p.5.27, p.6.26, p.7.26; P. Lond. V 1687.23 (with note), 1693.18; P.
Flor. Ill 281.20-21; P. Michael 51.12f.; P. RossGeorg. Ill 36.24; arcoeppovxiaxou, P. Mich. XV 736.7 (with note);
arcoercapxoi), P. Lips. 42.2 (with R. S. Bagnall, K. A. Worp, "Notes on Byzantine Documents IV," BASP XVII (1980),
7); cf. too arcoSpaKcovapicp P. Amst. 45.7 (with note). I have found no examples of former occupations being
designated in an arco- compound in the singular. Former to a guild of tradesmen appears to have been
membership
expressed by arc? plus the genitive plural; see, e.g., P. Oxy. XIX 2243a.37 (arco o?voxeip[iox(cov)]) and A. N. Jannaris,
An Historical Greek Grammar (London 1897), 1514 and [1]; cf. too, e.g., P. Princ. II 96.8 (arco fxei?ox?p(cov)). Thus,
compelling support for this hypothesis iswanting.
4 The second vertical stroke of rj curves sharply, meeting the first one and causing the letter to resemble k. Nevertheless,

K^r|p(ovo|Lic?v) is certain; it occurs again at lines 8, 11, 12. I have been unable to identify Pamoun, whose name is
common, with any other
person of the same name.
5f. The two vertical strokes of the rc in a|xrc run together, and a small abbreviation mark follows; there is then a slight trace,
which could belong to an d. Entries from the community of both the tenant farmers and the vine
recording receipts
dressers (rcap? xov koivo? xcov yecopycov Kai auTietayupycov) are
apparently unique to sixth century Oxyrhynchus.
They
are found at P. Oxy. XVI 1911.63, 191223.29, 58, 81, 85, 86, 8824, XVIII 2195.7125, LV 3804.34, 47, 101, 135; PSI
VIII 954.22, 41, 42. Of these 15 occurrences 8 receipts are explicitly said to be for fixed rent on vineyards (vrcep
arcoxaKxoi) all eight are paid in solidi;26 in the case of 4 entries,
%copicov) and it is entirely unclear to me what the

payments are for, at least 2 and possibly 3 are made in both wheat and money, that they are not for
although suggesting
arc?xaKxov xcop?cov.27 Payments at P. Oxy. XVI 1911.63 (with which, see P. Oxy. LV 3804.135 n.) and LV 3804.135
are both made on account of the ground of the vine-dressers (vrc?p ?8a(p(ou?) xcov?|ircetan)p(ycov)). PSI VIII 954.42
does not specify what the receipt is for, unless ?rc?p should be understood prior to Meya?,(r|?) Movxeco? x[fj?
rc]e8icx8(o?); an alternative would be to assume the inadvertent omission of bnep arcoxaKxoi) "from the
xwpicov,
community of tenant farmers and vine-dressers of the plain of Megale Mouchis on account of fixed rent on vineyards."

?gypten," M?nstersche Beitr?ge zur antiken Handelsgeschichte 10 (1991), 1-17. For discussion of occupational designa
tions ending in -??, see B. Olsson, "Die Gewerbenamen auf -?? in den Papyri," Aegyptus 6 (1925), 247-249; O. Masson,
"Quelques noms de m?tier grecs en -??," ZPE 11 (1973), 1-19, esp. 14ff; and, with additional A. J?rdens,
bibliography,
"Kein Ailios in SB VI 9463," ZPE 72 (1988), 271-272.
21 There is no trace of an abbreviation mark after d, so that arca Miv? (for Mnv?) is unlikely; cf. P. Lond. IV
K?(poi))
1436.42).
22 The name at P. Lond.
Kduivod appears V 1652.26.
23 In the case of P. Oxy. xov koivo?
XVI 1912, is omitted.
24 For corrections to this
line, see T. M. Hickey "Notes on Some Cairo Papyri from Byzantine Oxyrhynchus" ZPE 123
(1998), 163.
25Where the editor of 2195.71
prints rc(ap?) xo?) koiv(o?)) xcov yecop(ycov) [ ]rce( ) i)rc?pcxrcoxaKxo(D)xcop(?oD) read
rc(ap?c) x?v koiv(o?)) xcovyecop(ycov)?fxrce(ta)Dpycov)vrc?p ?rcoxaKxo(i)) xcop(?cov).
26 P.
Oxy. XVI 1912.81, 88 (see footnote 24), XVIII 2195.71, LV 3804.34, 47, 101; PSI VIII 954.22, 41.
27 P.
Oxy. XVI 1912.29 and 85 are inwheat and money; 1912.86 may also be, if I understand ojlio?(co?)correctly, i.e.
that it refers to oixoi) uixp(cp) (?px.) y in line 85; P. Oxy. XVI 1912.58 registers a payment in solidi from the
community of
tenant farmers and vine-dressers, but it is unclear whether itmight be for ?rc?xaKxov %cop?cov.

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 186 R.Ast

On the basis of the above evidence I would not propose a supplement to line 5 of the Heidelberg if it were not
papyrus,
for the fact that 5 of 8 (or 6 of 9, if we accept that the receipt at PSI VIII 954.42 is for ?rc?xaKxov xcopicov) of the
receipts which are paid ?rcep arcoxaKxoi) occur at the end of sections devoted to the respective hamlets of the
xcopicov
individuals (or groups) paying.28 Of the receipts mentioned above which do not appear to be for fixed rent none occurs
at the end of a section (see, for example, P. Oxy. XVI 1912.81-89, in which there are two receipts for fixed rent and two
that apparently are not; the two that are appear as the last entry in their respective This
sections). may be the result of
coincidence, but the fact that in the Heidelberg papyrus the payment from the tenant farmers and vine dressers precedes
a new suggests to me that the payment may well have been for fixed rent. Thus the reading xo?)
heading rc(ap?)]
koiv(o?)) xcov yecop(ycov) Kal ?|irc(eA,ODpycov)v[nep ?rcoxcxK(xoD)xcop(uov) vo(uio|Liaxa) ?], "[From] the community of
tenant farmers and vine-dressers [on account of fixed rent on vineyards, ? solidi]," is, I believe, highly possible.
For an extensive of communities/guilds, see M. San Nicol?, Vereinswesen zur Zeit der Ptolem?er und
study ?gyptisches
R?mer2 (M?nchener Beitr?ge zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte) 2 vols. (Munich 1972); see too A.
E. R. Boak, "The Organization of Gilds in Greco-Roman TAPhA 68 (1937), 212-220; A. C. Johnson and L. C.
Egypt,"
West, Byzantine Egypt: Economic Studies, (Princeton 1949), 151-155; and with additional bibliography P. van Minnen,
"Urban Craftsmen in Roman Egypt," M?nstersche Beitr?ge zur antiken Handelsgeschichte 6 (1987), esp. 48-56, 60-72;
I. F. Fikhman, "Sur quelques aspects socio-?conomiques de l'activit? des corporations ZPE 103
professionelles,"
(1994), 19-40. For discussion of ?rc?xaKxov, see P. J. Parsons "Philippus Arabs and Egypt," JRS 57 (1967), 134-141,
though the texts examined there are of an earlier date; on the use of %(?pia for xwpia see note 34 in P. Oxy.
ajxrceXiKa,
LV 3804 and T. Derda, "P.Naqlun Inv. 53/86: a Letter from Bishop (?)Nicolaos to Comes Basileios," JJP 22 (1992),
16 n. 3.
The name of the erco?Kiov is hardly legible. I see two vertical strokes, which may to r|, rc, or v. The traces of the
belong
second letter are consistent with y, rc, or x; p seems The vertical stroke below this letter belongs, I
unlikely. long
believe, to the cp in ??e?cpcov in line 7. After this letter there appears to be one letter entirely lost and then there is a
long vertical stroke belonging to k, i, <p,y, or an rj like that found in Iauoi)riX,ioD in line 8.
7 The name 'Icoor|<p is used indeclinably here; see Gignac, Grammar II, 104.
8 What looks apparently like k at the end of this line is, I think, the i in?i(cx), abbreviated as it is in line 4; Kai, however,
remains a possibility.
9 I am uncertain what the patronymic is following 'IaKCO?.I transcribe ixa?ioi* and I think that the letter preceding the
first i is a, X, D,or perhaps ?. In the next line we find xov ai)x(o?)) 'IaKcb?a[ The o following ? might belong to a
variant of the genitive of 'IaKco?, e.g. or is the most common form
spelling 'IaKco?oi) 'IaKco?oc, although 'IaKcb?
attested at Oxyrhynchus (for an exception to this, see P.Wash. Univ. II 92.9 (fourth/fifth century), where the genitive of
'IcxKco?ococcurs). But if o is the first letter of Jacob's patronymic, which I think itmay be, then perhaps his patronymic
is Omxa?AOc. Here in line 9, the name may have been spelled either O?ixa?ioi) or Bixa^ioi) attested at P.
(Bixatao?is
Oxy. XVI 1984.6 and XIX 2243a. 12).29
10 Between lines 9 and 10 are traces of ink resembling oi. This may belong to an interlinear insertion, since the traces do
not appear to be parts of letters from either line 9 or 10.
After the xin aux(ot>) there is a loop which leads into an arching line employed as an abbreviation I would
symbol.
have assumed that this loop was an o, if it did not appear again in line 12 where a?xo? is clearly in the genitive plural.
11 For the name Aavirjtao?, see Gignac, Grammar II, 104.
13 xo in xov is large and ornately written.
15 Here again (cf. line 9), O?ixaAioi) may be possible, but I am not that it is correct,
confident o is large; there is no
horizontal trace above or to the left of the letter, so that xov seems o may therefore be the first letter of a
unlikely;
proper name. The two letters that follow may be di, yet there is a trace to the right of this hypothetical i that I cannot
make sense of. xaX,i is easier to read than the preceding letters; the next letter is obscured and the
beyond recognition,
last two letters of the line (dS) are clearly legible.

*
Heidelberg / Toronto Rodney Ast

28 The clear
exceptions are P. Oxy. XVIII 2195.71, PSI VIII 954.22 and 41, although if line 42, which does precede a
is for the fixed rent, then line 41 is not an exception. There is a general in P. Oxy. XVI 1912
heading, tendency, especially
and LV 3804, for receipts from tenant farmers and vine-dressers (as well as those from tenant farmers to be clustered at
only)
the end of a section. The practice is not strictly adhered to, but these texts may reflect some method
accounting employed by
clerks on the Apion estates.
29 P. a payment
Oxy. XIX 2243a. 1 records from 'Icocxvvou diou TaWoi). In the Heidelberg papyrus I see no trace of an
abbreviation mark between the i and x.
*
Iwish to thank theUniversity of Toronto Classics Department and theGilbert Norwood Foundation for the financial
support that enabled me to spend the 2000/01 academic year in the congenial surroundings of the Institut f?r Papyrologie in
Heidelberg. To Professor Dieter Hagedorn I owe my warmest gratitude for the time and helpful suggestions that he

generously shared. I also benefited throughout the year from conversations with and assistance from Wolfgang Habermann
and my wife.

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S? TIm r

inv.
Heid.
P.G5144v

R.
inv.G5144r177-186
pp.
P.Heid.
Ast,

P.Heid.inv.G5148r

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