Minoan Hydraulic Tradition and Technolog PDF

CURA AQUARUM
IN GREECE
Proceedings of the 16th International Conference

on the History of Water Management and Hydraulic Engineering
in the Mediterranean Region
Athens, Greece
28 - 30 March 2015
Siegburg 2017
Schriften der Deutschen Wasserhistorischen
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1st Edition 2017

ACCEPTED PROOF
Eustathios D. Chiotis
Minoan hydraulic tradition and technology transfer

to Thebes and Corinth in Greece with emphasis
on underground waterworks
Article received: March 24th 2016

Accepted: August 22nd 2016
Proof available: November 2nd 2017

1
Minoan hydraulic tradition and technology transfer to Thebes

and Corinth in Greece with emphasis on underground
waterworks
Eustathios D. Chiotis
Abstract
The water management systems of Minoan Crete and the potential transfer
of technology to Mycenaeans are examined with special emphasis on the
underground hydraulic works, an objective which has received limited atten-
tion so far. By contrast, the Mycenaean surface irrigation and drainage works
were the subject of the monumental research by Knauss.
The geology at Knossos is outlined, with emphasis on the springs and the
gypsum outcrops and the role of the latter in the construction and decoration
of buildings, the natural water pollution from the dissolution of gypsum and
its special importance to the Minoans as a rock, since some of the ritual struc-
tures were preferentially decorated with gypsum.
Minoan hydraulic techniques and inventions are reconsidered, including the
Mavrokolybo aqueduct, the application of the hydrostatic equilibrium as
demonstrated in the pressure terra cotta pipes and as suggested in water jet
fresco, the spring chambers and the hydraulic works at the Caravanserai.
The Vlychia Viaduct is considered as a possible water bridge for water supply
from the perennial Kairatos River. The stone walled pits known as Kouloures
are considered to belong to a system combining rainwater drainage and
groundwater replenishment. It is also envisaged that the importance of fresh
water in Minoan rituals and cult might have been an impetus on the devel-
opment of hydraulic technology. This holds particularly for the tapering wa-
ter tubes, as well as for the bath and spring chambers in the Caravanserai.
Underground waterworks at Thebes and Corinth were chosen as case studies
for the investigation of possible transfer of technology, since Thebes are rich
in remains of Mycenaean underground waterworks and the Peirene galleries
can be considered as extended spring tunnels. The spring chamber at
Mavropselio and its characterization by Evans as a “Minoan Peirene” indi-
cates an advanced level of the Minoan ground water capturing techniques,
which were further developed later at Corinth and at the Oidipodia fountain
at Thebes and took the form of long irregular spring tunnels with shafts at
intervals, following the geometry of aquifers.
Numerous remains of the Mycenaean and posterior hydraulic works have
been unearthed in the water rich area of Thebes, the location of which was
selected mainly due to the copious water springs. The excavation data offer a
chance for the study of Mycenaean water management techniques and their
Cura Aquarum in Greece, Schriften der DWhG, Band 27-1, Siegburg 2017, ISBN 978-3-86948-600-0
2 Eustathios D. Chiotis, Minoan and Mycenaean hydraulic tradition in Greece
evolution into the historical waterworks. Corinth on the other side offers the
ground of investigation in the geometric times, earlier than the outstanding
Archaic and Classical aqueducts (Avgerinou et al. 2016; Dounias et al. 2016).
Introduction
It is impressive that Minoan hydraulic systems on the island of Crete were

already advanced at the beginning of the Palatial period 1. Their hydraulic
works display a remarkable sophistication of knowledge, empirical but wise-
ly applied.
The water management systems of Minoan Crete include cisterns, wells,
spring chambers, water basins, aqueducts, dams and drainage systems
(Houseman 2013, 49) and possibly aqueducts on water bridge and ground-
water replenishment pits.
Knossos has been settled in Neolithic times, probably 7000 years BC at a cen-
tral location on the island of Crete (figure 1, top). The palace at Knossos has
been built on a Neolithic settlement on a hill at an elevation of about 90 m,
west of the Kairatos River, at a safe distance from the intruders from the sea.
It is believed that the first settlers arrived on the island with a well-
developed continental economy based on their former environment, proba-
bly the Anatolian coast (Watrous 1994, 699). Similarly, the Palatial period
starts at Knossos with an advanced level of hydraulics on which this article is
focused.
The Minoan hydraulic technology was transferred to some degree to the My-
cenaeans who concentrated their major efforts of hydraulic engineering on
the construction of large drainage and irrigation waterworks. Particularly
impressive are the drainage works developed in the Copais Basin circa in
1300 BC, “fully justifying the claim that here we have the first hydraulic civi-
lization in Europe” (Knauss 1995, 83). When considering the Minoan tradi-
tion, however, I believe that Crete has been the cradle of the hydraulic engi-
neering in Greece, with the striking combination of early development at a
level of perfection.
Geological outline
The Palace of Knossos is founded on fertile Pliocene marls with intercalations

of crystalline gypsum, some of which are shown in the figure 1, compiled on
the basis of the catalogue and the map of Minoan Sites by Hood and Smyth
(1981). The significance of gypsum outcrops is emphasized, first because the
rock was systematically quarried by the Minoans, at some places in under-
ground quarries (Evans 1930, 192), for the construction and decoration of
1 The beginning of the Protopalatial period is roughly dated in 1900 BC (Houseman 2013, 12).
Eustathios D. Chiotis, Minoan and Mycenaean hydraulic tradition in Greece 3
their buildings. In addition, gypsum is soluble and pollutes the water with
sulfate ions which even in weak concentrations cause a brackish taste.
Furthermore, it seems that gypsum was of special importance and meaning
to the Minoans since some of the ritual structures, like the spring chambers,
were preferentially decorated with gypsum.
As expected, groundwater near gypsum outcrops becomes brackish and this
is the case of the Vlychia spring, named so exactly because of its brackish
taste (Evans 1928, 104). Drinking water at Knossos was partly supplied from
wells not only in Minoan times2 but later also in Greek and Roman antiquity;
some of Minoan and ancient wells are shown in the figure 1.
In addition to the Pliocene crystalline gypsum intercalations, a major outcrop
of Messinian gypsum occurs on the Upper Gypsades Hill on a higher ground,
a tectonic horst, at an elevation around 180 m, between the Kairatos River
and the Vlychia torrent. This outcrop of Messinian gypsum is expected to
affect the quality of surface and underground waters in the area.
The Knossos area is considered well-watered in comparison with the rest
Crete thanks to the adjacent Mt. Juktas. The Kairatos River is perennial, fed
from springs of good quality north of Archanes, among which Karydaki, Syl-
amos and Spilia springs are shown in the figure 1. These springs emanate
from Upper Miocene sediments, but their water originates mainly from the
limestone, strictly speaking the carbonate rocks of Mt. Juktas, the northern
foot of which is the outcrop of limestone shown at the SW corner of figure 1.
The Kairatos River is of particular importance because of the summer
drought associated with the typical Mediterranean climatic regime which
prevails in Crete, with mean annual precipitation of 477 mm, 78 % of which
falls in the months of October to March (Hood – Smyth 1981, 5).
2Twenty one Minoan wells are known in total, with eleven of these being at Knossos (House-
man 2013, 46)
Cura Aquarum in Greece, Schriften der DWhG, Band 27, Siegburg 2016, ISBN 978-3-86948-521-8
Fig. 1: Top: The main Minoan sites of the island of Crete 3; the red rectangle
delineates the extent of the Knossos geological map shown below. Bottom:
Geological formations4, Minoan and ancient wells, the main springs and re-
mains of aqueducts5 in the area of Knossos projected on ESRI’s World Topo-
graphical Map. The red rectangle delineates the extent of the map in figure 3.
3 Based on Glowacki – Vogeikoff-Brogan (2011, 2), where the site names are listed.
4 Based on the Geological sheet of Herakleion, 1:50,000, IGME, Athens.
5 The trace of the eastern section of the Roman aqueduct was based on Strataridaki - Gigour-
takis (2016, 54) and the rest traces on Hood - Smyth (1981).
Hydraulic engineering at Minoan Knossos
Drainage, sanitation and water supply
As early as 1901, Evans (1901, 81) underlined that in the whole structure of
the Palace, nothing is more remarkable than the elaborate drainage system
that runs throughout the “Domestic Quarter” and adjoining halls. After thirty
years of excavations and important discoveries, Evans (1930, 252-255) was
still impressed by the hydraulic achievements of the Minoans, in regard with
the elaborate drainage system of the Palace, the connected sanitary ar-
rangements and the water supply by means of scientifically shaped sections
of terra cotta water pipes. The impact of admiration of Evans for the hydrau-
lic and sanitation utilities of the Minoans is reflected in an article of the Ca-
nadian Medical Association, according to which: “More than two thousand
years before Caesar‘s legions crossed over to Britain, and when our forebears
were living in huts made of wattles and mud, there was a civilization in the
island of Crete with houses that were fully equipped with toilets and baths,
with tiled drains emptying into deep, well made, underground sewers - all
built in a manner that was never again equaled until the Nineteenth Century”
(Corrigan 1932, 77).
Whitelaw (2004, 153) estimated the overall population of the Neopalatial6
Knossos between 14,000 and 18,000 individuals with a density of 200 to 250
individuals per hectare which is comfortably within the density range for
urban communities. This explains the motivation for the development of the
Minoan hydraulic infrastructure, which actually reached the level of the ur-
ban centers in the 19th century.
The primary objective of the drainage system was the management of rain-
water with stone shafts descending from the upper stories of the five-storied
Palace down below the floor to a well-built stone network of “plastered”
conduits with flat covering slabs. Throughout the greater part of the network
the drain conduits, one meter in height and half that width, were originally
coated with cement (Evans 1901, 81).
A plan of the entire drainage system was illustrated by MacDonald and Dries-
sen (1988, 235) along with stone-by-stone detailed plans and description.
The total length of the drainage system exceeds one hundred and fifty me-
tres. Remains of the hydraulic cement which once lined the entire system are
sometimes visible. It appears that once the hydraulic cement lining of the
drain had begun to disintegrate, water began to erode the dressed surfaces of
ashlar blocks.
It is possible that the drain merely emptied itself down into the Kairatos Riv-
er. However, a major aim of the system could have been to collect rain water
6 1700-1470 BC.
and store it for use in the Palace (MacDonald – Driessen 1988, 250). The cy-
cles of rainfall and drought in Crete would necessitate the storage of rain
water and indeed archaeological evidence for the storage in cisterns occurs,
mainly in the Neopalatial period (Lenuzza 2011, 197). With the exception of
a very early and a very late cistern, the majority of the cisterns on Minoan
Crete were in use during Late Minoan IA (1700-1600 BC; Houseman 2013,
41).
The Mavrokolyvo aqueduct
The Mavrokolyvo spring at the eastern bank of the Vlychia ravine (fig. 2) re-
presents according to Evans the nearest spring of quite pure water, issuing
from a limestone bed, free of sulphate solutions from gypsum. A weak spring
still existed in 1926 and its water was conveyed by a single small pipe for
irrigation. Winter rains in 1926 brought out some Minoan blocks, which have
been the side-supports of a water-channel. The discovery of a stone conduit
roofed over by slabs, heading from the spring towards Knossos confirms that
the spring was no doubt one of the sources of water-supply (Evans 1928,
462).
Fig. 2: Projection on the Ktimatologio air photos of the Minoan aqueduct and
the Mavrokolyvo spring, the Vlychia spring, the Viaduct (VD) bridging the
Vlychia stream, the Minoan road and the Kouloures near the Minoan Palace.
The internal section of the stone conduit at Mavrokolyvo spring was 0.35 m
wide and 0.70 m high, with a rectangular groove carved at the bottom slab
0.15 m wide and 0.06 m deep (Evans 1928, 462). The plan of the water chan-
nel indicates that it crossed the Vlychia stream and Evans noted a descending
and subsequently an ascending route of the channel across the stream. He
considered this stone conduit as an illustration of the practical knowledge of
the Minoans that “water finds its own level” an expression commonly used by
Evans in the case of pressure terra cotta pipelines to denote the equilibrium
of hydrostatic pressure in pipelines of U-shaped routing.
It is suggested here that the descending and subsequently ascending water
flow across the stream could only be achieved by means of a closed pressure
pipeline placed in the groove of the bottom stone plate. The continuation of
the Minoan aqueduct on the western bank of the Vlychia stream was fol-
lowed by Evans over a distance of about seventy meters (Evans 1928, 547)
and is shown in figure 2.
The Mavrokolyvo aqueduct, of Middle Minoan age and of similar construction
to the Palace drains, could have been the main water source supplemented
by wells at the Palace (MacDonald – Driessen 1988, 250). However, in my
opinion, the water supply potential of the perennial Kairatos River should
not be underestimated.
Remains of post-Minoan aqueducts are also shown in figure 1. The Roman
aqueduct which included an E-W trending tunnel 1,150 m long (cf. the
straight section in fig. 1) was fed from the spring Fundana. The Egyptian aq-
ueduct supplied Heraklion from the Fundana spring too, along the Roman
tunnel which was cleaned in the period of the Egyptian rule (1830-1840),
whereas the Venetian aqueduct was supplied from springs north of Arch-
anes, including the spring Karydaki (Strataridaki - Gigourtakis 2016, 54).
Pressure pipelines: Minoan and subsequent applications
Aside from the drainage network, the system of water conveyance by means
of terra cotta pipes is among the earliest hydraulic elements of the Palace.
The advanced design of Minoan stone conduits and pressure pipelines was
early appreciated by Evans. These Minoan pipes with their collars and stop-
ridges are considered of admirable construction. Evans diagnosed what re-
cent studies confirmed (Tseropoulos et al. 2013, 2057), that the tapering
form of each section gave the water a “shooting motion” well adapted to pre-
vent the accumulation of sediment. Some of them are comparatively near the
surface and others run over three metres deep, beneath the foundations of
the South Porch, and show an upward slope of 1 in 18.90 metres. Plans and
sections of terra cotta pipes found under the South Porch are shown by Ev-
ans (1921, 143) and reproduced in figure 3A.
Fig. 3: Minoan pressure pipes (A), pressure pipe from the fountain at the Prop-
ylon of the Vouleuterion, at the Athenian Agora (B) and Roman pipes from Cor-
inth (C). Please note the different scales. Compilation and drawing by the Ar-
chitect G. Michail.
Two types of terra cotta water pipes were found in the Palace, both of them
with slightly tapering7 outline, those with plain outer surface and those pro-
vided with two loops on each side. The loops would enable adjacent pipe
sections to be corded together (Evans 1935, 147), as shown at the top of fig-
ure 3A. I believe that cording would hold together the pipe sections on
curved paths until the connecting cement was hardened.
Similar terra cotta sections of water pipes were also found at a Minoan sta-
tion at Sylamos, near large blocks from buildings (Evans 1928, 66). Tapering
terra cotta pipelines were also in use at Tylissos, Phaistos, Gournia,
Palaikastro and Zakro and all of them are considered as Minoan (Shaw 1973,
198-201; 2004, 143).
7 Slight tapering also occurs with the Archaic pipes, as shown in figure 11B.
Despite the emphasis in the literature on the shape of the Minoan pipes from
a hydraulic point of view, the most important achievement, I believe, was the
knowledgeable experience of the principle of hydrostatic equilibrium in
closed circuit, which took too long to be reapplied in siphons.
After all, the critical factor for the above mentioned effect of “water shooting
motion” is not the external shape of the pipes but the internal geometry, in
particular the diameter reduction at intervals, which can occur also in cylin-
drical pipes. In the pipes of the Athenian Agora (figure 3B) the contraction
occurs in the middle of the sections, due to thicker walls. Similarly, in the
Pergamon pipes of the drinking water distribution net, a contraction is in-
ferred at the joints (Wellbrock 2012, 133). The importance of tight sealing at
the joints, by means of lime mortar is reported in the Hellenistic Pergamon
and in Archaic pipes of Olynthos and Samos (cf. Wellbrock 2012, 130), the
earliest use, however, goes back to the Minoan period.
H. Fahlbusch drew my attention to another application of pressure pipes at
the Nemea Stadium (Miller 1976, 200), belonging to the water supplying line
of a fountain. It is of interest that the pipes measure 0.97 m in length and
they are significantly longer than the pipes reported by Wellbrock (2012,
Abb. 1), which do not exceed 0.57 m.
As observed by Evans (1921, ix) “the clay and metal forms of vessels are in-
separably connected; ceramic designs at Knossos are seen to be largely the
reflection of the decoration of the Palace walls”. Furthermore, the shape of
water pipes is similar to that of cult vessels. It seems therefore that forms in
art, cult and ceramic products were connected and the shape of the water
pipes should be envisaged in this perspective.
Water flow under pressure was applied again much later in Late Classical to
Early Hellenistic times, the most impressive application being the Hellenistic
water supply system of Pergamon (Fahlbusch 2014, 167).
In the Agora of Athens, in the feed-line of a fountain at the Propylon of the
Vouleuterion, pipes with massive walls were used (figure 3B); the fact that
its joints were closed with hard lime cement indicate that the water was
brought under pressure and hence could have been carried to some height in
the shaft of the fountain (Thompson 1940, 105).
Another terra cotta pipeline was excavated also in the Athenian Agora, feed-
ing the Late Classical water clock. The careful sealing of the joints, using lime
and bands of lead, is rather unusual. The terra cotta pipes were sealed at the
top with molten lead, indicating that this pipe was built to carry fresh water
under pressure. Pottery from associated levels suggests that this pressure
line should be dated no later than the early 3rd cent. BC, making it the earliest
known from Athens and among the earliest in the Greek world (Camp 1999,
257-259). A couple of pressure pipelines was also excavated in the northern
part of the Agora, west of the Pokile Stoa: a closed round terra cotta pipeline
and two stretches of lead pipe, all presumably designed to carry fresh water
in the 5th cent. AD (Camp 2007, 640).
Typical cylindrical Roman water pipes have been studied at Corinth (Palin-
kas – Herbst 2011, 318). They are closed terra cotta pipes with rather thin
walls (fig. 3C) used in gravity flow, combined with settling basins at intervals.
They are also suitable for flow under pressure, particularly with thicker
walls.
More Minoan hydraulic inventions
Water jet: Evans considered that “perhaps the most illuminating record of
the modern level attained by the Minoans at this epoch in their hydrostatic
arrangements is to be seen in the actual representation of a jet d’ eau,
brought to light in the House of the Frescoes” (Evans 1930, 253) (fig. 4).
Fig. 5: The proposed components

Fig. 4: Fountain (jet d’ eau) from for a water jet reconstruction.
painted stucco panel, House of
the Frescos.
I suggest that the water jet could be easily produced by a simple cylindrical
vessel with closed flat bottom and perforated top, similar to that excavated at
Zakros by Hogarth (1901, 141), which is described in more detail by Defner
(1921, 78). This particular vessel has two loops for cording on each side, a
lateral opening just below the perforated top, an external diameter of 0.15 m
and is 0.34 m long. If placed vertically, as shown in figure 5, with the flat bot-
tom on a base similar to a stone candle stick (Evans 1928, 127), it can pro-
duce a water jet when supplied with water from a higher elevation by means
of a tube cemented and corded to the lateral opening of the vessel.
The Viaduct: Another important work of possible hydraulic application is the

Minoan viaduct carrying the Minoan road from the south to a bridge over the
Vlychia torrent (fig. 6). The viaduct consists of piers the upper parts of which
were bridged over by means of corbelled arches to support the roadway (Ev-
ans 1928, 96).
The viaduct could also serve for the conveyance of water to the Palace from
southwards, although the archaeological evidence for checking this assump-
tion has been lost due to collapse of the viaduct. It can be reasonably conjec-
tured however that the most convenient source of water to supply the Palace
through the viaduct would be mainly the perennial Kairatos River, given the
poor quality of the adjacent Vlychia spring.
Fig. 6: View of the Viaduct

(drawing by Theodore Fyfe, Evans 1928, 97).
Spring chambers: The description of Evans of the “Mavrospelio or Black Cave

with its artificial spring chamber and inner reservoir, as a Minoan Peirene”
(Evans 1930, 274) indicates underground excavation for improved water
capturing, similar to that of the Peirene fountain at Corinth. This topic is fur-
ther discussed below in the Caravanserai spring chamber.
Groundwater replenishment: Large underground walled pits found at Knos-

sos, Phaistos and Malia have caused a debate as to what they have been used.
They were named kouloures by Evans; four have been found at Knossos,
three in the West Court, which can be distinguished on the air photo of figure
3, and one by the Theatral Area (No. 87, 88, 89, and 165 respectively in the
catalogue by Hood - Taylor 1981). They are 5-6 m in diameter and 3-4
m deep.
It is commonly accepted that the plastered kouloures at Malia were granaries,
whereas the presence of a raised stone duct leading into one of the Knossos
kouloura, gives weight to Evans’ initial interpretation that, this structure at
least, “could have acted as a blind-well, collecting surface run-off from the
court but not storing it, as a cistern would, in a similar way as the modern
sump” (Evans 1935, 65-66; Houseman 2013, 123).
Apart from Evans, it has not been appreciated that these pits feed natural
underground reservoirs and contribute to the replenishment of groundwater
and they actually display the environmental sensitivity of the Minoans and
their care for fresh water. The benefit from the pits is twofold, the water is
stored underground, the water table at the wells in the area is maintained
higher and the soil is protected from erosion by the runoff. This approach is
recommended still today, but its application is usually neglected.
Hydraulic installations of ritual function
It is suggested that the importance of fresh water in Minoan rituals and cult
might have been an impetus on the development of hydraulic technology.
This holds particularly for the tapering water tubes, as well as for the bath
and spring chambers in the Caravanserai. The so called snake tubes, belong-
ing to domestic snake cult at Knossos (Evans 1935, 139), are similar to the
tapering water tubs, as inferred from the figure 7. The Caravanserai excavat-
ed by Evans (1928, 103-140) is associated with an elaborate water manage-
ment system (fig. 8). It is a large, decorated with frescos, two-story building
of obscured function, of an unexampled character as noted by Evans (1928,
105). It was located by the main Minoan road from the Gypsades Hill towards
the palace, in the area between the Viaduct and the Vlychia spring, at a site
with magnificent view towards the Palace. Three water lines are numbered
as follows in figure 8: (1) a stone built conduit from the Vlychia spring, (2) a
tube line supplying the stone bath for “foot washing8” and (3) a terra cotta
8 By contrast to Evans’ interpretation of the Caravanserai as a public building, it is currently

considered as an elite and exclusive structure, prestige symbol focusing on bathing and wash-
ing (Houseman 2013, 192).
Fig. 7: The so called snake tubes, belonging to domestic snake cult at Knossos
(Evans 1935, 139), are similar in shape to the tapering water tubes.
pipeline draining an underground fountain/ spring chamber. In addition,

remains of a waste duct and fragments of painted clay bath tubes occurred in
the room between the mentioned bath and the fountain chamber.
The stone conduit 1 in fig. 8, predating the Karavanserai, passed below the
foundation of the Caravanserai basement floor and was directed obviously
towards the Minoan road and the Viaduct, through which it could supply
Knossos with fresh water from the Kairatos River. The stone bath, just west
of the painted pavilion, was supplied by a stone duct which brought water to
a terra cotta pipe, headed towards the south border of the bath (Evans 1928,
121). As noted by Evans (1928, 120), “no less than six ducts of various kinds
contributed to the water system of this single chamber. It would be hard to
find a better example of the Minoan delight in hydraulic devices”.
Fig. 8: Caravanserai and the elaborate water supply system (adapted from Ev-
ans 1928, 106). The red rectangle above delineates the Caravanserai plan be-
low.
In the fountain chamber the water issued naturally from the earth. An over-
flow duct occurred, the continuation of which was traced for 8.60 m, turning
eastwards to meet the overflow drain from the bath (Evans 1928, 126).
Underground water supply in the Mycenaean period and subsequently
One of the most difficult problems confronting the military engineers since
the Mycenaean times was to provide the fortified cities with a sufficient sup-
ply of drinkable water, which could not be cut off or contaminated by the
enemy in time of siege.
Mycenae offers one of the best examples of the engineer’s ingenuity in the
water supply of a citadel. An underground cistern was constructed at Myce-
nae, outside the walls at the end of the 13th cent. BC. The cistern was fed from
an adjacent spring outside the walls on higher ground. It was accessible from
the citadel by means of an underground passage made of large stone blocks
in Cyclopean style with corbelled roof9. The passage consists of three flights
of steps which lead to the cistern. The first flight is built within the fortifica-
tion walls. The other two are constructed underground and outside the walls.
It is presumed that the water was brought by an underground channel.
Similarly, at Tiryns two outlets of an underground spring supplied water to
the citadel. The spring outside the circuit wall was reached by two inclined
passages cutting the walls, at the north-west section of the citadel. I under-
stand from the sections 4 and 5 by Verdelis (1963, 70-71) and the report by
Hereward and Burton-Brown (1963, 130) that the water springs along a fault
about 8 to 9 m beneath the surface. The walls of the passages are built of
large boulders in Cyclopean style. In both passages the lowest course of
stones does not rest directly on bedrock but on a thick layer of yellow clay.
The same clay has been used between the stones of the upper courses as
well. The intercalation of the clay at the joints of the blocks has been used, in
my opinion, for insulating the passages. Thus, leakage of ground water would
be avoided and water would be protected from contamination from surface
waters.
The water supply of the Cadmeia citadel was a more complicated task and is
therefore described in a separate section below.
The evolution of water supply at Thebes from the Mycenaean to the Classical
period
Abundant hydraulic remains of Mycenaean age excavated at Thebes offer

chances for the study of Mycenaean water management techniques and their
9 It is reminded that corbelled arches were also used earlier in the Vlychia Viaduct at Knossos.
evolution in historical times. Numerous remains of the Mycenaean and pos-

terior hydraulic works have been unearthed in the water rich area of
Boeotian Thebes, the location of which was selected mainly due to copious
water springs.
As quoted by Robinson (2011, 23), Strabo in a discussion of the Boeotian
physical geography (9.2.16-18), notes that “some of the streams flow through
underground channels, whereas others flow on the surface of the earth, thus
forming lakes and rivers”. It is reasonable to conjecture that he was probably
inspired in this description from observations at Thebes where the “under-
ground channels” correspond to aqueducts and the streams are the surface
expression of copious springs which generate the rivers Dirki (Plakiotisa),
Stropheia (Chrysorroas) and Ismenos (Agianni), depicted in figure 9.
Fig. 9: The Late Helladic and the Hellenistic circuit walls of Thebes (adapted
from Symeonoglou 1985, 30 and Aravantinos 2014, 41 respectively), ancient
aqueducts and the surface drainage net projected on ESRI’s World Topograph-
ic Map. The rectangular frame delineates the extent of the map in figure 10.
The hydrologic basin of Thebes
A unique feature of the hydrologic basin which embraces Thebes is that it

extends southwards beyond the surface watershed, thanks to underground
flow from the adjacent hydrologic basin of the Asopos River in the south
(Koumantakis 1980, 117). Intensive pumping of the aquifers for irrigation
has presently significantly depressed the water table and deprived water of
many springs and wells on higher elevations, including the area of Tachi, an
area of copious springs and aqueducts in antiquity.
Thebes was built on the Kadmeia Hill (fig. 10) covered and surrounded by
Pleistocene fluvial sediments of clays and lenses of sands, sandstones and
conglomerates. The region around Kadmeia and on the higher hills to the
south contained numerous sources of water (Chlevino, Mpouka, Vranezi,
Oidepodia, Paraporti, Kati, Pege and Agianni), which are depicted in the fig-
ure 10 after Symeonoglou (1985).
Fig. 10: The springs, the aqueducts and the sites of hydraulic works described,
projected on the Ktimatologio air photos. Linear symbols as in figure 9.
Excavations of hydraulic works
Numerous waterworks, described by the excavators as aqueducts, have been

revealed either within the Late Helladic citadel of Kadmeia10 or at the Greater
Thebes, dating from the Mycenaean to the Byzantine times. However, the
data are fragmentary their correlation is difficult and dating is often uncer-
tain.
The Agios Nikolaos Aqueduct
Pappadakis (1911, 141) excavated west of the church of Agios Nikolaos at

the site 215W 11 a 4 m long conduit, approximately 2 m high and 1 m wide at
the bottom, tapering towards the top. This trapezoidal section of the conduit
similar to that of the underground passageway (dromos) of the chamber
tombs is considered by the excavators as typical Mycenaean as opposed to
the galleries with vertical walls and vaulted roof in historical times. The Agi-
os Nikolaos conduit is safely dated as Mycenaean on the basis of 19 vases
found. There is no description of the type of pottery, votive, ritual or domes-
tic, but the numerous pottery findings in a short gallery might suggest a spe-
cial function of the site. At least, there are hydrological similarities of the Agi-
os Nikolaos tunnel with the Minoan underground spring chambers. The use
of the pipeline indicates most likely the collection of water in an under-
ground basin, from which the pipes were supplied.
Clay water pipes were found at the bottom of the conduit in a channel which
was 0.32 m wide. The pipes are 1.05 m long, cylindrical with flat bottom, of
different size at the ends, so that the narrow end is inserted in the wide end
of the next pipe (fig. 11A). Each piece has an opening closer to the wide end,
presumably for cleaning, according to the excavator (Keramopoulos 1917,
327-329)12.
As described by Keramopoulos, a plaster of lime and clay is used both be-
tween the flat bottom of the pipes and the channel, as well as for fixing the
connection of the adjacent pipe pieces13. The pipes are considered Roman by
Pappadakis without any explanation, whereas Keramopoulos believes that
10 In Classical times the name Kadmeia, in singular, was specifically used to designate the old
city, whereas Thebes, in the plural, was used to designate the entire city, which had expanded
in several directions around the Kadmeia (Symeonoglou 1985, 13).
11 The numbering of sites follows the Symeonoglou’s catalogue.
12 Tölle-Kastenbein (1994, 72) in her typology of archaic water pipes, recognized that cleaning
and removal of the sinter is not possible through the small holes, which served for deaeration.
In our opinion, in addition to dearation, the hole served for placing the plaster at the junction,
a practice applied also in the water pipes of the archaic aqueducts in Athens.
13 Mixing lime with clay is rather a strange interpretation and we consider that it might be a
lime cement instead produced from calcareous marl as in Knossos.
Fig. 11: The pipes from Agios Nikolaos at Thebes (A) adapted from Keramo-
poulos (1917, 328) and for comparison Archaic pipelines from Athens (B)
adapted from Tölle-Kastenbein (1994, 51; figure 71). Compilation and drawing
by the architect G. Michail.
they are Mycenaean on the basis of the Mycenaean looking clay and due to
the absence of any younger pottery in the conduit.
The Theban pipes are flat at the bottom, an indication that they were not
shaped in a potter’s wheel. Their coupling is rather simple compared to the
elaborate junction of the archaic pipes. They are of similar length to the Late
Classical pressure pipes at the fountain of the Nemea Stadium (Miller 1976,
200), to which H. Fahlbusch kindly drew my attention, but significantly
shorter than the Archaic and Roman pipes. The flat base of the Theban pipes
is a significant difference with all the above mentioned cylindrical pipes and
therefore the chances of Roman age are rather remote. We believe therefore
that this comparison of tubes, although indicative, is in favor of Keramopou-
los’ view for the Mycenaean age of the Theban water pipes.
As to the Agios Nikolaos conduit which is considered by the excavators as a
section of an aqueduct, due to its short length we tend to believe that it is
most likely a capturing gallery for the capacity increase of a spring, similar to
the Minoan spring chambers; the nearby Pege spring at the site 173 is in fa-
vour of this interpretation. The downstream continuation of the Agios Niko-
laos conduit could be a surface stone channel.
The house of Kadmos
Another interesting hydraulic work was excavated by Keramopoulos (1911,

149) at the site 1 in the so called House of Kadmos, the most important ar-
chaeological site at Thebes. Near a Mycenaean pottery kiln a well was found,
at the bottom of which, at a depth of 3.60 m, a rock-cut aqueduct 1.10 m high
and 0.50 m wide was ramified in five directions. Symeonoglou (1985, 223)
argues that the shaft was in reality a water main of the Theban aqueduct.
However in our opinion this structure could simply be a groundwater captur-
ing work, repeated also in historical times in Corinthian wells. As noted by
Landon (2003, 43), catchment tunnels were used at Corinth to increase the
capacity not only of springs, but also of wells in the form of small feeders
radiating from the bottom of a shaft.
Aqueducts of Kadmeia
Symeonoglou (1985, 50), on the basis of remains of five Mycenaean conduits

(at the sites 109, 184, 13, 209, 215W of his catalogue) suggested that the
Thebans in the Mycenaean period constructed an underground conduit that
brought water into the city from the higher ground south of the Kadmeia. He
distinguished the Mycenaean from the classical aqueducts on the criterion
that Mycenaean aqueduct is stone-lined and tapers upward. However, the
conduit at the site 209 according to Faraklas (1998, 31) dips strongly south-
wards and could not therefore belong to an aqueduct supplying Thebes from
the South. It could rather belong to a drainage duct, I believe. Furthermore,
Faraklas pointed out that the elevation at the Pappadakis’ excavation (215W)
is by c. 10 m lower than the minimum required for the site to belong to an
aqueduct sloping northwards to the Kadmeia.
Therefore, the above Mycenaean conduits 209 and 215W cannot be sections
of the same aqueduct with the Mycenaean conduits at the sites 109, 184 and
13. This however does not reduce the importance of the Mycenaean hydrau-
lic conduits on the Kadmeia. The evidence from the excavations can neither
support nor exclude the existence of a Mycenaean aqueduct supplying
Kadmeia with water from springs in the south. This would require the con-
struction by the Thebans of a water bridge similar to the Minoan Viaduct at
Knossos, along the same route with the medieval Kamares arcade; a task
which was certainly feasible by the familiar with Cyclopean structures Myce-
naeans.
Alternatively, the Mycenaean conduits on the Kadmeia could belong to a hy-

draulic system for the exploitation of local aquifers. Symeonoglou (1985, 50)
believed that there is no natural source of water on the Kadmeia, whatever
was needed had to be brought into the city from the two nearest sources, the
springs of Paraporti (site 53) and Pege (site 173).
However, both the Paraporti and the Mpouka springs are fed from the Pleis-
tocene sediments of the Kadmeia Hill and this implies that there is ground-
water available on the hill. The significant area of the Kadmeia, c. 200,000 m2,
and the relatively high annual precipitation, 600 to 800 mm (Keramopoulos
1917, 8), favour the formation of underground aquifers in clastic sediments.
Therefore, the conduits at the above three sites could have been designed for
the capturing of such local aquifers, well protected within the citadel..
Another type of common conduits on the Kadmeia is c. 0.5 m narrow and at
least 3 m high. A typical case is the conduit excavated near site 205 by Farak-
las (1998, 32; footnote 13), where dating was not possible. Conduits of this
type on the Kadmeia indicate in my opinion a subsurface water distribution
net, whereby tunnels were excavated deeply enough for the gravity flow of
water. Dating evidence does not allow so far to judge whether they belong to
an ancient or to the medieval aqueduct. The arcade of this aqueduct is known
as Kamares and its location is shown in figures 9 and 10; it was demolished
at the end of the 19th cent. AD. The Kamares arcade was built to connect the
Kolonaki hill with the Kadmeia (Keramopoulos 1917, 123). The same course
would be the obvious choice for an aqueduct bridge in antiquity, too.
The Oidipodia fountain
East of the Kadmeia hill, the Oidipodia fountain is associated with another
important hydraulic work. The fountain at the site 244 can be considered as
an intermediate link between the Mycenaean short tunnels and the posterior
aqueducts, named shafts-and-gallery aqueducts by Wilson (2008, 290).
Oidipodia existed as a natural spring, the capacity of which was improved by
the construction of a spring tunnel, referred to as the Oidipodia aqueduct by
Keramopoulos (1917, 398). It was cleaned over a length of 100 m, but the
total length is unknown. Shafts were found at 20-25 m intervals along its
course and angular changes in direction were observed. This geometry could
be an indication of a water capturing tunnel along a sinuous aquifer, similar
to the supply tunnels of Peirene at Corinth.
The Kolonaki aqueduct
A section of an ancient underground aqueduct of the shafts-and-gallery type,

named here the Kolonaki aqueduct, line A after Symeonoglou (1985, 141),
was located, cleaned and operated in the 1920s (figs. 9 and 10). Karouzos
(1926) described the aqueduct and Symeonoglou approximately traced its

course on map, one control point14 being the site 201 (fig. 10). It is composed
of a continuous main tunnel, 1 km long, and aligned wells 20 m apart. It is
supplemented by local tunnels, either lateral branches at the level of the
main one or parallel sections at higher level. This double Kolonaki aqueduct
is unique in Greece and recalls similar double aqueducts in Sicily, which have
the extraordinary feature of a second horizontal tunnel excavated in the rock
immediately above the basic aqueduct itself (Wilson 2001, 13). At Thebes, in
the progress of the works for the main Kolonaki aqueduct, apparently overly-
ing lens-shaped aquifers were encountered by the wells at a higher elevation,
the water of which was captured by tunnel sections at a higher level.
Symeonoglou (1985, 143) considers that the Kolonaki aqueduct, his line A,
extended through the point 1 up to the point 121 on the Amphion Hill where
“a shaft as deep as 20 m was found leading to a square room from which two
conduits branched out to either side of the Amphion Hill”. He also suspects
that these conduits are part of the Classical aqueduct of Thebes (Syme-
onoglou 1985, 274). I agree with Symeonoglou that the shaft at the point 121
has the features of a hydraulic work, but it is isolated, not connected to an
aqueduct. It obviously captured the aquifer feeding the adjacent Mpouka
spring c. 100 m northwest at a lower elevation.
Dating of the Kolonaki aqueduct is doubtful and hypothetical. Karouzos
(1926, 10) assumed that the aqueduct might be dated to the time of Hadrian.
However, Symeonoglou (1985, 144) correctly remarks that the area of Great-
er Thebes was only sparsely populated in the time of Hadrian and wonders
whether it could be one of the early achievements of Eupalinos from the
nearby Megara in the 6th cent. BC. Furthermore, he plausibly considers that
this aqueduct was meant to primarily supply the Kadmeia and this implies
the existence of a water bridge for the Kolonaki aqueduct, an ancient fore-
runner of the Medieval one.
The Tachi aqueduct
Excavations revealed recently another type of ancient aqueduct about 400 m

south of the Theban suburb Tachi, located at the site of the ancient Potnies
(Tachi aqueduct in fig. 10). After Symeonoglou (1985, 10) until recently there
were two springs west of Tachi, called Kephalari and Pegadaki, and another
one to the north called the Kati spring. All three flowed into the river Dirke.
A surface stone channel was unearthed which was constructed in a trench,
covered by stone plates. The channel is transformed southwards into a shal-
14 The Kolonaki aqueduct was followed to a small rectangular room with a mosaic floor deco-
rated with dolphins in black and red tesserae; the room is not visible today, but it is located at
site the 201 according to Symeonoglou (1985, 142).
low tunnel, a couple of meters deep, and was followed over a distance of
100 m, along which five access shafts were revealed. As observed by Aravan-
tinos (1995, 296), the emblematic Ephor at Thebes, 5 m north of the shaft
No1 an S-shaped deviation from the straight line exists along the tunnel
course.
This might represent in my opinion the point of meeting of two sectors of the
tunnel excavated in opposite directions, an assumption which is also sup-
ported by the change in dimensions of the tunnel at this point. Apparently,
the main body of the aqueduct was excavated first, then the final section
south of the shaft No 1, for the connection of the aqueduct with the springs.
The Tachi aqueduct is at a good location for supplying the western part of
Greater Thebes.
On the basis of the surface archaeological findings, the operation of the Tachi
aqueduct lasted from the classical to the Byzantine Times (Papadaki 2000,
363). The construction of the aqueduct in the classical times falls in the peri-
od of great development at Thebes.
According to Symeonoglou, the period from 446 BC, after the victory of
Thebes over Athens at Koroneia, up to the sack of the city in 335 BC, was one
of unprecedented prosperity: many public buildings were constructed; new
sanctuaries were built and old ones renovated or refurbished; a new and
longer conduit was added to the aqueduct system15. But all of this ended cat-
astrophically in 335 BC when Alexander the Great sacked and destroyed the
entire city leaving only the sanctuaries and the house of Pindar. Most of the
population was killed or sold into slavery (Symeonoglou 1985, 206).
Corinth
Prehistoric settlements existed in the area of Corinth near springs since the
Neolithic period, however Corinth was organized as a city state only in the
8th cent. BC combining a strategic position, fertile land and rich water supply.
Not surprisingly, Corinth was a thriving commercial polis in the Late Geo-
metric Period and colonized16 Syracuse and Korkyra. Before the construction
15 Symeonoglou (1985, 143) supports the existence of an aqueduct, shown in figure 10 as Line
B, starting near the Agianni spring (point 243), which was meant to provide water for the
Greater Thebes. He believes that there is no doubt that this aqueduct was an element in the
planned expansion of Thebes in 446 BC. The Line B aqueduct is shown in the figure 10, despite
my reservations for its extent and continuity, because Symeonoglou joins together a number
of water points for which there is no safe proof that they are interconnected into a single
aqueduct.
16 Syracuse was founded one year after Naxos, and seven before Megara Hyblaia, that is, in
733 BC, whereas Corinthians landed in Korkyra in 734 BC (Sakellariou 1990, 122).
of the 85 km long Hadrianic aqueduct17 which brought spring water from

Stymphalos and after its abandonment in the 5th cent. AD, the water supply
was based on the springs and the local resources of groundwater. Under-
ground waterworks capturing the aquifers of the springs were cleverly ad-
justed to the local geology and functioned at least from the 6th cent. BC on-
wards.
Outline of geology and hydrology at Corinth
The developments in water catchment tunnels at Corinth demonstrate ex-

plicitly the indigenous evolution of groundwater technology under favorable
local conditions and this is particularly obvious in the case of the Peirene
fountain. The monumental facade of the fountain is the front behind which a
complicated underground system was established.
The fundamentals of Corinthian geology have been comprehensively outlined
by Hayward (2003) and are summarized here. The regional uplift of the
Northern Peloponnese in the Pliocene-Pleistocene is particularly intensive in
the area of Corinth where a series of tectonic terraces step-up from the Gulf
of Corinth to the foot of the Acrocorinth peak of limestones. The broader area
is dominated by marine Pliocene-Pleistocene marls, covered by Pleistocene
conglomerates, sandstones, marls and limestones. Ancient Corinth in
particular lies on a terrace of Tyrrhenian marine and nearshore deposits
with conglomerates, marls and limestones. During the last tens of thousands
of years, fast-flowing water transported large rock fragments from the high
ground at the south and deposited coarse breccias and conglomerates that
cover parts of some of the marine terraces (Hayward 2003, 17). These con-
glomerates at Ancient Corinth cover marine marls and sandstones, within
which the water supply tunnels of Peirene were excavated.
17 The construction is likely to have begun in 125/6 or in 129/130 AD and was completed
before Hadrian´s death in 138 AD. It is likely that the aqueduct fell into ruin during the course
of the 5th cent. AD (Lolos 1997, 294-298).
Fig. 12: The Acrocorinthos Mountain and the upper boundary of the talus cone;
view from the Archaic Temple southwards (photo and delineation of the talus
cone by the author).
As emphasized by Landon (2003, 43), despite the low average precipitation

in modern times at the Ancient Corinth, about 400 mm annually, the area had
in antiquity the reputation of being a well-watered city, thanks to the vast
reserves18 of underground water which fed more than a score of natural
springs and supplied innumerable wells.
Crouch (1993, 84) supported that in the Agora at Corinth the ancient Corin-
thian engineers were utilizing existing but irregular karst tunnels, carved out
during long eons in the permeable limestone and conglomerate lying just
above the impermeable clay19.
18 In the early 20th century Peirene’s total output ranged from 7 to 12 m3/h, while in the rainy
year of 1919 the flow was measured at 20 m3/h (Robinson 2011, 5). Talking of vast reserves is
rather an exaggeration by comparison to only two of the many aqueducts of Thebes in the
1930s. The output of the ancient Kolonaki aqueduct was estimated to 115 m³/h (Lambrou
2009, 48) and that of the aqueduct at Pyri to 60 m3/h (Lambrou 2009, 58).
19 As noted by Lolos (199, 298, footnote 69): “Landon pointed out to me several mistakes and
inaccuracies in Crouch's treatment of the hydrology of Corinth”.

Unfortunately, many of her inaccurate opinions were uncritically adapted and are repeated
still today. Typical is her following assumption (Crouch 1977, 49), referring for support to an
old newspaper article: “The building of underground aqueducts in the seventh century BC was
attributed to the Achaemenian kings of Uratu (later Armenia). Recent excavations have veri-
fied that qanats or foggaras (underground aqueducts with air shafts to the surface; one term is
Persian, the other, Arabic) were in use there (L.A. Times, Sept. 29, 1971, 20). Apparently this
technology was imported to the Persian Empire in the seventh century and then passed on to
the Greeks in the sixth century”.
Fig. 13: Simplified geological map of the broader area of Ancient Corinth north
of the limestone peak of Acrocorinth, with the locations of springs and foun-
tains, the city walls and a square red frame of the extent of the map in fig. 14,
on the basis of shapefiles uploaded by Herbst.
(http://www.ascsa.edu.gr/index.php/excavationcorinth)
On the basis of archaeological and geological data, the Peirene tunnels are
not karstic, they are totally man-made and were excavated in clastic sedi-
ments deposited in marine environment, during the last tens of thousands of
years as described by Hayward (2003, 17). These recent clastic sediments
Fig. 14. The water capturing tunnels I and II feeding the Peirene fountain, the
tunnels III supplying water to the wells of the South Stoa, the tunnel IV of the
sacred Spring and the Great Drain in the North, projected on the Ktimatologio
air photos. Map composition by the author on the basis of shapefiles uploaded
by Herbst (http://www.ascsa.edu.gr/index.php/excavationcorinth).
are good aquifers which continue to feed the springs in the area (fig. 13), the
most copious of which is at the Peirene fountain.
The natural cycle in groundwater feeding the Peirene spring is certainly re-
lated to the Acrocorinth limestones, but in a more complicated way. The crit-
ical part is played by the impermeable shales and chert formation which is
interbedded in limestones. The outcropping mass of the Acrocorinth lime-
stones is surrounded and underlain by the shales and chert formation which
hinders the water flow vertically. The groundwater is partially diverted lat-
erally and partially stored in the talus cone (fig. 12), north of the limestones
and from whence the water feeds the aquifers of the recent marine clastic
sediments mentioned earlier.
Water supply works
The Peirene hydraulic works: Capturing works were developed in antiquity

to enhance the water yield of springs. The first human interventions with
stone-built and rock cut structures at the Peirene spring date probably to the
8th and 7th cent. BC. Behind the fountain arcade a net of later rock-cut supply
channels has been revealed thanks to the long and painstaking excavations of
the ASCSA, directed by Bert Hodge Hill. Two types of supply tunnels brought
groundwater to the fountain (Hill 1964, 54). The older sections of tunnels
closer to the façade (type 1), are horizontal and have an inclined groove, a
“shelf conduit”, cut in the wall of the supply tunnel for carrying the water.
The groove was approximately 0.20 m deep and 0.20 m wide, covered with
stucco and had a gradient towards the façade. The supply tunnel is 1.50 to
1.70 m high and 0.50 to 0.65 m wide. Apparently at a later stage, a cross tun-
nel was also excavated laterally for capturing a second layer of sandstone at
the bottom. Therefore, the tunnel bottom was also coated with stucco.
It is noted that the type 1 tunnels are actually a miniature of the Eupalinian
aqueduct, where the tunnel is again horizontal and the water is conveyed in a
sloping, rectangular channel excavated adjacent to the tunnel floor (Zambas
et al. 2016). Unfortunately, it cannot be concluded which system is anterior,
since the type 1 tunnels at Corinth have not been dated.
In the later and longer tunnels of the type 2, there was no shelf conduit, the
water was carried on the tunnel floor covered with stucco, sloping with a
rather significant gradient of 1 : 200 and this might explain the stucco on the
floor in order to avoid erosion. In order to achieve this gradient, the tunnel
roof was partly excavated in the overlying conglomerate and the tunnel
height was increased towards the fountain.
Vertical shafts were sunk from the surface to the tunnel at intervals to facili-
tate the removal of clay and rock and improve the ventilation. The shafts,
elliptical in plan, were provided with toe-holes for climbing and their long
dimension was aligned in the direction of the tunnel. Obviously, digging long
tunnels is impossible without opening shafts; the construction of wells
aligned along the snaky tunnels at Corinth is by no means an indication of
similarity to qanats.
Subterranean, sinuous, draining galleries similar to the water supply tunnels
of the Peirene and the Oidipodia fountain, had been developed in Oman and
United Arab Emirates already in the Iron Age (Boucharlat 2016). It is inter-
esting that a huge number of snake representations collected on several Iron
Age cultic sites are correlated with the snaky shape of the sinuous subterra-
nean galleries (Mouton et al. 2011, 18). It is also noted, just for the attraction
of the interest of specialists, that in some coinage portrayals snakes appear
behind Peirene (Robinson 2011, 61).
The geological formations at Ancient Corinth were favourable for tunneling.

The ceiling of the tunnels is at the level of the base of the well-cemented and
stable conglomerate or within it and this eliminates the need for roof sup-
port. Furthermore, the excavated rocks were soft, composed of clay with in-
tercalations of aquiferous sandstone. Following the aquifer was not an easy
task, since the sandstone bodies are irregular and this is clearly depicted in
the geometry of the supplying tunnels (figure 14). Capturing waterworks
were actually implemented by the application of mining techniques20.
The South Stoa: The groundwater supply system and the tunneling technique
were perfected in the South Stoa, dated to the early decades of the 3rd cent.
BC. The Stoa was equipped with 31 aligned shafts one for each room. The
wells were connected below the Stoa to a water supplying tunnel of known
length c. 109 m. The shafts were laterally offset from the tunnel with which
they were connected through a short crosscut. There is only one manhole
near the middle of the tunnel which runs vertically into the tunnel. The wells
were sunk to a depth of c. 12 m, whereas the bottom of the main tunnel was
at a depth of c. 11.60 m (Hill 1964, 59-62).
The line of the tunnel jogs slightly between rooms near the middle, indication
that the tunnel was dug from both ends. The accurate alignment of the tunnel
was ascribed to the manhole in the middle which provided a line of sight
during construction of the tunnel (Scahill 2012, 254). The isotropic nature of
the clay in which the tunnel was opened is, in my opinion, an additional fa-
vourable factor for keeping the alignment during the excavation.
In addition to the springs and the underground water, significant geological
resources in the area are the oolithic limestone, extensively quarried as a
building stone, pottery clay and calcareous marls. Certain of the marl beds
are a rich source of mortar and ceramics. The calcareous marl is easily dug,
pulverized and calcined to produce a white lime cement. The advantage of
marls in calcination is that optimum cements, assessed by compressive
strength, are produced at relatively low temperatures, typically in the region
of 750 °C (Hughes 2009, 77). It is interesting that this advantage of marls was
much earlier exploited by the Minoans and afterwards by the Mycenaean at
Thebes.
Concluding remarks
No matter how simple the components of the Minoan hydraulic works seem
today, such as stone conduits, spring chambers and terra cotta pipes, it
should be emphasized that they were rather advanced for their time and that
20 Cf. contribution of B.A. Robinson in this volume.
some of them were “reinvented” much later. The Great Drain at the Agora of
Athens, introduced for drainage at the end of the 6th cent. BC, is a stone con-
duit similar to the Minoan ones; the terra cotta pipelines were used system-
atically in the Eupalinian aqueduct in 550 BC, although occasional applica-
tions are also known from the Mycenaean period; the cement sealed pres-
sure pipes were introduced in the late Classical to Early Hellenistic period.
Actually the development of the Minoan sanitation infrastructure reached
the level of the urban centers in the 19th cent. AD.
Minoan hydraulic technology is characterized by the remarkable ingenuity in
the construction of large scale hydraulic networks. The city states in conti-
nental Greece, founded mainly since the 8th to 7th cent. BC, introduced similar
drainage and water supply system which however hardly reached the elabo-
ration of the hydraulics of the five-story palace of Knossos, established for
the sake of an unparalleled elite. The Minoan hydraulic infrastructure actual-
ly reached the level of the urban centers in the 19th cent.
The technical advantage of Minoans was based on the wise application of
empirical knowledge of physical principles. They applied in practice the
principle of hydrostatic equilibrium in closed circuits and they probably un-
derstood the water cycle in the nature, as indicated from the replenishment
of groundwater with rainwater in the kouloures. They were also familiar with
underground works for the excavation of gypsum and clay and this experi-
ence was also applied in the excavation of spring chambers both for the im-
provement of the water capturing and the use of the chamber as a cult site.
It is emphasized that the development of water management systems bene-
fited from their connection with ritual practice. This is evidenced by rich de-
posits at the Caravanserai spring chamber, along with post-Minoan artefacts,
implying a long history of ritual practice in and around the spring chamber
(Houseman 2013, 152). The geometry of the water pipes was also interrelat-
ed with ritual vessels, another case of close relationship of hydraulics and
ritual practice.
The Minoan application of easily produced cement from marls in buildings,
pipe sealing and other hydraulic works is also encountered at the Mycenaean
Kadmeia and later at Corinth.
The continuation and evolution of the Minoan hydraulic techniques by the
Mycenaeans can be traced at Thebes. The spring tunnels south of the
Kadmeia (site 215W in figure 10) with built walls and terra cotta water pipes
at Agios Nikolaos can be considered as a stage of further evolution of the Mi-
noan spring chambers.
Mycenaean conduits on the Kadmeia itself (sites 109, 184 and 13 in the fig-
ure 10) could be considered to belong to an aqueduct conveying water from
springs in the south, only if the existence of a water bridge along the route of
the Kamares arcade could be proved.
The improved water capturing at the wells by excavating conduits at their

bottom in various directions, as in the so called House of Kadmos (site 1, fig-
ure 10) is a purely Mycenaean step of progress, encountered also at Corinth
in Classical times.
Next step of progress at Thebes was the groundwater capturing at springs
with longer tunnels, as in the Oidepodia fountain at Thebes. This technique
is very well developed and demonstrated at the Peirene fountain at Corinth,
where the tunnels follow sinuous elongated aquifers.
It is remarkable that the type 1 tunnels at Corinth are actually miniatures of
the Eupalinian aqueduct; in both cases the tunnels are horizontal and the
water is conveyed in an inclined conduit.
The most advanced development at Thebes were the aqueducts of the shaft-
and-gallery type, the Tachi and the Kolonaki aqueducts, which collected wa-
ter both from springs at their origin and groundwater from the shafts and the
tunnel. The Tachi aqueduct represents the initial part of an aqueduct the con-
tinuation of which would be similar to the remains of the Kolonaki aqueduct
on the basis of the surface findings. It is very likely that the Kolonaki aque-
duct supplied the Kadmeia Hill via a water bridge, a forerunner of the Medie-
val one. The Tachi aqueduct was operational from the classical to the Byzan-
tine Times.
There are indications that the excavated aqueduct at Tachi was dug from
both ends, a method applied first in the Eupalinian aqueduct, which was
spread in classical times and was also applied in the supply tunnel of the
South Stoa at Corinth.
The Kolonaki aqueduct at Thebes is the unique in Greece with a double tun-
nel, taking the advantage of an aquifer at a higher level, found most likely
during the excavation of the lower main tunnel. It is not dated, it headed
however towards the Kadmeia and its continuation to the hill is quite possi-
ble. Unfortunately, the demolition of the Kamares arcade and other modern
technical works have destroyed any evidence of possible ancient water
bridges along the same route. The evidence from the excavations can neither
support nor exclude the existence of a Mycenaean aqueduct supplying
Kadmeia with water from springs in the south. This would require the con-
struction by the Thebans of a water bridge similar to the Minoan Viaduct at
Knossos, along the same route with the medieval Kamares arcade; a task
which was certainly feasible by the familiar with Cyclopean structures Myce-
naeans.
Symeonoglou (1985, 50) believed that there is no natural source of water on
the Kadmeia, whatever was needed had to be brought into the city from the
two nearest sources, the springs of Paraporti (site 53) and Pege (site 173).
However, both the Paraporti and the Mpouka springs are fed from the Pleis-
tocene sediments of the Kadmeia Hill and this implies that there is ground-
water available on the hill. The significant area of the Kadmeia, circa
200,000 m2, and the relatively high annual precipitation, 600 to 800 mm
(Keramopoulos 1917, 8), favour the formation of underground aquifers in
clastic sediments. Therefore, some of the Mycenaean conduits on the
Kadmeia could belong to a hydraulic system for the exploitation of the local
aquifers, before the construction of an aqueduct supplying water from the
South.
Acknowledgements
Corrections and recommendations by Henning Fahlbusch were incorporated

in the original text. This study was greatly facilitated by the digitized version
of Sir Arthur Evans’ books, carefully digitized and uploaded by the University
of Heidelberg, available at: http://www.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/. The shape-
files used in the figures 13 and 14 were uploaded by the Architect James
Herbst of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth Excava-
tions, and are available online. The Architect George Michail compiled the
figures 2 and 11. My sincere thanks are addressed to all of them.
Abbreviations
ArchDelt = Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον, Χρονικά, Ministry of Culture, Athens.

AE= Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίς, Archaeological Society at Athens.
ΠΑΕ = Πρακτικά της Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας, Archaeological Society at Athens.
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Author
Dr. Eustathios D. Chiotis

Former Director at the Institute of Geology and
at the Public Petroleum Corp. of Greece
14 Chelidoreon St.
Kifissia, 14564
Greece
Mail: chiotis.stathis@gmail.com

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CURA AQUARUM

Proceedings of the 16th International Conference

Homepage der DWhG: http://www.dwhg-ev.de

© PAPIERFLIEGERVERLAG GmbH, Clausthal-Zellerfeld

1st Edition 2017

Minoan hydraulic tradition and technology transfer

Article received: March 24th 2016

Proof available: November 2nd 2017

Minoan hydraulic tradition and technology transfer to Thebes

It is impressive that Minoan hydraulic systems on the island of Crete were

The Palace of Knossos is founded on fertile Pliocene marls with intercalations

Hydraulic engineering at Minoan Knossos

Drainage, sanitation and water supply

The Mavrokolyvo aqueduct

Pressure pipelines: Minoan and subsequent applications

More Minoan hydraulic inventions

Fig. 5: The proposed components

The Viaduct: Another important work of possible hydraulic application is the

Fig. 6: View of the Viaduct

Spring chambers: The description of Evans of the “Mavrospelio or Black Cave

Groundwater replenishment: Large underground walled pits found at Knos-

Hydraulic installations of ritual function

8 By contrast to Evans’ interpretation of the Caravanserai as a public building, it is currently

pipeline draining an underground fountain/ spring chamber. In addition,

Underground water supply in the Mycenaean period and subsequently

Abundant hydraulic remains of Mycenaean age excavated at Thebes offer

evolution in historical times. Numerous remains of the Mycenaean and pos-

The hydrologic basin of Thebes

A unique feature of the hydrologic basin which embraces Thebes is that it

Excavations of hydraulic works

Numerous waterworks, described by the excavators as aqueducts, have been

The Agios Nikolaos Aqueduct

Pappadakis (1911, 141) excavated west of the church of Agios Nikolaos at

lime cement instead produced from calcareous marl as in Knossos.

The house of Kadmos

Another interesting hydraulic work was excavated by Keramopoulos (1911,

Symeonoglou (1985, 50), on the basis of remains of five Mycenaean conduits

Alternatively, the Mycenaean conduits on the Kadmeia could belong to a hy-

The Oidipodia fountain

The Kolonaki aqueduct

A section of an ancient underground aqueduct of the shafts-and-gallery type,

(1926) described the aqueduct and Symeonoglou approximately traced its

The Tachi aqueduct

Excavations revealed recently another type of ancient aqueduct about 400 m

of the 85 km long Hadrianic aqueduct17 which brought spring water from

Outline of geology and hydrology at Corinth

The developments in water catchment tunnels at Corinth demonstrate ex-

As emphasized by Landon (2003, 43), despite the low average precipitation

inaccuracies in Crouch's treatment of the hydrology of Corinth”.

Water supply works

The Peirene hydraulic works: Capturing works were developed in antiquity

The geological formations at Ancient Corinth were favourable for tunneling.

20 Cf. contribution of B.A. Robinson in this volume.

The improved water capturing at the wells by excavating conduits at their

Corrections and recommendations by Henning Fahlbusch were incorporated

ArchDelt = Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον, Χρονικά, Ministry of Culture, Athens.

STRATARIDAKI, A. (2016): Updated Appraisal of Ancient Underground Aqueducts in

21 Pindar: “Greatest however [is] water"

Dr. Eustathios D. Chiotis

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