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An taT/itr VGrsion of cl!apt.er 2.

"l1le Ttllerstilial Politics of B1lUk
Feminist Organ izatioll ,~wa

published in Meridians: 'eminism,

Race, Transl1ationalism (Vol. J:
No. I) and is copyrighted by 'Ina
published with permission from
Wesle:y,m University Press.
CON'.""

Organizational Abbreviations vii

A kllowledgmtmts ix

1 The Sou] of Women's Ub [

2 0 Longer Divided again lOurselves 45

:I Barb ·uc and Bak Sales Won't Fund a Movement 6S

4 Black Women's Issues as F 'minist Issues 88

5 Black Feminist Identities in Contestation 113

6 War-Weary Warriors 139

Conclusion 168

Epilogu [73

Appendix A: 1nten,iews by 01'ganizat':olt 181

Appendix B: Interview Questions 183

Appendix C: Stat.ements of Prtrpose r85

Noles [91

1I1dex 217
ORGAIIIIATIOIiAL A B••VIAI.OIIS

8Wl\ Bla k Worn n s Allianc

llWlC Bia k Wonl n's Lib ration COlllmitt e

0\\' A Bla k Woruen OrO'ani ~d for A tion

o bah e Corllbahe~ Riv r Coli ctive

OR, Cor gres on Racial -quality

N A r NatiollaJ Ass() .iation for the Advancetn nt

of Col red P 'ople

N tr· National AlIi- 11 co of Bla k Feuunists

Ill- National Bla k F rninist Organization

NOW Nati nal 0 ~ganization fOrr WOIn '"'n

',( t ~ South n Ch "lslian L . cler hip C nfe.rn

Stud nt Nonviolent Coonlit1ating COffinl]ttee

I WA Third Wo ld WOlnC'n'~ Alliance

Wher to begin rn)' heartfelt thanks for all the sustenance that went into
ornpleting Living l'he Revolution? Much love and appreciation to my par-
nts. Sandra J. Springer and Fitzpatrick Springer, for aU the encourage-
tn nt, wisdom, hard lessons, jokes, and pep talks. Likewise, the extended

pringer familyaJways provided several laughs and hug- for this book-
ish kid. Adopted famiJie the Mutongi-DeGooyers and the Kent-Weavers
h Ip d m pers v re with love.
UndoubtedJy. this book would not have com together without the
sistah·friends, long time and new. who've had faith in me and this proj-
t: M {edith Raimondo, Vanessa Jackson, Angela Cotten. Kenda Mu-
tongl, Cheryl Hjcks, Miriam Petty. Andrea Heiss, Sarita See, Bill St.
Amant, Jennifer Ruth. Liz C ppi, Amy Grenstadt, Wendy Kaplan, Kim·
b Tly Wallace-Sand rs, Calinda lee, Michelle Wilkerson. Shola Kukoyi,
Dennise Kowakzyk, Robyn Spencer, Dr. Goddess I Kimberly Ellis. Gwen-
dolyn Pough. and the Belvedere Lounge Crew. Also, thanks to Rob Kahn,
Matthew Papa, Ken Michaels, and Andrew Weaver for laughter in the time
of politics and luxury accommodation for all the trips to the archives this
project entailed.
Invaluable advice on this manuscript and role-modeling generosity of
cholarship and spirit came from Patricia Schecter, Robin D. G. Kelley,
anonymous reviewers for Duke University Press and Meridians, and the best
dissertation cOmmittee-Beverly Guy-Sh ftaU, Regina WenlID, and Mary
Odem. I should be so lucky to pass along the guidance and cheer you've
all bestowed upon me! Adctitionally. Regina KW1.Zel, John Howard. Mark
Turner, and Benita Roth were all the professional and fun. dare I say, bomb-
diggity that kept me going.
 in t th i. ·ri pith"' ·v id d .n i J
supp .' wi ut whi· . is P j l ·"htv 't Vi fi aUy
com to pu . j io -: th Woodrow Wilso N. tional F How ip 0 d ~
tion Di rtatioD G[ nt in WOD1', 's S,.eli . th WiUlams Colle e Mellon
I

ellowship in Wom,en' Studi and African Amer"can Stum (,p taUy

lana Sawicki, auri ea erington and Craig Wild .). th American As-
sociation for UnlV rsity Women s American F· How bip and th 2002 En-
g ndedng Africana Studie Summer n titu sponsored by the Amcana
Studie and Re ar h C nt r at Cornell University and the Fo d ou' da-
tion, the sbim "erstory Archive, the Schl,esing r' ibrary North\vestem
University Sp ciaJ Collection, th University of Illinois at Chicago Mid-
west Women's Hi oneal CoIl ctions, and the Chicago Hi torical Society.
Finally nlY incerest gratitude 0 the black fimin' - activists who agreed
t . b in erviewed, sharing their tim ',memori s and energy. In parti u1 I.

Lhan you to Br" d- Ei, lb rg r, Barbara 'Smith, Aileen Hem . d z, and

Fr . · B· Ifor th p ysica1 and mental archives you kept in th hopes that
d.,y 01 one would come along and t 11· story of your pioneering
. . . . . . <UlcA

. ."_..,,, t' or bl k femini t ctivism~

x ' N'WU!I "MI N "

 t * IHI SOUL O' WOIII..'1 LIB

Wi tnr t begin lc understand that ct, revolution entails not only tke willingness to lay
our /lvts on the firing line and get killed.. In some ways, t-his is an tasy commitment to
rr/llke:. To d~ for the revolation is a olle-shot dwl: t,o livefor the revolution means taking
" till: more difficult commitment oJchalJgil1g Ol~r day·to-day lift patt~ms.
-Frnnds B al. "Daubl J opardy: To Be Black and Female," 1970

'rh so 'opolitical conditions and so ial mov ments of the late 1960s gay
to an unpreced nted growth in black feminist consciousne s. That
bl Ii rn1nist consciousness is reflected in contemporary feminist tb o·
--dzit1g--Anthologies,---~llChas ~ Blad: Woman and Hom Girls: A Blr;J k
fhninist Anthology, gave voice to black feminist----'alienation fromlh-' x-
.m, ra ism, and dassism found in the civil rights movem nt the worn n's
mov m nt, sodal policy, and popularculture. 1 Patricia Hill Collins's influ-
'nti I book Black Feminist 'Thought dJart the historical, cultural. political,
. nd 0 leW factors shaping black femini t thought and th ory in - tb
! t Afri ans arrived on the contin nt. How ver, we know HttJ about th
r rmalorganization that helped shape black £ minist consciousn SS.1 Few
Ii w thal any fonnal black Ci- minist organizations exist d.

Bt fI minisls' voice and visions fell between the cracks of th civil

r hts and women's movem· nts, so they c.r ated formal or anizations t
p -, n b halfofblack worn n with an xplicitly ~ minist on 10 n s.
Within fiv organizatl ns J studi-d-tb Third World Women's Allian
(1 8-1 7 ). Lh Nati n I Dla F minlst Or anizati n (1973-1975). Lh
NII!'I naJ AlLi n f 81. m nJ t (I( 7 -I 801. III mb.,b Riv~r
II liv (! 7 ! 8 )/ II n W lIl'n I' anized' r A Ii n (J 7-
 ·) : 1t I I .
r
I' . A V1 k
fi bti t 'l1du l d th ir p _Ii ~
I tb
Po.li i s in h cracks! t, h Ii" ft , int r titial politi s ~ nv y two
mea "ngs for black £j minists and th ~r or anizations. Fir . Third World
Womn 1s AUiane (TWWA) member Linda Burnham note., black . minists.
Dot unlik actIvists in other social movem,ents, fit their a ivism ·.ntotheir
daily life schedules wbenev,r po sible, serv' g as fuU·tim unpaid staff
j

. or tit if organizations. S condo black ft mini' ts dey loped a coIl. ive idn-
tHy and basis for org izing that reflected the intersecting lature of black
wonlanhood.1 maintain that black £ mini, ts are; hist dcally, the first activ-
ists in the United State 1 tbeorize and act u.pon tho inter cHon of ra t
gendr, and das' .
Jus as bla k feminisLs ,afted their ollectiv identity and org,aniza.-
tions fronltween the t:ra ks or tile civil right· and women, mov ment ,
studying . se ita1 organizati ns bas fallen belWe·. n th crack of se
two DIOV ment - in the sch larly l'teratur " Livingfor he Rvohdion con-
tribute a ern ial. but i ored hapter to the historiography of the civil
rig} land w ,m n mov .ments. Bla k e inist organiz,ation ; with th ir
j

r '. firmly e' tr neb din th civil rights move nt, provide crucial link
to th u:rgeoning contemporary worn n's mov mente Black wO'nen a
lead rs·. ~vl1 rights movement organizations such as th South n Chris-
ianl d fship on.~r nce(s 'Le), h CongressonRa i EquaIi,y(coRE),
th Na ional A ~sociation for the Advancem,ent of Colored P ople ( AACP) ,
nd tho Student Nouviol nt CoordinatingCommi ,e (SN c) played a piv
- , role i d mOllS rating til lead Tship . pabilities of black worn, n, as
w- U a th hurd n of oppre . ion und, . which th y functio ed.
R-arrn in the area ofblack women civil rights 1 del'S flourish d in the
lat 80S and 19905. laying lh foundation for xanlin'ilIg tb ontinujty
J
of black wom n's activism through slavery, suffrage the lack \V Dlen
club movement for racial uplift and labor ovemen S. ' African Amerir
can history. in lh proc s of unearthing a wealth of 'nfomation a out
the leader-hip rol. of black women in civil righl nlove'mcnt 'makes
little n tice of how this 1 adership influ need blac femin'st a ivism in
the 1970s, 198os, and 1 90S Back fl minis leamd va~uabl "Us and
ideo ogical b Hen. rom the ··v· rights movem nt and .int grat d the re-
ource into i w men' rn.ovem n VIS. hey b· ed· heir analys s

and ,tiOI on th, wo k 0 i a ivi t fi 0, r. but th y also Look

til t w rk a rp lurtlw j ! I nUll1 I yinS I im t "nd.r ' Ii 'nl
point. r bla wOrd n" I' 'lit ity.
SimUar to th gap n \lH d ht movement hi tonography. w m 'n'
movement histori slack (n-d pl.h desc.riptions and analyses of black I;,Jl'I •
nist organizations that contributed to the expan.sion of th movCn'l. nt'
oals and objectives. Previous studies of the women's mov ment do u·
rncnt black women civil rights leaders who served as role mod Is for w~lit·
nminist activists, but they neglect to mention how the sam bla k worn n
laders also mentored black feminist activists, in Pl'3ctical and id 010 i - J
way ,5 In addition, black feminist activists, through th· iJ' th orizin . and
organizations, broadened the seop of th worn n's moYe:m ot by a1·
lenging Eurocentric and classist interpretations of women's issu s, Til
lit rature on the women's movement and black fI 'minist activi m som-
times cursorily acknowledges the existence of sel ct bla k ~ ministO( a·
nizatjons-most often, the Combahee River Collective and lh N' [1 n. J
Black Feminist Organization-· but mainly as 3 reaction to radsm in lh .
worn n's nlovement.&
The elision of black feminist organizations from women's mav m nL
hi tones perpetwltes what Chela Sandoval calls a "begernonic fj minism.'
Tlus type of feminism obscures, Becky Thompson not - , ,ja da s and fa
nalysis, generally sees equahly with men as the goal of (; minism, nd
ha an individual rights-based rather than justice-ba "ed vi j n for s I
hang ." 7 Thompson rightly ass rts that sine more hi ·tori s of I'll .' 11
t mporary women's movement are emerging at this point in tim , it h •
hooves scholars to "intemlpt normative accounts before they b in I r'
p at th rnselves, each tim sounding mor Like 'th truth' simply b . u
the repetition of the reteUing./l 1I Livingfor the Rvoluti-on is but on int .
v nUon in the normative account of hegemonic feminism, an att mpt t
r hap the retelling.
However, just as Thompson notes the g neration ofwom n's mov n ~llt
hi· tory. recent scholarship in black women's studies and so .ology i lum·
ing its attention to black feminist organizations a~ a paralle.l d v 1 pm nt
t th pr dominately white women's mov m· nt, [ath r th n m r ly· -.
-tion to racism.') Wini Breines takes issue wi.th thls mod ~1, ' 'S rlln 1 til t
lh P liticaJ articulation of black feminism came mor than flv ')/
III ~ d v lopm nt ofth whit worn n' lib ration mav' m nl. lO I still m. lil-
t in that there was p~ral1el developm nl and b Ii v that BT in· , a ·1'·
tl m fan n yn hI nou' model f mov m n d v I pm"nl d p nd n
. nR ti n ofth· d v 1 pm nl rid 1 gy.organizaLi n , nd In v'm 01',

11I 1 VI M W' I III

Ifw s parat lh s 'lhr • cii.B1' t p' I ,W • uld m r onfid ntly s-
J

s rt that bL fl minisl organl at,lolls d ve10ped Jar r than whit fi minist

organizations, but black and wWt fJ mlnist idolo . s dey lop -d on par-
alleJ tracks. By recasting black ~ minist or ani2ing in this light, we gain
a sharper picrure of the development of black feminist theorizing on the
matrix of domination ,II as well as a better understanding ofhow black femi·
nists articulated their agenda in concrete action.
This book corrects the omission of black feminism's long, mostly unrec-
ognized history in the United States, particularly in women's and African
American historical narratives, by documenting and analyZing the emer-
gence, activities. and decline of black feminist organizations from 19GB to
1980. Specifically, I ask when, why, and how black women developed a col-
lective identity as feminists, and how this identity influenced the structure
of the Third World Women's AJliance, theational Black Feminist Orga-
nization, the Combahee River Collective, the National Alliance of Black
Feminists, and Black Women Organized for Action.
Black fern.i.n.ists, through these organizations. enacted interstitial poH-
tics focused on articulating their race, gender, and class identities as inter·
connected. Emerging from the civil rights movement cycle of protest, but
also at the sam time as the predominately white women's movement.
black feminists attempted to simultaneously define a collective identity
and establish organizations that encompassed their rights as both blacks
and women. In the process of this organizational and identity formation,
black femini ts found, som times in difficult ways, that black women held
a plurality of vi.sions for sodal change because oftheir differences from one
another in sexual orientation, class, color. and educational achievement.
Given this b t rogeneity among black women, it is important to draw
distinctions betv.reen the black feminist movement, black feminist organ-i.
zal.ions, and black feminist m;tivists. Meye.r outlines four characteristics of
social movements: (I) they make demands ofthe state or another authority;
(2) they "challenge cultural codes and transform the lives of their partici-
pants"; (3) they use means in addition to, and other than, those offered
by the political culture; and (4) they are part of a divers field of organi-
zations all pursuing the same goals.lZ The black feminist movement en-
compasses the political and cultural realms of black feminists' activism in-
cluding organizations. prose, essays. fiction, scholarly studies, films, visual
arts, and dance that are the voice of black feminism in the United States.
The organization.s examjn d here w· r but a sma 11 part of a black feminist
mOV"ffi nt that c ntinues to this day.

HI! ou W M N' 18
 It n t n l IIH'I \ III ~ 'Ir' lIuslralv' ftb ho,til nviron-
m 'ntin wt-Li :) tl· '1 III n I III V m nt r merg d in III lat 1960s
ltd rly J 970'. For' 'Impl . t 'xl 'U as Toni Cade Bambara's Tnt Black
Woman: An Anthology (.r970), Michele Wallace's Black Macllo and the Myth
ifth Superwoman (1979l, and Ntozake Shange's "For Colored Girls Who
Hav Considered Suicide/When the Rainbow is Enuf" (r976) provided
bl;) women with a very public, if controversial forum to air grievances
ainst sexism and racism. The e texts were, and still are, powerful be-
au e they publicly listed the ways misogyny functioned in black communi-
tl s. violating the edict against airing the black community's dirty laundry
in th pr dominately white public arena, As a result, the mainstream and
bl press vilified black women writers, in particular, Wallace and Shange.
H w v r. the e women are considered pioneers ofthe contemporary black
"rninist movement for daring to assert, if not ideologically feminist con-
~ i usness, a gender consciou n ss integral to the struggle for black lib·
rnti n in the 1970s.
In the 1970S and 1980s. debates around these texts, and the rising num-
b r ofblack women fiction writers, such as Toni Morrison and Alice Walker,
't - oft n heated among black men and women. Black periodicals brought
this d bate to the public in popular magazines such as Ebony ("The War
b tween the Sexes: Is It Manufactured or Real?') and Encore ("Women's
ib Has No Soul"). At least eight issues of the BJa"k Scholar, including
lh L 73 "Black Women's Liberation" issue and the 1979 issue "The Black
xi m Debate," wrestled with two recurring issues about black worn n
• nd feminism: the feminist movement as potentially divisive to the civil
rights mov m nt and the implication that gender oppression was a div r-
i tl from the primary goal of black liberation.
Bla k feminist organizations emerged in response to many of these de-
bal s. They are the structured, [onnal units that constitute the black femi-
nist movement. These organizations held as their objective the eradication
f ra iaJ and gender djscrimination. However, as this book shows, black
f 'minisl organizations varied in their objectives. Some of them expanded
lh "ir g ndas to include the eradication of class and sexual orientation dis-
ri m irlJtion. 1l
astly, black feminist activists are thos political actors who are the back-
h n' )f bla k ~ minist organizations and the mov ment. In the (9708.
Ih' e a tivists arriv d at a particular black feminist collective identity at a
p ~ ifi pint in tim as th r suit of 0 iopo1i1ica.1 and personal experi.
I fI • I k fll11ini 1a tlvi t!'l w reo th m st important compon nt of the

lIHf.OUI. \lv/OMEN' LID 5

black fI minist movem nt and its organizations b caus th y used til ir po-
litical agency and m rging p sonal transformation in senic· to the hug r
cau . of the movement.
This book uses a telescoping len.s to convey the richness ofa movement,
interrogating its hi toricaJ Toots to arrive at the big picture of cont mpo-
rary black feminist activism. The organizations analyzed here, as well as
the activists I interviewed, are the driving force behind a movement that
in some ways has yet to fully get off the grolmd, depending on how one
measures a successful movement outcome. However, this book serves as
but a piece of the effort to build a black feminist movement in the United
States that pushes past its own boundaries ofsocially constructed identity.

Memory and Methods

From my location as a scholar and a next-generation black feminist, my
r s arch methodology for this study is influenced by feminist. sodologi-
ai, and historical methodologl s. Semistructured, oral history interviews,
and organizational archival records constitute the crux of this particular
int rpr tation of black feminist organizational history with attention to
black feminist standpoint theory as lucidated by Patricia Hills Collins,
but as critiqued by feminists cautioning against essent:ializing the experi-
ence of black women. Listening to black women's voices, as they experi-
enced the social and political times, is integral to constructing an interpre-
tation few hav written about from a firsthand perspective. Thes voices
can lead us to important information about race, dass. gender. and sexu-
ality theories forged in the fires of black women's oppression but survived
throu.gh a legacy of activism. Yet. it became increasingly clear that neither
black women as a group nor black feminism are monolithic. Hence, stand-
point theory is tempered with Vigilance for th pitfalls of claiming one,
unified voice and asserting an authoritative position on the events I r 1at
here based on the women I interviewed. Thus, while I valued each respon-
dent's recollections, differing ideas about what constitutes black feminism
emerged. I should also note that otherpers·pectives, by other sd10lars and
black feminist activists of the time who I did not intervi w. could create
different interpretations of this period of black fI minist organizing.
While I do believe in the feminist project ofcentering women's voices in
my inquiry, 1also hope 0 hav maintained respectful critical distanc from
the oral bistori s conducted for this study. With uch distanc , issues of
personal and oU ctiv m mory w r th m st challenging asp t to con-

l. ~ MIN'IIII
 tnl tin a narrativ I 7 bl. k f'n init organlztlli n,'p' Jy, I
11 ount 'red th Imll n h WI n . tru t an a urat· lnt rpr t'lti n
ba d n oral history inl rvi w' that valu d my r spond nt ' In m ri ~ •
ul sought a representative middle ground when r collctions oolli t d
wiLh other respondenls' memories or with the archival record.
In Autobiography as ActMsm. Margo Perkins expr sses the belieItbat 'lh
m moirs of Assata Shakur, Angela Davis, and Elaine Brown act as t 1 0-
I gical narratives that not only share recollections but also creat - hi tory.'"
S mistructured interviews were optimal for cr ating and re-creating lhi.
history. Specifically, Kathleen Blee and Verta Taylor find s misttuctur d
interv'iews most useful in studying "loosely organized, short~liv d, or thin Iy
d umented sociaJ movements."u Oral histories with key inform nis fr m
bla k f1 minist organizations provided both ('thick de cription" ofth or a·
nizations' functioning, but also insights into the identity formation pro
Ihat are less appar nl in organizational documents.
Livingjor tht: Revolution is a text that seeks to mak s ense of black fi i·
nist organizations in light of CUIT nt black feminist theory, a weU • a ts
. ne version of how I. and the black feminist activists 1 intervi w d , S
lh ir role in black feminist hi 'tory. Perkins also comments on th it .
In nt and difficulty that come with writing about the 19605 and 1970 .
P triad that living activists might recall differently from th narrativE; that
cholars construct from interviews and archival records. It is my hop that
bla k ft minists involved with these organizations will p n their m m ir
about the time period and subsequent activi. m. Ln fact, I w leorn h: 1·
I ng s to the narrative I put forth as I offer but. on interpretation of th
'v ~nts that shaped contemporary black feminist thought and a tivi rn.

P riodizatio/'l.: Rethinking the Wave Analogy

ral hIstory intervi ws and archival material served to complement and

rr lone another" but also these two forms of som e material play d an
n 'Irum ntal part in detennining the period ofstudy. The firSI organizati n
jn this study. the TWWA. emerged from the civil rights movement in '9
All fiv or anizations wer defwlct by 1980. Within a heg moni ft mini t
n rrativ ~ of the women's movement, these black feminists organizali ns
would lit squar· Iy within th S ond w v ofthe worn n's m vern Ill. Typi-
ally. th first way i th· _m P n ' f Ih . 'uffrg mov- m nl in th . lap
II II t - nth nhu)' l w ll'I 'n' Iilut 11 I nfran his m 'nl in T
wI! I Ih P ri d T III I II 1.111 I III tIl! h t h L 0 i d ..; nal d tJ,

'1IIl IlIl ~ M ",' lin 7

 and way of ~ mini l rganizin .11> R nt lit ratur not the ri of a
younger g neratlon offeminjst:s, beginning with thos born in th 1960s,
as the third wave.
It is important to pause for a moment and note, though, the grow-
ing dissatisfaction that multiracial and class-based women's movement
scholars have with the wave analogy. This dissatisfaction, or rethinking
of the wave analogy, involves noting the absence or exclusion from con-
sideration as feminist of certain women and c rtain forms of resistance,
The wave analogy excludes the nineteenth- and twentieth-century femi-
nist activism of women of color. Specific to this study. African American
women's history scholars note the resistance of enslaved African Ameri-
can women as early feminist resistance.17 Active resistance to male su-
prema y in the form of rape, forced reproduction, and the commodi.fi-
cation of black women's bodies demonstrated feminist resistance to this
speci£cally female·gendered oppression. In addition, African American
women's activism aJongside white women's, in the abolition and antilynch-
ing movements, predates that ofthe suffrage movement, thus making the
case for feminist activism in the United States preceding traditional first
wave definitions.
Ret nt scholarship acknowledge that slavery and lynching were race
issues; however. violence against blacks also directly relates to ques-
tions of geruiu, specifically femininity, masculinity, sexual violence, and
whit men's protectionism toward white women.'8 For African American
women's activism, the concepts of first and second waves are problematic,
but from a different angle, Sharon Berger Gluck issues a si.milar challenge
to tbe wave conceptualization, noting a heterosexist tendency that excludes
lesbian feminist activism from discussions of feminist activism. For ex"
ample, she cites the 1955 emergence of the Daughters of Bilitis as an inter-
vention in the heterosexist, white feminist master narrative of the 1950S as
a dormant period in women's movement history. Based on this example,
and arguing for the plurality of U.S. feminism, Gluck poses the question
"Whose feminism, whose history?"19 Similar to Gluck's repositioning of
lesbian feminist activists. I resituate African American women's feminist
activism, establishing a continuum of participants' efforts from the arrivaJ
of black women on the continent to the present but also integrating black
women in feminist history and theory, moving that experience from the
margins of the narrative of the women's movem nt to its cent r,20
Black femin.ist organizations were rooted in the civil rights movement,
and th iT dat s of m rg n coindd d with the transition of the locus of

A '11£ . m.
 OWL "Will NBI'O ombah e NA81'

..
TWWA 8WOII

>-
19 68 19 6 9 1973 1974 197 6

Figure I. Emergence of Black Feminist Organizations

black ativism from key integrationist civil rights organizations to black

nationalist groups. As shown in figure r, the first explicitly black femi-
nist organization emerged as early as 1968 in the contemporary period
r feminist activism. That year marks the emergence of the Third World
Women's Alliance, which formed as th Black Women's Liberation Com-
mlltee(BwLc) of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).
and also establishes a direct organizational connection to the civil rights
movement.
These dates ofemergence also marked a period oftremendous political
IIpheaval and ideological struggles in the United States and abroad. De-
mands made by the civil rights movement and the escalation of the Viet-
nam War called for dramatic shifts in societal attitudes toward gender,
uality, and race. In addition to situating black feminist organizations in
"lal-ion hip to the civil rights movement, an examination of black feminist
r anizations draws connections b tween black and white feminists as de-
!l ndants of the civil rights movement. Both black and white feminists of

Ih late 19608 developed their collective feminist consciousness based on

ormative experiences in the civil rights movement.
condary source materials, such as organizational newsletters and
m "ling minutes, corroborate dates of emergence for the five organiza.
I i os, but xact dates of black feminist organizations' decline were more
diffi lilt to pinpoint. Black feminist organizations often disbanded with-
out. n official announcement. Best estimates, based on secondary source
In l rials uch a final organizational newsletters, link the decline of black
It'minisl organizations to the rise of 1980s conservatism. Like many social
III v 'menl organizations of U1e period, the black feminist organizational

. I I gan with the opening of poUtical opportunities in the late 1960s

.ltId 'nd d with th backlash against civil rights and women's rights gains
uurin rl th Reagan presidency. Additionally, black feminists as shown in
h 1'1 r , ft n found th ir a ti ism institutionalized in social services,
f 0 "mm ntal bodl"," Jar ~du :lti n institutions, and other organiza-

Til ,our Of W MIiN' 18 9

lions th Y ould alt npl to lnilu -nee with anliracist and antisexi 't id 01-
ogy. The p -riod from 1968 to 1980 is the closest approximation ofa formal
and cont mporary organizing cycle for the black feminist mav ment.

Theoretical ConsideratiorI-s
As with the methodology. the interdisciplinary theoretical framework for
this study is rooted in sociology, history, and women's studies. The en-
gagement ofthese disciplines explains the political, cultural, and historical
contexts that gave rise to black feminist organizations. Specifically, social
movement theories illustrate the organizational and individual processes
that shaped how black women came to describe themselv s as black femi-
nists an.d to collectively act in organizations. Existing historical and socio-
logical studies ofth women's movement, the civil rights movement, and
African American women's history provide the foundation for examining
black feminist organizations. Nevertheless, thes studies continually leave
one central question: "How do black women and their race and gender
interests fit into the historical narrative of black and women's liberation?"
AnaJyzing the hislorical and sociological literature for signs ofwhere black
women predominated and where they were excluded i.s equally important
because it helps to gain a more holistic: perspective on the contours of black
women's activism which were informed by race, gender, class, and sexual
orientation identities.
The emergence of black feminist organizations is a centraJ, yet largely
ignored. part ofwomen's and African American's social history. Working in
this distinct field within historical analys s, social historians often examine
events from the perspective ofnonelites or those who were not ruling eHtes.
This study contributes to social history because it examines how women
organized who were generally perceived as neither belonging to the domi-
nant racial eHte nor the male elite. Moreover, black women were excluded
from the women's movement's hislorical record. I focus on the activism of
black women, once considered marginal because of the women's race and
gender. but also for the foml that activi m took outside traditional defini-
tions of politics.
Black feminist organizations offer case studies that bring together reo
our e mobilization and coUeclive identity theories, though they rnpha-
size diffi rent asp cts of social movement theory (organizational vs. social
psychologi ·al). I maintain that like black women's multiple, inters Cling
id nliti· s, organizational truetur and collective identity are linked. It is

I TI'. S \J 0 W I N I · 1I11
possibl to amin on a 'I' t a sial movem nt without att otion to
the oth r; how \fer doing 0 cr at s an incomplete picture of social move·
m nt organizations and their members,
Although black feminist organizations are absent from social move-
m nt history and from tbe literature of social movement organization
theory. they provide an insightful case study at the intersections of these
two subdisciplinary fields. Specifically, black feminist organizations pro-
vide a bridge between resomc mobilization and social constructionistper·
Lp tives as two competing, but not unrelated, schools ofsocial movement
organization theory. The interstitial politics formulated by black feminists
stated that their socially constructed collective identity emerged from be-
w n that of "blacks" and "women." Yet. placing black feminist organiza-
tions into the historical record of social movement organizations highlight
how thi complex identity impact d the reSOlUces that black feminists mo-
bilized (or failed to mobiliz ), influenced th formation of their organi·
zati,ons, and affected the maintenance of their organizations. In this way,
bl ck femini 't organizations provide yet another example of the interstitial
natur of black feminist politics as a practical and theoretical concept in-
flu ndng black feminists' daily lives, organizations, and the black feminist
nt vement ov rail.

Linking Identity and Resources in

o ial Movement Theory
Resource mobilization (RM) theory, which emerged in th academy as the
t os yielded civil rights gains for African American and women. Coun-
t ring theories of collective action as the work of unorganized, irrational
individuals, RM theorists posited that people engaged in political action and
i31 movement organizations through costjbenefit analyses. Resource
mobilization theorists shifted the focus from social-psychological causes of
11" tiv· action to the structural conditions that yielded social movement
21
III bilization and cycles of protest. Of particular interest to fleshing out
III ootours of interstitial politics are resource mobilization theories on
th ,p n i ng of political opportunity structures, leadership dynamics. and
m 'mb r lip re ruitrnnt as facilitators of black feminist mobilization.
R en' social movement scholarship recognizes th' need for bridging
Ilt' tiv id nti y and p lJtic.11 pportunity.ll J offer the idea of intersti-
I iaJ P liti s a on way I onn p liti 'a1 ppartunity and identity spe-
1 to ra nd lid _ Yo! th n 0 ial mav'm or , but Ra.ka Ray, in h r

III U 0 VI M 1'1' tin II

study ofwomen's movements in India. offers another relational connecting
-point. Finding the political -opportunity approach too utilitarian and exclu-
sive of cuJture, she adopts Pierre Uomdieu's concept of fields and offers
protest fields as a corrective to a narrow focus on organizational life span
as solely resource dependent. Political cultures. Raka maintains, have ac-
cepted modes for participation, but within these cultures reside smaller.
more localized. critical, oppositional "groups and networks that oppose
those who have the power in the formal political arena and mayor may
not share the logic of politics in the larger political field, although they are
constrained by it."l These smaller groups and networks are protest fields,
and as such they contest the terrain of political engagement for a redistri-
bution of power: "Thus an organization's actions are governed botb by the
distribution of power in a field and by the acceptable ways of transacting
everyday business that marks the field."H
The opening ofpolitical opportunities signals to contenders in the polity
that elites are vulnerable to challenges. Access to political participation.
ruptures among elites, changes in "ruling alignments," and the creation of
influential allegiances characterize these openings.l $ The civil rights move-
ment's integrationist achievements in this new political climate persuaded
feminists, black and white, that they couJd achieve similar gains for women
•
through organizations in an era espousing equal rights. Also by expand-
ing the tactics used to demand change, the civil rights movement, much
like the abolition moveme.nt before it. created new spaces and modes of so·
cial protest (or feminists to emulate in their agitation for resource . Black
feminist organizations inserted themselves into the cracks ofthe dominant
political opportunity structure as well as into the fissures created by other
social movements.
Activists in emerging social movements come to them most often
through preexisting interpersonal n· tworks. Friends, relatives.. and fellow
workers serve as the impetus for meeting attendance, rally participation,
joining organizations, and other avenues ofsocial movement involvement.
As shown by women's movement theorists, these networks are especially
useful forwomen traditionally confined to the private sphere of family life,
but often unsure ofthe validity of their dissatisfaction. While black women
outstripped white women in their rates ofemploym nt in the public spher
through the 1970 ,lb ir paid mploym nt was often in the private sphere
as d mesti help. r atin a type of Io publicly private" isolation from oth [
worn . y bandin with olh Ilk -mind d worn n aT und issues of g 11-

I
der and racial oppr n in r :miz.aLions, black feminists b gan to link
their personal struggl ~s t a es other than p rsonaJ failings and racism.
Central to political actors' ta.king advantage of these openings of politi-
cal opportunity structures and joining organizations is the translation of
grievances into action. Much debate centers on pinpointing the exact mo-
ment in time when individuals realize that social cODditions are not neces-
sarily the product of personal failings, but rather the consequence ofstruc-
tural inequality. Doug McAdam effectively links preexisting networks and
political opportunity openings through his examination of cognitive libera-
tion as a crucial social-psychological process in organizing. Shifts in the po-
litical opportunity structure, McAdam explains. provide cognitive cues by
demonstrating symbolically that challengers can extract concessions from
dominant elites. Meanwhile, preexisting networks of like-minded activ-
ists provide the necessary stability for cognitive cues to trigger libratory
thought and practice?6 In his history of black radicali m in America, Robin
D. G. Kelley incisively encapsulates what I found black feminists experi-
nced in this time period: "The black radical imagination ... is a collective
imagination engaged in an actual movement fOT liberation. It is funclamen-
tal1ya product ofstruggle, ofvictories and losses, crises and openings, and
endless conversations circulating in a shared environment."27 It is precisely
through this process of a sparking black radical imagination and through
-ognitive cues, such as the passage ofthe 1964 Civil Rights Act. that black
feminists experienced increasing degrees ofcognitive liberation, or aware-
ne s, first around racial issues and then gender oppression.
Black feminists carried this cognitive liberation with them into the
worn n's movement, but they also gained vaJuable leadership skills in
, h ivil rights movement. Several women I interviewed named women
I 'ad r in CORE, SNCC, the SCl.C, and the NAACP as influential role models
who demon trated black women's political savvy in civil rights organiza-
tions. Fannie Lou Hamer. Ella Baker, Septima Clark, and Ruby DOIis Smith
Robinson exemplified what Belinda Robnett conceptualizes as bridge leader-
'hip. Bridge leaders connect the will of the people to traditional leaders
or the mov mentthrough their grassroots organizing skills that include
r 'lating to people based on commonalties?& Black women leaders, out-
ld th qualifications for traditional public leadership (e.g.. male, educated
>

I'r ), chall ng'd lh binaries inher nt in sociaJ movement theory that

a~ um that th r r nly I ad rs and followers. This bridge leadership
Ifl ling d monstrlltt<d ~ r young bla k feminists that divisions between

'1'111 ',OUL II WOr.HN' LID I

I .-- d d- . t' t " t .w t s-
ily ,t -r ' r 1 ~ "_ w t ,e inist, c ,'vi s, b a :£ mi
Hal" t I

, ·'rts . mpl y d differ nt Conl1s of Ie 'der' i,p and or anizational srructur

.,ased on their xperi nces in th .' ovem nt
Overall, resourc,e -obilization th ory h, Jp's iJlumina - th org niza-
tiona! aspects and th enviro ment from which black £ minis organi-
z··tion em rged. Bla k femini t organization emerged, grew, and oper-
a.ted under silo 'lar polio cal opportunity tTUcture and, imilar re.cruitment
thods, but they bad van d leadership styles~ As organizations w·thin iii
black feminist movenu-nl ack feminist organizations reft cl d the herero-
gen ity of black women' activism and politi a1 perspectives.
New social movem nt theori . per pe t'ves on collective identity for-
mation begin to xplain th plurality of organi ing style 'and ideological
positions among black ~'mini organization. CoHee 'VI identity per p c-
rive bring social pycho1ogy back into the litera re by inel ding identity.
ba· d movement, as 1 gitimate form of ociaJ protes . Through fr ming,
politi' a1 ac ors link th ir v lue ,beU fs, and' tere ts with lh goal , activi-
ties; and ideologie ofs ial movement organizations.29 CoUectiv id n ity
e tabU h a Ie itimat spac for Ident'ty politics within n aIr -ady stab-
jj hed political culwr ,.
Ch la Sandoval' the nzing on opposi ional consciousn, ss bring for I

this study, a cflit' -1 addition to th ' collecfve id ntlty perspective. She ar-
gues that loppos'tional ,eonsciou .ne . is no an inh rent trait 0 people of
color. but bat it ~~d pends upon th abilit)' t read I'll curr nt itua 'Ol1S
of pow r and self-con -ciou ly choosing and adopting the id ological for
best uited to push against its ,configur.ation .rrlO I would draw analogi s
betw n Sandoval', , oppositional consci us SS, Collins's id as on subju-
gatd knowledge, and Glot' Anzaldua's formulation of la fi ultad (the
a ility to se deeper raliti s or -tructures) and would ven hearken back to
W. ~ ~ DuBoi '5 classic doubl -consciousne s model J All of the epis-
tem io ial m,odes are urvival skiH . Black minis assulned a similar,
uniform oppositional onsciousn 5S ,a a site of ommonalty among black
women. H wev r~ a' vid need in, de lin 0 the organiz tio . blac
feminist or anizations w re only at the b. "nning ofllhis process of col c-
ti ' "ide tity fon 'a ion. OnJry later with gr _w'
i num rs ofbla k women
inter t din, ir mov ' nt w uI black femiru ts start to ognh
nlult'dir io flow 0 power and pri ",' e i id a w Ua au ide ir

r
 OrganizaLl ns d vi h tor md symb Is to construct their politic
lalms by using framln pI . s' that take into account identity.has~
claims. as w na 0ppo itt n I onsciousness. The framing of these issu(
and claims inRu n e r ruitm nl into the organization, as well as ho'
activists rdate to th organization once they become members. Yel, Oi
vid A. Snow and Robel't Benford. in a reassessment ofLhe finer distinction
between frames and ideology note that frames are dynamic, negotiate(
and often contested processes,12 Black women were in the process of sbaF
ing a black feminist ideology rooted in their specific race, gender. c1as~
and sexual orientation interests as a group, but they also had to face hm
they differed from one another as individuals with differing background
and poLitica.! agendas. As these differences emerged, black feminist organi
zations experimented with different frames for their potency in attracti.l1j
m mbers and adherents to black feminist ideology. Black feminists foune
that their frames were socially constituted through dialogue within thei
organizations, as well as with adversaries.
Black feminist organizations offer a unique case study for examining the
blteraction b tween collective identity and resource mobilization. Blad
feminists took advantage of openings in the political opportunity struc
ture, but they did not aU do so in the same way. The organizations wert
but part of the protest field that inc:luded civil rights, women's. and bIad
nationalist groups all vying for a redistribution of power that overturned
white supremacist hierarchies. For these interstitially constituted political
ctors and organizations. gender. race, class. and sexual orientation all di·
rectly influenced the growth and sustenance of organizations. They were
also influenced to varying degrees by the political culture in which they
w re embedded. Grounded in sodal movement organization theory, blac.k
feminist organizations add hislorical case studies of a c.ydica1 movement
process from emergence to decline.
The goaJ of tIns book is to explore the life cycle of black feminist orga-
njzations in the 19705. These organizations were not merely a hybrid of
iviJ rights and women's movement organizations, but sites for fostering a
ollectiv identity among activists distinct from that of those classic move-
nt nts. Black feminists built organizations with distinct goals and slrat -
t irs ~ r eradicating racism and sexism, To that end, each chapter addresses
n parti 1I1ar qu stion about the life span of these organizations.
Th pst ofthis chapter. bri fly, situates 1970S black feminist organiza-
Ii ns within the nt'xlofth historical I gacy of black women's orgauiz-

1'111 UI. WOt,tI!N'S 1.111 15

in . I also iv i.ll.i hts into LJp histori aJ nd s
op Bti -I ba ground
that fa tionaliz d th 'viJ right movem. nt and av ri to black Ii minist
organizations. What did black women's pot ntial Ii- minist identity mean
for black men, antifeminist black women, white men. and white women
during the social unrest of the late 1960s and early 1970S? Four socio-
political fa1:tors influenced the emergence of black feminist organizations:
(1) black women's activist roles in the civil rights movement, (2) their para-
doxical marginalization and leadership in the women's movement, (3) rep-
re entations of black women in popular culture, and (4) racist and sexist
depictions of black women in social poHey.
Emphasizing the role of organizational founders, chapter 2. explores the
similarities and differences in black feminist organizations' emergence
narratives. What were the sociopoliticaJ conditions, intermovement dy-
namics, and intragroup dynamics among black women that prompted
these particular women to form organizations? Francesea Polletta remarks
that framing, as a movement tool, does not go far in explaining the precise
moment when grievances tran late into action and offers that we must em-
ploy toryt Uing to describe "the story of our becoming:»} Nascent black
fI mini ts gained leadership skills fTOm the civil rights and women's move·
rn nts, but also revolutionary ways of thinking about racism and sexism.
They also held gri vances against discrimination in those movem. nts that,
untiJ now, were assumed to have been the who1 story of the beginning
of contemporary black feminism. I engage Polletta's demand for narrative
through black feminist ' stories about how the individuals came to form
their organizations. These emergence narratives contribute to organiza-
tional history and the genealogy of the first contemporary articulations of
intersectional identities, that is, race. gender. and class as intersecting iden-
tities. These narratives tackle the bow, and to a lesser degree the why, of
black feminist organizations' emergence.
By the rnid-I970s, the civil rights movement had experienced a back-
lash to the gains made in the late 1960s. ShU the women's movement.
buoyed by the Roe v. Wade decision, searched for a new anchor iSS11e. This
period also saw the expanSion of the protest field, with the emergence of
the environmental. gay rights, and antinudear movements. What, though.
enabled black feminist organizations in particular to xperience a period
of growth and increased mobilization during the mid-I970s? Chapter 3
focuses on the T ourc mobilization aspects of black fl minist organiza-
tions. The leadership styles, membership tructuT'S, finances, and om-
munication strategies of bla k ~ minist organizations reBect their ra ial,

,6 II u VI M N'S In
g nd 'r. lass, anti id· 10 II ('In Ions within th so 131 prot st mn1U-
nity of the late 19 0 and the t 7 '. I analyze Ihe hierarch131 and 01·
I tivist stru rur s bla k min] t organizations adopted to d termine th
costs and benefits of bIn k women's political choices. K y to this chap' r
is the recognition that just because their members were women and fl mi-
nists. not all black feminist organizations worked as coUe tiv' ,In '1,
bla k worn n's previous activist experiences influenced th struclUJ IS they
adopted and made significant differences in the longevity of black ~'mlnisl
organizations.
Black feminists soughtto attain visibility and allies for a mov m nlth I
encompassed race, gender, and class questions of social justic Ihrou,h
Ih ir activities and myriad other traditional ways of organizing of th· tim •
period. In particular, chapter 4 asks and answers the question ;'How did
black feminists define feminist issues and how did that d finition shap
their actions according to simultaneoWi race and gender onsid m ions?"
pecifically. the Third World Women's Alliance and Black Women Orga-
nized for Action's publishing efforts. the National Black Femini t Organi-
zation's Eastern Regional Conference, the National AlLiance of Bla k f1 mi-
nists' Alternative School. and the Combahee River Collectiv' s· ri s f
Black Women's Network Retreats a.re explored as shaping f; minist i su s
and the feminist agenda i11 the 19705.
In rec ntering th ir experiences as black women, blac.k feminists. ir ni·
ally, created new margins. In this context, chapter 5 d.rawson th 0-
i I constructionist literature in social movements to answer Lh qu g.
t ion "How did black women come to define themselves asa category
dislinCl from 'blacks' and 'women'?" The black feminist movem ot Is
known for its attention to race, class, and gender aspects ofidentity. How·
v'r. I found that black feminist organizations placed varying emphases
on Ihes aspects of identity depending on the composition of th ir m n .
b -rships. Black feminist organizations had to reconciJe the hel rog n: ity
or memb rs' class and sexual orientation identities, which yielded ignifi.
nt div rsity within the larger movemenl. Central to this process was
ons iOlJsness·rai.sing, a tool both the women's and civil rights m v· m nls
un -d. Cons iousness-raising empowered black: women and U1uminat d
I.sism and homophobia as sites of struggle with itt black feminist organi.
Z II ions. Although these schisms were not th only reason for Ih d ~ lin

of black feminist or anJzations. th y did playa role in oth r caus I fa tors.

In hapter 6 I answ r Ih per, I 'nl qu 'stion "What h~tpp n -d t bla k
frrninist organizaUon,~" Inl-r- .nd ntmor ,HnizalioTlal onAi Is pl'Ov~d

TIl! (JUI II w< t.tI\N'~ 1111 !1

probl malic for the long-term survival of th s· organizations. lnufficient
resources also precipitated the decline. Four out of five of th organiza-
tions did not have the resources to continue their recruitment and direct
action activities that were central to acquiring and maintaining members.
Directly related to insufficient resources was the burnout activists experi.
enced as they attempted to capture the momentum of the cjvil.rights and
women's movement protest cycles by mobilizing large numbers of black
women around feminist issues.
Julia Sudbury astutely cautions against romanticizing black women's
history and emphasizes the importance of truth telling: "the desire to por-
tray black women in a positive light leads potentially to silencing those as·
pects of back women's organizing which have been less than positive. or
outright destructive. This idealization ultimately is oflittle benefit to black
women b cause it dulls our ability to think: critically ahout our actions.
Ultimately. the liberatory narrativ becomes a toll to silence doubt and dis-
s nt and this prevents us from learning lessons from mistakes or turn-
ing weaknesse into strengths."14 In the interest of promoting stronger if
any. future black feminist organizations, we must acknowledge. in addi-
tion to the aforementioned c1assism and homophobia. internal factional-
ism in the form of ideological and leadership struggles that hindered the
viability of black feminist organizations. Strategies for maintaining move-
ment momentum were consistently disputed within black feminist orga-
nizations, causing intraorganizational disputes. Decisions about whether
to form coalitions with white feminists and/or accept funding from pre-
dominately white org-cmizations were major ideological disputes among
black feminists. Direction of fund-raising and organization often fell to
black feminist organizations' leaders, raising conB.icts among black femi-
nist actiVists over power, privilege, and the future of black feminism.
This book inserts a missing chapter in social movement hi tory to
convey the richness of an incipient black feminist movement in a social
movement landscape and time period often whitewash d by historians. An
unexpected lesson black feminists learned from their organizing ex.peri-
ence was that all black women do not think alike. Diversity exists among
black women in their physical appearances, which influence how they con-
structed their own personal identities. There are also unseen, but just as
influential. aspects to black feminist identity that shape how black women
approach d fI minist activism. Through historical and ociological analysis,
this book constructs a narrativ of a movement that shaped black feminist

,8 III 01/1 "'. ~. N' lIJ1

lh ory and the WOIT1 'll' mOt m lit nd lh I wiJI hap Afri an Am ri an
hi tory for d cad s to . m"

Historical Legacies
Black feminist organizations did not emerge in a vacuum. Black women ex-
p rienced growth in feminist consciousness at a particular mom nt in U.S.
cial activist history. Sociopolitical condition occurred on th political,
rganizational. and individual level ,impacting black women's collectiv
identification with feminism. Situating black feminist organizing in this
historical context brings to the fore the cosls black women paid in att mpt·
ing to advance from th.eir marginalized position in social movernent and
in U.S. sodety. At the same time, it is crucial to state thaI though it appli
10 how women ofcolor who resist are addressed worldwid ,it is i:l particu-
larly W stem conceit to label all resistive behavior of women "feminist."
It is a fine line to tread between imperialist labeling and claiming spa e
within feminism for women of color. This space is dependent on a defini-
ti n of r sistance that applies to gender, as well as race. In particular, I am
thinking of Tera Hunter's definition of resistance in her study of South-
.'m washerwomen" resistance to racism, sexism, and labor exploitation:
.. lOy act, individual or collective, symboli or literal. intended by subordi·
n" l s to deny claims, to refuse ompliancl' with impositions made by the
'uperordinate.s, or to advance claims oftheir own:'n What follows is il bri f
historical assessment meant to place 19705 bl.ack feminist activism within
ontinuum of resistance strategies to gender and radal oppression.
Black women's resistance to gender oppression. while perhaps not la-
b·J "d feminist at the outset, has been continuous since the arrival of en·
I v d Africans to the North American continent. AngeJa Davis's classic
t's'ay "Reflections on the Black Woman's Role in the Community of SLaves"
and th s cond chapter of her book Womtm, Race, and Class pioneered ana-
Ir:;; s of black women in slavei}' that v'iew th m as political actors. Jf they
w r not political actors in the traditionaJ sense ofenfranchisement or 1 c-
I r I politi 5, enslav d black women certainly exercised political will in reo
i L n:1 orced reproduction and other forms ofbrutality that were unique to
11 'ir p sit ion as blacks and women in the plantation conomy. Moreover,
D vi' and mancipalion narrativ s such as that f Harriet laobs att st to
til" I nlhs worn n w nlto in resistin white patriarcl1al. supr mad top'
pr" slon dir eted at thm. th it hildr 11. and bla m n."

III OUI W 1\11 H' II

 Black women in the nineteenth century continued, poslemancipation,
to estabHsh and assert a black women's identity that negotiated race and
gender demands. They did this through rhetoric and black women's orga-
nizations that made demands: demands from black women to stand tall
and proud despite racist and sexist oppression, demands for education for
African Americans so that they could fully participate in the civic life ofthe
country, and demands that black men accept accountability for themselves
and the well-being oftheir families. They did this most effectively through
national organizations, as documented by Deborah Gray White when she
asserts that black women's prioritization ofrace or gender was cyclical.This
is a key insight that helps explain why black women's activism L<; so often
overlooked, particularly as it relates to gender issues. She notes, "Although
it cannot be said that blaCk: women always chose Iaee over other aspects of
their identity, it can be said that race, along with gender and class were vari-
ables always factored into whatever national organizations did."37 10 this
light. the work oftwo of the largest organizations, the National Association
of Colored Women and the National Council of Negro Women, boldly as·
serted that they were race and gender workers. These organizations, and
the women who led them, were early antecedents to contemporary black
feminists in defining a black womanhood that was inclusive of a range of
concerns in their own and in their communities' interests.
Black women continued the legacy ofactivism begun by pioneers, such
as Ida Well-Barnett, Anna Julia Cooper, and Mary Church Terrell Claudia
fones and Amy Jacques Garvey. for example, made linkage between black
women's oppression and their status as workers in the u.s. economy. [n
what has been previous1y described as a period of abeyance in the femi-·
ni 't movement. in the 195°5, artists, academics, and grassroots organizers
questioned the dominant mentality of home and hearth for women and
how that played out for black women. After all, black women adeptly cared
for their families under the involuntary servitude of slavery and since then
were present in the workplat:e long before white American women. Mar-
garet Wilkerson suggests playwright Lorraine Hansberry's feminist views,
for example, in her plays.A Raisin in the Sun (1959) and The Sign in Si-dney
Brnstein's Window (T964) and prose writing. Although constrained. by th
pervasive containment ethos of the era, Hansberry grappled with wome11
who we.re rebelling against their traditional roles?3
As inheritors of black womn's political and social activism, from lh
mid·to-Iate 19605, black wome.n active in civil rights and women's orga-
nizations w ~ kenly awar th, l tbese mov m nts did not. in lude the

Til IJt 1_ MI,N' til

simultaneous eradication ofrac.ism and sexism. Additionally, black women
encountered structural obstacles upheld by racist and sexist theorizing in
sociological and public poli.cy lit ratar that alleged a black matriarchy as
responsible for the black community's ills. last, black women faced dis-
crimination in the cultural arena in the form of media stereotypes. The
mammy OT the hypersexual black woman icons received a face-lift in con-
temporary popular culture. All of these occurrences created sociopoliti-
cal conrubons that ran counter to black women's radal consciousness and
rising gender awareness.
Leadership opportunities and the ideology of the beloved community as
experienced in the civil rights movement, provided black women with a
repertoire ofstrat gies that th y later employed in feminist organizations.:l9
Yet, the inability of the civil rights movement to extend its "rights" frame-
work t'o include antisexist struggle alienated some black women. Similarly,
black women active in the women's movement found that the movement's
"sist rhood" fram~work did not take into account discrimination based on
race and class. Overall, black feminists' gains from these two movements
were mixed: they experienced discrimination rooted in racism and sexism,
but gained the tools to ov rcome them in the formation of their own orga-
nizations.

Black Womm Leaders and the Civil Rights Movement

81a k women and men active in the civil rights movement were ambiva·
I 'nt about the role of black women in the movement and in the black com-
munity. White found that intercommunity tensions over black women's
r les are historic. but the 1920S and efforts to create a definition of the
"N 'w gro" put thi ambivalence in high reLieeo Then, and in the 1960s.
w m n played key lead rship roles in the civil rights struggle to end seg-
Jg tion and extend full citizenship rights to African Americans. How-
·v Jr, women in both time periods challenged the movement leadership's
h uvini om. Bla k women re-ist.ed demands that they conform to nonna-
tiv(' ideals of womanhood, or Ladylike behavior-ideas initially constructed
wilh bla k women as the opposite of ladylike in the first place.
In th ir as umption of bridge leadership roles. one-lo-one interactions
w th n a1 leaders, and consciousness-raising on the connections between
r It' and g~nde, black women leaders contested sexism and normative
I J1 d I- f womanhood. Thr ugh the' a ti n ,th Yque .tioned the limits

I I ht a a UHJsl Ii rn or m v m nt r anizing and start d a com-

fill III. WOM N" III 21

plicated id ntity formation process. what rights did women have if black
men insisted (and som black women concurred) that black women con-
form to a stereotype of proper womanhood-a tereotype that historically
constructed black women as deviant?
The scholarly literature on black women civil rights leaders shows nu-
merous challenges black women faced to their authority based on their
racial and gender identities.·' Black women students witnessed the ob·
stacles adult women in the civil rights movement faced in asserting visible
leadership in male-dominated, church-based movements. Indeed, though
black women were e.ffective organizers of direct action efforts, theyencoun.
tered resistance from black men. Until recently, the historical record of the
civil rights movement, whiJe touting black women's participation, ignored
their leader hip.
For example, the public.ation of JoAnn Gibson Robinson's memoir The
Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It tells us much about
the Women's Political Council (wpc) that we did not know before the memo
oir's publication: 2 The WPC began mobilizing Montgomery' black popu-
lation and preparing for a boycott long before December 1955, wh n Rosa
Parks made her stand by refusing to yield her seat on the city's segregated
buses. Robinson's account not only details her leadership and that of her
co-organizers, including Parks as a longtime member of the NAACP, but
a1so gives us a gendered view on the segregated South from inside and out-
side the black community. Equally important as race in staging the boycotts
were concerns about respectability and moral fortitude, as these qualities
pe.rtained to the person who would jumpstart the boycott (Parks) and its
participants (Mont.gomery's black. population).
Robnett's conceptualization of the bridge leader has moved the field
forward significantly in explaining gender implications for black: women's
leadership in the civil rights movement. Activists in the civil rights move·
ment and historians consider leaders such as Ella Baker. Fannie lou
Hamer, Rosa Parks, and Septima Clark the "Mothers of the Movement."
Such homage gives these leaders respect for their forceful, steady presence
and their grasSToots anaJysis of racism. For example, EJla Bak r, a' coordi-
nator ohhe Southern Christian leadership Conference (SCLC). worked be-
hind the scenes with local constituents, while Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
represented the organization nationally. Although sh was officially ex-
cluded from th decision.making process b ause of her gender and non-
clergy slatus, Baker criti .iz d King on 'tr: t gi Ius, such as th d ision
nIt push f rward w th ain' m d ~ r m trp M ntgom ry Bu Boy ott.~l

nL .IJMIN' In
Disillusioned. with the male and hierarchy-centered leadership ofthe SCLC.
Baker spearheaded the organization of the Student Nonviolent Coordinat-
ing Committee (SNCC). She encouraged young people to model participa-
tory democracy. an organizing philosophy that emphasized group decision
making over leader-centered organizing.4~
Sexism and authoritarianism w re among the factors that prevented.
women from assuming public leadership roles in th civil rights move-
ment. 45 Black women exercised power within the civil rights movement-
power attributed them from their grassroots connections to local commu-
nities. Many women were respected as wise elders, but nonetheless they
were still women wbose gender prevented them from participating in the
hierarchy of civil rights organizations and the movement. For example, in
the program ofspeakers for the national 1963 March on Washington, not 3
single woman was invited to speak though many women risked their lives
alongside men in direct action against the stale!l>
The roots of black women's second-class citizenship are embedded
i1'l bourgeois notions of womanhood, femininity, and motherhood. The
47
rights framework of the civil rights movement involved integrationist
efforts to assimilate into the dominant culture. An implicit, sometime ex-
plicit, goal of the movement was the reassertion of the male breadwinner
as head of household. This desire for African American men to represent
the black community in the public sphere conflicted with the reality that
black women were also competent organizers and had long been a part of
til black community's public sphere. One must wonder loa about the im·
pa t of black male attacks on blac.k women's club work and character i.n the
nineteenth century. White deduced that these attacks were as much about
bla k women's activities in the public sphere, as about contestations over
the meaning of black masculinity and femininity.48
ConBicts over women's leadership were often grounded in sociologi-
I th ories of black men as weak and subject to black matriarchy.4~ Some
I ad rs oftb civil rights movement. in their active marginalization of black
w men. accepted patbologizing theories on the black community. Andrew
ung. a LC chief aid to Dr. King. noted that men "bad a hard time

with domin - ring women in S le.... This is a generality. but a system of

)ppres ion Lends to produce weak men and strong women."'~o Rationales
orll\ale I ader>hip w re posited as a cOWllerbaiance to black matriarchy,
1 ut would om' to s m ontradi tory to women applying an equal rights
I i1mcwork to lh ir POSlliol1 in so . ty.
he . 'nd tr'n ion ~rfT":> l d th rol- thai y unger women played in

'rill S Ub I' WOM N' 1,IU 23

organizations. In s N'CC, Ii r example, Diane Nasb, Ruby Dods Smith Robin-
son, Francis Beal, Cynthia Washington, and Gwen Patton all played in-
strumental roles, organizing freedom rides, sit-ins and communica.tions.
Zoharah Simmons (formerly Gwendolyn Robinson), at nineteen years old
served as director of sNee's Laurel Mississippi project and instituted an
anti-sexuaJ·harassment policy in response to intraorganizational violence
against women.~1 These women, like their foremothers. took on leadership
positions in student-run civil rights organizations and faced the challenges
of leadership in mixed-sex organizations. Moreover, like m n involved in
the movement, they stood up to police violence. Yet, unlike older women
involved in the civil rights movement, the first rumblings of the contem-
porary feminist mov ment inHuenced how younger women viewed th it
leadership potential.
One of the first eruptions of feminist consciousness in the civil rights
mov"ment occurr d in the wake of a position paper delivered at SNCC'g
(964 Waveland, Mississippi. personnel retreat. Case)' Hayden and Mary
King. two key white members in tbe organization cowrote "sNccPosition
Pap r (Worn n in th Movement)" and presented it in a workshop on the
role ofwomen. Hayden and King claimed that women in SNCC rarely made
si.gnificant decisions in the organization and cited the existence ofa sexual
division oflabor, The authors also c.alled upon nineteenth-century suffrag-
ists' analogy ofmale supremacy over women as similar to white supremacy
over blacks.s'
The Hayden-King paper is often cited as the seed offeminist consc.ious-
ness emerging from the civil rights movement.~l Scholars interpl'etedre-
actions to the position paper differently.54 Clayborne Carson maintained
activists ignored the paper because of pressing racial issues. Sara Evans, on
the other hand, believed that beCluse ofthe paper. black and white women's
perspectives momentarily converged arotmd feminism but that they lacked
the trust needed to come together for action. 55
Differential positions in SNCC, in the leadership and the rank-and-file
membership, accotmt for this distrust. White women in SNCC, in decan-
structing the sexual division of labor, failed to recognize the gender of
black women. In effect, in King' and Hayden"s analysis, black women's
race erased them as women with some degree of power in th- organi-
zation. Also, black women deemphasized their gender because they pri-
oritized their racial identity ion th struggle for black self-d t nninatiQn.
Cynthia Washington, for example. did not recogniz sexism in SNee, be-
caus she and other black wom n in th or anization held position that.

111 U
whil not senior p sit i fUJI' • d r pon ibilities often critical to sur·
vivin racist viol 11 e,~11 iall - Nash' lead rship in Nashville's sit-ins and
Washington's job as proj ct dir etor in Bolivar County, Mississippi. were
instrumental positions in the operdtionsofSNCC and recognized as such by
black women and men in the organization. Evans and Carson do agree that
some black women in SNC occupied positions of responsibility. contrary
to most white women's expe"riences in SNCC. Neverthele , black and white
women's differing positions in the organization crea ted a barrier - however
much a straw man-to constructing a common identity as women.
Margaret Sloan, chairwoman of the National Black Feminist Organi-
zation (NBFO), made the connection between sexism and the movement
leadership at the early age of fourteen, when she participated in a Chicago
r nt strike. In a speech she gave to students at Carleton College in 1973.
loan omitted the name of tlle organization because she believed that her
experience could easily apply to any of severaJ civil rights organizations:

I can remember walking into that building and seeing women of differ-
ent colors, in various either "prone" positions or servile situations. I saw
while women in the kitchen making the lemonade, just eager. Just stir·
ring! "Serve my brother." Wiping their sweat from the brow. You know
thos women? And those black women out in back playing with th kids
in the little yard that was made into a little play area. And then you walk
back up to the main conference room and there was a little coalition of
black and white m n mapping out the strategy for the demonstration that
was going to take place the next day-doing the s riOu.s business.... And
1 found out that no matter how much we organized as women, no mat-
ter how many lead poisoning campaigns we organized and worked witll
on tbe Westside lof Chicago]; no matter how many tenant rent strikes we
organized we weren't really that effective. It really didn't really matter so
much how you organiz d during Ihe day. It really mattered how well you
p. ffoml d at night. And who you attached yOUIse1fto. I was only fourteen.
I didn't go too high in that particular organization nau.ghter]. BUlllearned
a helluva 10t. s7

exual politics extended beyond stereotypes regarding women's leader-

hip apabilities. For Sloan, and later observers of the movement. women's
" 'unl ity was a way to und rstand black women's acce's to political power.
, loan p rceiv d d flnit s x rol sin th civil rights movement and saw that
m' w m n's p w r 1 rlv d from Lh ir connection to [nale leaders,'lI As
h> gr'\ in h ,. P III I Jl1 I :1'1. nd r~rnini·t ons iousn s ,Sloan real-

11111 lOW M N' 1.18 25

ized that she would eventually need to seek out oth r lik· -minded black
women for her organizing efforts.
In this analysis, we must also consider the culpabjJjty of black women
in perpetuating sexism in the movement in the interest of supporting
black men, even if that support came at a cost. Black male movement
leaders often delegated leadership responsibilities to black women, and,
hence. black women did not experience the same degree ofsexism as white
women. Charged with important responsibilities in the movement, black
women leaders were hard-pressed to confront sexism within it while man-
aging their duties as part of a cause whose primary goal was to challenge
white supremacy. Black women in SNCC recogrUzed male chauvinism in
theorganizatioD, but theywe.re reluctant to confront it because ofthe divide
erected between racial and gender truggles. 59
Despite male supremacy. a number of black women incorporated civiJ
rights movement organizing skills and the movement's equal rights frame
into new theorizing on the conn~tion between o'ppre sions. The transi-
tion from a monist politic grounded in an either/or paradigm (e.g., blackor
female) to recognizing multiple jeopardy was not made in one great leap.~n
Instead. by extending the rights frame to include the simultaneous fight
against racial and gender oppression. black women questioned male su-
premacy and discussed the mean.ing of black womanhood. As black women
began to do this gender work, black men were also turning to gender issues
in the form of reassertions of masculinity through the black nationalist
movement.

Black Women, the Black Cultural Nationalist

Movement. and Gender
Men in black nationalist movements were more decisive than male chriJ
rights movement leaders. and sometimes adamant, about tbei.r demands
that black women support black men. Black cultural nationali.st litera-
ture deemed childbearing and nation building the domain of the "Truly
Revolutionary Black Woman.~61 The antiracist revolutionary struggle came
first and was often the only item on the nationalist agenda. Black women
were leaders in nationalist organizations and proved themselves capabl.e
of revolutionary leadership.Gl In the face of retrograd notions about black
women's responsibilities, women in nationalist organizations, particularly
the Black Panthers. sp kout for th m Ive as . pabl lead -rs and p liti-
cally position. d against s xil:im. till, by remaining rn ni'llionall t rgani-

I'UI, III M .... • Jill

zations, they implicitly desi.gnated racism as the primary site of struggle.
Black nationalist women did not ignore sexism; however, they did shun
gender separatism.
Women in nationalist movements declared primary allegiance to end-
ing racism out ofthe beliefthat i sues of radal oppression were more press-
ing than gender discrimination, Following the tumult ofthe late 19605 and
the continuing war in VIetnam, some black women felt that a revolution
was imminent. We also cannot overlook the fact that black people were dyilJg,
whether from the violence of poverty or from Federal Bureau of Lnvestiga-
tions (FBI) Counterintelligence Program (corNTELPRo) agents' bullets.!>
Many of the same issu s black women face today in their COmDllUlities
(e.g., high unemployment. dmg abuse, inadequate housing) w re mount-
uig problems in the late 1960s and 19705. The majority of the black com-
munity, still riding high fTOm victories wrought by the civil rights move-
ment, compared their relatively low standard of living to that of white
Americans. Based on these perceived inequities. African American women
in the black nationalist movement held different priorities from those of
white feminists. For example. institutions that some white, socialist femi-
lusts sought to dismantle, such as the nuclear family, black nationalist
women hoped to strengthen for the stabiJization of the black community.
Other nationalist women, particularly those in the Bl.ack Panther Party,
felt they were on the right track in advocating a revolution, particularly
within mixed-sex black organizations. What better way to confront sex-
i '10 than working side by side with black men? I:n a pamphlet entitled
"Black Panther Sisters Talk about Women's Liberation," unidentified Pan-
t h r women obs rved that members assumed responsibilities based on
th ir level of political awar ness: "A lot of sisters have been writing more
rt ides, th y're attending more to the political aspects ohhe Party. they're
peaking out in pub] ic more and we've even done outreach work in the com-
munity."b" Remaining in mixed-sex organizations allowed black women
Ie demonstrate that they were as capable and committed to revolution as
IJla k men.
The experiences of black women in the civil rights and cultural nation-
.Ilist movements were but a £ w of the issues black women needed to
otlsider in formulating positions on f4 minism. Individual black women
,'. gnized mal . hauvinism and the devaluation of women's leadership
. pabiHti • in the civil right movement. but they h sitated to incorpo.
ill ~ g nd r truggJ' int th ir id als of participatory democracy or free-
d m. Thr ugh pN nat p ri tl e., . lack worn n activists clearly identi-

rll OUt VI MaiN'S Ull '1.7

£jed ra ist OpP! sion as it irnpr d th ir ra ial rt ms and Lh black
community. However, rad t dis imination in its violent maniC! stations
(e.g.. locaJ police repres ion) against blacks seemed much more salient
to black women than sexism that sometimes masqueraded as protection
and honor.
Women in black nationalist organizations, many ofth m socialists, fore-
saw sexism's demise with the advent of a socialist revolution and the de-
struction of th u.s. class-based economic system. A central observation
that bJack nationalist women contributed to black feminist theory, that is
often unheeded, was women's culpability in perpetuating sexism by act-
ing in traditionally gendered ways. Some black nationalist women, uch as
those interviewed [or the new letter the Movement and those in the Pan-
African movement, believed that women needed to step up to the front
lines of battle and not only challenge sexism when it was convenient for
them. like women in SNCC, Black Panther women espoused the delegation
of responsibility according to ability and political consciousness. Falling
back on. traditional gender roles was neither revolutionary nor acceptable
behavior for black freedom fighters of either gender.

Bla k Women and the Women's Movement

Conflicts surrounding raci m within the women's mo\' ment aTe typically
cit d as the primary reasons why black women did not join organizations
again t sexism. IIS Black women's participation in this movement is often
ignored or glossed over as insignificant in the popular p riodicals ofthe era
and secondary I'terature. However, recognizing differential recruitment
patterns of black women or different paths into the movement-those who
rejected and those who joined predominately white women's movement
organizations -is critical to studying the emergence of black feminist orga-
nizations.
All black women experienced white racism, but they reacted to it dif-
ferently when it came to relating, or not, to the women's movement. As
a subset of hegemonic feminism, th concept of sisterhood, as propos d
by the majority of while femini·ts, meant that all women w r the same,
regardless of economic or social differences. 66 Yet, this definition erased
the discrimination that black women faced based on their radal difference
from white women.II' The result was an elision of women's differ nc s in
the interest ofa common worn n's movement agenda. As a result, this ideal
of sisterhood allow d many predominately white t4 minist organizations

8 P 'II MIN' III

and whit w m 'n t '( d n -wl'd in ·lh ir racial privileg . I use quali.
fi r: - the majority, ,~om , IIu.my- be aus increa ingly in today's studies of
th f9705 wom n'sm v tl'l nt. white feminists active in the movement at
th time ar confronting charges ofracism and owning up to those charges.
but also constructing interpretations of ignored antiracist initiatives and
white women's groups that wer actively antiracist at the time.~8
he majority of black women in the United States did not participate
in the women's movement, but they sympathized with the women's lib-
ration movement at a higher percentage than did white women. 69 Black
women had deep and compelling reasons for not joining the women's
movement and, h llnn ing sisterhood with white women. Four concerns
w r (1) perceived increasing relational tensions between black women and
men, (2) worries about b1ack women's activist energies being diverted from
the civil rights movement, {J} black and white women's distrust ofone an-
other, and (4) racist history and cultural stereotypes. 1n Each of these con-
ems influenced black women's mass nonparticipation in the contempo-
Tar)' women's movement.
Popular black periodicals of the time r veal that a primary consider-
<Ition in whether black women joined the movement was how such gender
;Jctivism would affect the relationship between black worn n and men. Part
f this consideration was the popUlar press's refusal to recognize gend r
discrimination. Jet and Ebony, the leading publication. consistently receD-
teTed men's reactions to feminism and ignored the discrimination black
women faced within the black community when reporting on th worn n's
mav ment. n The black community's survival depended on the strength
or relationships between black women and men, but the overemphasis all
thaI relationship was itself diversionary. The "war between the sexes:' the
p pular media dubbed it, overshadowed material issues of income dispari-
ties, unemployment rates and domestic violence in black homes that was
tatistically violence against women.
Black women's economic independence and interracial dating were at
III, hart of this war. This div rgence from normative sex roles created ten-
. in' between black women and men that Toni Morrison attributed to the
bla k man's "inability to deal with a competent and complete personality
• nd her [the black woman's] refusal to be anything less than that."72 In-
volv m nl· v,rith the women's liberation movement, many blacks of both
~l 'nd 'TS thought. would only make black women more independent and
fu rl h . r aggravate tensions.
ala p dodi ::als J 0 stat d that bla k women's participation in the

,.". OUI 011 WOMIiN' un 29

worn n' m v m ot would disrupt th evolving renaissance in the ways
bla k women and men wer starting to view one another. An article in
Ebony xplained: "Now b ing wooed by the 'new' black man in both poetry
and song, and knowing that her man has suffered at the hand of white
racism, the black woman on the whole is in no mood to denounce him as a
'male chauvinist.' ... [BJlack women are seeking a truce with the black man
and are expending their energies in redefining their imagen]) Black women
became collective agents in this new age of Black Pride. They had to re-
main vigilant of the feelings of the monolithic black man. The rhetoric of
"Black Power" actively translated ioto th Black Pride aesthetic in music,
art, and, most ofall, the physical appearance of black people. "Black is Beau-
tiful" reigned as the guiding principle for black women's and men's per-
ceptions of one another. Black women's potential political allegiance with
white women was viewed as disrupting the developing aesthetic of black
beauty and breaking ranks with black men by seeming to value "white"
politics over Black Power.
The new black aesthetic was, at best, an unstable truce in the war of the
sexes, particula.r1y when black men formed intimate emotional and physi-
cal relationships with white women. Historically, relationships between
black males and white femal s were taboo, the very rumor of which reo
sulted in a particular kind of gendered violence against black men: cas-
tration, lynching, or both. Despite this precedenc of violence, in the late
1960s and early 1970s, black men took advantage of changes in sexual
mores yielded by the sexual revolution and the counterculture: "But now,
with all of the declarations of independ nee, one of the black man's ways
of defining it is to broaden his spectrum of femaJe choices. and one of the
consequences of his new pride is tbe increased attraction white women
feel for him," Morrison observed.H The black man's new exual preroga-
tive was, and still is, a source of jealousy and anger for many black women
derived from centuries of humiliation and mislabeling. Adding fuel to that
anger was the double standard applied to black women: the so-caIJed renais-
sance in black love fell noticeably short when confronted with black womell
dating white men. Interracial dating gave black women, who wer not im·
mune to false competitions between women for male attention, little in-
ceutiv to enter political allianc s with white women, particularly under
the banner of sisterhood.'s
The sisterhood fra.mework also failed t draw larg numb r of bla k
women into the women's mov m 11l he <luse many black worn nair ady
activ in th civil right mov m nl w rr1- d that Lh ir part iopation in th

o I'll 111 M ·,l.11I

women's movement would divert gains from the civil rights movement
to white women and usurp black women's activist energies. This concern
about black women's resources became an issue of racial allegiance. Sloan,
ofthe NationaJ Black Feminist Organization, voiced black women's frustra-
tions when recognizing how discrimination impacted their lives on mul·
tiple [rants:

There is always a problem with black worn n. I'm sur all minority women
go through this, but the whole splitting up and parsing out loyalties is
called a ~priority game." And it gets crammed down black women's throats
all the time in terms of what are you more: black or female .... It would
be easy if the oppr ssor would separate out the week and say, "Well, from
Monday to Wednesday we're going to screw her 'cause she's female and
the rest of the week we're going to do it to her because she s black." ... I
think it's an insuJt. It's inhuman, it is cruel to expect a woman who is of
a color to parse herself and split herself down the middle like that. It just
does not work and it is impossible. It's like, "Separate yourself and deal
with one issue at a time. 7 /'

This priority game was more divisive to the civil rights movement than
black women's participation in the women's movement because it di -
missed the special issues black women faced as women and neglected the
totality of black women' oppression. Tn effect. it forced black women to
prioritize where they would put their energies when both antiracism and
antisexism were pressing battles to be waged simultaneously.
Community anxiety aboutth diversion of black women's resources also
ncompassed concerns that openings in the political field were not large
enough to accommodate civil rights and women's demands. In an inter-
view with Ebony maga:z.ine, one woman voiced the common derision that
the women's movement was "just a bunch of bored white women with
nothing to do-they're just trying to attract attention away from the black
liberation movement." n Af.rican Americans often voiced this suspicion,
but not without just cause. Take, for example, attempts of a Southern con-
gr ssman to scuttle Title VII in 1964' This employment provi ion of the
ivil Rights Bill was originally proposed in response to African American
:Igitation to prohibit ra ial discrimination in the workplace. This particular
ngr man, who had a reputation for blocking progreSSive legislation,
add d anti-sex discrimination to th civil right· am ndm nt in an attempt
to d r:til it ntirely/~
AJlh ugh Lh am ndm 01 didp. 'S, adding s x discrimination to it in

Till OUL 01 WOld M'. un "

 Lh ory pitt cl Afri an Am ri an men against white women in a contest for
oppr 5S d status that eras African Am riean women, as both blacks and
women, altogether. Studies in lat r years show that white women did. in
facti gain more from programs such as affirmativ action than did any other
minority groUp.79 For blacks cone med with the Joss ofcivil rights gains to a
burgeoning women's movement, this political maneuvering served as vi-
dence ofthe potential perils ofa coalition between black and white women.
In the eyes of most African Americans, black feminists would ultimately
only betray black community political interests by helping white women
gain a share of white men's power.
Black women's reluctance to join the women's movement's calls for
sisterhood was also rooted in their interpersonal history with white
women. From the initial economic and domestic exploitation of the slave/
mistress relationship to white women's position as the norm of female
beauty, the relationship between black and white women was a contentious
one that did not foster collaboration. Historically, womanhood and £ mi·
ninity were white women's exclusive domains; tradition defined them as
delicate I ladylike, and in need of protection. As a result, since slavery de-
feminized black women through the imposition of harsh "men's" labor.
black womanhood was a nonexistent category. Ifwhite women were vul·
nerable to rape, black women, conversely, were sexuaUy available. Black
and white women's relationships were often historically and interperson-
_ally adversarialJhe mJliotity ofbladoYom~ere noteageI'-tO--join--politi-
cal organizations with their socially con.structed opposite.
Despite this contentious rustory, some black women did joi"n the
women's movement. The most-often cited example ofearly black women's
feminist activism is Sojoumer Truth's work in the suffrage movement.
Even though Nell Irvin Painter skillfully disputes the veracity of accounts
ofTruth's famous I8S! "Woman's Rights n speech, itis often used as an early
example in which a black woman articulated the connections between race
and gender oppression.80
Yet, Truth's involvement with the suffrage movement also illustrates
the racism African American women experienced when they worked with
white women. Participants in the women's suffrage movement engaged in
contradictory behavior when they spoke out again t slavery during aboli·
tion, but they later used white supr macy to justify the nfranchisement
of white wom n.&1 White suffragists appeal d 10 South m white women.
arguing that only whit wom n'- high r moral valu could save th na·
tion from damnation. S m' lin worn n in In 1 t [9 os and I 70S re-

1 1 "I' IJ l WO M N I I I II
fleeted on this historical precedent and concluded that it was not in their
best interest to join the predominately white women's movement. If white
women held as their feminist heroes Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B.
Anthony, who espoused racist sentiments in the interest ofwhite women's
enfranchisement, would their feminist descendants also use their white
privilege to advance their selective versions of sisterhood?
In spite of. and perhaps while preserving, these misgivings, black
women did call themselves fem.i.n.ists. They played significant leadership
roles in the mainstream and radical branches of the women's movement.
As they did with the civil rights movement, black feminists transferred
leadership skills and philosophies from the women's movement to black
feminist organization-c;. Several African American women were guided by
feminist principles while holding positions in governmental agencies and
bureaucratic organizations, and they authored significant feminist texts.
Pauli Murray, for instance, an attorney and ordained Episcopalian priest,
was long at the vanguard of progressive movements as a member of Presi-
dent Kennedy's Commission on the Status ofWomen and while serving on
the executive board of the American Civil liberties Union. J12 Murray advo-
at d for an indep ndent women's movement organization and helped
establish the National Organization for Women (NOW) in 1966, though she
had left by 1967, citing issue of undemocratic decision making and a lim-
it d scope in its membership and coalitions.lll Similarly, Aileen Hernandez
s 'rved as one of the first commissioners for the Equal Employment Op-
portunity Commission (EEOC) in 1966. She later succeeded B tty Friedan
as NOW president in 1970. Although she viewed her participation in NOW
through a racial and gender lens, she later established Black Women Orga-
nized for Action (BWOA). an organization dedicated to building feminist
I 'ader· hip among black women.
th r examples of early black feminist activism included the work of
MJrgaret Sloan, Cellestine Ware, and FJorynce Kennedy. Sloan, a founder
of the National Black Feminist Organization. toured with Gloria Steinem
rI lh spring of 1973, lecturing on black women's connections to the

women's movement. Sloan was al 0 a founding editor of Ms. magazine.

I h . most prominent national feminist publication ofthe 19705. Also active
in th, N w York fI millist movement community, Cellestine Ware, author
) Woman Pow r, was a founding member of New York Radical Women.
'Iorynce Kennedy was involv d with I"h founding of the NBFO and wrote
Ih fi ry worn ·n'· mDv'm nt t xl Abortion Rap.~~ She is best known for
In pirin many fi minh.t ,bl k and whit ,with ber motto "Kick ass and

I'll ou I 'NOMI N ' LID }

 take names." These are but a few examples of black women who joined the
women's movement as founders of predominately white feminist organiza.
tions. Thei r writings on black women and feminism make us aW3 re oftheir
presence, but we can only guess about the numbers of black women grap-
pling with feminism who did not have a public forum for Uleir thoughts,
despite assumptions about their antifeminist stance.
Inez Smith Reid tested this assumption in a study that assessed the
nationalist militancy or feminist sentiments of black women. 85 Seeking
black women's opinions on the women's movement. she asked informants'
opinions of Aileen Hernandez's position in NOW. Smith Reid observed no
consensus ofopinion and emphasized respondents' polarization~ "A couple
of women felt that she [Hernandez1was rendering a valuable -ervice to the
female and black female community. Two or three others. feeling she was
totally on the wrong track, suggested that she ought to abandon heT work
with women's liberation. In tead ofcontinuing with women's lib, they con·
tended she should tak on a project, which would allow her talents to be
used solely for the black commuruty."st; Although respondents were split
in their opinion of Hernandez's women's movement participation, neither
side saw women's and black liberation issues as complementary. Those
Who thought Hernandez provided a valuable service assumed that "female"
meant "white women:1 They saw the interests of black and white women as
distinct and separate. Hernandez's detractors retllsed to aCknowledge the
discrimination black women faced on the basis of gendt':'r and subsumed
black women's identity under the radal category black.
Similarly, many white feminists, though a large number desired a united
sisterhood, either ignored black women's gender or assumed black women
were nol interested in women's issues. Black women interested in femi-
nism were even suspect, as demonstrated at the 1968 Sandy Springs Con-
fer nee, one of two regional meetings radical socialist feminists held to
dialss launching an autonomous women's movement. in the lranSl.::npt of
this confer nee, unidentified white femini t5 debate (among themselves)
wheth r, if approached. black women activists would partici pate in the radi-
cal feminist movement.~7 There were glimmers of consciousness about
racism, but for the most part. the transcript is riddled wilh misguided ideas
about black women and feminism.
The transcript is infonnative b ause it lends insights lUto th moti-
vations behind white feminists' racism in Ih arly days f til ontem-
porary worn n's mav m 'nt. In the ours 0 th II onv rsation, it is e'vi-
d 'nt Ihat th w m n p. I'll lpating in thl dis U58l n did not L \1 I bla k

" 1II 0111 1141 ' till

women's allegiance to feminism. A standard. empathetic perspective on
black women's lack ofparticipation was, and still is. that black women were
too busy coping with daily survival issues to join the movement. While this
may be true for many black women, this reasoning does not apply to all
black women. It excludes those who were interested in feminism and avail·
able to put time and energy into the movement-wh ther in addition to
existing obligations or in spite of them.
Also informative is the candid rev lation of white feminists' anxiety
about organizing with black women. Several issues arose, including white
feminists' fears that black women would make white worn n feel guilty
about race and class privilege, thereby derailing efforts to develop the radio
cal feminist movement.M Acknowledging that black women faced a dif·
ferent kind of oppression. white feminists worried that these differences
and white guilt would obstruct the development of a unified radical femi-
nist agenda, or "muddy up the waters."89 W must also acknowledge the
mixed messages white antiradst activists received in the transition from
the civil rights movement's "black and white together" message to the Black
Power movement's self·determination. Breines recalls the conundrum:
"They [white women] were antiracist activists untiJ they were no longer
welcome in the black freedom mov ment, a point that white women men-
lion often and resentfully. They were instructed not to work among African
Americans and tben criticized for not doing 50."<)0
Derived from tills morass of distmst, the women .in the Sandy Springs
cli 'cussion also voiced a contradictory concem. At one moment they were
concerned that black nationalist women would not be truly dedicated to
f m.inism. Yet, later in the discussion, these white women accused any
black woman involved in feminism of being an "Uncle Tom," echoing senti·
ments voiced by black nationalist men.,)l Never once was it con -idered that
not all black women, if politically involved, were black nationalists. Such a
perspective may be due to whit socialist feminists' work with groups such
as the BI.ad< Panthers and oilly connecting with black men in leadership
positions. h ironies abound in the complexity of identity, coalition, and
~cxual politics.
Black feminists faced the black community's accusations of inauthen-
Ii bla k:n 55 b cause of their gender concerns. The Sandy Spring tran-
, ri pi r veals that black worn n also needed to beware of white feminists
wh n id red th m "the worsl kind" of black worn n b cause of their
dlt'g'd b trayal of bla -kness."} B th black nationalist and whil ft minist
jud 111 n n 1:>11 W III n' fa lal. ulhenti ity assumed that a truly revo·

nil U W MIlN' l.lD

lutionary black woman prioritized her racial oppression over any gender
considerations. Like black men, white feminists in this partiallar discus-
sion refused to recognize the complexity of race and gender oppression.
lnstead. they chose to see black women as solely black. but not as women.
As further insult, with their use ofthe racialized and derogatory Uncle Tom
label, these particular white women labeled black feminists as duplicitous.
Still, those white feminists did not speak for all white feminists, and in
spite of covert and overt racism. black women demanded inclusion in the
contemporary women's movement. In responding to a racist agenda based
on exclusive notions of sisterhood, some black feminist u ed prose and
poetry as a mode of resistance from within the women's movement. For
instance, poet Lorraine Bethel, an African American lesbian, wrote a scath-
ing critique of the women's movement, specifically addressing the tokeni·
zation of black lesbian feminists by radical, white lesbian feminists. In her
1979 poem "What Chou Mean We, White Girl? Or, The Cullud Lesbian
Feminist Declaration of Independence:' Bethel raged against her imposed
position as the educator ofwhite feminists.'B She struck at the core ofsister·
hood and its racist possibilities. On the one hand. white feminists asked
for education about difference. Yet, when black feminists participated, th y
encountered white women who used limited cultural knowledge to enact
a "Third Worldism" that simultaneously romanticized and condescended
to third world people and their struggles.9~ Bethel, and other black femi-
nists, gained little from these interactions that returned them to the role
of political mammy for white women.
Bethel also laid bare the process of tokenization as white feminists ap-
proached the same black women, "selecting their victims" from a Rolodex
"labeled feminists. black or lesbians" to "represent Third World women
and lesbians on tluir feminist criticism panel."95 Implicit in Bethel's ac-
count of women's movement dynamics is black women's exclusion from
planning the direction of the movement based on some black women's
angry and homophobic responses to feminism. White women made the
movement their property. and black women were merely invited to par-
ticipate on an already-established agenda. Bethel's poem showed that even
black women's later experiences ofracism in the women's movem n t were
based on no real knowl dge about black women and feminism. Two out-
comes occurred. Either white feminists e.xclud d black feminists from the
women's movem nt out of guill, or black feminists x luded themselves
ba d on their exasp ration with lh ir rol as tok 11 black ti minjsts or black
I bian mini IS.

'1 '\ 1'1,11 0 If I 0 .. ',llB

 Although some black women veh mently rej t d th . w m n's mov -
ment, other black women, in countering racism and ignoran e about tb ir
ide.ntities as blacks and women. decided to struggle with whit fI minist ,
rather than against th m. However, a black women are at th c'nt 'r of
analysis in this book it is important to note that the worn ds movcm nt
sisterhood framework was and is too constrictive. Black wom n respond ·d
by forming their own organizations. but in doing so. there is on mor ho-
tile front they encountered: social policy and popular culture.

Black Matriarchy Theory and Social Policy

Segments of the black female population rejected the wom n' mo~ m. 'nt
out of anger over racism, but other rejected it out of fear-fl ar th t 111·
volvem nt with a movement labeled "lesbians" and "man-hating" WQuld
merely combine with other stereotypes of black women to ond· mn th
In Fighting Words. Collins examines public transcripts and how th y nfin
black women politically. Public transcripts are "the public dis ours r
knowledges of academia, government bureaucracies, lh pres. th') ourt'.
and popular culture. Controlled by elite groups. this public dis our ' typi.
cally counts as legitimate knowledge and often is ground d in fa Is . un!·
versals.'·9li T)ublic transcripts on television, in films. and In publi p Ii Y
reports on the black community revived the mammy st r typ and g v~
it a contemporary look in the form of the black matriar h.
A common African American folk adag that "the only fr p ~opl . r
white men and black women" accuses black worn· n of allusion with wh t ~
m n during slavery and in the present to oppr 55 black m n." In Ihl
racialized v Ision of the Genesis nanativ . black w m n b 1ray d bitt
rn n, who were then cast out of the Eden that is the I'Card n P:l1 i' r·
hal Power," Dani I Patrick Moynihan. then a Harvard so ' 10 Ji t, br uht
Ihis tale ofbetrayaJ to currency in 1965 with the pubHcalion of'" h N qr
Family: The Case for National Action:' Sheila Radford-HiIJ rn rk th ~
III moment at which black women's traditional rol s as r S rv irs fth
ommunity's public morality and racial dignity w r publi Iyattack d."
Moynihan argued that the !'tate ofthe black community wa "p.lh I d·
31" because slavery imposed sex role reversal on black men unci w III n, v
lav ryemasculated black men and, thus. deprived Lh m f til -Ir ::;1. lJ
. prot' lor of their faruili s and heads of h u e.hold. In fa I, M ynih. n
orltinu d, an in r aging numb r of bla k famili s ar ~t a dis dv nta
b . -au:;' the)' I' fl m. I .head d and defy lh d finili n f th 3 lr'ldill na.\

Ul 'If M N" 1,1 n 7

nuclear family, Moynihan all g d that black women were matriarchs b -
cause they "faj] to fulfill th ir traditional 'womanly' duties" and were guilty
of emasculating black men!OO
The black matriarchy theory served as evidence of black wom n's collu-
sion with the white power structure. As a result of thi.s collusion, govern-
ment policies punished black women for their nonnormative enactment
of womanhood.")' Sex-segregated employment and the [965 report "The
Negro Family: The Case for National Action" created a hostile environment
for black women by making it appear that black women were already Hber·
ated. This idea, circulated in the black community and perpetuated by so-
cial policy. kept some black women from joining the women's movement.
Black woman's alleged liberated status also helped some blacks downplay
the necessity of forming independent black feminist organizations.
Several aspects of the Moynihan report are rooted in patriarchal and
racist ideologies of the family and womanhood. Moynihan ignored persis-
tent racial discrimination as a factor in black male unemployment rates.
Black women did not usurp black men's jobs, because black women occu-
pied gendered positions in the sex-segregated job market. 101 Instead, black
men faced job competition from U.S.-born and white thme immigrant
men. Yet, the Moynihan report only fueled black men's claims that black
women took jobs from black men. Such an as 'umption ignores the per·
sist nee of a "woman's wage," a wage not meant to upport one woman's
most basic needs let alone thos of an entire family.IOJ The so-called black
matriarchies were far from financially stable without black men's second
LDcome.
Black scholars. CUlhtral critics, and ~ minists of all races challenged
Moynihan's assumption that the nuclear family was the only viable form
of fami Iy, discounting the survival of African Americans through extended
family and fictive kin as they evolved in slavery.,o4 Moynihan, and most u.s.
citizens, assumed that the patriarchal nuclear family, as depicted on [95°5-
era television shows, was the only viable family structure. However, the
increased labor force participation ofwhite women, their dec.reased depen-
dence on marriage for financial seemity, and climbing divorce rates meant
that th viability of the nuclear family was a dubious construct even for
white Americans.'v:; Moynihan's report was based on an increasingly un-
stable model which proposed that blac.k Americans. if they followed the
model of white male-headed nuclear families, could balt th dedin of the
black family. The reassertion of patTiarchy, Moynihan implied, would cur
black America of its pathology.

'Nil QUI
 Several says by bl 'mini I writer and professionals r fut d the
myth of the matriarchy. An Iyzing statistics on education and employ-
ment, critics of Moynihan examined his theory of matriarchy through the
lens ofrace and g nder and found it lacking. 10.. Th y contested, for example I

the use of black women's educational attainment levels and their lower un-
employment rates compared to those of black men a evidence of black
women allegedly having greater freedom than black men. Black women's
meager advancements in education did not mean greater freedom for black
women, their collusion with white patriarchy, or the intentional emascu·
lation of black men. For example, in 1968, black women barely outpaced
black men by two percentage points in completion offour years of college.
Data from the u.s. Census show that in 1966,3.7 percent of black women
completed four years of college, compared to 3.9 percell I of black men.
By 1968, 4.8 percent of black women completed college compared to 3.7
percent of black men. 107 In addition, black women were situated at the bot-
tom of the economic ladder, compared to whites and black men.lO~ Black
women were trapped in low-paying, sex-segregated positions that did not
reflect freedom, equality, or a triumph over black men, as defined -by the
lh ory of the matriarchy.
Within th gendered job market. black women dominated positions that
did not stray far from society's image of black women a..<; nurturing or ma-
t rnal.'()'l Furthermore, teaching. nursing, clerical positions. and domestic
work paid less compared to work for men in construction, bricklaying, or
l'Oadwork. 11O Often Tads! hiring practices squeezed black m n out of these
positions, contributing to their high unemployment rate. Far from collabo-
rating with white men to keep black men unemployed. many black women
llnwillingly carried the llUrden of supporting many, not all, black families
on one, low-wage income.
BI.ack women, ensuring the urvival of their families in the white patri-
archy, w re unfairly labeled matriarchs. Social policy used black women's
slightl)' higber educational attainment and lower unemployment rates as
a w dge between black men and women. Forced to support black fami-
lies in an -conomy buill on exploitation, black women were vilified for the
few su ccsses they achieved. Ln this light. claims that black women were as
fr e as white men were unfounded. The only way in which black women
w re free was as exploited labor in a job market that demanded their sub-
ervience and "innal .. nurturing qualiti s. In service to capitalism. black
w men e ned low wages for ma.intaining racist and sexist stereotypes of
lh M mmy.

1'1I1 SOUl WOt.f N'S liD 3

Cultural Stereotypes ofthe Matriarch
Stereotypes of black women in sodaJ policy, film, and television reinforced
the matrix of domination through an endless supply of cultural images
that, according to K. Sue JeweJJ, "attribute their depressed socioeconomic
status to individual and cultural deficiencies." Ul Mass media expanded the
image of the mammy to include the theory of the matriarchy by incorpo-
rating it into their productions for black audiences. Black feminists wit-
nessed continual media misrepresentations of black women, Popular cul-
ture also reinforced negative ideas about black women, as domineering,
verbally abusive. and antimale.
Edward Mapp distinguished the line between the mammy and the ma-
triarch as determined by whether the black woman in question took care
ofa white family or a black one. 1Il As evidence, he juxtaposed the maternal
role ofClaudia McNeil in A Raisin in the Sun (1961) with Hattie McDaniel's
earlier performance as Mammy in Gone With the Wind (1939) to demon-
strate the black woman's shifting role in the realm of popular culture. With
black film's commercial success in the '970s, black: women were still care-
takers. but now they cared for and gave unsolicited adVice to black chaIac:-
ters. For black: women, cultural stereotypes presented a no-win situation
of mammy or matriarch, with no position in betwee.n.
In addition to this shift from mammy to matriarch, 19705 "blaxploita-
tion" (black exploitation) films introduced the image of the Superwoman
who cared for the black: community. Producers and writers ofblaxploila.
tion films deployed sex.ist and radst ideas about African American women
in hollow tribute to their power. Already defined in opposition to white
womanhood as hypersexual, African American women's sexuality in these
films was a source of power. In many ways, blaxploitation films served
as further rhetoric for black nationalist movements. For e)(ample, SNee's
Black Women's Liberation Committee recalls that men, in debates over sex-
ism in nationalist movements, asked black women to seduce uninjtiated
men into the mov ment.1I) During the height of black nationalist rhetoric.
in film such as Sweetback's Baadasssss Song (1971) and Shaft (1971), black
male heroes iIIu. trated the establishment ofa new black mal patriarchy in
line with masculinist Black Power rhetoric. Black women, whether as lov
interests or prostitutes, wer merely a means of survival or a convenient
conduit through which black mal h TO proved their sexual prowess:'"
When bla k women were lhl" h roin S,' ualily was mer ly anoth ..
part of lh iT rs nal. In fiJm. su h 35 I opall'Q, Jontl (1 7). 'olfy (197 ).

Ml14' II
4
and Foxy Braum (r974), the heterosexist male gaze was always present. ne·
gating any pretensions of female agency, Athletic and active in cleavage-
revealing costumes, blaxploitation heroines were ultimately unabl to de-
fend themselves when overpowered by villains, necessitating their rescue
by black maJe 10vers.1IS
Misogynist portrayals of black women were a reaction to the rise of
the women's movement and fears of gender coalitions between black and
white women. 116 These pom'ayal were, Mark Reid contends, equally at·
tractive to women who were caught in feminist liberation and traditional
subservient roles, as well as to antifeminist men. Jl7 For instance. in Cleo-
patra Jones, Tamara Dobson was a CIA agent determined to keep a white,les-
bian drug czar from infe<.:ting the black community's children with drugs.
As part of the subtext, in this and other Cleopatra Jones films. the black
heroine is victorious in her battles with other women-the antithesis of
1I8
Ci minist sisterhood. Blaxploitation films degraded the strength of black
women for the benefit ofmale titillation and upheld the myth that aU white
feminists were lesbians intent on turning black women into man haters.lI~
Blaxploitation films' mes ages al'o carried over into television, in such
shows as the sitcom That's My Mama (l974-1975). The sitcom featured
Clifton Davis as Clifton Curtis, a single man who inherits his father's
barbershop. His mother, Eloise Curtis (portrayed by film and stage actress
Theresa Merritl). makes constant demands for him to Live his life the way
she sees fit. Merritt fit the stereotype of the domineering mammy, but the
one difference between this show and its predecessors was that for once, a
black woman was allowed to play the mammy to her own family and not a
white one. The National Black Feminist Organization went public with its
d i dain for stereotypes ofblack women and That's My Mama, holding press
, nferences in three cities: Atlanta. Detroit, and Washington. D.C. Covered
by the Atla'lta Journal and the city's black newspaper, the Atla'lta Daily
World, th N BFO denounced the airing ofthe show and the entire" television
1I1dustry for being 'more motivated by profit than social responsibility.' "1211
Although itis difficult to ascertain what impact the N BFO action had on the
program' eventual cancellation, it is evident in comparing coverage ofthe
:h w in th mainstream Atlanta.jo,./.mal and the black community's Atlanta
Daily World that the latter understood the N BfO'S action as on behalf of
bla k women and the entire black commwuty.UI
Mindful that th 19705 W r the beginning of television's era of "rele-
lin .t' programmin~:'!10m t I vision produc - rs actually att mpt d to r -
:1' nd Lo th s'i'l uph :lv.1 th l L' l( 60 nd b gan r presenting

'II IJ IW t'N' III 41

marginalized groups.1l2 Perhaps the best-known producer doing this work
at the time was Nonnan Lear and hi independent production company
Tandem/TAT. Lear's productions. which included All in the Family ([971-
1979), The Jeff/mons (1975-1985). Maude (1972-1978), and Sanjord and Son
(1972-1977). ignited discussions of how, in the wake of civil unrest, to
best represent issues of race and racism. J1J These shows deaJt with issues
at macro- and microlevels of u.s. society. ranging from racism, sexism.
feminism, political corruption in Nixon's White House, the Vietnam War,
and gasoline shortages. A Lear production that came to the attention of
black feminists was perhaps the most popular black sitcom of the time.
Good Times.
Featured on Good Times during its five seasons, from .974 to 1979,
the Evan's family persevered through the travail of poverty in a Chicago
housing project. The show was heralded as one of the first television por-
trayals of black nuclear family life. Nevertheless, black feminist organiza-
tions, such as the National Black Feminist Organization and Black Women
Organized for Action. orchestrated direct action against what they per-
ceived as unrealistic and matriarchal representations of black women on
the show. as well as against me 'sages of black women's antiferninism. Al-
ready in the show !.hat launched Good Times, Florida's antipathy for femi-
nism was establish d. Marthe Lentz analyzes how in the tel vision show
Maude, and in particular in the episode "Maude Meets Florida," black and
whit women are pitted against one another against the backdrop of do-
mestic and political space. Throughout the episode, Maude, a feminist for
whom Flolida works as domestic help, badgers Florid.a about liberating
herself. LabEiled a "preliberation Southern black," Florida spends the en-
tirety of the episode resisting Maude's feminism (prompting Florida to
call herself a "housekeeper" rather than a "maid" and demanding she use
the front door and not the back because of the racial overtones). The epi-
sode ends with Maude's assertion that Florida is "too dumb" for feminist
liberation. Lentz concludes that "blackness and femhusm become quite
explicitly opposed: blackness occupies a privileged relation to materiality,
while feminism is branded a5 ridiculously ideological inits absorption with
issues of language and representation." 124
Florida's contentious relationship to feminism carri d over to Good
Times. (n the show's second 1974 season, a tandard perspective on black
women's relationship to feminism was featured in the Good Times episode
"Florida flips." In this episode. housework and th d· mands of her family
overwh 1m Florida. In a m m nt offrustrat i n. sh slaps h'r youngest 'on,

I I W M N' U b
Michael (who later becomes the show's black nationalist voice). Her neigh-
bor and be t friend, Willona, realizes that Florida is on the brink ofa break-
down and decides Florida needs to attend a "Women's Awar ness" meet-
ing. The depicted meeting is rife with stereotypes about feminism, the
kind of black women who would be attracted to such a meeting. and black
male/female relationships, and Florida leaves skeptical about women's lib-
eration. Once home, though, she encounters her husband, James, who
echoes a sentiment heard at the Women's Awareness meeting: "the only
pia e for the black woman is in the kitchen and the bedroom." It is then
that Florida realizes for her fulfillment she needs more than her home.
children, and husband.
Black Women Organized for Action organizer Aileen Hernandez wrote
Tandem producer Norman Lear soon after "Florida Flips" aired. In her let-
ler she praises Lear's company for its representations of racial and ethnic
minoritie in its productions but also warns that her organization moni-
tors these representations "with a critical eye:'12S Because of this critical
eye. Hernandez requests a meeting between Tandem and Black Women
Organized for Action's Media Committee to discuss "past and projected
, gm nts ofthe show." I~(, Valerie fa BradIey. 3 eWOA member, recalls, "Nor·
man Lear responded back and invited us to see the operation, meet with
the writers. He .Yen asked us to identify black women writer who could
bring that sensitivity. He agreed that perhaps he had not paid much atten-
tion. So, as a result, Thelma's role expanded and lorida got a job.... Now
I don't know if we did that single handedJy, but we certainly did stay on
it and Nonnan Lear did respond.''1Z7 There is no archival documentation
b >'ond Hernandez's letter that follows up on the BwoA-Tandem dialogue.
However, Florida' - understanding of feminism and position as reflective
or black women's reality did improve in several subsequent episodes in·
luding "Getting Up the Rent," "Florida Goes to School," and "Florida the
Woman." In these episodes Florida pokes fun at the black matriarchy theory
("Don't all th magazines say our women are supposed to b th head of
tilt' house?") and even asserts feminist can. ciousness ("women's lib don't
1l1ean we want 10 stop bing women. 1t just means we want our chance in
this world, too").
Th'se small victories are but examples of black women's attempts to
laim the feminist movement and pu its tenets to work in their favor. In
It'! ision and film, bla k women were most often represented as matri·
;Ir hal figur s that liv cl to serve tlleir families and the black community.
Tit the alt~rf!:ltiv r I for bla k worn n w r as prostitutes or smart,
J J J

rill S I., W M N' 18 4~

talking sapphires-yet another stereotype applied to black women. All
these roles fell short of depicting the reality of black women's lives and
influenced how U.S. sodety viewed black women.

Analyzed together, discrimination in organizations and institutions, and

social experiences serv d as the social and political culture into which black
feminists' collective identity and organizing emerged. Black feminist orga-
nizations formed in reaction to limits on black women's roles in the civil
rights movement and to the rise ofblack masculinist rhetoric. These move-
ments pJaced the role of gender in black women's lives on the back burner
of their agendas. Likewise, black women formed separate organizations
from white feminists because of lhe limited S1 terhood frame, as defined
by th women's movement and racism within it. Black feminist organiza-
tions also emerged in reaction to the theory of the black matriarchy as it
circulated in social policy and popular cultur .
Th· next chapter turns to organizational emergence within the cycle of
protest of the late [960s. These 0fl:,T3niz.'ltions expanded on the repertoire
ofstrategies gained from the civil rights and women's movements, but they
found that ultimately lhe black woman's concerns fell outside of "rights"
and "sisterhood" frameworks respectively. Instead, black women enacted
interstitial politics between race and gender but cognizant of both. Black
feminist organizations formed in response to attacks against black women
that demonized and scapegoated them as solely responsible for the ills of
black communities. Indeed. black women were ready to become what one
writer called the "legitimate instrument by which the women's movement
and black movement can forge a power wedge for accomplishing signifi-
cant change ... that will benefit both groupS."12!

•• '1111 IlIHI
2 * NO LO•••• DIVIDID

AGAINIT OU.S.LV••

Common to all black feminist organizations' mergence was conscious-

ness raising. In New York. San Francisco, Chicago. and Boston, black
women held their initial meetings to create a change in their thinking
about r what it means to be Black, woman and femini t."1 These particular
black women initiated what Snow and Benford would call "the not infre-
quent remedial, reconstitutive work that is required when members of any
ideological or thought community encounter glaring disjunction between
their b Hefs and experiences or events in the world."l Far from contem-
plating formal organizations, black women leached out to one another to
onfirm that they were not alone in seeing disparities between the rheto-
ri of the civil rights movement and the treatment of women within that
same movement. Demita Frazier, a Combahee River ColJective founder,
recalls black women with allegiances to black and women's rights, "feeling
divid d against ourselves."] More than seeking grand plans for organiza-
I ions, black women simply wanted to know that they were not alone in see·
ing the applicabiJjty of women's liberation for black women. Although they
did not know it yet they were part of a historical continuum and growing
ontingency of contemporary bJack feminists.
While black women did hold leader hip positions in the civil rights
m vement, and in some in tances wielded more power relative to their
whit oWlterparts, black feminists still noticed a disjuncture between
d Jm "rati action and practice. Francis Beal of the Third World Women's
Alii n (TWWA) re ails how Lhis disjunctur manifested itself in S"NCC:

J mall, W us d to stay up half the night talking about freedom, lib ra-
Ii n, fr dOni. you kn W" III lies idea' nd it W3!' natura.l- that iII a sense
 freedom was in the air. And all this talk-it's like Sojourner ITruth] says,
"What's all this talk about 'Freedom'?" In a sense that happened to us,
"what's all this talkin' about freedom?" ... And then when people, inter-
nally, would do things that were not democratic there was a disjuncture
between some of these broad philosophical ideas and some of the prac-
tice.... And it became obvlous in some ways that the-well, the move·
ment talked aboutlTeedom 3nclliberation as it related to you as blacks,
[butj it still accepted a lot of the premises when it came to women in terms
of how Life should be And this was very jarring and it was a disjunc.
ture also because wornen actually did step forward and play certain
roles. leadership roles ... and then. when people began talking about men
should do this and do that and women should do that, we said, "Now. wait
a minute. This sounds familiar" naughterl."

BI:.ck women also perc ived signs that social change was possible from
their own experiences of desegregation. The basic groundwork for black
women' interstitial politics was laid in the fissure" reated by contradic-
tion in rhetoric and action -rhetoric of freedom juxtaposed with con·
T te sexist behaviors black women witnessed and sometimes experienced.

As mention d ill chapter r. Margaret Sloan, as a youth member of COR

and cofounder of the National Black Femini't Organization (NBPO). ob·
s rved women performing tasks such as cooking and child care. while ex-
clusively men plamled strategy for Chicago's rent strikes and demonstra-
tions in the [960s. Cognitive liberation for black feminists involved equal
parts inspiration and disillusiorunent as they saw real changes happening,
but debated whether the civil rights movement could accommodate black
women's growing gender awareness.
This chapter documents and interrogates the emergence narratives of
the Third World Women's Alliance. th - National Black Feminist Organiza-
tion, the National Alliance of Black Feminists (NABF), the Combahee River
Collective. and Black Women Organized for Action (awoA). The organi-
zations were composed of black women with sirnila.r ideas about ending
racism and sexism. but they also had different ideas about what it meant
to id ntii}' as black feminists. Each narrative documents preexisting orga·
njzationallinks and key members who helped shape th~rn at the outset.

4 N I N .1111 L""II,IIII c. IN t I'

TIl Th ira World Wi In ,,' lIicm e
The disjunctur b twe n mov ment ideals and practice, along with her
growing awaren S5 of st· riHzation abuse among women ofcolor. prompted
Beal, a fonnerNAAcp youth leader and member of SNCC'S International Af·
fairs Commission, to present a paper at a I968 SNCC personnel meeting
in New York. As part of this paper, Beal recommended that 5NCC form a
black women's caucus to explore the impact ofsexism on the organization's
constituency in addition to racism. This was <1 previously neglected aspect
of SNCC'S organizing, though one could argue that SNCC tackled race and
gender as it related to masculinity and femininity and as they relat d to
asserting human dignity.
Few SNCC members opposed the formation of the caucus, because the
organization was in its final years of dedine. 5 SNCC'S destabilization du·
to the Joss of popular financial support, failing Northern antipoverty cam-
paigns. and increased militancy created an opening for the women who
formed the Black Women's Liberation Caucus (BWlC). The few black men
who did openly oppose the formation of the caucus did so on the grounds
Ihat it smacked of women's Liberation and that it was a "white women's
tbing" design d to divide th race. These accusations were not new to the
memb rs of the ow who read popular periodicals and were in contact
with black nationalist discussions and, theIefore, not a deterrent to their
'xplorations of feminism.
By 1969/ the BWLC split from SNCC to expand its membership bas out-
side the confines ofthe main organization. In partiallar, the new organiza-
lion. the Black Women's Alliance (BWA) wanted to expand its membership
base to include "women from other organizations, welfare mothers. com-
munity workers. and campus radicals."~ Although it was following the po-
litical flow of the rapidly destabilized SNCC toward incorporating the poor
into it work, the BWA felt an independent black women's organization
could more effectively address the needs of black women than a mixed-sex
organlzation such as SNCC and that it could do so without marglnalizing
gender.
Th BWA'S goals were threefold. First, similar to other black feminist
rganlzations that emerged in later years, the BWA emerged to dispel the
myth of the black matriarchy. The organization's second goal _was to re-
valuate the oppression of black women in s1avery. By countering "the
wid spr ad on pt that by som miracle, the oppression of slavery for the
bla k woman wa, 11 I,d, -rading, not as horrifying, nol as barbaric as it

I H It DIVIOlW 1\ "IN TOURS l-VIlS 47

had been for the black man," the BWA argued that in a society where black
men were oppressed by their race, black women were "further enslaved
by ... sex."7 The BWA'S third goal, to redefine the role of black woman in
revolutionary struggle, responded to the sexism ofblac.k nationalist rhe-
toric. This rbetoric, while elevating black women to a pedestal as "African
Queens:' called for their subservience to black men. In recounting the hi -
tory of the organization. the TWWA collective illuminates the contradictions
in nationalist rhetoric: "Now we noticed another thing. And that is. with
the rise of nationalism and the rejection of white middle cla s norms and
values, that this rejection of whitenes - ... took a different tum when it
came to the Black woman. That is, Black men began defining the role of
Black women in the movement. They stated that our role was a support-
ive one. others stated that we must become breeders and provide an army:
still others stated that we had Kotex or pussy power. rrs
Beal recalls that fonner SNCC members in the BWA viewed genuflection
to male power as contradictory and absu,rd. As black women did not bowto
the violence of Alabama State Troopers in the South, why did black nation·
alist men think the women would submit to patriarchy on anyone's tenns,
be it in black organizations or in the bedroom?9 The BWA recognized the
contradictions in redefining blackness based on sexist ideas about family
and sex roles, and called instead for "a true revolutionary movement (that]
must enhance the status of women," IQ highlighting the contradictions in
calling for a T volution of white-dominated society. while attempting to
model the white, patriarchal nuclear family.
Atabout the time tbe BWA incorporated anti-imperialism into its agenda,
a few women active in the Puerto Rican independence movement and the
Puerto Rican Socialist Party approached the BWA about joining the organi-
zation. Their request led BWA members to debate the dynamics of oppres-
sive power relationships beyond the black/white paradigm. Th re were two
positions on whether the BWA should pemlit members of non-African de-
scent to join. Some women felt that the position of black women in the
United States was so historically Imique that the BWA should focus exclu-
sivelyon them. These members felt that the work of the BWA would be eli·
1uted if it allowed nonbla.ck women to become memb rs, so irlstead they
favored working in coalition with other revolutionary groups on spedfi
issues: l The second position, as Beat explains, held that "the complexities
of int rsecLing oppressions [were] more resilienl than th distin tions of
the particular so ial groups and ... thai thee W3 no other group for th se
worn n to b involved in -that w sh uld b ~ 0 n l ur Pu rto Ri n ill-

1'1/ I Ill! I UIVIO I 1\(, IN ClIVI v'

ters to join with us. n t2 This position, favorin a multicultural alliance that
broadened the organization's agenda, heJd way in the group.
The group formally established oHdarity with Asian, Chicana, Native
Am rican, and Puerto Rican women bilS cl on anti-imperialist ideology and
formally changed its name from the Bla k Worn n" Alliance to the Third
World Women's Alliance. The TWWA felt that ueh an ideology illustrated
its members' belief that women of color's similarities transcended their
differences and organizing would be mucl1 more effectiv and unified in
solidarily across race.\] Th TWWA linked differences of culture. race. and
ethnicity to the fight against common exploitation by capitalism, stereo-
types. and drug and alcohol abuse in communities of color.
Equally important to the multiracial expansion of the TWWi\ was the
organization's geographi spread to the West Coast. Cheryl Perry, founder
of th West Coast chapter. became a member of the TWWA through a pre-
existing network of friends in New York City who we.re connected with th
Venceremo·· Brigade. Tn [970 the Cuban governmen t bad set a goal tohar-
vest TO million tons ofsugarcane to demonstrate that the Cuban Revolution
could succeed despite American imperialist policies. The Venceremos Bri-
gade, a U.S.-based group, organized to take young Americans to Cuba to
help with the harvest and expose them to socialism in practice. The brigade
had two goals: (I) to break the U.S.-imposed blockade against Cuba and
(2) "to express the solidarity of progressive American youth, black, brown,
and white, with the Cuban Revolution by participating in the harvest.'J14
The fol1owing year, '971, Perry went to Cuba with the fourth V ncer -
mas Brigade and, upon her return, decided to relocate to the West Coast
Lo b closer to the brigade's headquarters. The East Coast branch of the
TWWA consisted mainly of black and Puerto Rican women, and the New

York members agreed that a West Coast branch could help them expand
th· iT m mbership base, particularly to Asian-Pacific Islander women and
Chi -anas. ll
Replicating her own recruitment into the organization, Perry recruited
West Coast Venceremos Brigade participants into the TWWA, as well as
m mbers from other organizations, such as the Committee to Free Angela
Davis. Also, in '972, a number of black women who met at other women-
ri nted political vents, particularly abortion rights rallies. fonned an
r~anizalion called Black Sisters United. Linda Burnham. for example, was
ORE a tivisl since high 'cllOOI and a member in Black Sisters United

who j in d th WWi\ l P ~ rry's sugg s ion.'6 The West Coast TWWA oper-
al ·d und'r th· 'am antl·imp rialisl. antiseXIst, antiracist philosophya.s

I () I HI d 1 0]1.' I 110,., - II I 111 4

the East Coast branch, with Perry acting as its liaison. The activi.ties of the
two branches were consi tent only in their adherence to the same ideo-
logical philosophy.l? Perry was the main organizer on the West Coast and.
therefore, shaped the activities of that branch. which includ d health in·
formation fairs [or communities of color. The East Coast branch, on the
other hand, focused more on articulating the conne<.tions between femi-
nism and anti-imperialism through the publication of th TWWA'S news·
paper Triple jeopardy.
Federal Bureau of Lnvestigation (FBI) Counterintelligence Program
(COINTELPRO) records indicate"thattheTwwA was underinvestigation from
December 1970 to March 1974. This investigation included at least six
sources supplying the FBI with the TWWA'S publication Triple jeopardy, infil-
t1'ation ofthe organization's meetings, reports on the activities of key TWWA
members. and photographs OfTWWA members for inclusion in the agency's
xtremist Photograph Album. l ! The TWWA is the only organization in thi
study for which a Freedom of Information Act request yielded documenta·
tion. TIus indicates the strong threat the fi deral government believed the
iWWA posed. particularly in connection with what the government called
"the revolutionary Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee." Indeed,
SNCC and the TWWA were revolutionary in the lhought and actions they pro-
posed, but in the parlance of the FBI, revolutionary was a catchall phrase fOT
dangerous and worthy of the F B J'S most-wanted list

The National Black Femin~st Organization

In the late 19605. many black women did not fully understand the mean-
ing offeminism for themselves and initially downplayed how important it
was that black women gather to talk. In a 1974 report to Ms. magazine on
the founding of the National Black Feminist Organization, Margaret Sloan,
the organization's only president, describes how a three-hoUT discussion
unexpectedly continued on well into the night: "We listened. We laughed.
We interrupted each other, not out of disrespect, but out of that immedi·
ate identification with those words and feeling that we had each said and
felt ... many Hmes alone. We had aU fell guilty and crazy about our be-
liefs. And yet. all the things that have divided blackwom n from each other
in the past, kept us from getting to that room sooner, se m d not to be
important." I~ Using th ir interpersonal conn tion l other a tivists and
acquaintan . s. black feminists across th ounlry gatn r din gr lipS to ex·
amin what fl· mini· m had 1.0 ffi r bl k w m 11. Yet, ttl Ytil' riti ally

O'I',V'
the East Coast branch, with Perry acting as its liaison. The activi.ties of the
two branches were consi tent only in their adherence to the same ideo-
logical philosophy.l? Perry was the main organizer on the West Coast and.
therefore, shaped the activities of that branch. which includ d health in·
formation fairs [or communities of color. The East Coast branch, on the
other hand, focused more on articulating the conne<.tions between femi-
nism and anti-imperialism through the publication of th TWWA'S news·
paper Triple jeopardy.
Federal Bureau of Lnvestigation (FBI) Counterintelligence Program
(COINTELPRO) records indicate"thattheTwwA was underinvestigation from
December 1970 to March 1974. This investigation included at least six
sources supplying the FBI with the TWWA'S publication Triple jeopardy, infil-
t1'ation ofthe organization's meetings, reports on the activities of key TWWA
members. and photographs OfTWWA members for inclusion in the agency's
xtremist Photograph Album. l ! The TWWA is the only organization in thi
study for which a Freedom of Information Act request yielded documenta·
tion. TIus indicates the strong threat the fi deral government believed the
iWWA posed. particularly in connection with what the government called
"the revolutionary Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee." Indeed,
SNCC and the TWWA were revolutionary in the lhought and actions they pro-
posed, but in the parlance of the FBI, revolutionary was a catchall phrase fOT
dangerous and worthy of the F B t's most-wanted list

The National Black Femin~st Organization

In the late 19605. many black women did not fully understand the mean-
ing offeminism for themselves and initially downplayed how important it
was that black women gather to talk. In a 1974 report to Ms. magazine on
the founding of the National Black Feminist Organization, Margaret Sloan,
the organization's only president, describes how a three-hoUT discussion
unexpectedly continued on well into the night: "We listened. We laughed.
We interrupted each other, not out of disrespect, but out of that immedi·
ate identification with those words and feeling that we had each said and
felt ... many Hmes alone. We had aU fell guilty and crazy about our be-
liefs. And yet. all the things that have divided blackwom n from each other
in the past, kept us from getting to that room sooner, se m d not to be
important." I~ Using th ir interpersonal conn tion l other a tivists and
acquaintan . s. black feminists across th ounlry gatn r din gr lipS to ex·
amin what fl· mini· m had 1.0 ffi r bl k w m 11. Yet, ttl y til' riti ally

O'I',V'
the tim was right for 3 nati nal orgaoizalion. Noting overage by th New
York Times and the German n wspaper DCl.~ Spiegel. but the lack ofcoverage
by the black press, Alice Walk r I,ater voiced the disappointm nt of many
black femini ts that black women's interests were clearly marginalized in
the black community, but excitement that so many women expressed inter-
est in the NBFO.2~ Several indicators spoke to the number of black women
feeling marginalized by the black and women's movements. One sign that
black women were ready to add their voices to the women's movement
was the over two hundred women, ranging in age from ighteen to fifty-
five, who attended the NBFO'S first public m -eting. Deborah Singletary and
Eugenia Wilshire, NBFO members, both recall an immediate, positive re-
action to the call for tbe meeting:

Singletary: I'm not even sure I even thought about feminism before or'
thought about myself as a feminist, but when J heard thaI black femi-
njsts were convening, then I knew that that was where I belonged and
I went to that first meeting.
Wils/lire.: I didn't even know how long the organization had existed or not.
bu t [Ib flyer] just said there was a meeti ng in a church and it was bJa k
fI minists and it gave the time and it was in my n ighborhood and I
said. "That's for me." So I went. S

These comments and the meeting's la.rge attendance numb rs vidence

that oth r black women recognized tb moment was right for their voices
and organizational skills to be put to work in black feminist organizations.
Contrary to news and magazine reports, these women did not hesitate
to join th women's movement-especially when they could define it for
themselves. Other signs of this definition included the influx of women at
the Easlern Regional Conference to discuss issues such as feminism, civil
rights, and black male/female relationships, as well as a special section of
letters to the editor in the May 1974 issue of Ms. heralding the Eastern Re-
gional Conference as a turning point in black women's organizing.H'
Not only did the NBFO proceed through openings created by the civil
rights and women's movements, the organization also held open the door
for other black feminist organizations, specifically, the National Alliance
of Black Feminists and the Combahee River Collective. In a trickle-down
effect. the NOPO'S initiative in organizing but lack of formal infrastructure
created tensions that yielded new black feminist organizations that did not
agree with the direction of th NBFO. For the NABF, the NBFO provid d
the organizational opening and id ological imperu fj r the emergcJ1 . or

NO to NIl) II I) I Y ,f) fI /I ./1 IN, ' U II. IJ LV

the tim was right for 3 nati nal orgaoizalion. Noting overage by th New
York Times and the German n wspaper DCl.~ Spiegel. but the lack ofcoverage
by the black press, Alice Walk r I,ater voiced the disappointm nt of many
black femini ts that black women's interests were clearly marginalized in
the black community, but excitement that so many women expressed inter-
est in the NBFO.2~ Several indicators spoke to the number of black women
feeling marginalized by the black and women's movements. One sign that
black women were ready to add their voices to the women's movement
was the over two hundred women, ranging in age from ighteen to fifty-
five, who attended the NBFO'S first public m -eting. Deborah Singletary and
Eugenia Wilshire, NBFO members, both recall an immediate, positive re-
action to the call for tbe meeting:

Singletary: I'm not even sure I even thought about feminism before or'
thought about myself as a feminist, but when J heard thaI black femi-
njsts were convening, then I knew that that was where I belonged and
I went to that first meeting.
Wils/lire.: I didn't even know how long the organization had existed or not.
bu t [Ib flyer] just said there was a meeti ng in a church and it was bJa k
fI minists and it gave the time and it was in my n ighborhood and I
said. "That's for me." So I went. S

These comments and the meeting's la.rge attendance numb rs vidence

that oth r black women recognized tb moment was right for their voices
and organizational skills to be put to work in black feminist organizations.
Contrary to news and magazine reports, these women did not hesitate
to join th women's movement-especially when they could define it for
themselves. Other signs of this definition included the influx of women at
the Easlern Regional Conference to discuss issues such as feminism, civil
rights, and black male/female relationships, as well as a special section of
letters to the editor in the May 1974 issue of Ms. heralding the Eastern Re-
gional Conference as a turning point in black women's organizing.H'
Not only did the NBFO proceed through openings created by the civil
rights and women's movements, the organization also held open the door
for other black feminist organizations, specifically, the National Alliance
of Black Feminists and the Combahee River Collective. In a trickle-down
effect. the NOPO'S initiative in organizing but lack of formal infrastructure
created tensions that yielded new black feminist organizations that did not
agree with the direction of th NBFO. For the NABF, the NBFO provid d
the organizational opening and id ological imperu fj r the emergcJ1 . or

NO to NIl) II I) I Y ,f) fI /I ./1 IN, ' U II. IJ LV

planned th agenda for th first m ting, which included discussing "the
ne ds of the black woman in the Chicago area and determiIl[ing] the foci for
the Chicago Chapter and th best methods for implernentation."27 Eichel-
berger and Johnston came to the m ting with topics for diSCUSSIOll that in-
cluded employment, health care, sexuality, drug abuse. alcoholism, incar-
cerated women. ex-offenders, child care, rape, and consciousness-raising. 28
The Chicago women quickJy formed committees to oversee the daily
functioning of the chapter, including an office pace committee to find
an inexpensive but accessible place for their meetings. The location of the
meetings was important because the Chicago women felt the need to assert
a fem..inist presence on Chicago's predominately black South Side, but they
wanted to r main accessible to potential members throughout the city.
They also needed to counter steT otypes that feIll.ini<;m was a middle-class
movement; meeting in a location considered "bourgeois'1 wouJd send the
WTong message to the potential constituents. By July, the members decided
to donate money toward the rentaJ of office space at the Blue Gargoyle, a
community center for the University Church of Disciples of Christ.
The Chicago chapler also established steering. fund-raising, member-
ship, consciousness-rajsing, rape crisis intervention. periodicals, school,
and social committees. Through these committees, and social interactions
within them, the Chicago NBFO cultivated a social movement culture that
attended to the "spirit of comradeship and sisterhood" in the organiza-
tion.t'l For example, the social committee provided refreshments for meet·
ings, scheduled social outings, and acknowledged th life events of memo
bers such as births. deaths, and illnesses. Social movement organization
theorists recognize these moments of informal fellowship as instrumental
in membersh.ip maintenance and cohesion.JoTh Chicago NBFO members
recognized the ~tr3in that political organizing could place on interp rsonal
relationships and the toU it could take on members'lives. Chicago NBFO
leaders offered incentives of comradeship and sisterhood in exchange for
the time. energy. money. and political commitment members put into the
organization. This exchange was key to the organization's longevity.
After several meetings. the Chicago NBFO members. worried about the
continued lack ofcommunication from the national office, took steps to en-
sure the smooth functioningoftheir chapter by electing a steering commit-
tee. The steering committee then susp nded general business meetings
for a month to systematize operations, meeting weekly to cr ate a stru .
ture for the gen ral body meting and d vise an orientation stru tur for

4 N L N, F" I V10 11 A AI N 'I U l VI

planned th agenda for th first m ting, which included discussing "the
ne ds of the black woman in the Chicago area and determiIl[ing] the foci for
the Chicago Chapter and th best methods for implementation."27 Eichel-
berger and Johnston came to the m ting with topics for diSCUSSIOll that in-
cluded employment, health care, sexuality, drug abuse. alcoholism, incar-
cerated women. ex-offenders, child care, rape, and consciousness-raising. 28
The Chicago women quickJy formed committees to oversee the daily
functioning of the chapter, including an office pace committee to find
an inexpensive but accessible place for their meetings. The location of the
meetings was important because the Chicago women felt the need to assert
a fem..inist presence on Chicago's predominately black South Side, but they
wanted to r main accessible to potential members throughout the city.
They also needed to counter steT otypes that feIll.ini<;m was a middle-class
movement; meeting in a location considered "bourgeois l1 wouJd send the
WTong message to the potential constituents. By July, the members decided
to donate money toward the rentaJ of office space at the Blue Gargoyle, a
community center for the University Church of Disciples of Christ.
The Chicago chapler also established steering. fund-raising, member-
ship, consciousness-rajsing, rape crisis intervention. periodicals, school,
and social committees. Through these committees, and social interactions
within them, the Chicago NBFO cultivated a social movement culture that
attended to the "spirit of comradeship and sisterhood" in the organiza-
tion.t'l For example, the social committee provided refreshments for meet-
ings, scheduled social outings, and acknowledged th life events of memo
bers such as births. deaths, and illnesses. Social movement organization
theorists recognize these moments of informal fellowship as instrumental
in membersh.ip maintenance and cohesion.JoTh Chicago NBFO members
recognized the ~tr3in that political organizing could place on interp rsonal
relationships and the toU it could take on members'lives. Chicago NBFO
leaders offered incentives of comradeship and sisterhood in exchange for
the time. energy. money. and political commitment members put into the
organization. This exchange was key to the organization's longevity.
After several meetings. the Chicago NBFO members. worried about the
continued lack ofcommunication from the national office, took steps to en-
sure the smooth functioningoftheir chapter by electing a steering commit-
tee. The steering committee then susp nded general business meetings
for a month to systematize operations, meeting weekly to cr ate a stru .
ture for the gen ral body meting and d vise an orientation stru tur for

4 N L N, F" I V10 11 A AI N 'I U l VI

did not split from the NBFO for ideological reasons as much as the Chicago
women grew impatient as the NBFO cast about for a focus and a filllctioning
infrastructure. Eichelberger, along with NABF leaders Brenda Porter and
Janie Nelson, built on the ideas of the NBFO independently from the na-
tional organization because they were unwilling to lose the momentum of
interest in black femi.nist organizing among women in Chicago and the
surrounding area.

The Combahee River Collective

The story of how the Combahee River Collective's principal organizers
became radicalized was not unlike that of otb r founders of black femi·
nist organizations. Beverly and Barbara Smith, twin sisters raised by an
aunt in Cleveland, Ohio, came to political consciousness during the civil
rights movement. As high school student , Barbara and Beverly partici-
pated in the school desegregation stmggle in 1964. Following high chool
graduation, the Smith sisters volunteered with CORE as telephone opera-
tors and canvassers in Cleveland's housing projects. Barbara credits Cleve-
land CORE'S executive director, a woman and therefore a leadership anom·
aly at the time, with giving her an opportunity for active poljticization
that might not have happened under the leadership of a malt' director. As
Smjth continued on to graduate from MOlmt Holyoke and pur ue gradu.
ate studies at the University of Pittsburgh. the civil rights movement took
a turn toward black liberation poHtics. This articulation of a masculinist
vi w of struggle and liberation motivated Smith's gravitation toward the
women's movement. She explains:

I went to a major antiwar mobilization in Washington. D.C.. in th faU

of 1969 [the National Moratorium].... I thought it was the last demoo-
stration I'd ever go to; one of the reasons bing black people back at Pitt
[Univ r ity of Pittsburgh] had so many nasty things to say about the fact
that I was involved in what they say as a "white" entity, namely. the antiwar
movement; There were not that many black p ople involved at that time
and if they wer . they certainly-well, I mean students ar as th y 3rc-
some of these people were faculty who were making these kinds of com-
ments-not directly to me-but it was a v ry hard time to be a politically
acHv black woman, who did not wan! to b a paYlTl •.•• I a "tually imag-
ined that I would nev "b polilic.ally active a Jain because nati nalism nd
patriarchal atlitud' wilhin bl or~ luzing w s Sf. !ltrong-w~'r(' I Ikillg

N L. N -II PI )L) Ll ,1\1 [' lUll II 1

did not split from the NBFO for ideological reasons as much as the Chicago
women grew impatient as the NBFO cast about for a focus and a filllctioning
infrastructure. Eichelberger, along with NABF leaders Brenda Porter and
Janie Nelson, built on the ideas of the NBFO independently from the na-
tional organization because they were unwilling to lose the momentum of
interest in black femi.nist organizing among women in Chicago and the
surrounding area.

The Combahee River Collective

The story of how the Combahee River Collective's principal organizers
became radicalized was not unlike that of otb r founders of black femi·
nist organizations. Beverly and Barbara Smith, twin sisters raised by an
aunt in Cleveland, Ohio, came to political consciousness during the civil
rights movement. As high school student , Barbara and Beverly partici-
pated in the school desegregation stmggle in 1964. Following high chool
graduation, the Smith sisters volunteered with CORE as telephone opera-
tors and canvassers in Cleveland's housing projects. Barbara credits Cleve-
land CORE'S executive director, a woman and therefore a leadership anom·
aly at the time, with giving her an opportunity for active poljticization
that might not have happened under the leadership of a malt' director. As
Smjth continued on to graduate from MOlmt Holyoke and pur ue gradu.
ate studies at the University of Pittsburgh. the civil rights movement took
a turn toward black liberation poHtics. This articulation of a masculinist
vi w of struggle and liberation motivated Smith's gravitation toward the
women's movement. She explains:

I went to a major antiwar mobilization in Washington. D.C.. in th faU

of 1969 [the National Moratorium].... I thought it was the last demoo-
stration I'd ever go to; one of the reasons bing black people back at Pitt
[Univ r ity of Pittsburgh] had so many nasty things to say about the fact
that I was involved in what they say as a "white" entity, namely. the antiwar
movement; There were not that many black p ople involved at that time
and if they wer . they certainly-well, I mean students ar as th y 3rc-
some of these people were faculty who were making these kinds of com·
ments-not directly to me-but it was a v ry hard time to be a politically
acHv black woman, who did not wan! to b a paYlTl •.•• I a "tually imag-
ined that I would nev ,'b polilic.ally active a Jain because nati nalism nd
patriarchal atlitud' wilhin bl or~ luzing w s Sf. !ltrong-w~'r(' I Ikillg

N L. N -II PI )L) Ll ,1\1 [' lUll II 1

Beverly, played a c ntral role in the emergence of Combahee. While on
staff at Ms. magazine when it was a fledgling publication, Beverly met
Margaret Sloan, a founder of the NBPO. Serving as the network through
wbich Barbara received her information, Beverly was in a central position
to relay information about the NBFO'S Eastern Regional Conference. The
conference was called for the eastern region, but women came trom all
over the United States to network and connect with other black feminists.
Barbara Smith, who by this time lived in Boston, recalls caucusing with
women from the Boston area in a stairwell because the.re were so many
other women present from different cities in search of meeting s-pace.'16
When Barbara Smith rehlmed to Boston with the names of other local
women who had attended the Eastern Regional Conference. she posted
signs for a local chapter meeting of the NBFO in Roxbury, Boston's largest
black commlmity.
In January 1974 about a dozen women attended the meeting, including
Brenda Verner, a woman Barbara Smith dtes as having vociferous views
against a black feminism. Verner did attend the Eastern Regional Confer-
ence and later wrote a vitriolic article for Encore magazine on the proceed-
ings.37 Smith cites Verner"s vehemence in her antifeminism as scary to a
number of potentiaJ members. particularly those women who had not at-
tended the meeting in New York:

And, see, what was so horrible about it is that for those of us who had
been al the NBFO conference. we had something that we could build from
as far as having a model and experience in our head of •Yeah, you can
do this. Yeah, four hundred people can be with you. Yeah, Shirley Crus-
holm can be there and Eleanor Holmes Norton and il can be like that:'
For those who had not been at the conference in New York, I think that
what Brenda Verner did was much more frightening, and. as I said, some
of those women never ever carne back. They neve.r came back.3 !

Tactics that undennined emergu1g black feminist consciousness. such as

declaring black feminism antithetical to black liberation, dissuaded women
who w re already ambivalent about black feminist politics. Lacking the em-
powering experience of the Eastern Regional Conference. some potential
member did not perceive the building momentum of a black feminist
movement. Also. since black femjnists' coJlectiv identity wa in fonna-
tion, it was susceptible to misinterpretation or djstortion by antifeminist
opponents. Some ofthe opponents may n t hav ne ssarUy be n again· t
tackling s xism or g nder dis riminallon in black communities as mu has

8 N tONCl lllVllJl1 II .AIN 1 1111 II,VI

Beverly, played a c ntral Tole in the emergence of Combahee. While on
staff at Ms. magazine when it was a fledgling publication, Beverly met
Margaret Sloan, a founder of the NBPO. Serving as the network through
wbich Barbara received her information, Beverly was in a central position
to relay information about the NBFO'S Eastern Regional Conference. The
conference was called for the eastern region, but women came trom all
over the United States to network and connect with other black feminists.
Barbara Smith, who by this time lived in Boston, recalls caucusing with
women from the Boston area in a stairwell because the.re were so many
other women present from different cities in search of meeting s-pace.'16
When Barbara Smith rehlmed to Boston with the names of other local
women who had attended the Eastern Regional Conference. she posted
signs for a local chapter meeting of the NBFO in Roxbury, Boston's largest
black commlmity.
In January 1974 about a dozen women attended the meeting, including
Brenda Verner, a woman Barbara Smith dtes as having vociferous views
against a black feminism. Verner did attend the Eastern Regional ConfeT-
ence and later wrote a vitriolic article for Encore magazine on the proceed·
ings.37 Smith cites Verner"s vehemence in her antifeminism as scary to a
number of potentiaJ members. particularly those women who had not at-
tended the meeting in New York:

And, see, what was so horrible about it is that for those of us who had
been al the NBFO conference. we had something that we could build from
as far as having a model and experience in our head of •Yeah, you can
do this. Yeah, four hundred people can be with you. Yeah, Shirley Crus-
holm can be there and Eleanor Holmes Norton and il can be like that:'
For those who had not been at the conference in New York, I think that
what Brenda Verner did was much more frightening, and. as I said, some
of those women never ever carne back. They neve.r came back.3 !

Tactics that undennined emergu1g black feminist consciousness. such as

declaring black feminism antithetical to black liberation, dissuaded women
who w re already ambivalent about black feminist politics. Lacking the em-
powering experience of the Eastern Regional Conference. some potential
member did not perceive the building momentum of a black feminist
movement. Also. since black femjnists' coJlectiv identity wa in fonna-
tion, it was susceptible to misinterpretation or djstortion by antifeminist
opponents. Some ofthe opponents may n t hav ne ssarUy be n again· t
tackling s xism or g nder dis riminallon in black communities as mu has

8 N tONCl lllVllJl1 II .AIN 1 1111 II,VI

 She h.ad been ver¥ involved in Lh Black Iib~ration movement. She actu-
ally lived in Atlanta. She was Lovolv d with th.e Institute for the Black
World That was an important cultural and political formation during
those years. She also was a trained Marxist and she was one of the most
brilliant people ( ever met. ... So, it wasn't like somebody who was in their
forties-like Sharon was when J was in my (ate twenlies- it wasn'I' like she
was loreting it a] lover us aIld saying "You all don't know what you're doi fig."
She was very self-effacing. and she just knew how to work politically with
all different people. So it was really an incredibly positive experience"l

Bourke brought to the table a class-based analysis of black women's issues

that diverged from the civil rights movement's frame of middle-class inte-
gration. Boston black feminists perceived this tendency in the NBFO, and
it influenced their chapter's move away from the NBFO and toward social-
ist politics. The populated protest field that was Boston's radical socialist
feminist milieu included whit feminist groups such as CeU r6 and Bread
& Roses, making the case that the Boston women were in a rich activist-
intellectual environment.
The Boston chapter also experienced many of the same frustrations as
the Chicago, Atlanta. and Washington, D.C.. chapters. related to the na-
tional office's lack of communication and structure. But an even greater
concern to the Boston women was that they felt their developing poli-
tics were more radical than those the NI'IFO bad espoused to that point.
While there may have been radical, socialist, or nationalist NBfO mem-
bers, their views were not reaching the NBFO'S national constituency. The
Boston women were left to conclude that the N BFO was merely imitating
a bourgeois approach to reformist. feminist politics: "I don't think that we
thought it was fine for them to be going the way we were going. because we
were dealing with race and class realities. ( mean, no black woman is going
to be served by a simple NOW agenda. You see what I'm saying? We wanted
to integrate a race/class analysis with an antisexist analysis and practice.
And we didn't just want to add on racism and class oppression like white
women did. And so, I think that we felt a N ow-type approach was definitely
not going to work for black women."·z
The Boston women participated in a sophisticated form of conscious-
ness raising that, much like the work of the Third World Women's AlIJ-
ance, combined consciousness-raising with what was traditionally labeled
as blgh.theory political education. Reflecting on the outcomes of lh dviJ
rights and worn n's movements, Boslon NBFO members del rnlin d thai

60 N L N K 0 I V I [l IJ" IN UK tv
 She h.ad been ver¥ involved in Lh Black Iib~ration movement. She actu-
ally lived in Atlanta. She was Lovolv d with th.e Institute for the Black
World That was an important cultural and political formation during
those years. She also was a trained Marxist and she was one of the most
brilliant people ( ever met. ... So, it wasn't like somebody who was in their
forties-like Sharon was when J was in my (ate twenlies- it wasn't like she
was loreting it a] lover us aIld saying "You all don't know what you're doi fig."
She was very self-effacing. and she just knew how to work politically with
all different people. So it was really an incredibly positive experience"l

Bourke brought to the table a class-based analysis of black women's issues

that diverged from the civil rights movement's frame of middle-class inte-
gration. Boston black feminists perceived this tendency in the NBFO, and
it influenced their chapter's move away from the NBFO and toward social-
ist politics. The populated protest field that was Boston's radical socialist
feminist milieu included whit feminist groups such as CeU r6 and Bread
& Roses, making the case that the Boston women were in a rich activist-
intellectual environment.
The Boston chapter also experienced many of the same frustrations as
the Chicago, Atlanta. and Washington, D.C.. chapters. related to the na-
tional office's lack of communication and structure. But an even greater
concern to the Boston women was that they felt their developing poli-
tics were more radical than those the NI'IFO bad espoused to that point.
While there may have been radical, socialist, or nationalist NBfO mem-
bers, their views were not reaching the NBFO'S national constituency. The
Boston women were left to conclude that the N BFO was merely imitating
a bourgeois approach to reformist. feminist politics: "I don't think that we
thought it was fine for them to be going the way we were going. because we
were dealing with race and class realities. ( mean, no black woman is going
to be served by a simple NOW agenda. You see what I'm saying? We wanted
to integrate a race/class analysis with an antisexist analysis and practice.
And we didn't just want to add on racism and class oppression like white
women did. And so, I think that we felt a N ow-type approach was definitely
not going to work for black women."·z
The Boston women participated in a sophisticated form of conscious-
ness raising that, much like the work of the Third World Women's AlIJ-
ance, combined consciousness-raising with what was traditionally labeled
as blgh.theory political education. Reflecting on the outcomes of lh dviJ
rights and worn n's movements, Boslon NBFO members del mlin d thai

60 N L N K 0 I V I [l IJ" IN UK tv
link to th predominately white women's movcm nt. Ail en Hemand z
was one of several black women who played a key rol in the feminist move·
ment before the emergence of black feminist organizations.46 Hernandez,
appointed by President lyndon B. Johnson to serve on the Equal Employ·
ment Opportunity Commission (.EEOC) follOWing the passage of the 1964
Civil Rights Act. was instnunentaJ in the landmark case to end discrimi-
natory prdctices against airline flight attendants. Disillusioned by the lim-
ited powers ofthe EEOC, Hernandez resigned and later joined NOW, feeling
that NOW could more effectively push for sodal justice for women. Ln 1967
Hernandez served as NOW'S western regional vice-president and, in 1970,
succeeded Belty Friedan as the organization's president. 47
Hernandez maintained that NOW'S statement of purpos addressed
black women's issues as feminist issues. In fact, Hernandez, and two oth r
future BWOA members, Patsy Fulcher and Eleanor Spikes, were part of
48
NOW'S NationaJ Task Force on Minority Women and Women's RightS.

Delrpite th ir participation in NOW, these three women cofounded Black

Women Organized for Action (BWOA) because they wanted to expHcitly
d fin and work on black women's concerns. as well as encourage black
women's lead rship.
By th -arly 1970s, in the aftermath ofthe height ofthe civil rights move-
ment, blacks mad signilic.ant inroads in electoral politics. In addition to
grounding in th women's movement, the BWOA aJso had roots ill a poHti-
cal organization that was originally established as a fund-raising auxiliary
for b13ck male politicians. Bay Area women formed Dames for Dellums
to raise money for Ron Dellurns , a black politician from Berkeley who op-
posed tbe Vietnam War, in rus first run for congressional office in 1970.4'1
Valeri Bradley, a BWOA member from 1973 to 1977, recalls that Dames for
U Ilums continued after the election in this auxiliary fund-raising role as
Black Women Organized for Political Action (BWOPA). Bradley is critical of
the BWOPA for remaining relegated to a helping role: "This group suppos-
edly had the same goals Ulat ev ntually nWOA had, but what I found was
they seemed to exist primarily to hold fundraisers for male candidates. to
reelect male incumbents and did not seem to reilly b encouraging women
to get involved in a more active way in the political process-by running
for office. anyway, doing the grunt work:'5Q Members of awOPA dec.ided
to form Black Women Organized for A -tion, a singl - ex organization, to
"work to develop a consciousne~s in black women tbat politics i a 365 days
1

a year activity. in which we must all participate if we ar to surviv and

progress."51 From the b ginnin ,the BWOA'S role wa. d fin d as mOT than

6 N L N .Il 01 II) ! IN' Uli!\IH.

link to th predominately white women's movcm nt. Ail en Hemand z
was one of several black women who played a key rol in the feminist move·
ment before the emergence of black feminist organizations.46 Hernandez,
appointed by President lyndon B. Johnson to serve on the Equal Employ·
ment Opportunity Commission (.EEOC) follOWing the passage of the 1964
Civil Rights Act. was instnunentaJ in the landmark case to end discrimi-
natory prdctices against airline flight attendants. Disillusioned by the lim-
ited powers ofthe EEOC, Hernandez resigned and later joined NOW, feeling
that NOW could more effectively push for sodal justice for women. Ln 1967
Hernandez served as NOW'S western regional vice-president and, in 1970,
succeeded Belty Friedan as the organization's president. 47
Hernandez maintained that NOW'S statement of purpos addressed
black women's issues as feminist issues. In fact, Hernandez, and two oth r
future BWOA members, Patsy Fulcher and Eleanor Spikes, were part of
48
NOW'S NationaJ Task Force on Minority Women and Women's RightS.

Delrpite th ir participation in NOW, these three women cofounded Black

Women Organized for Action (BWOA) because they wanted to expHcitly
d fin and work on black women's concerns. as well as encourage black
women's lead rship.
By th -arly 1970s, in the aftermath ofthe height ofthe civil rights move-
ment, blacks mad signilic.ant inroads in electoral politics. In addition to
grounding in th women's movement, the BWOA aJso had roots ill a poHti-
cal organization that was originally established as a fund-raising auxiliary
for b13ck male politicians. Bay Area women formed Dames for Dellums
to raise money for Ron Dellurns , a black politician from Berkeley who op-
posed tbe Vietnam War, in rus first run for congressional office in 1970.4'1
Valeri Bradley, a BWOA member from 1973 to 1977, recalls that Dames for
U Ilums continued after the election in this auxiliary fund-raising role as
Black Women Organized for Political Action (BWOPA). Bradley is critical of
the BWOPA for remaining relegated to a helping role: "This group suppos-
edly had the same goals Ulat ev ntually nWOA had, but what I found was
they seemed to exist primarily to hold fundraisers for male candidates. to
reelect male incumbents and did not seem to reilly b encouraging women
to get involved in a more active way in the political process-by running
for office. anyway, doing the grunt work:'5Q Members of awOPA dec.ided
to form Black Women Organized for A -tion, a singl - ex organization, to
"work to develop a consciousne~s in black women tbat politics i a 365 days
1

a year activity. in which we must all participate if we ar to surviv and

progress."51 From the b ginnin ,the BWOA'S role wa. d fin d as mOT than

6 N L N .Il 01 II) ! IN' Uli!\IH.

menl$ of their collecti~ identity $hould be an integnl pilr1 of how bliick
women apprOilched leadership within feminist orgilllizations. Bliick femi-
nists' previous activist experiences. however. inspired varied organization..1
$trudUfes. Similar to the $tructure$ in predomin..telywhite feminist orga-
niz..tions, organizational structure included forma.! bure..ucratic and non-
hierarchical. collectivist. Neither structure was ideal. The heterogeneity of
black feminists' individu..l political pt"rspectives would yield dissention.
but that di$scntion would in turn expand the boundaries ofblrl feminist
politic$ and the base of the black feminist movement.
menl$ of their collecti~ identity $hould be an integnl pilr1 of how bliick
women apprOilched leadership within feminist orgilllizations. Bliick femi-
nists' previous activist experiences. however. inspired varied organization..1
$trudUfes. Similar to the $tructure$ in predomin..telywhite feminist orga-
niz..tions, organizational structure included forma.! bure..ucratic and non-
hierarchical. collectivist. Neither structure was ideal. The heterogeneity of
black feminists' individu..l political pt"rspectives would yield dissention.
but that di$scntion would in turn expand the boundaries ofblrl feminist
politic$ and the base of the black feminist movement.
Table I. Blad< Feminist Organization,: ACOl'I\l'uatM Chart

Colnb.:l~ ."'0"
Organization N.... CP; cou; con: NO"':
inrtuellCClI Worn""'s Anti",,", Go~m"",Dt
Action D1ovemenl; civil rights
Alliance agendCll

Date of Easl Coast: '973 1976 '97' '971

emergence 1968;
WClIl Coasl;
197 1

Number""
core Du~·mbe..

Estimated a.ooo 'n ,0 ,00

number of
n'emlle..'

Lto<Kknhip Colleclivisl lIureaucr;llic Bure.ucotk Collectivisl Colle<:tivis!

IlnKtulC' 11973- 1975):
Collectivist
1'975)

Dale of Easl~t: '915 '''0

decline t9n:
Wesl Coast:
1980

• MemMrship Dllmbrrs.re b.:I~ On Ile-w'pape' reports. m«1I"ll minUlCll.• nd "'K"Dization:al

,,,,If·,eporti'4l' n... ".... was t~ onlyOfganiution with a m<'mMrship ....,.". .... (~ble ror
quantific.tion.

niution.al structure often minored the rounders' previous civil rights or

women's mO"eme"t experiences, Founders who emerged rrom civil rights
organiulions, such as the N..ACP, execuled hienrchical rorms or orga-
nization, wh,,",as women's movement aclivisls rormed nonhi('rarchical
organiutions,
Ortll(' live organizations in IMs study. the NKfO and NAllf were hienr-
chical organizations that had rormal oflicers. WTitten bylaws. and a division
belwern intt'llecillal and adminislraliVi' work. Conversely. the T....WA. Com-

66 .UI"""C" IolOV"'UIH
Table I. Blad< Feminist Organization,: ACOl'I\l'uatM Chart

Colnb.:l~ ."'0"
Organization N.... CP; cou; con: NO"':
inrtuellCClI Worn""'s Anti",,", Go~m"",Dt
Action D1ovemenl; civil rights
Alliance agendCll

Date of Easl Coast: '973 1976 '97' '971

emergence 1968;
WClIl Coasl;
197 1

Number""
core Du~·mbe..

Estimated a.ooo 'n ,0 ,00

number of
n'emlle..'

Lto<Kknhip Colleclivisl lIureaucr;llic Bure.ucotk Collectivisl Colle<:tivis!

IlnKtulC' 11973- 1975):
Collectivist
1'975)

Dale of Easl~t: '915 '''0

decline t9n:
Wesl Coast:
1980

• MemMrship Dllmbrrs.re b.:I~ On Ile-w'pape' reports. m«1I"ll minUlCll.• nd "'K"Dization:al

,,,,If·,eporti'4l' n... ".... was t~ onlyOfganiution with a m<'mMrship ....,.". .... (~ble ror
quantific.tion.

niution.al structure often minored the rounders' previous civil rights or

women's mO"eme"t experiences, Founders who emerged rrom civil rights
organiulions, such as the N..ACP, execuled hienrchical rorms or orga-
nization, wh,,",as women's movement aclivisls rormed nonhi('rarchical
organiutions,
Ortll(' live organizations in IMs study. the NKfO and NAllf were hienr-
chical organizations that had rormal oflicers. WTitten bylaws. and a division
belwern intt'llecillal and adminislraliVi' work. Conversely. the T....WA. Com-

66 .UI"""C" IolOV"'UIH
 IHnarchlC:ll tl;"ra,d,kal
Collrctivisl
,lnlC1Ure mud"",
coordinating
wi.hoflice.. with office~
council
lchairand and """ring
com,nitt.., 10{1974-'O/'97'i
vi«-clL>irl (dedi,..,
S!'97J-7/ 1974 7/'974-,o}l'J74

Figure a, I'~ ofthr Hno's a.ealkrship Structure

citi~ who wanted to form chapters, and errectively delegating the work of
running the national office in N~ York City. A hierarchical structure was.
in errect, the fastest way to organize given the unique circumstances of the
HUO'S formation.
Resulting campi ic.:Uions included domination of the organization by the
initial rnembl·rs. lack of long-nlllge planning. burnout, growth with no
plan, no dear lines of accountability, poor or nonexistent office systems.
and extremely long meetings that were not conducive to action and mem-
ber retention.' The NllfO did not have an established leadership base at t~
time ofits press conference nor had it mapped out a dear dirl'!ction for the
future of tile organizalion.
From May I97J untilluly 1974, Sloan and Jane Galvin-Lewis served as
the NllfO'S chait and vice·chair, respectively, and ovetsaw the daily OpeT3'
lions_ Sloan, thTough heT woTk at Ms., and Galvin-L~is. as a slaffmem·
ber of the Women's Action Alliann'. were familiar with hierarchical orga-
nizing through their involvement with the civil rights and women's rights
branch of the moyemen1.'This was the model the)' initially sawaseffectiye
in taking adyantageofopenings in a political culture thai yielded to thede-
mands of civil righlS and women's movement organizations with similar
structures. When an array of black women, all with differing definitions
of black feminist activism, joined the organization. the NUO'S leadership
was unprepared toeffectively meet those demands.' Both Sloan and Calvin·
Lewis possessed the skills to run a national organization. but they were
overwhelmed with the scale of the task. In hindsight. both women have
voiced the desire for more time IQ have developed the organizational struc-
lure oftlle Nno.'
Nine OtheT membeTS, including several founders of the NllFO, recog-
nized the precarious posilion of the leadership. In response. they rormed a
policy committee ~nd proposed is~uing a policy statemCrlllO givl'thl.' orga-
niulion a stn,ctural foundation. Combillirl,lt hierarchical structure with

61'1 'UII,,,H'; ... MOY"'.. 1I1

 IHnarchlC:ll tl;"ra,d,kal
Collrctivisl
,lnlC1Ure mudu",
coordinating
wi.hoflice.. with office~
council
lchairand and """ring
com,nitt.., 10{1974-'O/'97'i
vi«-clL>irl (dedi,..,
S!'97J-7/ 1974 7/'974-,o}l'J74

Figure a, I'~ ofthr Hno's a.ealkrship Structure

citi~ who wanted to form chapters, and errectively delegating the work of
running the national office in N~ York City. A hierarchical structure was.
in errect, the fastest way to organize given the unique circumstances of the
HUO'S formation.
Resulting campi ic.:Uions included domination of the organization by the
initial rnembl·rs. lack of long-nlllge planning. burnout, growth with no
plan, no dear lines of accountability, poor or nonexistent office systems.
and extremely long meetings that were not conducive to action and mem-
ber retention.' The NllfO did not have an established leadership base at t~
time ofits press conference nor had it mapped out a dear dirl'!ction for the
future of tile organizalion.
From May I97J untilluly 1974, Sloan and Jane Galvin-Lewis served as
the NllfO'S chait and vice·chair, respectively, and ovetsaw the daily OpeT3'
lions_ Sloan, thTough heT woTk at Ms., and Galvin-L~is. as a slaffmem·
ber of the Women's Action Alliann'. were familiar with hierarchical orga-
nizing through their involvement with the civil rights and women's rights
branch of the moyemen1.'This was the model the)' initially sawaseffectiye
in taking adyantageofopenings in a political culture thai yielded to thede-
mands of civil righlS and women's movement organizations with similar
structures. When an array of black women, all with differing definitions
of black feminist activism, joined the organization. the NUO'S leadership
was unprepared toeffectively meet those demands.' Both Sloan and Calvin·
Lewis possessed the skills to run a national organization. but they were
overwhelmed with the scale of the task. In hindsight. both women have
voiced the desire for more time IQ have developed the organizational struc-
lure oftlle Nno.'
Nine OtheT membeTS, including several founders of the NllFO, recog-
nized the precarious posilion of the leadership. In response. they rormed a
policy committee ~nd proposed is~uing a policy statemCrlllO givl'thl.' orga-
niulion a stn,ctural foundation. Combillirl,lt hierarchical structure with

61'1 'UII,,,H'; ... MOY"'.. 1I1

content prirnllTily focusN on establishing a new, democratically electn!
seven·person coordinatingcol.lnciLlhe gcnerall>ody agreed to this leader-
ship struclure, Galvin-Uwis recalls that the temporary coordinating cOlin·
cil moved closer to feminist ideals of cooperative leadership. but she and
Deborah Singletary, both coordinating comminee members, also remem·
ber the pitfalls of egalitarianism:

Glilvin.toos: We divided the work, we ran tM ml'dings, we did the agen·

du, we did the pre5ll with the various committees. ~, that W1IS tM
whole point of having acoordinating council instead of president, vice·
president, treasurer-all that kind of thing wuto spread the decisions
over tM group.
!Ilt(",,~r: ....nd 50 did that work lIener than having tht officers l

Galvin·/.ewis: No. Not in my opinion.

Sillgklary: 1 n~'Ver realized that the coordinatingcouncil ....as tiM.' problem.
Did ....e have in.fighting On the coordin;lting-~
GlIlvill·LewiI: Not at all.
Singkillry: J don't remember rhe coordinating council being the problem. I
felt the probh'm was our OWn egalitarian way of being. That we wantrd
to avoid the mor.. patriarchal concept or ·What we say is right: We
wanted to hear from other people. I think that's lhe p<lrl lhat didn't
work.
Galvill·tewis:Yeah. That's what I meant: th;r,t the coordinalingcouncil was
rhe format that we used 10 get 10 thar goal. That's wh;r,t I meant. ,., We
slipped from president. vice·presidenl. Rut the coordinaling council
it~lf remained solid 'til the end. and we workn! beautifully together,
I think, and it waJi a great-that was the One good thing. The relation·
ships ... were the good things that Qlrne of the coordinating council.
Thai's lhe whole idea-that it wu born to spread Olll the leadership
wu, in my opinion. a mistake."

In her comments. Galvln·U-Wis makt'5 a distinction between a small core

group working together colll'(;lively ilJ1d attempln! egalitarianism among
IIIl orvniutional members..... ?itfall of eplitarianism, or struclureless·
ness, is that factionalism can more easily eru?, betWffn members with
differing polilical agendas and ideologies claiming a stake in the organiZ<l-
lional structure. UnfortUllatl.'ly, as detailed in the final chapterofthis book,
the: NIfO was n(>\ler in an organiutionally or ideologically stable position,
and certain factions took advalltage of its egalitarianism, rhus leading 10
rhe defection of chapters,

70 "UIlOINUio. "UV~""ln
 The NJlllf. as the Chicago chapter of the NllfO, was not privy to details of
the disorganiution in New York, but from the bck of communication with
the national office its members assumed all was not well. After communi·
cating with other Nno chapter leaders in Atlanla. Washington. D.C.. and
Detroit aoout problems with the n..tional office, the Chicago chapter de-
cided to split and form its own organiution. In the process, Brenda Eichel·
berger and other members took .. six·month hi..lus to plan the structure of
the organiZiltion.
TIle rrsult of the NAIlr'S hiatus was a three-tiered organiZiltion..1struc·
ture that included a bwrd of directors." In theory, this highly bureau·
cratized structure delegated responsibility and an:ountability to several
members of the NJlllf. In reality. the NAIIF had difficulties keeping these
un~id positions filled, and, thus, the majority of the work fell to Eichel·
berger and Gayle Porter. Eichelberger, the e~ecutive ditt'C!ot for the dura·
tion of the organiZiltion'S existence. was responsible for representing the
NAIlF publicly and for fund'r.llising. Porter served as chairperson. oversee·
inllthe daily operations of the org.aniZiltion, such as inlernal finances and
communications.
A steeringcommittn-.composed ofeach active NJlIlF committl'{"s chair.
as wt'll as an advisory bwrd ofconsultants, hel pc-d guide the NAil f. The advi·
!lOry bwrd consisted of invited prominent black women from universities,
labor organiUllions. media associations, and social service organiutions
and kept the organization informed about the needs of the community."
TIl(' board also helped obtain resources for the~aniution through !lOlici·
tat ion of funds or serving as an oversight body for possible grants."
Thesl:' consultants provided theexperlisc NAIIF needed for manyoftheir
activities. For example. when the NAIIF held a community health fair, a
physician from the advisory bwrd conducted a workshop on health issues
alfc<ting black communities. Or the '''''"f might ask an accountant to dis·
cuss financial planning with individu..l members or to ad~ise the steering
commille~ontheorganization's financl'S." In essence, thl" NJllfdrcw upon
the t..lents of black women in the Chicago community to supplement its
activities. Women who were not NJlllf members still helped the organiza·
tlon fulfill its polilial obligalions to its membership and the: brooder black
community.
'111' NABf. in ils work over four years, adoptt'd an effective hier.llrchkal
ll'adl:r~hip structure. and. as much as possible. responsibilities were dif.
fuS4."tl among a number of its rnenlbel1l. Comp.1red to tlK' leaders of the
NIl~O. which t'~is1L-d for two yt:.. rs. NAllf le:.ldees realized that the survival

'\lNl>INIl" "OU"~NT 71
dthe org~niz.ationdt'p('nded on using its prim~ry resource- its members
-without overtllxing them. Although org~nized hierarchically, the NABF
served as an incipient model for the type offeminist organiz.ations 10 Free·
man proposed: a structure th~t best f~cilit~ted the completion of tasks 10
move the org~niz.alion forward from introspection to direct action.'·
Yet. contrary to Freeman's hopt:s faT this foTm of organization. all mem-
bers of the N..,6F did not feel empowered to make decisions,lbe "'..,6F was
not unl ikt' other women's movement groups in which friendship networks,
while effective Tecruitml.'nt channels, could also create an elite within an
organi7~tion. Some members were jealous of the amount of anent ion

Eichelberger rt'Ceived in thl' media, and others thought she w~s dictatorial
in defining the terms of black feminism in the Chicago area." The N..,6F,
with Ekhelber~r as its leader, did not managl' to avoid the star system,
and, in turn, participation from members was not as high as it might have
been, MembeTS felt no obJig~tion to pUI resources inlo the groupontl' they
accomplished their personal objectives, which ranged from a better under·
standing afhow feminism (QuId help their lives loenc.ouragemenl in their
tareer goals."

CcUn;li..isl Blade Ftminist Organizations

The Third World Women's Alli~nte (T"""""'), the Combahe<> River Collec-
tive, and Bl~ck Women Organized for Aclion (6.-0..,), like most women's
tiber.ltion org~nizations of the time, all runctiontd as collectives. These
thrc.' nrgani7.ations had smaller aspir~tions than !he l'IRFO and 111<.: N..,6F,
who wanted to attract members and influente racial and gender politics
natIonally, but also build their local support base. There were significant
dilrerellCl'll in how the nv",.., Combolhee, and BIllO.., enacted collectivisl
politics, but these organizations were successful in combining models
from tho: civil rights ~nd women's movements into their organizing prin.
ciples at Ih... tocalleve1.
TIle Third World Women's Alliance, a~ a direct descendant ofsNcc wa~,
in Heal's words, "uhra·democl1llic:"The orgalliz.ation operated under the
inherited philo~phy of p;irtkipatory democracy that encour~gt-d m...m·
IJers to work in all facets oftht org~ni7.ation, including decision making.
TIl(' East Coast branch of the TW"''' had a stecrinl-\ committee, but mem-
bership on the cQ'llmittee was open to all mcml>cl'1I and all decisions wert'
brought to the general booy. 111r. We~t Co.:lst branch did no' haV1.' a 5leer·
ingc.ommiltC1:and, Instead, wu centralized undel til(' leader~hipofCheryl
 Perry, contrary to the stat~ goals of dl!lllO("ratic ct'ntralism. Other memo
Ixor~ or
the West Coast TWWA eventually challcllg<'d I'erry's leadl!rship when
they want~ to t;lkc the or~niUliOll in a different direc:tion, which in·
c1uded cotlec:tivist politics.
The Com~hee R~r Collective did not have ;In articulated defini·
tion of collectivity, a.nd deci~ion nuking was inform.t.l. Simibr to Honor
Ford·Smith'~ contemporary experience in a jam;lican women'~ colle<:tive.
Sistren, there wcre discrep;ancies in how members defined collectivity that
muked power differentials bctw~n bl;lck feminists within Combahee
in the 1970S.''' Freeman points OUI that though groups claiming struc·
turelessness believe all members have equal power, ·structurelessness be,
comes a way of masking power, and within the women·s movement it
is usually most strongly advocated by those who are the most powerful
(whether they art' conscious of their power or not)."" In a 1975 memo to
Combahee member~, Barbara Smith explicitly linked structures of black
feminist organizations to the survival of the movement: "Major elemmls
ofour [black feminist) movement seem bent upon parodying the hierarchy
and power.mongering of 'mainstream' organi13tions. The only W;ly black
feminism can survive is as a radical movement whose goal is the overturn-
ing of p;ltriarchy, the complete questioning of things ;IS they are. In our
internal structure we should strive for collectivity ;lnd reject the tokenism
and careerism that has undermined other movements."" In her avocation
ofcolle-ctivity. Smith aspired for Combah~ to observe lessons from otlKor
civil rights and women's movement organiutions and made a.n effort to
organize nonhierarchically. Members of Combahee did work together on
a broad rangt' of issues, but interpersonal dynamiOl, availability, and the
ueeds of the movement were key considerations when attempting collec·
tivity and an illfonn.t.l organization structure,
Smith was ;lWl!re that her position as a h?;lder in Combahec: gave her
a different perspective on the organization's collectivily than others who
fdtthey were outsideofleadership poSitions. Smith's understandingofthe
leadeTShi pof the organization W;lS based on a distinction between (ollectiv('
d~"Cision makillgand the role of the leader. She defines leadership as ·really
b:lsm upon $Omeone who did the work and who Iud the cap;lcity in their
lives 10 fit in doing the work, , .. It wasn't a male model of leadership.-"
Barbara Smith, Demit;l Frazier. ;lnd Beverly Smith are remembered as
thl? cenlralleader~ in their organization b.iJscd on their joint authorship of
Ihe CO",IxIMC Rivr.r Colluliw; Slukmlnt. These women _re nol select~
leaders, but their availability and cUlIlmitment ;llIow('(! them to inYelt more

'UN'''NC A WOV"UNT 7)
time in the organization. Members of Combahee ~R' undergraduates,
pursuing advanced degrees, working lUlI·time jobs, engaged in other politi.
ul causes outside of their involvement with Combahee, or a combination
oftlleSe K1ivities. Without establishing a subjective hierarchy of who were
the mostcommilled members. it be'Comes more difficult to measure avail·
ability to the organization. How individual memlK'rs prioritized their obli·
gations to Combahee, to their families. and to their political ideals played
a significant role in the development of an elite within Combahee.
Two other Combahec members. Margo Okauwa.Rey and Mercedes
Tompkins. disagree with the view of the organization as collectively run.
Tompkins and Okazawa.R~. housemates in a collectively owned house,
learned ofCombahee through word of mouth and joined in the winter of
1975. Okauwa·Rry. a social worker, p.aniciplued in consciousnl'!l$.raising
with a branch of the homophile organization Daughters of Bilitis, bUllater
joined Combahec to m~ with other black, lesbian feminists. Tompkins,
at twenty·one. was not politically active with any particular group when
she joined Combahtt becaulle she was only beginning to define her lesbian
identity.
In contrast to Smith's view of Combahee's collectivity. Tompkins and
OIt.a:zawa·Rey both experienced hierarchy wilhin the group, and they con·
test the use of the term colle"illt when applied to Combahee. Tompkins
notes Ihat Combahee's members dis<ussed issues as a group. but she also
acknowledges her position as outsideofan ~underground network" within
the group: "Before things Glme to the group, things got filtered. So mosl
of the requests for information or pa.rtidp;llion, or anything that was.
on the docket for Combahee, went through Barbara Smith."" Tompkins
perceived herselfas outside ofthe elite leadershipcore IK'cauiiI' she 'pushed
the envelope around lhe whole issue of dass and educational elitism;"l
also maintain again that submt'rged friendship networks. while good for
rt"Cruilment. had Mvt"rse affects on democratic dedsion making in colle<:·
tive women's movement organi:zations. Friendship loyalties often made the
organizational dl"Cision'maklng processes difficult in black feminist orga·
ni:utions regardless ofstructure.
Okazawa.Reyconcurs with Tompkins's perspective on the failuft"of col·
lectivity in the orllanization. believing certain cort' members held dispro.
portionate power within Combatlet': "I think 'collective' was probably a mig·
nomer. I think the ideal was to have il a colll-'Clive. but !lecaull(' it was really
loosc-first ofall. for a colleclive 10 bl:a coJll'Ctive there needs to IM: ... clear
Idt"a~ about d.~d,ioJl·makinK that :are COllSCllSU~ and all that .... So. ir1 a way.
it was kind ofhierardlical. ... It was tricky. It wasa tension there."'" Bnbiln
Smith, for one. was a driving fOKe behind Comb.1hel', and it is possible that
her talents as a writer put her in a priVileged position in a movement that
valued connectinll the personal to the political through the written word
and verbill acuity in academic circles. as well as in a thriving underground
feminist pr~. By the late 1970s, the women's movement began to make
disciplinary inroads into academia as women's studies, (feating another
space for Smith's work as a feminist theorist and literary critk and fore·
grounding her role in the articulation ofcontemporary black feminism. As
Smith accurately assesst'S, in social movemC'nts "people who write gel far
more visibility than those who don't."" 'lb.is is particularly true when WI'
consider the civil rights movement, where women performing in the pri·
vate sphere were not nxognized as leaders, unlike men who represented
the movement in public, In the same way. until more scholars reconstruct
narratives of the black feminist movement, and until more black feminist
movement participants record their memoirs, well·known personalities of
the movement will continue t<') predominate in the historical record,
Black WomC'n Organi'l:ed for Action was also collectively run, but this
organization began with a well·articulated vision in whidl members who
share the work also share the power and the glory." The organization was
structured so that leadership, work, and community involvement were
shared among members willing to participate. Instead of having hierar·
dlical officeTll or assuming a leaderless structure, the &"'0/1. operated with
three coordinators for a three·month tenure. Coordinators convened, orga·
nized, and facilitated meetings, as well as served as spokespersons for tlK-
group in the media and in direct action."
This structure was consistent with the <')rganization's mission to develop
leadership among as many different black women as possible. In addition
to completing the work of the organization, Aileen Hernandez found that
Ihe rotating coordirnotor structure recognized the varied politic:ll positions
of black women:

'nle way w~ w("re stmC1ured we gave whoever h3ppened to be the coordi·

nalors for thai quarterly period full authority to do what they wanted. We
h~d some v;,ry distinctly different approadtes when we had coordinators
I>«~U!le some of the coordin3ton wrre very he~vily involved in the Bbd
t'owcr n>ovement atth~t point in time. Some ofthemwrre very much in·
volved in thl' Democratic Party. , .. We 3lrnost never had an ideological
difference. because we h3d allrl-ed Ihat one ortlte things I'ie W31nted to do

,UNluNe:" wonW'NT ~
 was link African Ameriun women from whatever persp«1M: they wae
in. And when people sort of &aid. "Well. th~t's crazy beause some people
will do wild Ihings: w" said. ·Well. how much troubl" can you ron" in
thret: months~' What....., $<lid nst:ntially was "Get the ideu out there. W"
don't nm from ~ny id,,~: It c"rtainly mallea difference in someu.ses as to
who Will p~r1idpatingin ~ partkularevenl. bill it wu n<"Ver ~n idwlogic~l
difference in terrJlJi of how th" orpniution functioned."

Potential problems with this structure included inconsist"ncy in infor·

mation dissemination or poorly facilitated mt:t:tings. bUI nonelh"l",s the
.wo... managed to opente effectively for seven years." By honoring the di.
vel'$ity ofblad:: women's political interests. the 1111;'0'" ~ppealed to manydif.
f('rent women. inside and outside the organization. M"m!Jen were free to
choose the: activities in which Ihey pa.rticipated, and they were not obligated
to subscribe-to a .wo...·dicuted politiul pcrspective.1lJe imperative forthe
BWO'" was forblack women to be- involved in political organizing in anyway
th"y chose. Hernandez also notes some membel'$ partlcipa.ted through.
out the duration of the organiution bl-cause. they ·were philosophically
committed to bridging all of the- different points of view in the African
American community.· "The survival of black communities. in the .wo...·s
opinion. did not depend on one solution. but on the conscious. consistent
political awarenl!'SS of the community's members.
Another reason for the success of the coordin~tor structure was the
number of women who also held memberships and leadership rol~ in
other civil rights. women·s. and black nationalist organizations in the Bay
Area. The .wo... provided a forum for women to furttK-r dCV{'lop their
leadership skills or experiment with styles tmt wert' not permilled in
mixed,sex organizations. Valerie Bradley. for example. relates the: coordi·
nator experience of IIWO... m('mber Flora Gilford during a three·month
period:

Flora ~ beton. you know. had raised her children and worked at the Vet·
eran's Administration as a dir«tor of purchasing.... But she said that
she really felt intimidated about being in a leadership position or whut."Ver
until she got in IWO... ~nd got so involved. She was a coordinator at one
point. And it gave her a lot of expetieIKC'S.ll1lt:an. Flora is just ~ dynamo
now. She docs all kinds of things now. And $"'= did then. I saw her grow.
You know.l saw a lot of women grow who might not haV1:oone something
had they not been encouraged in 31l organiution like .wo...."

76 fUIiOlfOO ... NOV.-UIIT

In addition to fostering leadenlhip, tlte rotating structure thwarted the
media's tendency to create a star spokesperson. This avoidance ofslar rep-
resentatives also prevented the IWO" from becoming dominated by any
onr faction or personality.
Dlxk feminist organiz.ations serve as an exemplary case study for re-
source mobilization theories on leadership styles be1.::ause they offer several
moorls for analysis. lradrrs of organiZiltions, particularly nascent ones
with tenuous financial status and memberships bases, often face Ihe dual
dilemmas of keeping their organizations running smoolhly while dealing
with interpersonal dynamics. For example, Sloon, Eichelbergcr, and Smith
were aJlleaders with wriuen ;md verbal Iillents thilt thrust them into thr
spotlight in their communities as cogent voices on black frminlsm, Of the
thrrr women, two were leaders of hienrchical black feminist organiz.a·
tions, but Olll' led a collective. Wrre they inlrntionaHy controlling the di·
rection and fows ofemerging black feminist organiz:ltions? Or were they
enacting leadership skills and styles that while they may have secmed die·
tatorial, sustained their organiz.ations through cruciilltimes ofemergence
in a newly articulated feminist movement? None of these women were
purged from the black feminist movement, but eventually they left the
organiz.alions they helped t'Stilblish be1.::ausc of interpersonal conflicts reo
lated 10 the star system. as perpetuated by the media. i1nd iI public in scuch
ofa spokesperson. Regardl('$!l oforganiZ3tional structure-hierarchical or
collective-leaders in the women's movement faced the dual tension of
successfully disseminating informiltion about blilck feminism, but i1lso the
pitfall of perpetuating hieran:hies among black women.
With the East Coost TWW" i1nd 8WO", two organiZOItions with i1fticu·
lated definitions of collectivity. the media WiIS thWilrted in creating stilr
spokespersons bea.usc i111 members of the organiziltions spoke for the
organiutions. For the T...." and the IIWO", their principles of p;lrticipatory
democracy and shilring the powerilnd the glory. l'l"!Ipedivdy, grounded the
organiZiitions in group.centered leildership. Pilrticularly. useful from the
T"WA and BWOA models is the strategy ofconsistently orienting new memo

hers 10 these leadership principles by creilting i1n agreement betWet.'1I the

orgilni1.i1tion i1nd its members thilt decision milking WiIS communill. fr;un·
ing leadership as 3 responsibility instead or iI right.
Blxk feminist organiutions worked towilld modding a feminist phi.
losophy ofJeadership with vuying degrees ofsuccess. OrganiZOItions thilt
begiln with collecti\'e slnlctures. i111d i11l 3rticulation of the meilning of

~UNIl'NC A MOV . .UNl n

thoSt.: ,truclUl"C'S, f~red the best in ~voiding f~ction~liun ;lnd developing
bl:Kk feminist It~ership ~lllong their members. ThoSt.: otg~niutions with
hic:r.lrchic:ll ~tnJ(turn found th~lthl-ir leaders grew we~ry of nrrying the
l~d of mobili%ing~ndtrying 10 unify ~ p1unlilyofblack women's perspe<:'
tiV(' on bl~ck feminism.

N(.IlionaliSI and Feminist ldentilies

lU Cnkl'iD for Mem~rYlip
ASIlumin~ that bl:Kk feminists ~re homogellOllS in poliliullhought, the
criteri~ fot membership in their org;lniutions would seem simple: black
wom~nhood, But to usert th;lt all black women were potential recruits for
bbck feminist org;lnizations ;lssumes too much: it erases dilfereonces in
class, color, sexual Qrienl;llion, and physical ~bility. Black feminists CUM
to their organizations through tnditional recruitment channels. but memo
bers also had to r«oneile assumed points of commonalily.
Ironically, though white feminist and bl:Kk political communities clul·
lengt.od black feminists on their T'Kial and gender aulhenticity, rC'Sp«tively,
black feminists f~ced similar questions in recruitment: what does !rlal;k
mcan for membel1lhip in a black feminist organiution~ What does ftmi.
""$' Illcan for blad women~ As. women joined black feminist organiu·
tions dUring the emergence of the women's movement. they deliberated.
for strategic reasons, whl"lher 10 label their organizatiom feminist. Black
feminists faced issues of racial and gender alll"gianceo in the formation
of black feminist col1edive identity. but d«isions ;loout who counted;lS
bl:Kk and wl~tht'r to d;lim feminism influenced aspects of organizational
r«tUitmenl.
'nlf~ NIIFO, NAB', By/OA. ;lndTW\lIA based orgilnization;ll mt'mbcl1lhip on
r:K:i;l1 utegories, bUI some defined these catC'gOries more nplkilly tha.n
othrr~, For the TWWA, a deso:eoo;lnt ofbbck ft'minist otg;lnizing in SNCC,
members' shill from bl;lck to third world mcanl sp«ifying the t1lcl;l1 and/or
ethnic idcntity of "third world" women. Based on members poliliul int...r·
ests in allti,impnia!ism, the T"'''A defined third world as Afric;ln, PUl"rto
I(ican, Nalive Americ;ln, Chiun;l. ;lnd Asian desc:enl." Promptt'cl by inter·
natiOllal revolutionuy sltuggles ;I!ld the Vietnam Wu. minorities in tilt'
United 51;1'1"5 made cunnC:Clions bet.....('en their marginalized positions do·
111t'!>lically ~lId u.s. impcri;llislll abr(l;ld. Minotitk'S.;lnd women in puticu·
I;lt, C~petiellCt'd a cognitive ~hm from lhinkilill ufth<'IllSt'lves;ls minoritln
'0 considering Ihernselv<,s put ofsil;lble African, l;ltin, and A,i;ll\ di;lspo'
!'as. To labt:llhcmselves third world, establish a multicultural alliance, and
offer solidarity to domestic and foreign natiorullist struggles were revolu·
tionary acts.
The lilfO and Iwo"a!sotook militant stances in identifying themselves
iIS black, a politically intentional and charged label In the 19705. Both orga·
nizations allowed recruits to self.identifY as b~ck, denoting racial aware-
ness and nationhood. The NIPO specified African descent as a criterion
for membership in its organi~ationalliterature. SllWl required third world
women of non·African des<ent 10 self.identify according to black national-
ist definitions: ·We have many black Puerto Ricans who have told us that
they can't identify with third world groups because there are Asians and
white Puerto Ricans thatoppres:s them as black Puerto Ricans. So they want
to be in touch with their black roots. So we say welcome-but we will no1
pili other priorities above those of black women.... Unlike the TWWA, the
NRfowasdedicated to the{oncerns of, specifically. black women. [f mixed·
race women joined the NRfO, they had to deprioriti~e tbeir non-African
nationalist concerns. Blxk feminists' disdain for the prioriti~ing of ra<ial
and gender idenlily reinscribed the priorily game for other women of color
that Margaret SIQ;ln had spoken against earlier in the NRfO'S formation.
Such a requirement safeguarded against the dilution of a black feminist
~genda and expanded the NlfO'S membership ba.se, but this requirement
did not recognize the conneclions of a black feminiSI agenda to imperial·
ism and third world women.
The 1110'0'" was an organizaliOlI for bl;Kk women. but it did not reo
slrlet definitions of bbckness to African descent. In f;Kl, this organiza-
tion advoated an unprecedented openness in allOWing members to self-
identify. TIle I'IIOA'S membership credo was that the organization was open
to "old sisters, young sisters. skinny sisters. fat sisters ... the poor and
the not so poor ... you and me ... from blue black to high yellow. A boll'
quel of IlACK WOM ~N-action oriented, composed of reminist~ and non·
feminiSlsconcemed with the politicalandeconomk development ofa tolal
hbck community.~"
·111e IIWO... '5 use of a continuum to d~fin~ blackness was a conscious
<:Ilort to avoid color discriminalion as It played out in black communi·
ties. The foundcr~ oftbe 1'110'" ulldoubledly reflected on color dis.c:rimina·
tioll in tlK' rarly days of African American sororities and color conscious·
l"-'S.~ alTlong African Aml'rican elit~. [n response. Ihr "B];Kk is Beautiful"

Jl,-sthetle unwittingly created a tlcW paradigm of black beauty. The IIWO'"

subverted dill<:fiminatioll withill black colllmunitiCll based on color, physl·

'UOII)(OIO" WOVlilU'or 79
{OIl apPNr.IIrK:II', or class by wdcoming all bbck women into the organiza.
tion. 1be organization focu!il'd on activism. rathrr than social COnJitructs
of beauty Or social class.
Black idrntitycomplicated mrmbership criteria in these organizations.
as did feminism as a basic tenet of black fl':minist organizing. Blac;k femi·
nislS spent a great deal oflime fending offextemal atlac;k!; bec;ausc dtheir
all~aJl(e to gender oppression, so they attempted to intercept this dis·
c;ussion internally. For black women to repeatedly revisit the argument of
whether to associate with feminism while tryinllto establish Iheir organi.
zations was detrimental to harnessing the momentum of the movement.
For this reason. the NBFO stated that a member was "any black woman of
African descent who a({epts feminism as the organizing priority for the
NBFO and who ~rticipatcs in th.. program.·"

Similarly. the members of "'''BF assumt-d that anyone who joined their
organization would adhere to feminist principles. But in the organization's
early days as an "'liFO mapter.the founders and potenlial r«ruits had a
heated discussion on the pros and cons of requiring feminist idelltity as
a criterion of membership. Those against using fl"minisl in the orpniza.
tion·s naflle predicted that they would spend too much lime defending
their name against those who thought fl"Illinists were anlimale. Propo·
nents offeminisfll malinlained that feminism was profl':maill'. not antimale.
and worth asserting from the OUtsl'l."
For both sides of the debate, the discussion provided an opportunity
for consciousness.raising bl'c:ause it offered potential recruits the opportu,
nity to analyze feminism and ils application to their lives in dialogue with
women of varying degrttS of gender consciousness. of all the organiza·
tiOIlS, the IIWO"'S avoidance of the labc:! feminism while practicing femi·
nism was indicative offutllre developments in black feminist organizing.
l1lC IIWO,", ..voided using the termfoninisl in its name to recruit feminist
and nonfeminisl women 10 the organization, but its goals of struggling
against racism and sexism were explicit. Black v"omen. who reportedly
$ynlp;ithized wilh the women's liberation movement, joined black feminist
organiz.ations and as a result COn$trocted their collective identity through
the process of activism, reflecting the interconnectedness of rt-.;ruitment
and identity formation.
Recruitmen' liPId Membership

John LoA~nd ~rY" th~l determining the membC'rship size of soci~l

movement org~nizations is methodologic~lly difficull given the dl..LlOl di-
lemm~ th~t $OCi~1 movement researchers and organization members orten
develop different indicators of membership." Wilhin resourre mobiliza-
tion theory. membC'rship size is considered important because it serves
as ~n indicator of ~ucCC'SSful mobiliZing. In terms of documenting social
movement org~nizations. numbers serve as an indicalor of organizalional
strength for theorists in sele<:ling organizations for sludy. Black feminist
or8~nizations. with rel~tively sm~1l membC'rship numbers. eluded study

for pre<:isely this reason. Nevertheless. there are ample reasons for insert-
ing bl~ck feminist organizations as case studies into the membC'rship as-
pect of soci~l movement theory inquiry.
Interviews with black feminist organiution membC'rs. secondary
sources, and organiutional re<:ords help outline recruitment strategies and
provide est im~tes of membership numbers." Black feminist organiz:,lIions
n]("mbC'rship numbers ~re an indicator of black women·s interest in pu·
ticipating in the feminist movement. Existing membership numbers influ-
enced potential re<:ruits' assessments ofthe cost and benefits of p~rticipat.
ing. ~s well ~s whether black feminist organizations entered tm- womt"n's
movement narrative b<ise<l on their membership numbers. It is also impor.
tant historically to document the relatively low number ofcore participants,
which c~!ls ~ltention to causes for the activists· later burnout.
Social moveml'nt organiutions often minimize or inflate their own
magnitude de~nding on their immediate goals." For example, a 1970
Ntw YllTk Timt:'r artkle fea.tured the TWWA and set its East Coast member·
ship numbers at two hundred. though in reality there were only about
lwelve core members. When organizations inflated their numbers, they
also hoped to show potential aclivists thlo possibilities ofsocial dungewith
large groups of people.
h. another example, when a journalist asked for the "'BFO'S membership
numbers al the first news conference. the founders claimed membership
in the hundreds." Sl();ln later wrote about this inleraclion: "Fifteen of us
n<ltional." she scoffed. "how be~utiful1y black and ~rrogant. They will prob.
~!Jly try to kill us.~" As a mailer of slr.illegy, the founders recognized that

the media would more likely take their stated gOills seriously ifthey claimed
10 represent ~n organi1.ation, ratlK"r than merely .a group of women who
met one Silhlrw.y night to di5CU55 black woml'n's iSSllCII,

PUNlllNG A MOVIM'N' lSI

 One- reason black feminists inflated their membership numbers was to
convey to potential members that they would not be alone were they to join
the black feminist movement. While media representations of feminists
groups as a bra burning and hysterical radical fringe could dissuade poten-
tial members, large membership numbers could draw more members to
the feminist cause. The N BFO'S strategy of inflating its numbers also won
the organi;r.ation national press coverage. This exposure helped them suc-
ceed in drawing large numbers of black women to the organization. For
black feminist organizations, espousing large membership numbers also
lent validity to their grievances, but this inflation also added premature
pressure to the organization's leaders to act like a large-scale organization.
rather than the nascent groups that some of them were.
Membership numbers were not an accurate indicator of black feminist
organizations' strength or influence in feminist and black communities.
In hindsight. blade feminists were not as concerned with the number of
women who actually joined their organizations as they were with the num-
ber of women they reached with their writings, activities. consciousness-
raising sessions, and networking.
Black women joined black feminist organizations based on prior contact
with soml'one already involved. In fact, the majority of the black feminists
interviewed for this study joined their respective organizations because a
friend or relative told them about a meeting or a direct action. Face-to-face
intl'factions with organization memhcrs, interpersonal connections with
friends, and social movement networks all facilitated involvement. These
dose ties as recruitment venues easily increased membership but also
posed interpersonal problems: temions in friendl;hips or intimate I"'rtner-
ships threatened to carryover into organizational matters and cause idl'o-
logical ruptures.
Two members of the National Black Feminist Organization mention
joining their organization through mediated channels. specifically an ad
in a local black newspaper." Undoubtedly, other black feminists joined
through public channels such as announcements in women's movement
periodicals. In Ms.. for example. the magazine's editors ran a rare listing of
black women's organizations nationally with contact information and brief
descriptions of the organiutions' work. while the femInist newspapt'r off
ollr ~h fealur('d preconference advertising and cxtensiv(' coverage oflhe
NHFO'S Eastern RegiOll3l Conference."
Coverage in nOlllnainstream lllt-dia outlets was a rl:-source availa!>l(' to
black WOIn!:n with preexisting COnlnlllniCalion~ n('tworks 10 tht' women's

8a 'U"'"NG ~ .. Ilv...... ,
movement. but these women were also fortunate to be in geographical
proximity to New York City, a hot spot ofthe movement, Related to this geo·
graphical proximity was structural proximity, meaning the setting in which
movements and potential p<lrtidpants can come into contact." For black
feminist organizations, rallies and other women's movement events pro·
vided Ihe structural proximity needed to recruit p<lrticipants. Recall from
the TWW"'S emergence narrative (chapter z), Cheryl Perry's recruitment
into the TWW" through the Venceremo:s Brigade on the East Coast and her
recruilment of olher members on the West Coast from women's and black
liberation organizations."
Television or news media coverage ofblad: feminist organizations was
far more rare, and was Ihus less useful than submergnl ne!Works were for
rtocruitment. HOl'r-ever, correspondence from potential national recruits to
the Chicago 1'1 lifO and the 1'1" Bf renects the poll'lllial for thr media dissemi·
nation of black feminist philosophy in thl' form of Ielevision, Sevl'ral hun·
droo wornI'll wrotl' these two organizations for membership information
following the broadcast ofa 1974 I'pisode oflhe Phil Donahueshow featur·
ing a discussion 011 black fl'minism and anothl'repisode featuringa discus-
sion of black female/male relationships," Unfortunately for black feminist
organizations with national ambitions, thl'ir infrastructure did not exist 10
support widesprl'ad media coverage to Teach blaclc women nationally.
Blade feminists used mostly private and a few public channels to reo
emit members who agreed with their newly formed visions. Their iden-
lities as racial and gendered individuals put them in structural proximity
10 am." another. Sometimes this proximity was thr positive result of isola·
lion Oil woml'n's movement events or in organizations, as black feminists
lIought oul one another in a crowd of whitl' fa~l'S. At other timell, friends
with lIhared belil'fll joined organiutions and rcinfor~ed their ~onne<:tions
as allies in Ihe black feminist struggle.

Fl<nding lind Siaffing B/ad; Feminist Organizalions

llIa~k feminist organizations' resources we:re limiled 10 members' material
and nonmaterial contributions. As with most grassroots activist initiatives,
tinancial stal("menlS for the IIsro, NAsr, and swo... revealed slruggll'S to rl'-
main financially stable. Finan~es were a major concern-and even more so
tOT the NRPO and the N"lf bt'QUSf' both attempted to create national chap-
ters. requiring more fuuds to facilitate outreach and respond to women
lIatlonally. Combah~, th.. KWO", and 'rww" mallagt:d 10 ~O'o'er their COlliS

'U"U'''G A .. Owo ...... l 8)

with in·kind donations and dues. Black feminists found that their position
as blacks. women. and workingc.lass inRuenced their ability to raise money
and to contribute nonmaterial skills. the mosl importanl being lime for
organization building.
During the late 1960s and early 1970s. black feminists were not privy
to grants from major foundations or to the largesse of elites who had sus·
tained noninstitutionalized civil rights organizations in the past. Still. like
other b1ac.korganizations. blxk feminists wrestled with xcountability and
possibly co-optation in xcepting funding from white feminist or main-
stream black organizations. In the special cases of the TWWA and Com·
bahee-, it was unlikely that foundations, liberal feminist organi:utions. or
blxk community inst ilutions would contribute funds to organizations that
adhen-d to socialist prindples and called for a compleu revolution of U.S.
patriarchal. imperialist, and capilaUst modes of oppression. Rut. for more
refonnist·oriented organiutions such as the N 8fO, NABf, and RWOA, foun·
datiom and elites remained potential sources of sust;lining income.
Bl;l(k feminist organizations obtained material resources through memo
ber dues, fund.raising events. and external SOurces. These thrt'(' sources
had underlying implications for b!;I(k feminists. In the ethos ofblKk self·
determination, the organizations held fund·raisers that serval as recruit·
ment tools to entice potential members and supporters. These fund·raisers
induded theater benefits such as African Amerion productions of Thl:
Wiz: forums forblack political candidates; and speakingengagcments that
addressed blxk feminism at churches, university dasses, and community
groups.
The primary sources of income for black feminist organiutions were
dues that members paidon a slidingsc:ale basis. ranging from n to SSG. Ex·
penses nried, but organiutions nked their members to contribute what
they could to pay for office space rental. photocopies for Ryers and other
publications. occasional financial support for political prisoner defenSl:
funds. cosponsorship of rallies, and other events." All black feminist orga·
niutions confronted a similar dilemma in attempting to include black
wom('n ofall economic positions venus the need for capital to further their
social change agendas.
Lacking a steady contribution of dues, some black feminist organi.
utiolls-partic.ularly the NARf, th.. NllfO. and " ... o,,~approachcd main·
stream sources for money and in·kind dollat;olls.llle NllfO. for (,x;llllple.
obtained a 'SOO grallt from Ms. magazine and sS.ooo frolll the lucim
and Eva F..a.stman Foundalion to cover r:xpc:nllell for i., F.a~tem Regional
Conferl'nce.'" Thl' NBFO was in a privileged position in relationship to
other black feminist organizations be<;ause of preexisting ties to Ms. maga·
zinc and other women's movement organizations experienced in feminist
fund.raising.
The grants from Ms. and the Eastman Foundation, however, resulted
in tensions that questioned the commitment of black feminist organiza-
tion leadl'rs to black nationhood. Some black feminists interpreted grants
from white supporters as outsider bids to control the NBFa and influence
the agenda of the black feminist movement, Some black nationalist NBFO
members wanted to remain independent ofwhites. espedally Ms. They be·
lieved in a policy ofself·determination and, subsequently, did not think the
NBfO should accept free office space from Jane Galvin-Lewis's employer,
the Women's Action Alliance: grants from white·led organizations: nor
anything else from llonblad: sources." Adversaries of black feminists could
al.>c use white fmaneial support as proof that black feminists "sold out" or
were in collusion with the white power structure. Sloan. as the chair of the
NBFO, diredly confronted this dilemma of co.optation, pointing out that
black social and political institutions showed no support for the organiza-
lion. Realizing Ihe implications of low membership returns on dues and
Ihe magnitude of the NBFO'S ambitions, Sloan thought it foolish to turn
down strings-free grants from political allies."
In the case of the NABF. this assertion rang true. as the executive board
members, p,articularly the executive director, personally paid for organi.
zational expenses when member dues fell short. Bu!, the NABF devised a
unique system that effectively circumvented white allies' donations from
1Il1111encing the organization's activities or mission. It developed three
rrll'mbl.'rship categories: members, individual affiliates, and organizational
atliliatcs. Only black women could join as NABF members, but whites and
black men were allowed to sign on as individual affiliates. Other organiza.
Iions, such as academic departments, unions, and other women's organi·
z~tiorls. signed on as organi2.ational affiliates. In this ~rrangement of af·
filiates. constituents who believed in the "ABF'S goals could supportthc
organizations Financially without exerting inappropriate influence.
a'·crall. black feminist Qrganizations had few material resources to rely
Oil oc'Cause their constituents, black women, had few material resourcC'll

10 givl'. Middll'·c1ass blacks with disposable income were already beholden

10 sororities. churches, and mainstream civil rights organizations whose
l.tu~ls may have sUPllOrted Iraditional su roil'S mon' in line with their per-
IIOnal aspirations. 11 was an ironic andllnforl11llatc position for black femi-
nists: the very people who needed these org:miutions the most could nnt
afford 10 sustain tm-m. Black women did have nonmaterial goods. sllch as
their time and skills, but they faced simibrchaUengt-s in how their identity
impilCted the availability of those resources.
Members' contributions to their blilCk feminist organiutiollS took the
form ofoffice work. input at meetings. active participation on committees.
service in speakers' bureaus, theorizing, and writing to spread the word
about bbck feminism. Black feminist organiutions also receivt'd in·kind
donations that both helped sustain them and built coalitions wilh allies.
lneT"'WA and HIFO. for instance. accepted donations ofoffice space from
a Manhattan church lind Ihe Women's Action Alliance. respectively. Com·
bahee: held its meetings at the Cambridge Women's Center and accepted
in·kind donations of meeting space for their Black Women's Network Re·
treats. Black feminists and their allies operated from a grassroots position.
bartering nonmaterial resouT«S to .support the social movement comlnu·
nity of feminists, leftists. radicals, and black nationalists.
Dependence on nonmaterial resources also had it hcnefits and draw·
bac.ks. Black feminist organizations T~uired memllel"5 to contribute to
the organiz:otions in return for membership, but organizations also con·
tended with blKk women's availability issues. Black women, as collec·
tively discriminated.against beneficiaries. sometimes worked more often.
for longer hours. and for less pay than their white counterparts. Struc'
tural impediments 10 black. women's participation in the predominately
white ffmi"ist movement also hindered black women's involvement in
black feminist organizations. And. unlike white feminist organizations.
black feminist organizations faced the problem of how 10 remain acces'
sible to black women who could not participate in the organiutions for
Ihe very reasons that black feminist organiutions e_isted. [n effect. black
feminists did not know how to negotiate class dilferencl'S between black
women that dl'termined lhe a\lllilability of women to participate in orga·
niutional growth. Ralher than turning toward e_clusivity rooted in class
disparities-availability. disposable incoml".lcisure time for org;mizing-
many black feminist organizations opted to allow as many black woml'n
as possible 10 claim membership in trn:ir organizations. Such a policy reo
sulled in inflated membership numbcts for black feminisl organiUltions.
but few actual resources.
Sincl' no one was paid for her work in II1Jimaining the organization,.
black feminiSIS' benefits were thdr !lUCial and political interaClions with
one another. 81ack women alllO hoped lhat in the 10llg rUIl, by thdr I""r·

86 ~l! .. t}l .. C A .. on... IIT

Iicipation in thesf: org;miunions. fllCist. sexist. heterosexist. and clauist
discrimination would bl.-endicated. a[lowing for material gains in society.
In the meantime. through organiutional membership. black feminists
gained new ways of viewing themselves as capable organizers and leaders
of a new movement.
like the emergence narratives. the leadership structures of black femi·
nist organizations reflecltheir position at the intersedion of race. gender.
and class. Althollgh they struggled against discrimination on both fronls.
black feminist organizations would have been markedly different had they
argued for incorporating solely race or gender. Instead they developed a
black feminist political yiewpointthat would accommodate their racial /lrsd
gender concerns. By coming together and discussing their experiences.
black feminists realized that they could form organizations independent of
black me" and white women that would address their particular survml
issues based on the intersecting nature of oppressions.
Black feminist organiutional structures were based on civil rights and
women's movement models. but these organizations developed innova·
tions that considered how the matrix of domination influenced hierarchy.
Attentive to the limits placed on women in other organizations. black femi·
nists worked to have elPlitarian orgarlizations thai considered the varying
political perspectives of black women. Moreover. black feminists tried to
incorpor.lte a class analysis into devising their organizational structures so
lhal as many black women as possible could participate in the organizing
of a black feminist agenda despite economic or educational limits.
4 * .LACK WOMI.ol IIIUII

AI .... INIIT ISSU"

81ack women faced the dilemma ofa hypcrvisibilily based on slerl'olypl'S

in lhe u.s. race and gender structure. As, noted in chapter I, derogatory
images of black women as mammies, sapphires, and jezebels persisted
from sbvery through theemergcnce of black feminist organizations in the
late 1960s. Black women were visible, but not on their own temls. Mono·
lithic definitions of feminism and black nationalist assertions that femi·
nism was an unviable ideology for black women reinforced blackfeminisl
invisibility. The task then. for black feminist organizations. was to engage
in self·definition that countered stereotypes, to define feminism on their
own terms, and to draw black women to their organizations.
Black feminists organizations refll'<:ted their interstitial polit ics between
the black and women's liberation movements by addressing race and gen·
der dimensions of social justice. These organizations p:Hticipated in tradi-
tional forms of organizing. such as rallies, marches. and the underground
press. However, they also orchestrated projl'<:ts specific to their definitions
of black feminist issues, including black feminist gatherings and alterna·
tive education that contextualized black womeu's lives as a complex inter-
action of identities. Thl' challl'ngc in organizing activities that spoke to
black women was to illustrate the intersecting issues of race and geuder.
The Comhahee River Collt'<tive's antiviolence work in Boston. in which it
protested and worked in coalition with white feminists and local black orga-
nizers in a group called CRISIS to demand police accoulitability in investi·
gating the murders of twelve bbck women, is documented as an example
of black feminists' enactments of interstitial politics.'
Black feminists eUllagcd in activities thai put thell! at odds with sortie
white feminist orll3nintions and Slntgglcd to expand Ihe: definition of
what precisely consliluted a "feminist issue: Work on behalf of poliliu
prisoners is a useful example of contention between mainstream white
feminists and black feminists around legitimating certain issuC'S as ract
or gender issues, but not both. Sensitized to the FBI Counterintelligencf
ProgrJ.m's (COINTH'1l0) disinformation umpaigllS and brutal treatmenl
of dissidents. black feminists knew fil"1thJ.nd the importance of applyin@
black feminist critiques 10 black women prisoncl"1, in particular.' For tl(.
ample, the NUF took an ;Ktive role in the Cassandra l'eten Defense Com·
minee. Peten. a black woman from California, was serving a ten·year sen·
tence for defending herself and murdering her abusive husband. Long
berorccontemporary legal recognition ofbancred women's syndrome, the
NASf, through fund.noising and advocacy, brought to light the connections

between jXltriarchal violl'nce and punishment based on racism and sex·

ism. The organization used thl.- retell cast as an example to highlight do·
ml'stic violence issues in its members' ~raphic; area. In anothl'r ex·
ample of antiraciSI, feminist activism on the part of black feminists, the
Third World Women's Alliance's Frances 8eal observes that white femi·
nists fn:quciltly questioned the TWWA'S commitment to women's issues
bt.'Cause many white feminists chose to define narrowly a feminist agenda
as solely concerned with gender. At the 1969 New York City ·Libenotion
Day" parade. Beal recalls thatlhe TWW" poorticipaled in the parade in hopes
uf attr3("ting more ....omen of color to the organization, Members carried
S'j.(llS lhat read. "Free Angela" to highlight the case of Angela Davis, then
untlcrground and eluding law enforcement authorit in. During the parade,
a member of NOW allegedly ran up to TWWA members ;and laid them,
·Angela Davis has nothing to do WiTh ...., omen·slibl'ration.· Beal replied. "It
li~s nOlhing to do ....ilh Ihe kind of liberation you're talking about .. , but
11 h:l..'l everything to do with the kind of liberation we're talking abou!."'
ThiS illt('r~ction highlights th.. purpose of black feminist activity: the kind
01 Illll'f,ltion the TW"''' alluded to was a liberation that encompassed the
,,\Ultlpll' aspl'Cts ofbbd women's and women of color's identity. Through
vi~lhlc protL'St, ;and perhaps frequent clashes wilh white feminists, black
It'minist orgal1izations pushL-d for an e~pallsion ofthl' lived meaning oflib·
rl~lion and women's issues. Ifwonwn's lib<-ration were truly to be about

.11 womcn. white I<-minists would have to relinquish their proprietary hold
011 111O\'cment goals ~nd organizing t;Ktics.
'l1l1olllo:h increased visibility, puhlic stalements, ~nd education, black
1t'lllIuist olganizalions empowered black wOlllen to critically rngage with
le",iJ"~lIl as an IdeolOKY that could f.W~IC social chan~ in their lives and
the livelihood of black communilics. Integral 10 these aClivilies was a con·
stant rleK0tiation belween sepanlism from andco.alitions wilh white femi·
nisls and black liber.ltion activisl$ iIJld organiulions. Uhimlllely, mosl
bllKk feminist organiziition activities, such as nt'ighborhood health fairs.
impacted black communities at the gnssroots level, but this doe!l nol di-
minish Ihe importance of ~ aclivitit'S in the struggle against social
injuslkt'.
In the remainder of this chapter. tilt' activities of the five organizations
studied demonstrate black feminist organi:z.ations' attempts to disseminate
their puticular views about black feminism, as well as recruit new memo
bers 10 their organizations and adherents to black feminism as a viable ide-
ology. The Third World Women's Alliance and Black Women Organized
for Action published an underground newspaper lTripUJr{lpardy) and an
organizational newsletter (W1Ull It IsQ, respectively, Ihat served as infor-
mational conduits for members and a recruiting tool for potential allies to
black feminist idcolOl;Y, The National Black Feminist OrganiZillion's East·
ern Regional Conference. the National Alliance of Black Feminists' Aller-
native School. and the Combahee River C0l1C(;t~'5 Black Women's Net-
work Retreats did much of the work ofenhancing visibility by lIrming bllKk
women with answers to their questions and doubts about black feminism,

Organizaliotud and Umkrgrownd PublWling

Organizational newsit'llers and newspapers served a dUllI purpose for black:

feminist organi:z.ations and, as such, were a vah.llIble tactiul tool. First,
some blxk feminist orllaniZiltions discovered sooner than others that pub.
lications were criticallodisscminaling information to members and mobi·
lizing them for action. Publications were also black feminist organizations'
moSI succt'SSful recruiting tool because they allowed clear demarcation of
the conneclions between race and gender uppression lIS they related to
black communities,
Thrl'f' of the five black feminist organiZillions published a newsletter or
newspaper at one time or another during their existence. CombahtT did
not publish a regular newsletter, but its members, spe<ifically ll.everly and
Barban Smith. wrote about black women's rcsponses tothe COlnbahu Riwr
Collu:tivt: Stllleml:nl.' TIll' other eKception, the NAil', published a monthly
calendar ofevents frul1l 1976 III '980. As such. it indicates the NAif'S r3.llb'C'
of activitit'S and served 10 mobilb.e rnember1l3tm",d organi7..alional even",
including feminist conferrnces, p:lrlicipat,oll in Ihe NAif COnSCIOUSn/:SS'
raising sessions, and org;mi:t.ltional committee work. The "BFO published
three issues of its newsleller in Janu:uy 1975 in an effort 10 COOlle(:t its mI-
tional office to chapt!'rs in formation. Allhoullh the newsletter delivered
information about the organization's activities, feminist legislative inilia-
ti\"('!l, and Upcominil national conferences, it came too late. The organiza-
tion was alre;ldy in decline. and the newsletter did not convince members
that they were part of a ulvageabll' endeavor.
The TWW" and BWO" publications offer the widest range of material
available for analysis of black feminist organizations' activities. 1"heTII'W"'S
newspaper. Trip~ Jeopardy, published at least ten issues from 1971 to 1975.
The BWO"'S newsletter. Wlull II Is!, was published monthly from 1973
to '980 with rotating publication responsibilities among its members.
Members of both organizations wrote in-depth artic.1es about women's
issues as they rel;,atl"d '0 women of color and wrote about issues or inter-
l'st to the wider communities. For bath organizations, these publiGllons
allowed biack women to gain c1lpI'rience in writing, interviewing. small
Ilress publishing. and other journalistic skills as part of their leadership
Ut'Vl'loprnent.
In addition to dcvelopinilleadership skills among members, black femi·
nists' publiGtions reflect the evolution of feminist thought as parallel to
while feminists, blll also innovative in its incorporation of race and class
into feminist analysis. The TWW"'S Triple Jeopardy. while publishing femi·
nist critiques of consumerism. beauty standards, and political aspects of
....olllt'.n·s health, also incorporated an ;,anti-imperialist and antiradst analy.
SIS Into its publication. Articles and poetTy about women's roles in libtora·
t,on struggles in Angola. Mozambique. Chile, Cuba. Puerlo Rico, and Viet-
lIam and analyses of women of color political prisoners in the U.S. were
printl'd alongside critiques of domestic issues, such as Watergate and cor·
IKnale welfare. For cumple. the first issue of Tripk JeOf'"rdycontained ex-
tensive covl'rage of prisolll'rs' rights issues. it published a lisl of dem:lnds
followinil the Alliea prison uprising that included adequate food. waler.
:Iud shelter for :III inm:lles: an end to censoring r.-:ading m:llerial: and reli·
Illous and political frttdom.
l11e issue :llso covered the assassination of political writer and activist
Gt'ol~e jackson at 5.an Quentin I'rison, drawing attention to discrepancies
In unidal reports about his murder, :Iud it published an appea.l for funds
by 111(' l'W"''' Legal Commill("(,, in defenseofrwwI\ ntl'mber Kisha Shakur.
who was t'llsnart'tl in the machinations of tiM' ~B', COl Nntr~o-driven Gse
1I1t-l1l1s1 her husband. [)lIuruba Rill Wahad. :lnd accuscd of playing a roll~

.IACk wo.....·\ 'UUU AND ' ... IN" .. 9'

in the murder of two police offi~rs.' Accomp;lnying the aMide waS:,i let-
ter from Shilkur detailing her treatrrlCnt. as well as that of immigrants de·
tained in the }ail. Cover.age of political prisoners Ile:rvW to link thcTWW... ·S
concerns about the iniudicious use of law enforcement and the growing
imprisonment offemale political xtivist!.
Triple JUlfK'rdy also coveored a range of local and national issues that
linked together Ihe organil.iltion·s anti.imperialist. antiracist. antisexist
agendas. Frequent features tackled the day care issue. Although day care
was an issue that predominately white feminist organizations covered.
TripleJUlfK'rdy linked the need for day care not only to women's work lives,
bUI also to the intersection of city. state. and federal policies surrounding
welfare as they impacted the well.being of communities ofcolor.
The writers in Triple Jropardy also wrote about cultural issues and their
larger political significance. In an article titled "Feminine Stink Mystique:
Real dissects how the promotion of commercial feminine hygiene prod·
ucts merely distracts women of color from racism. unemployment. dran·
inllthird world men into imperialist aggression. and drug addiction." A
bilingual (Spanish/English) article covered a Puerto Rican women's work-
shop held at Hunter College that engaged the TWW" members in guerilla
theater as a tactical tool to build interorganizational understanding and to
invigorate the groop's antiClpitalist protests! Workshop p;lrticip;lnt.s. for
inslance. developed a .skit that dr..m..ti<ted what they thought poor women
in a tea commercial would say were it accur.ate: "HUT wo"" ... I<I: When you
drink Tetley Tea. you are getting the finest tea leaves from my country,
Indonesia, It i.s picked by workers who are exploited by Tetley. getting low
wages and living in sub·human conditions: n.e skit goes on to dr.lInatize
similar t'xploitation in other countries. noting the draining of natural reo
sources as the price of a cup of tea.' It was characteristic for Triple Jtopardy
articles to connect the !ie(!mingly everyday. mundane aspects of women of
colors liVt'S to glo~1 implications.
As mentioned in chapter 2.. the Fill'S COl NTELPr.O initiative conducted
extensive, often repetitive, summaries of Triple Jwpardy. In particular. it
noted contac!S with those considered en('mies of the stat~; Anlicla Davis.
Puerto Rican nationalist1.olita l.ebr6n,any and all contact with Vi('tnanJ('S!'
wom('n. and sympathies or conuct with Cuba
Triplt J~oflClrdy's range ofcontent relll.'1:ted the TWW/l'S far·reaching goals
and political principles.' The TWill... fOCllsL'tl on bringing the organizations.
its memhen;. its rL'Cruits. and its pot('rrtial alJir'$ into agrL'I.'lIlcnt on tilt'
ideologic;u and pl"llctical applic3tions of its third world, socialist f~minist
pt'rspecti~ on a r.mgc- of issues.
BWOA'S Wh4It II h!, on the oth~r h3nd, provided fewer dues for ana-
lyzing mobilization strategies, but many more opportunities for ~ing
black women in 3ction. W1u!1 /I h!, a monthly newsletter distributed to all
dues-Iliying membt'rs of the organization, offered servicn such as job an-
nouncements, health information, political endorsements, and financial
advic~. Th~ newsletter also served as a morale builder among its members.
heralding its mt'mbers' achievements and reaffirming members' collectiv~
identity conmx:tions to the organization.
The editors of What It Is.' reminded members of the importance of
persistently asking. How do black women fit into this picture? For e~·
ample. a awo" editorial critiqued Bu.ek Ellk:rprise, an African American fi·
nandal magazine, for succumbing to capitalism and its pobrizing d'fects
on black communities. Several Bu.ek Ellterprise articles ignored discrimi-
nation against black women in businCSll in favor of cxt~nsive analysis of
competition between (white) wom~n and blacks (men).'°The .... 0"·5 news-
letter also indudtod political analysis. (onsistently eKamining the impli-
(at ions of the organization's political endorsements of candidates or bal-
lot measures as they impacted bbck communities. and black women in
particular.
'nnough their publications, black feminisl organizations hoped to de·
li~r on incentiv" promised to members. With limited resources, bbck
feminists relied on their own abilities to disseminate information about
their activities by calling upon members to take active leadershi p posit ions.
I'ulliishint; newsletters. newspapt'rs. and other publications allout black
women and feminism allow<.'d black women to share leadership responsi·
hilities and affirm their common identity as activists. As mustcaled by the
~"8f's ~pliT from the NBFO. wilhollt active communication, members felt
disconnected from The organizational bodies and questioned the strength
oflhe black feminist movement.

Co.ifertllcirtg (IS (I Site for ConSl:ioI'Srte15.Rllising

fmll Mobiliz/llion

The .... 8 FO'S Eastern Ikgional Conference (~RC) is 3 notable event in black
lenllnist orllanizing history bccauSl.' it was the first time a lafllC' number
of blxk women IlJlherecl 10 dl90CUSS feminism. There were. historically_
many black women's gatherings to address gender and rac;e ~I they im-
pac;ted bLxk women's lives, but none did so within an explkitly feminist
framework. Tho: uc is also 11 unique case study for the opportunity it offers
to examine black and white feminists' reactions to this incipient move of
defining a place for bl3d:: women in the women's liberation movemellt,
Specifically. white feminists' !;Overage of the event for th.. underground
feminist newsp;lper o.O"ol'r bac~s (oob) and white ~nd black feminists' lellen;
to feminist publkations in response to the conferenc;e provide a lens for
gauging the NBro'S potential as ~ defining center ofblacl: feminist politics,

Noting the 'enonnous pressure' on blad< women 1I0ttO join tM women's

liberation movement. a group of black women announced the formation
of the National alack Feminist Organization this August. ... Margaret
510all. an Editor ~t M$_ Maga:tine and co· founder of the organization, uid
the majority of black women have rejected what they believe an' nega·
tive stereotypes of women in the women's mOlll'rnl'nt. Ho"""",,er. she men·
tioned recent polls indica.ting black women', interC'$t in feminist issues.
... TIlt' group hopes to sponsor a black women's mnfen-nce in New York
this November."

So noted the beginning of oob's extensive covt'r.lge of thl- NRfO·S Eastern

Regional Confl."rence. A small NafovolUnll'l'rgroupstrategized about how
to gather enough black woml."n to build on the group·s founding discus-
sion of black women's sUl"livaJ concerns. To that end, members organized a
weekend.long conference at Ihe end of 197} in space donated by Calhedral
of St. John the Divine in ~"bnha"an, whose congregation was long known
for a oommitmem to supporting progIT'SSive. gr.lssroots social change.
Various sources report altl"t1dance as a.nywhere from 250 to 500 black
women at the nc." The conference was originally inlend.-d to be limited
10 only tOOse black women on the East Coast. mainly beuuse the organiz·
ers did not believe, despite the phone ca.Jls to the contrary. that their initial
press conferl."nce announcing their formalion received Widespread noticl'
outside that geographiC arl."a. WOrnI'll did (ome from e151."Whl."re ill New York
and from Massxhusetu, Pennsylvania, and Washingtoll, D.C.. but they
also came ftom as fa.r :tway as Illinois, California. Texas, and Mississippi.
The N~ York Times ran a fl."w column inches on the organiUlion's forma·
lion and mentioned the conferelKe. but it remains diflicult to account for
Ihl." JUbseqUl'l1I three hUl1dR'd to four hundrl'd (ails the following day, and
the altl'ndall(1l of", ulally WOllwn at the fiIIC, It Is likely that must black
women heard about the conference through word of mouth in the femi·
nist network-not only from black women who considerl.'d attending, but
also from white and black feminists who read about the conference in off
our bach and spread the word to black women friends and fellow activists.
Conference participation was limited to black women, but white female
reporters were allowed to attend the keynote speeches. They could not,
however, attend workshops or plenary sessions. Men were excluded from
allendance completely. and black female reporters were asked not to reo
port on the closed sessions, in order to allow black women to speak freely
without intimidation from the press presence.
The conference offerings included about twenty workshops that focused
on making the ethos of"the personal as political" relevant to black women's
lives. Workshops included disCllssions of "black women and the struggle
for child care. welfare. womcn's liberation, politics. the church, media.
labor force, homosexuality. cultural arts, female sexuality, prisons. addic·
tion and education:" Connecting gender and race were the explicit goals
for the workshops. but organizers also hoped that women attending the
conference would see the necessity for the organization's existence and
cnntrihute ideas for putting into practical action the N ~FO'S mission state-
ment. The conference was one ofonly a few meetings since the group's in·
ception about two months before, and. as such, the workshop discussions
likely focused heavily on making concrete race and gender connections to
the topics at hand.
In addition to the worksbops, conference participants heard keynote
speeches from Margaret Sioon, Florynce Kennedy, and Shirley Chisholm.
tn each instance. these women-all clearly advocates offeminism-did the
work of selling the stage for formulating the parameters of and launching
a black feminist movement. However, the work that they had done on the
individuallevcl and in their writing. convincing black women that femi·
nism had applicability to the social. economic, and political dimensions of
black womanhood, became the b.asis for much debate thatlastl.'d through.
outlhe weekend. On the First night of the conference. Sloan addressl.'d the
risk involved in attending the ERe; "Some of you are here out of curiosity.
~ollle oUI of arrogance. and some out of fruslration and IOlll'liness. TIlerI'
are lots more of us who didn't make it beuuse they were pressured not
to come:" In acknnwlcdging the risk. she validated women's conRicted
f"'ding~ about attending the conference and all those who had written the
N RfO aner its press confl'n:nce. However, this acknowledgement of dispa.
rate motivations also opened up a spac::e for disagreement about the pur·
pose of the organiutlon.
An informal discussion emerged folklwing Sloan's welcome, in which
NUO cofounden; addressed conference ~rticip.mts' questions around
blxk women and feminism. Oob's white feminist reporters, perhaps out of
the arrogance that SIOiln spoke of, reinfon:ed black women's invisibility by
narrowing its reporting on the subj~t to fl"minism's impac::t on "women"
and "bIKks." Reporter Fran Po1lner, for instance, stated that the black femi·
nists' discussion "centered mainly around two issues: the racism of white
women and an angry reluctance to be affiliated with the women's move-
ment. and the absence of any emphasis on aligning with black men to
fight the general opprl":'lsion ofblack people."" ThrougooUl the offOIlr bach
coverage. white reporten;' feelings of aHen;ation were repeatedly recen·
tered, thus reinforcing black women's criticism of white feminists' appar·
ent obsession with massaging their white guilt in lieu of simply listening
and truly grappling with ..-acism.
The black women in a"endmce althe opening discussion npressro an
array ofpen;peetives on why they had attended the ~Rc::. Two women, both
described as memben; of HOW, detailed thrireXJll"riences of rxi$m within
thai organiulion. ranging from bring mislaken for one another rthey all
look alike.") to having their ideas about feminist issues relegated to the
margins of the movemenl." Other women 3StUleJy noted lesbian.haiting
and nationalist conspincy theories as facton; in the reluctance of many
black women to attend the meeting. Yet one woman came to the defense
of black men's potential as allies, using herown marriage as;m example of
feminism's positive impact on her relationship:" He has beIm edUGlted",
and he pushed me to this meeting. People think that all black feminists are
single ... but it [feminism] made my marriage better."" Such affirmations
of feminism's libra tory potential for black women, the: lingering doubts.
and perhaps disavowals of lesbianism by some heteroscl{ual women would
prove to be kindling for the remainder oflhe conference weekend's fiery
discussions. Voicing these perspectives gave nc ~rtici~nts the space to
air their apprehension, but it also began to show them the pluralityofblack
women's political thought.
It was importantlhat black women were allowed a black feminist gather.
ing as a spx~ for openly debating their role in feminism, and it wa~ a dis·
cussion that occurred repeatedly in dilferenl organi7.ation~, Howt'vr:r, thc'
purpose of thc conference was to ccnter Ihe el{pcrlences of black WOlllen,
nolto continually focus on white women's racism and countering acCUSill-
tionsor male bashing ororJesbiillnism. Black women's lellers to the editors
of Ms. following the conferen<:e belie less of a focus on these lWOd)'Jlillm,cs
as reported in oob iIInd more on the overwhelmingly positive experience of
allending a eonreren<:e of like·minded black women." For -'Orne women,
this willS the firsltime they were thinking about feminist issues or coming
out of the isolation of their respeclive communities to speillk with other
black women about gender issues. J quote e~tensivelyfrom their lellers be·
cause it is imper.llive todocumentlhillt process of self·definition-a highly
valued tenet of blxk feminist theory-thillt evolved from nc conf("rence
parlicipation.

The conference was both ~ promise and a waming for me. A promise be·
cause t now know for a faCI th~1 we have wilh,n us the strength (as we
redtfined ·strength·) to fight and fr« ourselves of our ~oppressions,
break down our dcfenJ;C$ against Ncb other and get on with the largl'r
hattles. A warning because, ~s the sister said. ·We are all damaged."Ws a
milllignant damagt that grows and spreads. within and wilhout.l ftll we
broke through to ill shared undeutandingof some ofthe ways in which we
are oppressed by ourselves and by each otner as wtll as by our society.
-Suzanne Lipsky. Brooklint, MassachuSt'lIs

I realized at the N&FO collftretlce thai it had been much too long since I 5.ll1
in a room full ofblack "'"vmen :and. unmid ofbeing made to f«l pC<:u·
liar. spoke about things that mattered 10 me.... I asked myself: Who will
securt from ntg.Icct and slander those women who have kept OUt image as
black women clean and strong for ""? And at the conferrnce, I met wonlen
who are eager to do this job.
-Alice Walker. lackson. Mississippi

When my mother first asked me togo with her to the first Eastern Regional
Confttence on Dlack Feminism. t thought it would be a good ch~nce for
us to be together withoul my \w(I brothers and my f3lher. When Ihe confer·
"lICe began and J realized what t was re~lIy taking part in il. J felt so excited
I could h~rdly keep myselftogethef. ... My mother and I are prol>;ably the
only bl:loCk ftminists in lown. NOlleoftheyoung blrl women ~t my school
3rr intcrrslcd in rf'~lIy contributing to the liber~tion of hl~ck people..
11~y tell me feminism is dumb and stupid. II was ~ wono:krful feeling to
fiud 110 many tQi:ethcr bl3ck women who think feminism is imporlant. I
felt w~nll ~nd a1i~e and plIrt ufwlIlcthing important 3nd good.•• , I found
 tlu.t it didn't nuke any diRhence 10 any oftlle women tlu.t I W;lS U ~ars
old. E~n in the two workshops I attended, all the sisters made me feel
that I was want~ and that my ideas and thoughts counted.
-HaJima Malika Taha,Ossining, New York

lbese Ictlcr~ strongly echo runet«nth.«,ntury black "10mI'll who called

upon black woml'n to define who they wantM to be in spite of racist and
sexist oppression. They al$(! serve as a testament 10 Ihe continuity of that
thought and ils importance in contemporary times. Other black women's
letters told of previous eXJX'riences with a<::tivism that made them wary
of attending the ERe. but they came anyway and were surpriSC'd at what
they found:

T1lI" beautifullhing about It {the confer,,"cel was that we were able 10!IeC
each other as women. Period. Not as Southern black women, or profes.
sional black women. or welfare mothers, or hou~hoId workers, or coUege
students or middll'·class black women or poor black women or light· or
dark·skinned black woml'n Or gay or straight black WOmen. We were able to
do what white feminists have faib:! todo: transcend class lines and eradi·
calc labels. B«ause we cannot afford the luxury of splinter grou!"'. we
recognize that rhis one organization must ;address the needs of aU hlad"
feminists.
-Aslu.ki Hahiba. Taila. Ossining. New York

For foutY"ars, as a block lesbian feminist, my exprriences in rebtingand

working have been with white women (feminists and lesbians) and one
other black woman. At the ,nro conference. rhe workshop that was most
Ix-nelicial fur me W;iS the on(" on tIll' "Triple Oppression orthe Black Les·
bian."Thtore were abour 30 W{lffien ...·00 participated in the workshop...
Educating the black community about the oppression of black lesbians.
helping the black community to understand that lesbians are people with
needs, f~lIngl. wd rights. and developing a working relationship with
our heterosrxual sist~ were sel as priorities.
- Mary Faye Roe. Austin. Texas

I came to the", BTO conference till"'" with skepticism. Jlll'r roo many con·
c1aves of black sisters where the subject was suppoK'lily tis. bur .... hkh
had ended sadly, for the sisters felt guilty to ~en be thinking al>oullh"m.
""l~s as prople. whilt- other liberation ~trugg1ellllurgro. ConR'llurntly.
thl'Y WCIl' alway~ Ilt-stllw::tivr e~pl'riellc"". lJut thill time was diflerenr..
 To have b«n a part of that moment wm-n million, of crumpled cfu,amJI
;md aspirations sprang b.>ck to life will always be my proudl:llt moment.
-Clarey )onl'S, Harrisburg, Permsylv;mia

l1le letters to Ms, and the conference question,and-answer session

hrought together women who did not consider them!lelves Ktivists and
some who had already worked in activist groups. Both groups of leuer
writers ffild in common their heady idealism about the potential of the
"BFo and blxk feminism, As thl" nut chapter discusses, to assert that
black women Wt"re above the identity differences that split predominately
white feminist groups was premature. Still. with the rise ofa black middle
class in the 1970s, class status-educational or economic-was increas-
inglydividing the spaces in which black women could convene and discuss
th.,ir common issues, making the euphoria of these letl('rs understandable.
Differences in black women's views about whether to adopt feminism,
dt'Spite the reflections of writers to Ms. magazine. remained contentious,
In fact, coverage of the [kC in one black publication starkly demonstrated
thl" uphill battle black feminists and the t<BFO would face if they persisted
in asserting a feminist presence in the blackcommunily. Enc<Jrt magazine's
Apri1197<t issue featured the covet story 'Women's lib Has No Sou!." TIll.'
cover depicts an African American woman in an African.print coat with
a fur collar. Standing proud with an Afro and an outstretched rejecting
hand, she appears to be staving off the advances offeminism. Feminism is
represented by thecartnon character Olive Oyl, dressed in drag as her male
suitor. Popeye, and offering the righteous black sister a can of, prcsum·
~hly. "f('minist spinach." Cleverly signa.ling a black rejedion of feminism
~s merely an attempt by whitf' women to assume the role of white men in
a bid rOT strength, thf' cover only scratched the surface of bias and virulent
disdain for blilCk femini$m in Encore's reporting on the IIIC.
III an art ide cntitled ~Brenda Verner Examines 'Liberated' Sistcr$: Ver-
ner offertod a scathing critique of the conference rooted in tradition~l no-
liuIIS offemini$m as irrelevant to black women, revisionist hi$tory of black
WQlTllon'S p;ltticipation in tlte women's movement. ~nd homophobia." Be·
fure('V('1l reading the article, it is easy to intuit the conclusions Vcrnerdrew
f,om the aforementioned cover, the choice of pull-quotes (those quotC!l
llscd to draw attention to the ankle's lllorc provocative points), and the
,.l((nml"1nying illustrations. TIle pull quotes rl"~d, "Black men wcre not al·
10w,'tI ~I tht conference: -TIle organization adoptt'd all of the While Femi·
O

lIi~1 ~flrroacht~o~ anti "Members of the IoIl1fO sang Whit~- feminist songs
to ~ach other." Of two accompanying illustrations, on~ repr('ll('nt~ femi-
nists as strident, open·mouthed. halter-top-wearing, AfrOI'd harpies-de.
spite the wardrobe update, a not unfamiliar depiction in which women who
adVOl:ate women's rights are seen as too vocal." Taken together, the ilIus·
trations and quote'S had the import of giving very lilll~ cr~it that black
women could define their own position vis-~·vis feminism.
Feminism was always already defined as a "white thing: resulting in
a perspKtivt' from whkh the "BFO could not emerge as distinctive from
white women's organizing. While off Ollr llach reporters perspectives cen·
tered on how Florync~ Kennedy's spe«h off~nded them as white women
(dl"spite the fact that Kennedy was one of the few black women to work
in coalition with white feminists on a regular basis), Verner's reportage
r~asserted the feminism-as·irrelevant·to·b1ack·women party line Slating
"it seems as if Kennedy was involving herself in an 'in-family' quarre!.""
Verner likened Kennedy's speech to that given by Sojourner Truth in 1851
at a women's suffrag~ conv~nlion, portraying it as merely ~the ant~belJum
imag~ of African woman as protector of the master's house and his chil-
dren-only now, she is helping to protect the interests ofthe master's wifr."
Contrary to popular. if conlesled!' interpretations of Truth's speech as af-
firming the early connections she made betwft'n race and gender, Verner
argu~ for an interpretation of this and all other assertions of black femi-
nism as merely imitative of while women. and ultimately serving only the
interests of white women in Sl"CUring th~ir plac~ within a white suprema·
cist patriarchy.
V~mer catered to lesbian baiting in hl'r descriptions Of"BfO volunl«rs
workingatlheconferenc~andtheworkshops: ·One woman, approximately

six feet tall. worr~ a man's tan corduroy suit with a blaek turtle neck ~al~r
and carried on~ of several walkie·talki~s that were to be used both inside
and olltside th~ activity areas of the conferencc. A se<ond woman wear·
ing a full Afro, musl~Che. m~n's sweater. pilnts, and ankle boots. appeared
to be Ihe official photographer."" While il may have been more expt.'lIi.
entlo simply say that then' \Yen' lesbians prt'SCnt, Verner implied devianc\'
through her description of cOnferellCe volunterrs' S3rlorial choices a~ evi·
dence of masculine traits and of black fcminists' wanting to be nwn, TIl('
women's height and facial hai r were as central 10Verner's impulal ion ofles·
bianism as her implication that these WOlllen were disp.:ndloCd to keep Ihe
"real" wornen safe with tl..,ir LIS<.' of walkie·talkies and malK"uline drCllll. If
the implication ofOlive Oyl a~ I>opeyc was nol elt"a1 from th\'cover. Verner
imputed furthl'r U;m11,let oflhe: (alleged) nefarious mission offeminism
to convert black worm:n to lesbianism ~nd mak(' them handmaid('ns of
white supremacy.
Of the workshops, Verner observed that though she only glanced at
the agenda, she 'realiz~ that the OT~niutlon did not intend to sponsor
any workshops directed toward open discussions of relationships between
African·Amerion men and women, No workshops were lisled thai were
concerned with the Black family. Black Nationalism, or Pan·Africanism.
Y('tlhere wereworltlhopsenlitled 'Black Women and the (White) Women's
Righls Mov('ment' and the 'Triple Oppression of the BI:;w;k lesbian:' As·
serting that, like their style of dress. black feminists merely mimicked
white worm:n in their apprO.;lCh tOlhese issues, Vl"mer consistently refused
to recognize any agt'ncyon the pilrt of conference pilrtidpants in work·
ing through the strengths and weaknesses of a black feminist movement
for themselves arid that or~nizcrs lacked any dvil rights or bl~ck n~lion·
alist ",tivism in lheir histories. Highlighting Ms. magazine as the confer-
ence's primary fitundi) benefactor-when, in fact, the magazine was one
of two sponsors- Verner's article belied an investment in m~intaining the
Idea that black feminisls were unauthenliolly black and lTilitorous to black
libeTiltion.
Organizers within the N.FO ",-ere portrayed as old...r. reformist, die::·
t~torial agents of whitl" feminism, invested in their own predetermined
agenda. Class and gener.lltion are how Verner expbined that the NIIFO'S
black feminists pushed a $(I-oiled while lesbian femillist agenda. Bl~ck
feminists were, ;tCcording to Veml"r. "old...r womrn who held higher de·
grt"L"S and who were established in higher.salaried positions," who "seemed
all too willing to yield Our cultur.lll and political unity ... for some vague.
emulalive form of White feminism.... In one exchange. VeTJll"r observed
that ~ younger wom~n rightly questioned whether white wom~ would
suhjugate bbck women as domestic servants while they wenllO Women's
l.ib meetings. Wilhout commentary, Verner noled the rcspo"sc of "an
NlIFO member in her e~rly fifties. wcaring a mingled gr~y Afro," who
"lcapl'd to her fel"l. her eyes wild and her fist punching the air" According
to Vl'rner, this woman shouted, "Yell, I work for her! And loveevery minute
of it! I'll work for her while she goes 10 ~ll the meetings she wants! Alld
Il't hcr pay me. White people told me I was pre"y long before ~ny Blacks
did!"" Verner hopes this outburst, taken out ofcontext and uncommenled
un, proved her point; black feminism is about blKk women following be·
hind white ....omen and picking up any SCr.llPS that they leavl" behind. be
<1I..y in the home or the workplace,
 National Black Feminist Organization leaders Margaret Sloan and
Margo Jefferson crarted a reply to Verner's misdirected vitriol. calling her
claims ~horizontal hostility-allowing the powers that be to stroll away
with the real political, economic, and cultural power still in tow:'" Assert'
ingthatthe principles outlined in the '" BfO'S mission statement "are hardly
modern White-p3tentr'd and marketed concepts imposed on passive and
brainwashed Black women," Jefferson and Sl~n disputed Verner's claims
and those ofthc lar~r black community tbat black women wen.. mindless
dupes in a white feminist plot. TIl(')' used black women's heterogeneity as
a defense, but did not attack the homophobia evident in Verner's views:
~The hundreds of women who attended wore men's pants, women's p3nts,

dresses, skirts, combat boots, sling-back shoes, and a host of other clothes
Ihat most of us were too busy to notice.""
The IUfO and its members were only at the beginning of defending
black ftminism against rC'CUrring derision. Undoubtedly, black women
came to the Eastern Regional Conference with doubts and skepticism, but
many also lefl with significantly changed views on the potential for a black
feminist agtnda, organization, and movement and on their potential place
in it.

Allcrnaliw: Educalion

Educating black women about feminism and about themselves was a

duallask lhatlhe "'''Bf took on through consciousnes!Haising workshops
and claSSl'S, Modeled after the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Commit·
tl'i"S Freedom Schools, black feminists d~ised their own schools in bl",ck
communities to teach black history and nise black consciousness about
racism and oppression, The Third World Women's Alliance held "libera·
tion Schools· in New York that were open to people ofcolor communil;"
to examine the intersections of racism, imperialism. ;lIld se~ism through
intcraetive theater and discussion groups.
Taking this civil rights movemenl-based concept one step further. the
NABF devised a plan for a freestanding alternative sc:hool. Eschewing scpa.·
ratist moods. the Alternative S<:hool offered classes and workshops for
members and nonmembers of the "'''SF. for women and for men of all
races. TIle school also often offered workshops for blKk women ol1ly-
usu~l1y tholle rel~ted to conscioUliness·raising and body iSllues, Members

of the NASf served as the sch(l()l's VQlllnt~r ~t~fr. performin~ tuh .. uch

loa H~t:1t wo",o",', 'UlIU A"U •• "',,," ..

~s registering students for d.3Sses, ~nswering phones, preparing refresh·
ments, ~nd, most important, teaching the courses.
Alre~dy engaged in ~ popular education m~nd~te. the N"lf conducted
consciousness· raising sessions from its inception ~s the Chic~goch.1pterof
the NllfO. Afterexpanding its regul~r meeting sp.Jce into ~ 81~ck Wo~n's
Center. the N"IF conducted bimonthly consciousness· raising sessions for
its members and for interested community women.'· Unique to the N.... f.
the organization also held sessions for black men, which cXp.Jnded the con·
nections between gendl"r ~nd raci~1 oppression to masculinity's privileges
~nd opprl"ssive aspects for black men, Other workshops included lil'ssions
on black women's relationships 10 one ~nother, Ihe hislory of fl"minism
and black women's role in it, relationships between black wornI'll and men,
drug awarenl"SS workshops focusing on innovations in birth control, and
political awarenl"SS workshops.
lbc decision to inslitutionalh:e these workshops as the Altern~tive
School curriculum w.lS !>.as«! on increned workshop attendance. but also
on ~ desire 10 figure out how bl~ck feminism applied to d~ily rl"~lities.
lUther than conform its courses 10 dominant assumplions aboulthe defi·
nition of fl"minist issues. lhe N"lf went about constructing courses that
were mindful ofChic:ago's black and women's communities, in p~rticular
black women's plxe at the nexus of th~ community interests. Courses on
fl"minism. for example. provided a historical overview of the movement,
but they inlil'rlN black women into the namltive through Ihe usc of histori·
calterts and secondary sources, such as Cerd~ Lerner's book Bla.:k Women
in While America."
Also in delll~nd at the time were asserliveness tr~ining courses. Basc.-d
on the idea that school. churches. f~milies. ~nd other institutions socialized
women, defined uniformly, to be p;lSSive ~nd subordilUte. the N .. I F offered
bt.-ginning ~nd advanced training designed to push women to define their
I1tl-ds ~nd aS$Crt themselves with conviction. particul~rly in the workplace.
'nlallhe N .. IIF'S Altern~tive S<:hool offered ~sseniveness training presented
~ jnradox as 10 how the organization defined ils mission in rebtionship to
blJck women u individu.als and ascommunity ~mbers.OnIheone hand.
hlJck women were stereotyped ~s always ~Iready assertive as m~inlained in
puhlic policy and black natjon~Hst accusations of a black matriarchy.lbe
Moynihan report and certain black nation~list and civil righls le~ders might
have ar~ued that black wom..,n net.-ded -deassert;vcness" Ir~ining, that is,
to learn how to br submiPlllivl' or step back in the interest of black m~n'
hood. Thus. the NAU'S assertiveness training fl!d into sterl'otypes about
feminism and nationalist paranoia that feminism would takl' blxk women
away from black Itnlggle by lll.lIking them IJl(lre individualistic.
Conversely, if we consider the broader ramifications of this training and
its possibilities for black women, assertiveness training could have proved
to be morl' conducive to black women's potential as full members oftne
black community. While some black women ~re, and still aTe, raised to be
independent and assertive in their work lives, in their community activist
work black women time and again took a backseat to black male leadership.
In this respect, assertiveness training had the potential to encourage black
women to step to the forefront of black leadership. Aoo, given stereotypes
of black women as loud, unruly Sapphires, assl'rtiveness training offered
alternative ways of negotiating stl'reotypes in the dominant culturl'. To
some degree, though, this idea harkened back to nineteenth·century, bour·
geois aspirations offiuing black women into a more "ladylike" mold, alld
it is questionable as to whether this would have been the desired outcome
for many blxk women.
The Alternative School's aClivities were decidedly heterosexist in their
orientation. Although there were courses that explored female sexuality, it
is not apparent from course descriptions that these courses dealt with the
range of black female sexuality. nll~ language of the descriptions is often
gender neutral ("Have you ever had an orgasm with a partner?"). and the-y
doquestion the heterosexual paradigm rOo you prefer sex with a man or a
woman?"). but the courses appear to have been spteifial1y geared toward
heterosexual women's undl'rstanding of their bodies and those bodies in
relationship to men. 1bc: female sexuality course, for example. worked in
tandl'm with the Alternative Schoors course on black male/female rela-
tionships. Brenda Eichelberger and lanie Nelson, NAif founders. cite this
COllTse as one of their most popular." [t w~s open to black wolllen a.nd men
and allowed an open fOTUm to discuss the rumors, stereotypes, and myths
that sha.ped genderi'd, intimate interactions in the United Slates. Although
this course held the prospect of examining black male and female rda.tion·
shipon many levels, for eumple. mothers/sons, fathers/daughters. lovers,
and so on, the discussion topic at least on paper, was confined to black
women and menu intimale partners. DialogUt:on homosexuality remaim
sorely missing from the bl;ock community's discour~ on gender. so it w;l~
a missed opportunity for the I'lAR'S 10 expand on black fl'rninism's impact
on the entire black COll1l11unity. In the face of lesbian baiting. it is under
standable. if not pardon<lblr. that the "AIF did not take advanlage of this
opportunity.
The popularity of the black male/female course translated ioto a mar-
ketable venue for the "Alf to extend its black feminist philosophy to Chi.
cago's black community. This course, as well as the COUIR on feminism.
parlayed into community forums held at local colleges. While it may have
seemed counterproductive for black feminists to continually reiterate why
they were feminists and how this movement related 10 black men and chil·
dren, "Alf members accepted this as part of its mission. This dedication
is evident in the ''''If'S monthly calendars of events. published from May
t976 until September 1979. In addition to listing organiutional meetings
and consciousness· raising sessions. the calen~rs are replete with listings
of talks on black feminism given by "Alf members several timu a month.
While some p«Jple might have been hesitant to seek out the NUf'S Black
Women's Center or Alternative School. these s.ame people could hear <loout
black feminism at 100000I colleges. such as Chicago's Malcolm X College.
Southern llIinois University, and Chicago Slate University. Additionally,
ItAIF members routinely sought lime in local media outlets to reach mar·
ginalized communiti~. 'Thqo parlicipated in radio and tl'lnoision call·in
programs, such as Chkogolalld aM /t$ /'fapk and 1M Shirlry Harris Show,
and they had their own weekly brl»d.cast for fifteen minutes on a Chi·
cago AM stilltion. This txposure led to thl' ""u membl-rs leading asser·
tiveness training and black feminism workshops for a rangl' ofgroups, in-
cluding Chicago.area US. Poslal Sl'rvke woml'n, thl' U.s. Dep;irtmenlof
Energy. the Militant Forum. and the Black Voters of !lIinois. Media op·
portunities and public appearancC$ supplemented the NAIFS A1tematiVl'
School, which may have had limited appeal due to its explicit affiliation
with feminism. The public speaking engagements also supplementtd the
N"lf'S colfers. as the entirt'ty or a large share of honorariums wenl directly
tu runninl:: the organization.
The Alternative School's mission was to provide m altemalive, black,
and feminist education to all who sought il. Members and nonmembers of
N"lf alike discllssed a range of issues ba.sed on Ihe premise that feminism
had another pe'rsp<'Ctive to olrer black women as individuals and members
of the black community. Constantly beingcaJled on to elabonte on the: con'
llectiOll! offt'minism to black women did not prevent ""IF members from
being at1ivc in the women's self.help movemem, the reproductive rights
"ruggle, welfare "SIllS, and employment issues. In fact, through its nu,

.u,,,;.. ,",U"."·I lUll .. "liD 'I"'"I~" 105

m~rous activities, the MAIlF WOl.S on~ of the most p~p;r.n:d organiZOItions
in its Olbility to Olnswer t~ question "What is blOlck f~minism?" and to ex·
p.md upon thOlt definition bued on m~mbel'll' frtqu~nt int~rOlctions with
th~ black community.

SpirillUll. Ideol~lIl, lind EduwlWnlll Ndworking

Th~ llCtivilif'5 that black feminist organiutions conduct('d were. in fact,
strategiC'S for disseminOlting black f~minist ideology to black women. As
we hav~ seen. black feminists enacted a black feminist politic at different
1~ls.11le MillO. as well as the NABF. held 100rg('-sCOlle nOltional conferenc~s
for black women interested in learning more about black women. They
could then take this information md apply it to their own lives or modify it
to fit their needs. However. though th'!')' now knew there were other women
out there who held similOlr political views. som~ blOl.Ck women returned 10
isolated communities and families thOlt might not neces~rily be accept·
ing of their newfound feminism. If the community were educated. as WOl.S
the passibility with the NASf'S Alternativt' School. the intcgr.ltion of black
feminist idellS into community life lll1ly havt' l!ef,n, ifnot simple. accessible
to black women and men. Still. in addition to pUl'lIuing community and
large·scale activitiC$. black feminists continued to work Olt th(' individual
level to define and effect black feminist change. In essence. they worked
to make black feminism visible to the larger community. but also to make
ft'TTlinist activism an edifying space for black women.
The Combabee River Colleaive sought to carve out this spact' through
a series of Black Women's Network Retreats. held spondia.lly from 19n
to '980. Already organizing under the banner of the Combllhee River
Collective since 1971. DemitOl Frazit'r. Beverly Smith. and BarbllrOl Smith
invited a network of politically active women to "assess the state of our
[black feminist] movement. to share information with each other about
our political work and to talk about possibiiitiC$ Olnd issues for organiz·
ing blOlck women."" 11M: retreats wert' conceptualized as an opportunity
for advancing what Combah~ members saw as a burgt"Oning. nationwide
movement. This belief is reflected in the preretreat surveys sen110 poten·
tialp,artidpants.
TIle Combahee BIOlck Women's Network Retreats were clearly about
more than consciousness·rOli~ing. Pnticipants in 1hese retreats were pre·
sumOlbly alreOldy engagL'l! in c011l,dollsnestl.rai~ing in their local communi·
tics, and the retreats, while hopc.'{lto he "polilkOllIy stimulOlting and spiritu.
ally regenerating." were sites for movcment building through enmination
ofthCQry and activist pr.lClic:e." Tbe women invited to the first relreat were
from New York and New England. and they were predominately writers.
induding Cheryl Clarke, Lorraine Bethel, Audre lorde. and linda PowelL
Tbe retreat organizers encouraged partidpants to bring written material.
including their own creative works, relevanl to blad: feminism. Sud! an
invitation encompas.~ed the idea that blad: women creale theory in many
forms-from posilion papers to magazine arlicltos to prose and poetry
-and that further consciousncss-raising would grow from concentrated
interaction.
The first retreat was hdd in South Hadley. Massachusetts, luly 1m.
Five session themes for the weekend were organized using feedback from
the prcretreat surveys. The first session focused on uploring participants'
eJql('ricnces with formal black feminist organizing, 111(')' came from a
range of activist e~perienccs, including reproduClivt' rights. antiviolence,
lesbian feminist, and heahh activism. so this session allowed the women
present to seek out c;ommon experiences as black women organizing
around feminism, as wcll as to begin to find placcs where their organiz-
ing concerns overlapped. Theory and analysis were the goals of the second
session. The starting point for the discussion was The Combuhu Ril'!:r Col,
/utiI'!: Stuull'I<:l'\l. but participants also suggested developing a mOTe spe-
cific black feminist economic analysis th<lln the slatement olfercd, dceper
ex.aminalion of violence in black communities, and exploring the mean-
ing oflesbian separatism for black women. Combahee's Slatement briefly
addressed Nch of these tOpicl, but this retreat olft-red <In opportunity for
womel\ from a widervuiety oflifc expcriences and activist backgrounds io
addition to the statement's authors to add their insights to the document-s
analysis.
Saturday ~fternoon's sessions covered one of the same topics discussed
at the NBFO'S Eastern Regional Conference ~nd in the "AU'S Altern~tivt'
School Feminism course: "Is there a black feminist movement?" This was
a rhetorical question, po$ed hy women who had ~lready decided there was
a movement. but that the movement was in its infancy. To nurture this
movemcnt, ret rut P'lrticipants notcd the barriers they had f;Ked in orgil-
ni:r.ing (e.g" "anti-feminism, repression. ascribed dass ... hl'tcIO$t'Xism,
racism, ageism, sc~ism"). and Ihey strategized methods to overcomt- these
b;miers, including coolition building, collectivism as an organiting tool.
and the pDtenli<lll fur publishing to advanc(" blaek feminist revolutiun. 1m·
Il(I11311tly, th.. aOernoon I'lllllioll alml indudt-d sp.1ce to e~plicitly e~plore
how ~xi~m wa~ racialized in issues ~u(h a~ steriliZOltion abuse. hcahh. and
haltering.
At the third retreat, ~ral women participated in a workshop called
MVisions of Black Lesbianism" that. a~ reflected in extensive notes on the
session. eumined lesbianism in a bbck context. One question they asked
was "What events in black women's lives make lesbianism 'circumstan·
tially impossible' for many of U$~. Responses (e.g.. poverty, self.hatred,
community hostility, and how they combined racism, sexism. and hetero·
sexism) all hinted tOWilrd solutions that would require black lesbians to be
moft'open in declaring their sexuality to confront homophobi3 in the black
community, in other women who were ~truggHng to come out, 3nd within
themselves.
Workshop p,arlicip,ants a150 delved more deeply into Iesbi3nism through
the concept of the woman.uunl!Jitd WOIIlIUl. Citing Toni Cade Bambara's
novel Gorilla, My [avo:, and Toni Morrison's two e..diest novels, "The Slu·
tS' f~ and Su!a. Cheryl Clarke-the note taker for the workshop-posed
the question "Is it just the lack ofsanction or is it m..inly those remnants
of Sl'lf·h3te that keep black women from loving one 3nother whether the
love is ch3ra<:teri~ by s« or not~· Cnanging the direction of the ques·
tion allowed parlicipants to move btoyond sex as the defining chanctt'ris-
tic of seIWllity 3nd nplort' wh3t it meant to havt' intinute relationship!!
with mothers. sisters, aunts, and sister·friends who weft' ..11 interconnected
through ~truggle~ ag;.inst racism and sexism. Awoman·idl"ntified perspec·
tive also allowed workshop p,arlicip,ants thl.- opportunity to discuss how
heterosl"xism functioned for lesbim and stnight women in,lll of their ft'.
lationships. ~xual and nonscru.ll.
TIle fint three retft'ats focused on getting to know onc 3nother ,lnd
coming to a common underst,lnding of bl3ck femini~m ,lnd its issues. As
the retre..t participants continued to meet, and bring other women into
wh.at they now nlled a Black Women's Network (as opposed to becoming
members of the Combahee River Collective). some participants Wilntl'd to
harness the enl"fgy of the retrt'3t and parl,ly it into concrete ..ctivism in the
name of the network. The options were varied. Members could continue
with lheir own local political work and ..ttend periodic network retrcats
to share Inform3tion ..nd organiU' inSights. Or. they could orll3ni1.e ulldl"r
the rubric of the network ,lnd seek ways to !Ustain activity across long dis·
tances. In either ca$(', members ofthl" nelwork and Contb.aht.'t' were: tcllsi·
tive 10 pasl organi~ng experi<"lCes. Linda Powell. an organilCr, reminded
or
the group, ·We have all been part Ilroups that moved "00 far. too fast'
without a dear sense ofdiredion,On the other hand, we've also seen prom-
ising women's orgmiutions strangle on th('irown inactivity and inertia.""
In P'!rticular, some women involved in the network had experienced the
rapid growth of the NBFO and ils subsequent floundering for dil'("Ction. As
a result, nelwork members fell the ~ 10 define their purpose, whether
it was slrktly like·mind~'<! communion or joint political activities.
A couple points of slrain arose among the retreat participants as they
tried to find a produetive outlet for their analysis and conlmon interests.
For one thing, it be<:ame apparenl 10 network members that Ihere were
divisions belween those who were Combahee, Boston-based members and
those living in other pam of New England and the Mid-Atlantic region.
Carroll Oliver. a New York City resident and network member, voiced frus-
tration over the inability of the group to put together a simple newsletter
10 keep retreat participants infonned between rdreats:

If we-'re going to merely get hung up in the p.1ssioll and excitement arthe
retreats and then Later.say "fuck it: ils [sic] one thing. But ifwe're trying
to be .bout some serious work, political education, sharing in. collective
procen and feminist purpose its jsic] hard to understand I:UCtly whats [sicl
happening. The regional thing .nd the problem of distance are part of it I
think bUI th.! is hardly.n excuse since we're presumably aboul building
a network.... [IJfwe'rl: not productive on a collective as well as personal
level, all of our poliliu, analysis and thl-ory are worthless."

Oliver's comments reflect a downside of the retreats. While they were are·
juvenating source for women who were often isolated in their home corn·
munilies, these same women had to relurn to those communities and carry
out their activism in continued isolation unless they manago:d to bring
other people illlo their network of black feminist allies. Clarke exprellseS
this dilemma in her notes to thl- group on the third retreal:"1 really looked
forward to our Retreat, looked forward to talking aboutliteralure, politics,
and each other's lives sinCl~ our Novem~r retreat. My job hu been getting
011 my nerves. I am not too popular with the black male upper level admin·
istration be<:auscofmy style ofassertion."" Perhaps women such as Oliver
aud Clarke retumed "lOre confident and with renewed energy for black
feminism avocation in their aClivism, workplaces, and person.al1ives. Yet.
as Oliver 1I0tes in her corrCOipondence, these same women needed some
type ofsustained conncction in those days of t970S activism that predated
l:1~'CtrOflk mail anti the hreak up of telephone (omp;\lIy mOllopolies th.at
would result In low Iong,distance telephone costs,
 Another point of contention that divided reueat and Combahee memo
ber~ was interpersonal politics. Barbara Smilh noted in hl"r correspon-
dence to the ~roup:

I would Hkt' todo criticism/self·crilique about the political discussion Wt'

h3d on Salllnby momingabout what it means to be Oul. The rt'ason wt'dt'·
ci~ to have that part Kular discussion had to do with a personal sitt.Llllion·

conAicl b!:lween Iltt' and another f't'rson in the group, which only the
women from Boslon were awart' of. They have pointed out how uncon!-
fortablt' they felt knOWing this dimension of what WlIS going on and it 11001
being out on the ubiI' for everyone'. I think it did put a strain on the dis·
cussion rorwhich I apolagiu. Pt'rhaps we Can discuss this in New York on
May ao or in the summer."

Later retreat nates and correspondence do not reflcel whether this discus-
sion actually occurred. but this incidt'nl. along with the prl.'Vious tension
raised by Oliver's correspondenct', aUucJt'S 10 issues or decline for other
black feminist organizations. In ~rticular, the intensity of black women's
rebtionships and lhe psychosocial imp3Ct of attempting to sort out issul"S
of r;ICe and gender for themselves as individuals, while struggling around
the ~me issues on beh..lf of black women collectively took their loll.
Despite these tensions. the network, spearheaded by Comb.. hce, took
seriously working through conflicts to arrive at a place of group strength
..nd determination. In a memo to network members. linda Powell ac·
kr'lOllo'ledged the numerous group dynamics 10 work Ihrough, but she demo
onstrolled faith that the group could pern:vere:·1 w;lS especially heartened
by what I consider our increasing ability to disagree with each other..
The Collective/Network/Retreat Group seems 10 be ready for a 'usk1-1 [I
appears to me thaI we have worked lhrough some very /xlril: 'relationship'
issues. and are better pTe~red 10 moVl.' 10 some of the more thorny ·politi-
cal' ones:"
Re<:ords detailing retreat and network activities conclude with a fifth re-
treat in July 1979 and a $('Venth retreat in February 1980. A few chJnges
aTe notable between the first retreats and the last few. Based on their Jgen-
das, lhe retreals appeared to take a lurn more into whal might be clttmed
womanisl practice. On the aile hand, current cJebatcs O\'I'r womanism ar-
gue that wOlllanism is the saml' as black feminism, according 10 the first
dl'finilion offered by Alice Walke'r in hl'r collection of r.l5ays In .sc,.,..:h
of
Our MOlher:" CurdcnJ." On Ihe other hand, black femillistthcologians and
spiritualists have' adopted womanislll a~ a parlkular idcolugy COIICl'rnl'<i

Ilg H~CM ,",0.. 110', IUUU A"" .... 1.. 1$ ..

with the spiritual and etlUcal ..spects of gender, IXe...nd c1:LS1l;lS integral
to sod.. l justice movements, m..inly as they concern blxk woml'll.
The l'lt'lwOrk retre..ts, in their !.:lst few inc..rnations. included opening
and closing ritUllls meant to offer a healing spaU' for black feminists xtiv·
ists. Rather tllan a complet(' turn to cultural feminist pl!'rspedives that
valued the goddess or claims to female SUpl!'riority based on their rl'pro·
ductivt' CllpabiHties, the network's rituals seemed designed to supplement
black feminist xtivism. Retreat participants shared significant life events
that had happl!'ned ~twttn the last and CUTTl'nt retr('ats. a ritual that spoke
to tIl(' interconnectedn('SS the network wanted to maintain as its members
1iYe'd life as black feminists
Alsoevident from organizational records are the seeds ofthe edited vol·
ume HOmll Girls: A Black F~mini~' Ant/wWgy. Sl!'vcral retreat participants
commented on their('xcitcment over the possibility of reaching more black
women with their ideas on feminism. Th('ir main challenge was how to
reach black women who were mOSI in need of their views and analysis. The
network members wallled to (r('ale a public.alion Ihat could serve as an ac·
cessible workbook for black women's sludy group!!. Ideas ranged from a
qU;irl('rly magazine to a resource guide similar to tho:: Whole &r1h Culll·
log. which had become a manU;i1 of sorts for alternative living among the
counterculture in the late 1960S.
Organizational records indicate that aTleasl one mainstream publisher
approached Barbara Smith about editing a volume on black feminism, Rec·
ords also indicaTe thallhe retreats ended and Combahee disbilnded before
Ihe group published the volume. But in the early 1980s. retreat partici-
pams Audre LordI' and Barbara Smith carried out the group's dream of
self.publishing by cofounding (along with wriTer Cherrie Moraga) Kitchen
Table Women or Color p~, In addition, several members of Combahee
and the p;lrticipants in the retreats contributed their prose, poetry. and fie·
tion to Home. Girls. thus in this way carrying out thdr wishes of sharing
tltl'irblack feminist views with black women who needed them most. Home.
Girls, in the 2001 revised edition, continues the important work of cnhanc·
ing black feminist visibility Ihrough servic<~ as a blueprint for identifying
and crealing black feminist theory and praxis."

Rlxk felllinists undertook activities tllat injt-.:ted a ra<;e ..nalysis into the
remilll$1 movement. However, ;1 was nol simply .. mall.'r of adding racc
to tht· r~ip" ~nd STirrill~, At the ~anlC li!lle as they wt're defining black

.,A{'~ .. 0 .. ' ... •• Inu .. ~"I> ... 1.... 1"'. III

feminism for themselves. black feminists also were pUlling a public face
on tht!ir views through activities directed at recruilment both to their orga·
nizations and to dr.lwing more people to black feminist ideology. Their
collective identity. which encompassed race. gender. and class conCl'ms.
needed to come through in their publications. conferences. and retreats.
md through alternative education they hoped to reach black women and
black communities with their message of ending sexism. Crilially. many
of these activities. though they were open to the public. had the poten·
tialto reach only those already convincl'd of the need for a black feminist
rJ'IOVl:'ment.

Iia II~CItWO"'N'lluun"N"IO:"'N""
I * aLaCK .INIIIIIT ID.NTITI"

IN COIITISTaTION

Black feminists' collective identity and the proc~ that led them to this
identity helped define the structure of black feminist organiZ<ltions. Cer·
tainly ttK- !iOCial and politieal conditions from which black feminists
emerged were nec~ry to this identity, but these conditions do not sum·
cietltly explain the emergence of black feminist organi7.ations. The very ar·
ti(ul3tion ofa wllective identity for movement members was just as impor·
tant to the emergence oftht'Se organiZ<ltions because such an aniculation
signOlied the start ofthe£:OgnitillC liberrllion process. Thecognilive liberation
process is the critical juncture in tilt tr,;mslation of individual grievances
into collective action.' Black women could have followed the path forged by
foremothers in the black women's dub movement. prioritizing racial up·
lill over gender opprl'SSion. Instead. a number of black women in the early
1!)70S defined a black feminist collective identity that was ~interactionally
constituted." Or shaped by interactions with other movement P'lrticipallts
and nternal forces.'
Miriam Harriss study of the involvement of black women in President
Kt"lIledy's Commission on the Status of Women (pc\tls), the NBFO. and
Combahee works through sociologi5t Rose Brewer's theory of polyllocalily
10 argue that black feminisu developed the race. class. gender. and sexual
orientation paradigm in a linear fashion from the 1960s to the 1980.'1.'
According to Harris. T3Ce issues were the primary wncern of black PC\tlS
lllembl'Tll, and only I3ter. in 1973. did the NBfO argue that race <lnd gen·
der impacted bl:K:k women'5 lives, She Ihen asserts that Comwhee moved
bl~ck fC'rninism from the race/gender inhlr~t'Ction 10 a polyvocal assess·
1Ilt'1I1 of d~$! ~nd st'xual OI"M-ntatioll as factors of black women's identity.
 Harris thus proposes a linear evolution of black feminist theory and
organizing: rxe -+ TXe and ~nder -+ race, gender, class, and seKIIOII ori·
entation, Such a model presum('$, as have other studies of African Ameri·
can women's activism, that predecessors to contemporary black feminism
were solely concerned with rau' work. TIle addition of the TWWA, "'An,
and R'I{OA as significant contributors to black feminists' collective identity
disrupts a linear assessment of the evolution of blxk feminist identity.
The development of a black feminist colleclive identity was, in faet, non·
lineilTand subject to constant redefinition by black feminists biisnl on their
interactions with one another and the social movement community. Such
an asserlion creat('$ a more complex picture of the black feminiSI mow:'
ment and its organiUltions. Black feminist collective identity from '968
to 1980 was polyvocal from the start. The black feminist identity of orga·
nizations changed according to whether organi7.ation members and con·
st1tuents perceived their economic, educational, sexual orientation, or skin
color privilegf'$ vis·a·vis other black women. Black women were (onsis·
tently concerned with race and gender oppression, but they strategically
prioritized race over gender depending on nailable openings in the social
movement and political opportunity strucIUrf'$.'
Organizational position statements of purpose (S('(' appendix C) illus-
trate the emergence of collective feminist identity for black women and
their organizations.' Black feminist collective identity WllS dyn;amic ;and,
in fact, w;as open to redefinition by organizations within the movemelil.
However, as table :2 shows, the individuals who created the organizations
plxed v;arying emphases on these aspecls of identity, and these emphases
are re"ected in their stalements of purpose and activities,
For the movement, it was important to have a vision of social change
distinct from the civil rights and women's movements that addressed black
women's multiple jeopardy;" the bl;ack feminist movemelll'S analysis of
race and gender effectively did $owhen noother movement could orwould.
The civil rights movement and agitation on the ~rt ofwomell'S movement
aClivists provided opportunitie'S for bl;ack women'. growing cognitive lib·
eration. Simply put, black women look the negative impliGltions of racism
and sexism and turned them into positive fu!."l for their orp.nizing. AI,
though they could not count on previnus movements' success as .. predic-
tor for their organizations, black feminists tUIiOO into cues 'hilt signaled
poliliGiI elite'S' vulnerability to rxl' and Ilend"r d,·mands.'
Black feminist organiution" as individual unit~ ill the movenwnt,

II~ IIA<;I " ... , .. , ........ , I . ' "

Table:1. Placement of Emphasis on Identity As~'
Comp;uison among BI"ck Feminist Organiz;ltions

Black
ftrninist
,,,,,,,,,....,nt Combahee

R"ce X

Gender x x

Sa..... lorientation x

NW' TIM!!:I'l!" X, dcnole lht>$f! 'SpeclS ofblack women', id.,nlitiet lhat ..'ere
artic"ll,<"d in orgonizllions' millSlon ""'ement. Ind aclN lin lhrough Ktioi,"', .uch
ao nllin. pu1itkll forums.•"d commiu~ wu,k. The .malle. n denote lhol<- idemity
aspeclS li"" ,",,'ere .HM:ubIN inorganizlt;"Il.' ""'eme,,'" bUI margi .....lizN in thei.
aclivities. I...... ,he duhM denolr Ih<>JeUpro;l< ondock ...... mI."JI•• iden'it;e" ,h.t
.pcr:ific o'g;aniu'ion. did nol explkitly address, cithcr ill .t.temcnl. 0' """Nilies.

varied in Ihe degree [0 which theyetfectively incorporated class "nd seJ[U:l.1

orientation in their definitions of black feminism. Economic and educa·
tional privileges innuenced the issue!l defined as part of their p.1rticular
organizational agenda, so tlK- orpni7.ation membel1i realized that all blac;k
women did not hold the sa~ idrological principles. This became most
obvious when organizations addressed, or did nol address, issUC$ such as
sexual mitntation or socioeconomic poshion. Some organiutions effec·
tively incorporated the plurality of black women"s lives into their activities,
but others did not alld focused solely on race and gender demands.
For example, the two organizalions that were similarly aligned in lheir
mcm~rK' collective idenlily and organizalional vision wtre the Combahee
Ri\"('r CoIlt'Cti\"c and the Third World Women's Alliance. Bolh organiu·
lions arllculated a position opposed 10 racism, Sl':J[ism. cbssism, "nd het·
erO!lCXiSlll. Manyofth~r members incorporated r~(eand gender inlo their
eolll."(live id'>Jllity through their politic~1 activism as youths in the civil
"ghls movement. Additiollally. theTww~ and ComballC'e were both social·
lst organiutions with a heightened awareness about class discrimination
and tlte role of capitalism in opprcSllion. Although both organizations in·

.,~e. "'''''''H WI,,,'.. n, .. Its

corpo.... ted antiheterosexlstlanguage into their mission statements at dif·
f('rent points in their evolution. both organizations listened tOlheconcerns
of t.esbian members and extended those concerns to their thinking about
heterosexuality and the oppression of all women.
Black feminist organization founders uniformly reealltheir reluctance
to join white feminist or~nizations as an impetus for black feminist
organizing. Black wom('n accused white feminists or
narrowly defining
the categories of sisterhood and wom~ to include only those who were
white and middle class. It was not merely race that was divisive for black
women, but also white women's class privilege as it dictated the goals of
the women's movement. In issues such as abortion or employment. black
women detected white women's reluctance to look deeper inlo how race
and class simultaneously impacted access to legal, C1ffi>rrkJbk abortions and
!lcllaemployment for women already working outside the homo:.
Authored by SMCC and TWW'" member Francis Beal, "Double Jeopardy:
To Be Black and Female" was one of the earliest essays to connect black
wOlllen·s life experiences to sexism and modern.day feminism.' Beal chal·
len~ sexism wilhin the black libe.... tion movement, specifically the zeal-
ousness with which bl.1ck men a.sc:ended to leadership positions at the ex·
pense of true libratory practice: ·Where the blacJc man is beginning to
reject the values or mores oflhis honendous system on most issues. when
it comes to women. he seems 10 take his guidelines from the pages of Ladir.s
HOlm Journal."· Reasoning that a black nation could not be built without

the energies and talents of black women. Real concluded by questioning

the logic ofstrong black men and weak black women as complementary in
forging a strong. unified community.
Bl~ck feminist organizations echoed Be~]'s theory of double jeopardy in
their mission statements.

TI'~TUtlO ","ORlD WO"'~N" "'UI"'NC~

Our purpose i~ to make ~ meaningful and lasting contribution to the
Third World community by working for the dimination of the oppres·
sion and exploitation from which we suffer. We filrlher intend to uke
an ",live part in <;reating a 50Cialist society ""her" we Can live as dc<enl
human beings. free from the pres:lures of r",ism. c<:onomk exploitation.
and sexual oppression.'o

THf NATIO ...... '. IL"'C~ ffiM I ,.IST OIC",.'1."TIO,.

Black WOmen have suff"ral cruelly ill this society from living the phe.
IKImenon of being Black and fern~le. in a co"ntry tll.:lt IS ""''' r.ocist and

116 JL..CX ~"'""I" '''.''111' ••

 se.ist. There has b«n v..ry lillie real exami""tion of thr damagr it bas
cauSl'd on Ihr liva and on thr minds of Bbd. women."

BlACK WO"EN O'GANllED fa. ACTION

We 'Ire Black. and therefore imbedded in our COllKiousness is commit·
ment to the struggle of Black people for idemity and involvement in d«i·
sions that affl"Ct our 1i~ and the livn ofother generations of B13ck people
who will follow. We are WO=Il, and therefore aWOireofthe sometimes b1a·
lanl, waste oflhe lalents and energies of Black ",'Omen bo:l:ause this society
has dl"Creed a place for us."

tMTIOI'l ... tAUIANCE Of nACIl n .. tNISn

Black feminism. then. is the belief that Black women ha~ the rig/ll 10
full social, political. and economic equality. We do nat accept the proposi·
tion that becaus,," we are born Black and female in a society which is bolh
racisl and 5O'ist, thai we should accept the rol.. whi(h society diClatt$ to
U5.- Jnste~ .....-e seek 10 unshackle ourselves from our'plac..- as Blacks and

women to become individU<lls fret' to live to tI~ fullest of our potential."

co...... ItU IlIVE. COlHCTlVE

TIle most genl:'ral statement of our politics al th.. presem time would bl:'
that we arl:' actively commiued ta struggling against racial, sexual. h('tero-
scll:ual. and cbss oppression, and see as our particular task the dewlop'
mentofint~ratedanalysis and pBCtice bastd upon the fact that the major
systems of oppr~ion are interlocking."

These org:miutions constitutt'<l the black f..minist movement becausc of

tht'ir common rt"Cognition Ihat race. gender. and class wert" inextricably
Hnkl.'d :lSJl't"Cts of black wom..n's idelltity. The articulation of black feminist
idl:'ntity as multiply situat<.'d in racist, ~xist, and dassist society laid the
foundalion for latl:'r thCOrLling on black feminist thought, such as Collins's
asserlion that black women espousc a both/and standpoinl. taking into ac·
muntlheir expericllces as both blacks lInd women."
Black feminist mlleclive identity evolVt'd through mnsciousncss.raising
-a popular tool across the spectrum of activists-that increased black
wOlllen's personal ..fficacy. Four of the five black feminist organiutions,
the TWWA, I'lUO. I'lABf, and Combahec, formally built consciousness
raisinll illto their programs by making completion of one session or more
m:uubtory for membership.'·
C0l1sciousness-~isil1g;11 Black F,mil1isl
Colkcli~ ItUl1l;fy Formoliol1

S1"CC', Bbck Women's liberation Committee (.w~c). as a civil rights

rnovement organization and progenitor of the Third World Women's Alli,
ance. establisht'd a distinct bridge betv."een the civil rights and women'~
mo~ments. The BW~C'S consciousness-raising process grounded b1xk
feminists' coJleo::tive identity process in the ethos of the personal as po-
litical. Through these similar instances of "identity talk,"" black femi-
nists in organizations reevaluated their place as I'lIcialited, gendered. and
classed beings in a predominately white. male-dominated. allegedly class-
less society. Consciousness-raising set the cognitive liberation process in
motion for black feminists to 11"Illkeconneclions between social stnlctures.
racism. se~ism, and cJassism in their lives.
In her history of the radical feminist movement. Alice Echols conte~­
tuali:ted cOl1sciousness-l'lIising: "The proponents ofconsciousness-raising
took their inspil'lllion from the civil rights movement where the slogan
was 'tell il is like it is: the Chinese revolution when peasants were urged
'to speak pains to reo::all pains: and from the revolutionary struggle in
Guatemala where guerillas used similar techniques."" Black feministorga-
nizalions used this technique during the height of the contemporary
women's movement. but black and white feminists alike were famili<lr
with consciousness-raising based on their interactions with xtivists in
the civil rights movement. Ileal. of the: TWW.... rl.'Gllls her introduction to
consciousness-raising in SNCC "That term WlIS w:ory common. 'You have
to get your consciousness raised, brother: you know. ·sister.' It wasn't just
in terms of women. nu.t had to do with what it meant to be black and to
light for freedom and be an activist as opposed to accepting racism and
bdng like that_ That term ofconsciousness raising was not-I don't know
if it came out ofthi.' black movement. but we sure used il. We sure used
itthere.~'·

Women's liberation organiutions used consciousness-raising to ana-

lyze the political implications of $9ism in society and N('w left m{ffl'-
ments. while civil rights organizations used consdousnt.'Ss,raising to
heighten black awareness of I'lIcism. Consciousness-raising had a gendered
aspeo::t that valued talk and prompted an analysis of racism. sexism. class-
ism. and often heterosexism. in black wornen's subordinat(' position in
society. Black feminist organiz.:ltiom foulld lhal cOllsciousn('g-l'lIisini! in-
flu('ncl:'d personal t'niucy bccaUlIe it alk:vi:lted membt'rs' sens,(' or isulat 1011

II~ .I ... CK nMI"'IT IDI"lIIIU

and feelinlfl of*crazincss: transforming individ~l grievan<:es into group
identiH<:ation.1O
The IIWlC'S <:onsciousness·raising sn;sions are e~emplary in charting
the evolution of a blrl feminist <:olledive identity that examined rxe,
gender, and dass, Beginning with the- organlUltion's emergence as tm-
BIlILC and through its evolution as t!leT..."'", the women in thi5 organlu-
tion eduOIted themselves and other people ofcolor about the interplay of
racism, sexism.das:sism, and imperialism in their lives. In particular, black
women's self·image was a recurring topic in IIWLC consciousness·raising
sessions.
Similar to white feminists in radical groups. the BWlC adopted con-
sciousness raising to heighten members' awareness about SC'xism, but il
also combined race and gender consciousness into an analysis that was
mol"(' <:omplex than collective identities offered by the civil rights and
women's movements. Beal explains, "HISt it [their analysis of beauty stan-
dudsj was in relationship to white women and then it was in relationship
to ... women's femalent'Ss and physical kind of thing.... Someofour first
meetings well: about 'This is what the body is. nlis is where your ovariell
are. This is where this happens: Can you imagine? We felt women Iud a
right to k'10W.*"
Thirty years ago, for most women, basic information about the female
body was an imporunt starting place for women's gender cons<:iouSlless.
For YOUllg women, their bodies were a mysterious terrain. which was not
unusual during this decade because black womcrt,1ilr:e their white counter-
p.1rts, came of age under shared 19505 sexual taboos. Granled, dominant
society's patri:.m:h.al views ofblaclr: and white womt'n's bodies defined them
in opposition to one another, but Beal's statement engaged the realities of
women's corporeality. Learning ;bout the physie;1 femal~ body, lhe- pri·
mary site of gender and sexuality, W3S an obvious and necessary first step
in dt'<:Onstructing what it meanlto embody womanhood.
Equally important to discussing women's relationship to their bodies,
the BWLC dealt with the ramifications of being blrl women in a so<:iely
where whiteness was the norm.lhe IIWLC continually qUl's:lioned Ihe reo
lationship bt,tween beauty and blackness. According to Beal. "Wt' had SC"5-
sions on well. what does il mean to be in a white society. to be defined
by physic;l chardcteristics as your ell.'lf'nce? And people forget that, irre-
sveelive of what white wonwn wt're saying labout beauty standards], it did
have an impacl on us as black women.... Regardless of white feminists'
theurizing on prt'!lCriloed beauty ~Iandards, many blaclr women still I'Xperl.
enced self· loathing. Mainstream black pcriodiuls, while ~pousing black
pride rheloric, continued to cury advertisements for hair slraighteners and
skin bleaching creams. The BWLC. in its consciousness·r.lising. attempted
to d~ip~r the dQuble messages of Euroccmric society and increasingly
Afrocentric black communities.
Ont: might assume th<lt ifblack women managed 10 reje<:1 white beauty
standards and accept black pride standards. there would be little more for
black women to discuss in l~ir consciousness· raising. AesthetiCillly. in the
1970S blick AmcriClI1$ redefined whit it meant 10 live is i person of Afri·
un desc:cnt in a Eurocentric culture that degraded their heritagl.'. Yet, the
BWLC concluded that black pride ideologycxertcd i unique kind oftyranny
in the li~ of black women:

So we said ... il'sverygood to say. ·OkiY, we should Weir Afros,"whic.h ~

aU did. and we should honor our own physicil characteristics....·hich we
said was gre.n. Bill there was something deeper hcre.1bere was something
wrong with still accepting the male/female idl.'u and just saying now, w.,[1.
bl.auty is now black and that's beauty and thaI's female.. . Wl'Il. what
aboul a lot of black women who are not built in lhese. like. svelte thing.
you know. big busted. big behinds? And what does il mean to try to live up
to Ihis white image type oflhing. We $.:lid. ·Well. why should we live up
to any female? Why should WOI~n be defined by physical characteristics
al all?" ... So. again. we went very deep. I think. in tern.s oft~ things
and then we did il from an ethnic view!'

The BWLC, in members' discussions of the unfort'Seen negalive effects of

bl.1ck pride, did not believe that changing beauly standards to meel an Afro-
centric worldview would !WIve problems of!iClf-t'Stt'Cm. Instead. members
delved deeper into the act\l~1 constructions of fem~leness and how th~1
conslruction impilCled women based on their racial identity.
TIle llWlC also theorized abortion in ils consciollsnl'SS-r.lising as an
issue of ra.::e, gender. class. and sexuality. Abortion was a difiKuIt topic to
wrestle with due to Ihe personal and. at that timl.', illegal ~spects oflhe pro·
cedure. Seal and Margaret Sloan of the NBfO both claim Ih~1 in New York
State. Pueno Rican and black women had t~ highest incidence of death
from illegal abortion." To compliClte mailers. the black libt.·ratkm move·
ment labeled aborlion and oral conlracephon genocidal acts by while su·
premacists. Bladc wortwn's reproduction and !Wciall~..ation of children be·
came the accepted 1II0dl' offemale proouctioll for Ihe revolution. Bamoora
raikd against black men and women who. IIndt'! the gui!R' of natiouahsm.

laO _uc_ .... ' .. 'n '1>... n'".,

voiced more concern for heirs to the movement than for the revolutionary
reproductive options and lives ofblilCk women." The ilIeg;ality ofabortion
and the rhetoric of the black liberation movement compdled Beal to ask.
·What about living for thot- revolution. not just being prepared to die for the
revolution?·"
While previous studies' emphases on black and white dating in SNcca~
significant, this was not the only aspKt ofse.uality s NCC women critiqued.
Abortion, forced steriliution, and women's basic health concerns were also
a part ofthe dialogue oftile ,WlC. The emerging black feminist community
was no doubt aware of. and to some degree mobilized by. the involuntary
sterilization of black women and gills. soch as the twelve- and fourteen-
year·old Relfsisters in Montgomery. Alabama. The Relf sisters' case was an
of'telHepeated scenario in the United States in the 1970s: women and gills'
mothers who were receiving public assistance WeTI' told. at fedelally funded
facilities, that unless they or their daughters underwent an undefined ·prOo
cedure: they would be cut off." Black women. particularly thoS(' working
in the South and in major urban areas. learned ofthesecase5 and wondered
how Ihey fit into their growing awareness of the n~ for black women's
self·determinatiOll over their bodies and lives. Corul<:iousneslH,using in
the .... lC helped black feminists see the social forc"and influences within
and e..temal to black communiti" that contributed to the control of black
women's bodies by everyone but black. women.
Scal mentions that the ..... lC "didn't do much except talk: but she also
immediately recognized the importance ofopen and honest talks between
black women. Black wOlllen talked to one another in the midst ofa revoh..·
tion ofsoci.al and political mores, and. in that context, talk was a revolution·
ary act. Talkingopenly with other women about issues that before had been
considered private bcglln the process of linking the symptoms of neisrn
and sexism tosystems and institutions. rather than anributing problems to
personal failings. which is a typical response under W"tern individualist
thought. Returning to the involuntary sterilization example. in discussing
the denial of bla<;k women's reproductive rights, .WlC women could reo
think this isslle as nOI one of black women's inability to control their sexu·
ality or a propensity for unplanned pregnancy. but as an issue of access
to (Ontraception. access to aoortion (illegal3t the time), access to prenatal
carl'. ability to support children. and a host ofother issucs related to thcde·
cislon whether or not to ha\'(' children. Talk ch3ng~-d the way black women
cxpcricl1c,~ their physicality. their relalionships to white women. their re·
lation.hips with blac:k lI1ell. and thl"ir roles as leaders. Most significant. talk
led to action for the IIWlC in its later development ofa ~NCC position paper
on black women and the women's liberation movement."

Class lind Bllld, Feminist Collective Identity

Although many black feminists sought to erad kate class-based oppression.

they were not immufH: to the tensions raised when women of differing
class backgrounds came together to form a cohesive identity. Black women
saw the poverty of the black underclass as integral to the oppression of black
women and a priority for any organization. Much like their forrmothers in
!he black women's club movement, bla<k feminists already middle·class or
aspiring to that class believed that thcireconomic and social destinies were
tied to working-class and poor women's daily realities_
Sharon Harll·y. in her eJt;lmination of the bLack middle cbss, observes
that e<onomk standing directly impacted how black women appr();lched
community activism:" She outlines thr~ tiers within the black middle
class and the roles that women adopted based on economic privilege. skin
color. educational advantages, and family reputation. The upper middle..class
socirJ eli/(; consisted Oflhose women who were often light in complexion:
descendants of free black ancestry: and from families of educational. pro-
fl:$llional, and financial means. Members oflhe I'ItW professional middlecUm
were black women ofa range ofskin colors. who came from impoverished
backgrounds but held a ~tronger St.:n~ of their value and commitmenlto
black communities than the upper middle-class ditl' bec.ause of the lies
the professional class had to the cultural values of every<by blacks. The
Iowtr middle class consisted of those women who worked as domestics and
lacked financial. educational. and professional advantages." Harley offers
no assessment of the lower middle class' commitment. or lack thereof. to
community.
Harley discerned that delermimmtsof middle-class status in black com·
munities were not always tied to income Or job description: other indio
cators included decorum. respectability. and moral refinement. Incorpo-
rating t~ cultural norms, it was difficult for black feminists to theorize
anew the: parameters oftlle meanings ofcbss because blacks' c1:lSS status
w;s marked by more than ei:onomic background. These distinctions art"
relevalltto black f("minist colle<livl' identity because Ihey help explain th..
recurring class tensions most black women would face in their alTempts to
define their organi'1.atiollal visions.
Upwardly mobile African Arm'rican p".ents had rising eJrPCCtatiolls

In lI.~c. r~",,,,,"").,,',,,,"U
for their daughters and sons to pursue advallced dlllTees and better em·
ployment opportunities. Yel, often these same p;lrents were barred from
employment opportunities commensunte with their eduGitionlll ac::hi~·
ments." Most blac;k feminist organiution members had gone to !If'gre·
gated schools and experienced a vilal. self-reliant blac;k community, but
often later had the opportunity to attend desegregated colleges and uni-
versities." They knew that black women suffered economically. rElative
to black mell. white wOlllen. and white men. but many bbck feminists
gr~ up in homes where one or both j»rents held degrees in higher edu·
cation. True to sociolOllical theories on relative deprivation. in defining
an agenda, many black feministli were aware of the realities of rac;ism
their j»rents experienced, but they alilO envisioned betler possibilities in a
society frtt from discrimination based on their rising expectations. Thry
brought the!lf' differing eKpl'Ctations into their activist work and. bt-cau!lf'
oftbcm. dashed with one mother over the meaning oflibention for black
women across dass lines. Did liberation mean breaking through the glass
ceiling or simply no longer cleaning th(' office Roor?
Org;miutiona.1 records l't'vealthat the TWW'" and ..... 0 ... experienced the
fewest dassconRicts within their ranks becauscofthe similarities in memo
bers' dass identities and aspirations. The TWW.... as a socialist organiu·
tion. managed to reconcile its articulated cbss critiques with its activist
work through continuous involvement with working.class and poor men
and women in the community. Taking a cue from its connection to SNCC,
theT"'''·... let constituents decide the issues that concerned them and then
Sl"rved the community by gathering more information and organiling for
direct action. In this way. the Ilfi'dS of women of disparate class back·
grounds in the nII"'A were met and third world identity was solidified in
the community. as well as on the individual and organil~liOllalll"\lels. TIle
org311iUltion was not e~dusively focused on upward mobility and did nol
neglect the initial steps to economic justice, such as fair wages and non'
discriminatory employmellt opportunities. These factors could potentially
allow more third wurld women into the upper echelons of the workplace,
bUI they were necessary first steps to daily economic survival.
The .'10'0.... in compariilOn to the TW........ purported to have members of
~II L'(onomlc bKkgrounds. Although the organization had members who
w('re part of ttl<' new professional class. some of its working·cbss members
Uplred to middle·c1ass status. Membership in the II&'OA allowed women
uf alll'Collomic backgroullds acceu to respectability in an organil'ation
consist"lItly invoh'ed III local poiilia and cortllcctcd to politicians of the
black upper.middle dass. For the IWO ...·S members, their common aspi.
rations for upward mobility connected them. so few tensions existed be·
tween members and this agenda.
The dass tensions that did exist revolved around hieTitnhy versus collec·
tivism. Valerit- Bradley. a former IWO.o. member. links the ftoW da" tt-nsions
in tilt' organization to recurring new profl"Ssional middlt-·dass members'
demands to bureaucratize the organization:

Well, a group of cOrpor.ite buppies [black urban proft1.siollalsJ joined

[laughtt-r]-_ didn't call them that then-one is a very c1oSl' (nt-nd of
mine I\OW incorpor.ltt- markt-tingand stuff like thal. ... She Ind her group
offriends wanted-it ~med likt- mOrt- inclusion. But they weren't being
t-xcluded. yet. they wert-n't doing the "'mk. But they were. likt-. newer·
comers. I think they were more iCcustomed, ....ther than toa community-
based kind of initiative to a more corpo....te structure and maybe it was
more alien to them, But we struggled with it. and the organization did
not break up as ill re-suh. yOll know what 11l1ean~ We worked it oul. They
did get involved, thoSf' that wanted 10 be morc involved, butlhcy had to
understand that with ... kadership comes responsibility."

The class tensions, arising from new professional middlt-·class women's

desirt- for mon: hierarchy. was a reaction to the Iwo.o.'sdivergenct- from tra-
ditional paltt-rns of black womt-n's organizations (e.g.. sororities. church
aUlliliaries). which included elected onicers.
The NIFO iIInd N... IF were less successful in navigating dass conflicts.
A pt'rsistent criticism of the NlfO is that the organization was too fo·
cused on middle·class black women's issues." The most damaging asser·
tion. often rept'ated in secondary sources. is lhatthe NUO was akin to a
"black NOW" and therefore out of touch with the needs of working.class
:md poor black women." Critics' comparisons of the NI fO to NOW assumed
thar.evt-n though the NIHO'S members were black.the ....'Ol1Ien'~ movement
was white. therefor... entirl"iy middle class and thus as out of touch with
the nt-eds oflower·income black women as were white f('minists in NOW.
Critics of NlfO accust'd theorganizalion of priorili7,ing upward mobility in
white society -illS ifclass mobility were nol also of int('rcst to integrationist
leaders in tht- civil right movement.
Given the brief existence of tilt' 1'1 IFO (197}-197S1 and its struggle to
define itself. these iCCUS.ltiolls appear unfounded. TIle NIFO'S agenda in,
cluded c:ommiltce~ on cmployment and welfare, concerns of both miUdit'·
class and poor women. Interviews with organization foundeB reveal that
because ofa lack of litructureand V()lunt~B, both conllniu~experienc;ed
diflkultieli getting est~blished within the organi7.:ttion." Critiques ;lbout
the ~lleged middle·class nature of the !'lifO also conltall'd the existence
of org;lnization;ll hierarchy with adherence to middle·dass V3.lues. Deal·
ing with racism in institutions such as public housing, welfare offices, and
schools, bl;lck women encounlered institution;ll dillCtinoination ;lnd were
likely teluct;lnt to join a hierarchic;ll org;lnwtion. tvell ;I feminist one. It
would seem th;lt the ~nFO'S potential constituenlland members held the
organiution to;l higher standard for class account;lbilhy bec;luse oftllelr
explicitly feminiSl Slance and assumptions about femlnisl organiutional
princ.iplt'S.
In response 10 critiques of their organi:tations a_ IOU middll··cJass ori·
ented. M;lrllaret Sloan and Brenda Eichelberger defended lhl' bbck middle
class;ls historical catalysts of change in black communities. Sloan, in her
defense oftke N IfO'S le;ldership, and Eichelberger, u the N"'SF'S founder
;llld execulive director, bolh dted Ihe importance of the middle class in
mobilizing black communities. In an interview wIth Karla Jay for 1M Ln·
bi,,,, TuIe, SIOin rIOted ~nder bias in the middle·d;llUl uiti'lue of blJck
;l11d white feminist organiulions. She delected a sexist aspeer 10 Ihis cri·
lique and viewed il 35 3 divisive taclic. only deployed ;ltylinst women's
organiutions:

I don't respond 10 the xcuSOltion Ih;ll th.. Women's Movemenl is white

md middle·class mymore thm I respond 10 the 3CCUJi,:llion, Ihal is rKIl\'
C'xilitC'"t, th;lt Ollr [civil righls] moveml'nl is Black lIliddle·c1us. Nobody
criticiud 01. King for Iuving a 1'1111 or Slokely [urmicluelJ for going to
Howard Uni\"l'rsity 01 Fred Hamplon for coming from a suburb. Prople
are abll' to get excit"" aboul the facl th;lt lhese Bbck men were able to get
up ;lnd out orlhciropprl'SSiVC' situalions ;llId bring ;lbout ;llIlovemlellt..
In allY mO\"l'Illt'Iil. it's ;I[ways Ih.. Cl\'l'INUcaled Ihal Ilel it togelher ;lny·
way. People wbo are so uppressN-rock bollom-don'll"'Ien have lim.. to
shit. ... It's so important for Bbck womell to survive that we can't afford
the luxury or s;lying "Well, you opp~ me beo.UJle your ralm is;l min·
ister or lhe chairl\l;ln ur taT [lnllent;llionaJ Tdlephone & Tdegnph]." Woe
can'l get invulved inlhal .. , not SOlying Ihat we shouldn'l have sound argu.
ments ;lllOUI class, But when feminists do Ih;ll, Ittore woe 3rt WOlilen who
claim llotlO be male·identiJicd bUI when Wl' 110 inlO a class Ihing whal ....e
do is jndlll' her by Ihe man ~11t"s 3uxhed 10, beou~ 1ll0S1 women who

.,~ex ~~"'N')' "'"Nn"u ,a5

 do come from a privilege<! class got it from the dude they sleep with. the
man that kept them. the father tnat had them. It's never be<:ausc of their
money. Very few women in this country really have power and money."

Sloan extl"nded the biographical availability thl"ory when shl" noted that
only hlack womm were derided for any kind of middle·c1ass achievements.
11le impetus behind this criticism of black women was that black women's
main priority should have bel"n hl"arth and home as their realm of social
activism. The~ criticisms were based on thenries of a black matriarchy
and black women's so·called inability to conform to traditional ideals about
womanhood. Sloan also, similar to Harley's arguml"nt. calii'd for a racial-
ized interrogation of middle·c1ass status as bringing organizational mo-
mentum and energy to a movement where the constituency was mostly
poor and disenfranchised. Still. in the end. Sloan reverted to an economic
definition of class to diffuse accusations that Ihe NBFO had only the illler·
ests of middle·c1ass black women in mind. noting that most of the organi-
zation's memhcrs earned ll"sS than uo,ooo per yl"ar."
Brenda Eichelberger, as the central organizer of the NABF, claims a
middle·c1ass background that includl'd a stay-at-home mother and a father
who workl'd forthl" postal sl"Ivice, but hdd an advanced degree. When chal·
lengl'd about the class background of other women who were active in the
organization, Nelson and Eichelberger duly credit the middle-class edu·
cators and clergy with maintaining civil rights movement organizations,
holding up Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. as all example. Nelson and Eidlel-
berger do not claim that middle-class blacks were the only people active in
the civil rights movement and in thl"ir organizations. However, as Nelson
explains. middle·c1ass intl.'fcsts held sway in the NABf:

One thing I noticed was that there was a class difference in the organi-
zation... , We had women who were, h<l.~icaJly. blue collar who had jobs
tbat were dead·end jobs.... They had maybe a high school education or
maybe not C'lelL high school education. And then we had anothersegmellt
of women that were very-had bachelor's degrees on up and still pushing,
And I noticed that in some instances we-plus we were very ver\>;ll-and r
noticed in some instanc~s w~ Imiddl~·classwomenl kind ofovershadowed
them [blue-collar womenl. Not intentionally, bot we could verbalize cer-
tain things that they couldn't v("rbaliz(" and then tbey kind offell. kind
of like "Well, maybe this isn't the organization for me, 1I's nut lIoing to
answer sOme of my needs:
 nw, class i""u" orne up-whrthe. _ should focus more on c~ain
things that bI:uJ: wom"n. in 1It""r".!, w"r" having problems with. like
being on aid for health fadlitin., _. And then there were those of us who.
basically, w"r" working. and what we we,e interested in was making more
mon"y in the field that we wer" in. How do WI' get up the corporate lad,
der? liow do you progre" in tM field that you're In~ Howdoyou get 11110
griKIuate 5Chool for lhe rho?"

Wilhin the organiutiou, then. there was a Splil between those women
who hoped thcorg'lDization could focus on material concerns and womt'n
who, whilt' not unconcerned with tht'$c issues. hoped for an organization
that could serve as a rt'$Ource for upward mobility. Nelson alllO Tl"Cal1~
the c13ss·based dt'mands Eichdbl'rger encounterl'd as tM "AIIF'S ext"Cutive
director:

I rt'member we were having a m"t'ting on" ti~. and oneoftne melnbt'n

said. "Now. Br"nda. which di rection are you going to tn" this o'S"niZOltion
in? Art' you going to try to answer and ~tisfy someofthe nt't'ds and raise
some of the iSS1.lt'S thattne ordinary black womall is fact'd with: which
would bt' the blue·collar woman or the woman who's in a situation whNe
she's bt'ing abusrd by her husband and all kind of stuff. (Remember this
was in th" 70S. and a 101 oflheso: things weren'l really on the ~tionaJ
a~nda. butlhese lhingswere happening.J"Or is this going to bt' a middle·
class organizationr ... And it was like, [women wouldllook at Brenda and
say. "Now what you gonna_which wayr You know what I'm saying? And
tl",re was this other group that was saying if you take it in that direction
you'regonna lose us, and ifyou take it illihis direction you're going to lose
... I think they wanted it on thc tabl" as dialogue and IMy wantl'd uS
10 fonn an agenda thai indudM. basically, the grassroots woman. I think
a 101 of people wantl'd 10 take it in that direction toward the grassroots,
rather than U8 doing a lot of intellectualizing and a lot of lalking aoout
what we do."

Nt'lson's recounting ofthl' class dynamics in the "AIIF reAects a middle·

cl;l!ls bias in thl' leadership, and this contingl'nt succeeded in directing Ihl'
focus oflhl' org;miz.ation. Again. it is important 10 reiterate Ihal a middle·
class bias in a black feminist organiulion is not m:cessarily one of eco'
1l0lnic privilege, but, as Nelson pointsoUI. middle·class women in the orga·
nization had more education and Wl'!'C' able to helle. articulate their needs.
Middle,class "'I011lt'n w<:r<:also biographically rno", available to aSSl'rtlheir
needs within the "AIF than workin~.class women with less discretionary
time and income.
The final organi<:ation that fits into this context is the Comb.1hee River
Collective, Class conflicts among members or Combahee also played out
through issues or education and upward mobility. 11lc majority or Com·
bailee's members came rrom working-class and lower·middle·class back·
grounds. As children ortllese classes, and socialized during the Jim Crow
era, several members pursued master's and doctoral degrees while active
in Com~~. This diSp;irity in educational and class aspirations Cfe3tro
conflicts ror those who worked in blue·collar jobs and desired more di·
reet contact with working-class black communities. Mercedes Tompkins,
a memberorCombahee, rC'<:alls: "One or thE' things we did-the main ac·
tivities that we did was we read book! and we critiqued-and spent a lot
or lime thinking and talking about different issues that came out or the
books that we would read ;md-you know, hey. Iwanted to move outside or
just talking about it. I wanted to do it."" In its statement, Combahee advo·
cated a $lXialist revolution and the nghts of workers, but this "Ina difficult
position to maintain as, if not C'<:onomically. upwardly mobile, highly edu·
cated black ....,omen. As it is refleded in the organiZOltion's writings, Com·
bahee had to negotiate which actions counted as activism. Were writing,
scholarship. and theorizing ilctivist endeavors or did these activities rail
solely under the catt'gOryof"amlChair activism?" For Combahee members
pursuing adv;mced degrees, schobr/activist was a va.lid political identity,
but it was not wilhout its limits,
Barbara Smith, a Combahee cofounder and contemporary black femi·
nist pioneer. recalls that Combahee's members recognized their educa·
tional privilt:ge relative 10 many people in bbck communitiC's, but Tomp-
kins saw that privilege dominale the activities of the organiZOltion. For
example, in debating whether to publish a black feminist newspaper or
book, differing viewpoints emerged among the membet$. Tompkins cites
conflicts over publishing as an eumple of how educational privilege: could
split the org;miZ.1ltion: ". think that ... a lot or the women that were at-
tracted to this group we're women who had master's and beyond-phos
and master's-they really bought into the system of. of course. being pub-
lished, You know what I mean? Getting tenure and being a part or thaI
whole established system-the educational, academic system. So, that was
kind of the audience: women who were willing to re<ld Iheit stufr.""
Conversely, Smith recalls the disparagell,ent she and olher woull'n in
thl:' organization faced when they rnrJut.-d <ldvanced dl'HTt'l"S:

,~II K'''(K l'UIIIIU1' " . . ".,,',....

 One of the things that usc.od to bother mt so much in Combaht'e-whe.'n
I was a mtmbt'r of Com~h«-was thaI peopl" would make fun of t~
facl th:at I was pursuing a graduate d~ret and would trip ml' oul aboul
Ihal. Thai was rl'ally difficult for ml.' bKauSl.' IloVt'd whal I did. I IllVI'd
lhe.' litl'Ulur" and I v:llul'd education and k:uning. and I found it ironic in
lattf years thai soml' of those who gave m" a hard liml' aboul pursuing
Ih.. t level of educalion lhemselves ~I on and got tht':ir dc.ogrttl. unlike
myselr. It rtally is ironk."

Some Combilhee members' ..ccultmalion into academic culture rom

counter to other members' concl.'pts ofclass struggle and grassroots activo
ism. Although aware of the false assumption that working.c1ass people do
not read books, Tompkins's exampll' iIIuslratl'S how class differences ere·
..ted tensions over organil.alional strategies for achieving a socialiSI revo·
lution. At the cmxofCombolhee'sebsseonAicls were differences over how
education aspirations fit into collective ideas ofcbssstruggle. More simply,
book knowledge and street knowledge were set in false opposition to each
other in defining Combilhee members' black feminist collec1ive identity.
To summarize. the NIlFO, NA IIF, and IIWQA did not espouse any particu-
lar politicOlI ideology as the solution to black women's oppression. claim.
ing neither partis:anship political affiliation. nor p;uticulOlr class allegiance.
Theil.' three orgOlniz<ltiolls were open to all women. As Eugenia Wilshire,
of the NIIFO, summarizes so succinctly, "Our politics was black woml.'n."'·
Sloan further txplains:"1 can't really speak for the group. I know lhal my
philosophy has always bee.n that ftminism is inherently radical and so if
you put adjectives onto it, il makes it seem as irfeminisrn is not enough.""
While Slo.an personally sul>scribed to a socialist philosophy of femi·
nism, she summarizes the sentiment of all black feminist organizalions
that claimed a nonideological position as a recruitment strategy. Yl."t they
were, by dl'fault, reformists in their political demands beause. though
these organil.ations accepted class as a given pa.rt of black women's identity.
their activities focused mainly on ..rticulating the racialized and gendered
n..lure of black women's livn. Class was marginalized in the actuOlI Olctivi·
lies of the NBFQ, NABF, and II"'OA, but still became integral to lhe black
feminist movement's vision.
Of the five organizations. only the T......" and Combahet .;odvocated so·
cialist rt'volution as th.. solution to eradicating class exploitation in black
ami third world communities. Whill' Ihe black feminist movement es·
poused an abhonencc." ofdau disc:rilllinatioll. few organizations wcre able

HAC" n"INI .. IIUNTITIU "'9

to elfe<tivdy challenge dassi~m internally in and extemally 10 tm-ir organi.
zations. Organizations that did not consi~tently articulate and act on class
concerns [aced frequent challenges from their membership about commit-
ment toworking-class and poor'NOmen. SometimC$ these challenges were
a ruse for antifeminist sentiment; at other limes, though, accusations of
classism well' rooted in a dC$iro: for a truly inclusive black feminist identity
and agenda.

Sexual Orienlloltion lind Bku:!.: Feminist

Collulivr; fcknlily

Again. it is important to return to the distinctions among the black femi·

nist movement, the separate organizations' visions of black feminism.
and black feminist Colle<live identity. While the bla<:k feminist _malt's
initial vision did not indude se~ual orientation as a defining aspeo::;t of
bl3ck women's identity. individual organizations and members articu,
lated lesbian'positive and/or antiheterosexist prindplt'S to the movemenfs
vi~ion,'rheN"~f, NIlfO. and awo.. included discussionsofsexuality in lheir
organizations, but they did not interrogate heterosexism as an oppressive
force in bla<:k women's lives, regardless of sexual orientation." Howl'Yer,
the East Caut branch of the TW"".. and Comhahee both laid the founda·
tiolls for challenging heterosc;o;ism and including lesbianism as an integral
pa.rt oflhe black femillist movement.
Comhahee WlIS lhe only organization in this sample to mention "hetero·
sexual oppression." but it did not thoroughly explain this form of oppres·
sion and its impact on black women's identities. TIle term Mlerouxism, the
normativity of heterosexuality, was oot yet in use among activists." How·
ever, most readers o(Comhahee's statement may have deduced the implicit
meaning ofhelerosexual oppression as helcroscxisrn or homophobia. For
other readers, the Combahee statement was possibly th~ first time they
were forced to recognize publidy black lesbian existence. the daily oppres·
sion black lesbians face, and the considerable sexual diversity within black
communities.
Comba.hee wa~ on the front lines of black lesbian feminist stn'1::81l' in
the '97°5, yet the statemellt negle<ted to Spl"Cify the ways blxk communi·
tics were compUcit in perpetuating hcterosexism. Barhara Smith explains
this omission as the rl'!lult of an intersection of the pl'rsonal and politi.
cal [rom the perspective of 0111' of tile st;all'ment..· authOf1ll:"1 think for the
Te<ord, iI's important 10 know thai 1 was coming Ollt in '74- '7S. What's

')0 ""Cl< r... ' .. uT1I' ..... " t n

importilnt iloout that is thilt I declared myself-considered myself to be
il blilck feminist before J came out So for those who-who telescope or
whatever thill word is-blilCk feminism and black l('sbiilnism, I think it's
important to know that one can be a black feminist. Some would say tlK'
reason we were black feminist is 'cause you were gonnil be illesbiiln ilnd just
didn't know it [laughter]."" The Combahee stiltement omitted :an explicit
challengt: to heterosexism. due to the timing of org:miulion members'
individual coming-out processes md the desire to explilin feminism on its
own merit. Smith ilnd other Combahee members strategically dilimed a
black ilnd f..-minist identity ""for~ they daimed a 1csbiiln one. though tltcy
daimed illlthr~equally. For Combahee members. tht separate emergence
offemin!st:md lesbian consciousness undermined stereotypes of all femi-
nist~ as lesbians and all lesbiilns as feminists. For people who relied on this
anillogy. feminist and lesbian were conll.ated identities and the sum total of
il blilck feminist identity. Tbc Combihee stiltemenl sought 10 disrupt this
conRation. To il degree. an explication of black heterosexism was present.
but underartlcuLated in the interest of esUblishing the foundational basis
ofsolidarity between Combahee's blilck feminism and blilck communities.
Still. lesbiiln visibility was il courilgf!{)US ilnd revolutionary move for Com·
baht'(' to make. particularly in il social movement environment often di·
vided by homophobia.
Predominately white feminist org;Jnizations experienced lesbianl
strilight splits that divided organiutions ;md disrupted a unified defini·
tion offcminist identity. Of 1m., five black feminist organi7,illions. only the
TWW."S membeTll recall an expulsion oflesbians similar to the homophobiil
thai gave rise to the "Lilvender Menace" in NOW"· Homophobiil erupted in
both the EilSt ilnd Wl'5t COilSt brilnches oftheTWWA and impacted thedI'Vel-
opment of their feminist collcctive identities. How these two branchl'$ of
theSilmeorganiution hilndled issues oflesbiiln inclusion and homophobia
differed drilllliltically.
It is uncleilr whelh~r W('St Coast heterosexual m~rnbers. succumbing
!o fears oflcsbiiln biliting. expelled lesbian m~mbeTll or whether members
who weno1csbianK, weary of homophobia. left thl'orgilnization. Regudlcss
of that distinction. the Wl'$t Coast brilncb lost SCVCT'il1 members who werit'
central 10 mnning the orgilniZ.3lion. The expulsion ilcted directly against
Ihe eSlilblished principles of the TWWA. but there were no formal Silnctions
ag<lin~1 tl1o<" West Coast bT'ilnch.

On the East Coasl. !kill recalls. tIll' orllilnizillion WilS approached by out
lesbiilllS about m~mbership. Unlik~ theschislllson IhcWest COilS!. thl' East
Cwst TWWA eventwlly saw the inclusion of lesbians as an opportunity for
growth in its organizational objectives:

BcDl: nnt was the olher ideological fight th.al we had, which was impor.
lam. We were approached by two l('Sbians. , , who said, "Listen. we
wam to bt- colllpktely honest: we're lesbians, There's no organi:u.tion
for us." Ont was Puerto Riam, one was black. ' . so we had a big dis·
cussion about t~t. Some pwpk said, ·Oh, my god, We ~ve enough
problems as it isl P~ple are already camng liS lesbians," That was all-
otMr thing, We wcre lcsbian·haited." ,Two peoples.aid that they were
lesbians, and we had tbis big dis<::ussion whrthcrwesoould do this and
some people said no, we shouldn't do it.
fntervkwtr: Allow them 10 be in tM group~
S.al: Yeah, And finally, like I said, we h;ad all this debate, People were very
honest in terms of discu$$ion and fcclin811 and stuff, but finally people
Silid, "In New York. how Qn W(' do Ihis? I mean, we {an'l really turn
sisters away, If they agrl"e with the political orielltatlon and purJlO5C
of thr organi:u.tion, there's no way that we can be prejudiced: So we
orne up with this, what lconsider now-from what I understand about
the gay and lesb~n n~nlCnt now-we came up with this \Iff)' libef1ll
position. Whether it's biologic;il or social-you know, homosexuality-
people should not be prejudiced and discrirniMted against. That was,
basically, the position, . And a couple women ltft ewer that. They
uid, "00." 111ey had enough problems as il was.11ll')' didn't want to
be lesbian·haited, . , , It was a big question 'ouS(' we uid, "Oh, we're
nol lesbians: Oh, just beouse you talk aboul liber-llion, you're a les-
bian? My god! Give us a break, ·You !la.te men. That's your problem." II
was all thl"le waylofool dealing with tMconcrele question, you know,
fTt"Cdom, lihocf1ltion, equalily, equity-all of those things, If you could
just c.all peoplt names. then you didn't havo: to deal with the sulJjc..:t of
the questions thaI were bc.oing raised. You could just ~.Il them names,"

B~I cogently de<:onstruCled lhe intent of lesbian bailing: it split lhe

organization interpersonally and id~logically. In responSl', the East Coast
branch incorpor.lted an antihelerosexist position inlo t!K' TWWA'S prin·
dples of struggle, re<:ognizing Ihe corme<:tions between patriarchy and
homophobia: "Whereas behavior patterns based on rigid sex roles are op'
pre$$ive to both men and women, role inll"gr.llion should be allemptcd.
The true revolutionary should be concerned with human beings and nor
limit themselvCll to people as liell obit-'<:Is. Fur.lN:rmort, wlltlhtr kolllOSl'xu,
alir¥ is socktal or gel1elic in origin, illxim in the third world C(lmmllnit¥. The
~ion and dehllmaniz;..g osrmdsm that homOSlxualsjau mIlS' be nfrClld
and their right to lxisl (OJ djgn~ human kings mllSt be deftndtd.""
This statement, appearing in the 1971 issue of Triple }topardy. is not
only politkally progressive for the early 1970s, but is chronologically well
in advance of Combahee's later assertion of the uistence of lesbians and
gay men in black communities. Hence, when Combahee bcited for its pio·
neering efforts to e~pand the bl;Kk feminist agencb to include antihttero-
sexism, the work of the East Coast T........... should al!lO be recalled.
Not all black feminists or organizations openly opposed homophobia,
and some were restrictive in their definitions of sexual fret'dom. Some
members of the N ... BF, for eumple, did not want to discuss lesbianism
in their consciousness· raising groups, committfCS, or Alternative School
workshops on semality, Tbe intricacies of black sexual diversity were de,
cidedly marginal to some N ... n membtlrs' definitiollsofbtu:k f('male ~xu'
ality." Eichelberger recounts an incident in which she revt'aled that IIOme-
one attending the NASf'S monthly meelings WllS tranSllendered:"

Eklltlbuger: We ~n had one time, and 1 don't remember the person's

name-in retrospe<:t, I should have liiIid nothing, butI'm the Olle that
brought it up-I brought up the factlhat there was a man at our meet·
ings. Th.at this was a man in drag. Thi. was a-I WOll't uy, "drag." This
was a man whowas dressed like a WOIlUll. And actually what m3de him
come ... was a professor at U of 1IIIIioois1.... She was a black woman.
She had me spealo: to her class. and this guy was there at the tlme~
dressed like a woman all the time_
I"~r: In class?
Ekhelbergtr: Yeah, in the c1i1S1l and then he joined our org3nization. Now,
I shouldn't have-we:ll. of course, coulda: shoulda: woulcb'-I can't
C~l\ge the past. But anyway, Ilmowat one lime t me:ntioned-be<ause
he was coming to the meetings-and 1mentioned-I said, ·You know
we: have someone here: who was a man" And. um, I think some women
knew who it was. and others were s3ying "Who? Who~ Who~ Who~"
And, so, a number of women got very upset, and they wanted to con·
front him and they did confront the guy.
lMrcmcw.:r:Why did you fed the need to bring it up? Just 50 people would
know~

Eichd«'KI": Well, 1 didn't know they were gonna have the reaction that
they ha.d, I re31ly didn't. I guess the reason I brought it up was be:ause

.1,4<:1( H .. I .. ,Ul" .... ttTIU 'll

 it WilS fUppoKd to be for black women. The w~y the Alliance was set
up is that anyone could be affiliated. White men could be affiliated. We
had white men affiliated. We had whill.' ml.'n corning in and doing vol.
unt~r work. BUilD be an officer or anything lih thaI you had 10 be a
black female because that was our concentration, our focus. And, so,
this person was black. but he wasn'l female. And so somehow I felt,
well, you know this is someone who is a Illan here.
Ndson:This w;u; actually a man who had had a sex operation and was now
a female. And we were real concl.'rned about lhat. I ren1l.'mbl.'r Brl.'nda
calling up the members saying "What should we do~ What should we
dor Scause if we put him out. he cnuld sue us {because of the "".,'5
nonprofit status] ... and luckily. things petered OUI. He just disap.
peared. HI,' didn'l come back.
Int~rview<r; After being confronted he didn't come back?
Nd50n; The person didn't come back anymore. I think he felt ralher un·
comfortable. I fl.'lt that he was testing us to ~ what our rea.ction wu
going to be. If I remember correctly. he had had a sexlul operalion ,
bUl we found OUI tht he was a male and. t m<:'an, IN.t r<:'ally gave us
a loop."

Rather Ihan attempt 10 undersland gendl.'r idenlily and how this particu-
lar female/male conceptualized existen« as a woman in the organi:tation,
some members of the ""SF pushed her/him out of the organiution with
their limited knowledge oflransgender idenlity and homophobia."
This ineidenl wilhin the HABF highlights a number of issul.'s th.1t oc-
curred in black and white feminist organizations in the 19705. It is too
simple to conclud<:' thai black feminisls W('re conserv;,)live and counter to
the sexual revolution ethos of ";mylhing goes.~ Despitl.' the ""SF'S claims
to legal concerns. all feminist organiutions. inespective of race, faced a
lack of language to describe the diversily within biological sex and gender.
homophobia. and fear of difference.
Some ll.'$bian ""IF members fell other members wl.'re homophobic and
that the organization's activities did nol reRect black feminist collet:live
identity in its entirely. Looking for affirmation and advice. Chicago NBFO
ch.1pter members such as Sharon Pag.. Ritchie asked other blxk fl.'minist
organh:alions for guidance. Upon learning ofCombiahee's plans for a black
feminisl retreat in 8oslon. shl' wrole tlris ill reply to Combiahee's 1977
prerelrr<lt survey: ~1111.' small "lifO ch<lplt'r we ha~t' exhausted ilself in
tryinlllO counter la local black feminist leaUl.'rl. We nl'~Cr got much paSl
C·R [consciousness raising]. and eventually we slopped meeting for that.
How have other women dealt with women who claim to be feminist. yet
beh~ve in very anti·woman, anti·lesbian ways"" Ritchie's query and the
aforementioned incident with the N... BF'S transgendered recruit connect
two issues: black women's divergent definitions of black feminist identity
and the homophobia of heteroscxual black women. In response to accusa·
tions of homophobia in the N.... F. Eichelberger resolves the issue as one of
members' differing eJl'p«tations:

Eichclbtrger: Maybe it was as if they [lesbian members] felt that it .hould

have moreofa lesbian agenda. But, you know,l.lsbiall wasn't in the title.
Femillist was ill the title, which didn't mean that you'reantilesbian. But
you know, the thing is, theorgani7.ation was trying to embrace all black
women or any black woman that wantN to be a p.art of it.... But it
wasn'l an organiution to have 1IOidy a lesbian focus, so there's nothing
wrong with being a lesbian,
NdfOn: BUI theycouldn'l see it that way. Each one of the [factionsl wametl
10 take lhe organiution into the direction that they wanted to take it
into, There were littk factioru lih that."

Eichelberger concepluali~ed the NAIF as an umbrella org~nization. From

her p:rspective, lesbians who wanted more ofa focuson -a lesbian agenda-
should have used the NAif as a resource to start independent organiza.
tions. Eichelberger and Nelson group lesbians with other groups ofwomen
they labeled as -fadions,- for example, soc:ialists in the organization. but to
frame lesbians as a special interest group ignores discrimination and the
heter~xual privilege ofstraight black women. Members who agreed with

Eichelberger saw Inbian as a cate-gory separate from ftmillisf. Although they

wanted to broaden the feminist agenda to include race, some heterose:rual
members of the N... Bf effectivelyeJlcluded sexual orientation, and its impli.
cations for heter~xu;ll women's sexu..lity. from the .. gend~ of the NABf.
In other b1;w:k feminist org;mizations, lesbi.. ns and straight women
worked together to varying degfl"l'S of success. Generally, those organiza.
tioos (e.g.. lh... NlifO and Comhahee) were founded by lesbians and in-
cluded opposition to homophobia by intlllrating an antiheterosexist posi·
tion into black feminist collecti~ identity. Eichelberger and Sloan note
that most NBfO members knew that Sloan was a lesbian and respected her
role in starting lhe organization.... Still, there were some members. lesbian
and Ilett'roscxual, who had problems with her prominent roll' in the orga·
niution. One conc.ern was that Slom's lesbianism would deter potential
constituents and allies from supporting the NBFO. Similar to the "",WA'S
slnLggles concerninll homophobia, Slom, Eichelberger, and Singletary re·
call debates about lesbianism and heterOSl'lCUal women's concomitant fear
that they would be seen as lesbians by association," Sloan did not see c.·
le.'mal homophobia as 3 c.oncem of the NIFO, but she believed that internal
homophobia slowed down the organization's momentum:

Illthe ideological dispute] was just stuffabout race, and there was ideolOlli·
cal stuff aboul whether we we~ going to-the group was multisexual. I
mean, there "ICre straight women and bisexuals and lesbialU. And [think
that there was a fear Ihal people would Ihink thai we were a lesbian orga.
nization-God rorbid-so they didn't _nt us to~those of us who were
lesbians-l think thatther ..... nled 10 50n of keep that- it was IOrt of like
NOW in tn., early lbys. You know. ·We know you're runninglhis. We know
you're the Mt, but leI's jusl keep that down: ... So stuff like that, you
know, any lime i group of women gather people assume you're lesbian. 50
Ihat woos whit they said about alaI oflhe orpnir.:ltions during that time.
It WiSn't a big concern-it WiSn't a big, big issue. bul il was a concern. II
was a concern."

Similarly, Jane Galvin·lewis and Deborah Singletary, in nOling the role

of lesbians in starting the NIIFO, rt'marlc on the rt'verberations or homo·
phobia rrom within and without the organization:

Galvi"·uwU: And even though that is the case people have this notion,
'Oh yeih. "leU. you know, if lhey had a man they wouldn't be pro·
woman: And it's much like the race thing. You know, if you're pro·
bl;lCk it doesn't mean you have 10 hi! antiwhile. And 10 be profe.nale
does 1101 rm-an you have to be antimale. But bec3USC we were going
with lhe feminist notion alld people had their own ideas about what
lhat meant, ... oneoftheconslanl ongoing debates .....as about il being
a gay organization, which il newf was, was ne~r intended to be. and
that was rIOlthe point, But thaI kept raising ilS head.... Theil, on the
other hilld, we had those people "liMon we jusl-a~ women-we would
want to take a stand on a position thaI had to do with gay WOlll"n-Wf
got the overwhelming grounds well or JK'Ople lhil felt, ·Oh, no! Don',
louch lhal. Thai's rIOt what we want to"" about... : I'm just saylrlJl
that hid raised ils head .~....o:ralt;rnes. a.1 rr:c:all. and W/' l1"Vel gave inte
h«ausc it was nol OUI poiol.11Ia". rIOl what WI' wintl'd to""aboul. Wi

IJ6 nACrt .... , .... , " ....·'·'·'·,U

 wanled to beabout wom~n-not any gaywom"n. straight wom"n-~
wanled to be about _ ...
Si..gt.,,,'1': WI' did have a (ommill« ailed "Tripl~ Oppression: Being
Black. hmal". and lnblan." and they fonned to deal with some of the
gay issues.
Wjlshir.: But I think ift to tho, crr.dit of the organiution that t~t 101 gay/
straight split] was not what split it-~r,
GllIlIi..·Lewil: No. II wasn't.... It n"~,,r took hold. but it was .-aiR<! on
~"ral occasions. And on the other side it wat rlliud on ~"ral ocu,
sions.·'

The N liFO, despit~ outside criticism, wu on~ ofth~ few black feminist orga,
nizations besides Comb.1hc:e to have a committee dedicatl"d to connecting
the conc~rns of black lesbians to the organization's agenda. But the NIFO,
like the "'AIF. had contested definitions of black feminist identity at work
in tho, organiution. Allhough a gay/straight split did not damage Ihe Ofga·
niution, this ide<llogical dispute was only the ht::girmi"i oftht struggle to
incorpor.lle antihcterosexist principles into black feminist collective iden·
tity and the movl'menfs vision morl' br();ldly.
Thl' presence of l~ians or demands for inclusion did not disrupt
black feminist organizations, But. the homophobia ofhcterost'xual women
stunted the growth of a cohesive black feminist collective id~ntity. AI·
though black lesbiam w~r~ centrlll to the formation of black feminist col.
lective identity from the beginning. th~", wen:: attempts toeras~ them from
these organiZlltions' historical narratives.

Black f~minists and th~ir organizations provide a cas~ study that links the
politial process mod~l of cognitive liberation and social constructionist
pl'rsp«tives on collectiv~ identity formation. Black feminists engaged in
the simultaneous process of defining th~ vision of the movem~nt. their
orga.nil,~tional objectives, and their own collectiv", identity as black femi·
nists, This was a daunting process because it involved convincing individu·
Oils that problems. such as poverty. w~re not personal shortcomings but the
rt'Sult ofstrudural systems-systems that could be alt~r~ through politi.
cal action.
Illack feminists' collective identity formation process involved not only
Sl'i.'illg 1he IargeT structural aspec-ts ofr.lcism. sexism. classism. and h~tero·
~"K;sm. hut also rl'Cogni7.ing pluralism in th",ir organi7.arions. A failure to

Il"'CI .... , NU" 'OtN"""," 117

m<lke visible differences in clilSS <100 ~uot.l orient<llion yielded <I bifur-
c<llion between black feminists' visions of the movement <lnd individu<ll
org<lniutions' objectives. While the bl<lde: feminist movement's vision W<lS
linked to slruggles "'8<1inst simult~neous oppression baSC'!d on r<lce, cl<lss,
snual orient<ltion, and gender, individu.ll organiutions gr~ppled with
th~ four <lSpC'Cts to differing degren ofsuccess in their objectives,
All of the org<lnlutions used consciousness-raising groups as <I tool to
define members' collKtive identity around race and gender, but the suc-
cessfulincorporation of bbde: women's cl<lsS differences into their organi·
z.ational activities eluded them. In general, the agencb of upwardly mobile
members often overwhelmed the agenda ofworking.clus and poor mcm'
IH-rs, so much so that black feminist organizations, such as the I'lAap and
NtlfO, fued accusations of bou~ois tendencies.

Similarly, the black feminist movement was hard pressed to include

sexual orient~tion U <I ulient issue in blade: women's Bves, often leaving
black lesbian feminists to figure out for themselves how SE'1fU31 orienta·
tion intersecte<l with racial, gender. ami class discrimination. The other
impact of the exclusion of sexual orientation was the undertheurizing that
occurred regarding black heterosexU<l1 women's sexual agency ~s an inte-
gral part of black feminist identity, For both lesbi<lns <lnd straight women.
homophobia and heterosexism were open secrets within bl<lck feminist
organlutions and black communities. As <I result, blade: feminist organi-
utions were susceptible to lesbi<ln bailing and its negative effects on re-
cruiting potential members,
Much like the larger women's movement, black feminists risked cre·
ating margins as they sought a place in the center of the movement. While
critiquing predominately white feminist organizations for thdr racism and
cb~~ism, black feminists simuh<lneously faced inlernal critiques or dis_
crimination, As <I result. it is fair to conclude that black f<'minists sought to
crt'att'a black feminist identilywh('n, in facl. the pluralityofblack womrn's
lives indicatC'd the' nl-~ for black feminist i<knli.ies..
• -« w••. w•••y • • • • •0 ••

Collectively. the black feminist organiz;jtions examined in this study

spanned twelve )T<lrsof<lctivism. Black women engaged in consciousne!l5-
raising that clarified tlK-ir position in relationship to mainstream femi·
nism, hoyc::olled corporations with discriminatory hiring policies. 10110 for
public office. and educated segments ofbbck communities <lboutlhe ex·
ploitaliw- nature of capitalism. Thus. blxk feminist idemiry and organi.
z;jtions enacted a belief system that reflected the intersectional politic.!! of
gender. race. c1<1ss. and often .eJC1,I.;l1 orient<ltion. Yet. by 1981 the TW ....A.
the NIIFO. the ~"lIf. Combahee. and the IIWOA werl~ all defunct. Radford·
Hill succinctly encapsulates the ch<l!lcnges black feminists fa<ed in the
1970'; "History and enmity impaled black feminists on the horns oflhree
impossiblt challenges. l1tc first challenge was the need to prove to other
black women tnat feminism WolS not for white women only. Confronting
white feminists with the demand to snuc power and to affirm diversity was
the second challenge. The third challenge involved fighting the misogynist
tl'ndencies of black nationalism."' heed with this triple ch<lUenge. black
feminist were. as ,. no member lane Galvin·lewis describes. -Wolr weary
Wol!riors: '
And while Ihost' external challenges were significant. inler- and intn.·
organizational conflicts proved problematic for the Iong.term survival of
black feminist organizations. Insufficient resources precipitated the de·
cline. Dire<:tly r('lated to insufficient resources was the burnout activists
cxpt'rien<ed <IS they <I!tempted to capture the momentum dthe civil rights
and women's movement protest cycl('ll by mobHizinlllarge numbers of
black wOlllen around feminist is'llll'J. Moreuw-r. internal factionalism in
the form of ideologic~1 ~nd le~dership struggles h.indered the organiza·
tions' vi~bility. Stutegies for m~int~ining movement momentum were
consistently disputed. within black feminist org.mizations, c~using intra-
organization~1 disputes betw~n black feminist activists over power. privi·
lege. and the future of bl;lck feminism. They may have forged an identity
and organizations from between the cracks of the civil rights and women's
movements, but they also experienced cracks in their own organizational
structures and fissures that shifted the identity formation process.

Overview of Blud Feminist Organizations' Decline

YOLI kIIlN'. tM lime ,.ally-tke pcHill.:al dimau ffilUy clulng.d nulically alld Ike Ability
f<lSUSfClillall"'l:A"iulliOll.10 lull'< it oll-killll ofall o"l'OIulIl«r.""i)'. You blOW, J'OLi
de it in tlu: c",,1«. Thu.·slIO_nobody·s .....n thoug/lt AbcIot ji."Iling ",ucIt I<ss-J'OLi
kllow. ill w,t oJIIu:-wkaf. C(Jlllid...d I"" gn'llrooll a"ll progre$Si.... ""mmllnily 1lOIII;
it'sallji.lIIling·""'",d andji."Iling.JriPltIl. Wecame ow.! ofki"ll ofa "ltl'• ..... kea rnoolll'
lio,," ro"lo" and funJing; tke world ofphilanth"'P'l' lO'lIS Aboso. thefurl#tt:slt/singfrom
Oil' miM. So, ..,. wen: going OIl anJ moti... W "r polilkJ aM J'OLiIhfiJ ""'''1')'' So, ....,
coMlICud ollr politics inllu: cl"ild:~...., ""'" parl.limejoin thaI ...., didll·' CII......ry mllds
uloot.land ..... !IaJi.caIJ)'• ...adc t/sisourlift. So, .loat is ~ lI>illllbkowran C>l1cn4ed
peJiod oflime [Jallg/surJ. Y.... CI1II operuU liU thai Jot A ilt.wlt t...,,,II'"~II'-old.sand
pwpk u. tJw:irmrl)' thirties, m.laJlcra ..... ik tloat d_'t work an)'marl'. And Ike" tJw:
poIilicallidc lloat Ihrew "f' "'K"nizaliom like the lllird W"",, Women ~ AI/ill.... ru.ikd
and ""'" noI rome bIad QIllund t>gaill_ And tke lllird World Womell'S All",,..., alld Alii·

allU A£:ui..... Women', appussion "'" only 1Il1O of"'U"UOLiJ OIf"nillllionJ lloal did not
survi",•...."liall)' ...rvi"" lilt: lUagall/8l1J11l"'a7S.
-Linda Burnham. interview by author. 11 February 1991\

A black feminist organization is defunct if it no longer holds meetings,

can no longer claim an active membership, or is no longer atlempting to
further its goals under the organizational banner. Table 3 sllmmari7.elllhl'
fundament11 factors in the decline of black feminist organiZJlions. TIll' reo
mainder of thiS ChaPler outlines the unique aspects of organi1.alional dr·
clint, then focuses on the commonalties and differences in how the orga·
ni,...alions dtoclinoo. Specific eumplt'S from I'ach of lhe iiiit' organizaliolls
T~bll' 3. hetors in BI~ck Feminist Organizations' Decline

Comb<oJ-

,nsufficient reSOllr(1'lI ,,, ,,, ",

Activist burnout ,,,'" ,,, '"
'"
,,, '" '"
Ideological disput", ", ", ", ",
L.,~dership disputes Eut:No ,,, ,,, ",
WI'lII:Y"" '"

ilIu,tr~te how re50IIITI' mobiHution ~nd collectivt' idl'ntity tlleQri~ merge

to beller I'lIJllain org~niulionill decline than could onl' theory alone.

Third World Women's AUillru:e

Thl' Eil,t Coast Third World Women's Alliance In.......) stopped meetinll
in 19n. Archiv~1 records ~nd interviews did not yield ~ prec;ise date. but
aClivists eslimate that Ihe West Coast chilpter ofthcTWW'" continued meel·
ing IIntil1978 or '979" At that point. members d('(idt~ that it was lime
to reach out 10 the broader women's movement community by building
a nl'w multir~d~1 organization Ihat indudL-d white feminists. Although a
number OfTWW'" members left Ihe organization over this decision, includ·
ing the West Coost fOllnder Cheryl Perry. the Alliance AgainSI Women's
Oppression pursued many of the TWW...·S g~ls.·

Nlllionlil Black Feminist OrgtJnizlllion

The organizers' inability to keep up with the rapid growth oflhe organiu.
tion led the National Black Feminist Organization tocloseils national office
in 1975. The organiution received hundreds of leiters pcrweek from black
women interested in ml'mbership and w~nting to know more about black
feminism. The NRFO'S 1973 pressconferencc and su!>sequcnl media.cover·
age led potenlial recnlitS to believe thallhi' national office ~nd \oc:.al chap'
ters werc already cstablishl-d, when, in fact, the national office lacked orn-
cbl guldelinl"Sand thefinallciotlmeans to implement them until just before
the organiullon~' Ilelnisc,'
 The N1lFO also faced the challenge of attempting to institutionalize the
organi7.ation before it had a solid indigenous membership base, Conflicts
between the leaderships' national aspirationsand the New York City memo
bership stalled the organiution's devt.:lopment. Between power struggles
with the New York City chapter and attempting to define the main orga·
nization's vision, N1lfO founders succumbed to internal division after just
two years in existence.

Nlilionul AlliDncc of Blac!:: Feminists

InteI"Yiews and organizational calendars indicate that the National AlIi-

anceof Black Feminists ceased operations between 1980and 1981. Le<lder·
ship burnout and diSilgreements over the organiZiition's objcrtivt"S were the
main contributors to the decline of the NAIF. For e:umple, the organiza-
tion's excruilve director, Breoo<l Eichelberger, and the chairperson, Gayle
Porter, moved on to other activities, such as graduate 5I:hool. The departure
of these two leaders. especially Eichelberger, left a void in the organization's
leadership.-
Ideological splits over the role of sexual orientation and class al$O cre·
ated conflicts within the I<A1lf, Although Eichelberger voiced the desire for
the NABf to serve as all umbrella organization for black feminists in Chi-
C3go<lnd nearby Midwestern ;neas, this goal WoIS madeexplieit in hindsight.
l1tis pluralistic outlook for the organiution was not reflected in its lead!:'r·
ship stllJcture ororganiutional records, putting black feminists in conflict
with one another over the goals of the NABF. Eichelberger a!IIIerts that the
NAU'S role as an umbrella organi7..ation W<lS not inclusive of black lesbian

feminists or black working·cbss women who sought a black feminist orga·

nizational affiliation and resources for organizing.

Combuhee Ri~r CoUutj~

TIle Combahee River CoIl«tive's organizers held their last Black WOlTlen"s
Network Retreat in FebllJary 1980, but organizational records tIo not in-
dicate when th~ Ilo!;ton·based collective c~asr<l meeting. For an organiza.
tion sllch as Combahec, it is difficult to determine a prKise date of de·
cline bt.'C<lUk many of its members caml' to the group through preexisting
friendship and activist networks. Although Combal]('~ m<lY h.ive stopped
meetinllas all organized body, member:s still ellcoullhm'u olle another
in lhl' Eluston women', community and in tlk' bbck f!:'lTlinist moveml'llt
nationally. Yet. of alltl~ possible re~SOIlS for Combahee's dedin~. I~ader
ship and int~rpersonal dispute! stand out as decisiv~ fao::tors. As I d~on.
strat~ below. Combah~~ members' developing a collecliv~ identity as black,
socialist. lesbian feminists collided with th~ir individual ideas aboul orga·
nizational collectivity and interpersonal relationships.

Blacl: Women Organized IN Ai:lion

One ofBbck Women Organiud for Action's founders. Aileen H~rnande1l.
maint,lins thatlhe IIII'OA n('''YCrexperienced,l dec!ineorccssation ofoper:l.·
tions. Th~ org<lniunion officiallyc~ilscd publication of its newsletter. WJ.oI
II Is!, and stopped mming in December '980 be<ausc, according to a final
editorial. ils members wanled to "take a breall~r" following seven ~ars
of continuous activislll.' In the wake of Ronald Reilg;an's el«tion to the
U.S. presidency the 11"'0'" predicted thatthcorganizatioll's members would
need to "regroup. reassess. and re·dircc::t" their energies in anticipalk»l of
a conservali~ backlash against minorities and women. particularly iJlack
women. As thl' 1I1l10...·S filial editorial stated. "We must ptepare ourselves
to meet the chall~nge from the right.... We cannot nc<cssuily depend
upon the tools used over the past lwt'nty years to help us now.... 11le
Jimmy Cartn presidency laught us to li~ with unkept promises. Reagan
will force us 10 deal with promises kept."" like many progrcssive organi.
zations of the period. the 1I1l10... planned to rethink its course of action in
the face of new regtcssive policies rooted in conservatism ilnd Ihe ris~ of
the religious RighI.
Predicting this closure in the political opportunity structure. Heman·
dez later renegotiated the • ..,0...·5 organizational status and redefined its
longevity in the black feminist movement's narrative. In 1996 the ."OA
signd on as a supporting organization to a multipartisan "Contract with
Women of the 115...• full'page advcrtisemenl thai appeared in t~ New
York Tima. The ,ldvertisemenl, initialed by the Women's Environment
and Development Organization and the Center for Women Policy Studies.
included women's org~nizations that concurred with twelve principles
adapted from t~ Fourth World Conference 011 Women in Beijing's 1995
Plalform for Aceion.·
The • .,o... ·~ support of the contract confirmed ils members' predic,
tioll thaI the organi7.ation needed new strategies in the f~ce of a consclv.l-
live backlash thai began during Reagan's pr<,sidency. gained momentum
und.'r George lluNh SI.. and culminated wilh the R<'publican.dominat<,d
Congress's "Contract with Ameno." The IWO"'S support oflhe ·Contr:>ct
with Women" carne sixteen years afll'r Ihl' organiz:llion ceased its monthly
meetings. Hemancle:l: explains how she currl'nlly views til(' question oflile
pwo,,'s organiutional status:

Wl'did not closedown tho: organization. In fact, it's still not closed down. I
pl'riodially &end off II'!lel'!! on the statiotll'ry of Black Women Organized
for Action.... So, we continue to be involved because some of our memo
~ are slill around. We haven't gone out of business. but we jusl don't
hold medin&" that's all., , . It's much more informal atlhis SlaBI'. I think
people got "rneetinll'd out. , , ." One of the positive things that happe-ned
with Black WOl11l'n Organized for Action is that many of our wom....l got
involved in lots and lOiS and lots of things.. ,. ~'~ still outtheredQinll
work. and they do it in the uameofthe .wo" whe'lI'VI'r that's convl'nient,
but they also do il on their own behalf. So I think what we've done is we've
spread lhe leadership. which was our purpose.'o

Social movement organizalion IiCholal'!! have looked at the strategies

that organizations use when thl!' political opportunil yst ructure closes. Ldla
Rupp and Verta Taylor, for example, caU this a period of "abeyancl!'" in
which the women's suffrage movement. having won enfranchisement for
women, harn~ its resources until the rise of the s«ond wavl!' in thl!'
19705." William Camson called this state of orgmizalional slasis paJtl:m
mai"tl:II11ltCt: "Panem maintenance exists when members ofa group carry
around their membership in latl!'nt form even while nol actively ~rlici·
pating in collective action. When they convcne, Ihe individuals are ready
to begin functioning immediately as group ml!'mbi!'r.; again. In this sense.
the group continues to eKist even while individual members are scattered
about and not in dirt'CI interaction with each othl!'r:" The MWo" does not
meet the criteria I have outlin~ of a fully functioning organiutiotl. but it
is mobilized in the work ofilS mem!J..,rs who. according to the MWO ...·S 1998
membership roster, still claim affiliation with the organization. The IIWOA
is not physically mobilized, yet the organization is not defunfl, proViding
an inleresling opportunity for future ~s..arch on social movement orga-
niuliollJl, particularly in relation to the question of organi1Auionailegacy
and long.ternl influence on membl'n'livt:s, paid employment, and atliv,
ism. For the purpose of this book, though. '980 marks the end point or
the form~l organization, and this date complieatl!'!l till!' issue oflhe MWO ...·S
organiz~tional dt'(Hne.
F~Mr:s oj Blad' Feminist Otgllnizulional Ckdirn:

IHSUFFICI~NT tolO"'fiTARY Ruou.cn

The TWWA, the "'lifO, Combahce. the- "'AIf, and the IlWOA all reliC'!
on member contributions. whether in the form of dues or contributions
lhere is little corroborating evidence to show that bl3Ck feminist organi
utions. other than the "'lifO, appealed to tr.KI.itional funding source!l fo!
grants. TheTwWA. for instance, aimed to be a sclf·supporting organizaliOl
wilhout relian~ on outside funding sources and, subsequently, withou
risking co·optation.
l1te TwwA-though it had chapter:s on the ~st and West Co¥sll-hall
f~ expenses as a local organization. The organization's greatest expentu:
was the publication of its IK'Wlipaper. Tripk Jeopardy. The West CoolSI melll'
bers contributed articles. but the East Coast members shouldered the bur·
den of production and COSts." After iiVI' year!! of continuous publishi"lJ.
the membership of the organization dwindled loabout twenty women.:'lIld
the dues they paid were not enough 10 sustain the nC'W!lpaper."
IX'pending on the Kale of organizational aspirations. sollie black femi·
nist organiz.ations nceded nlore incomr than olhers to continue their full
range of programs. For example. the HAlf. as an aspiring national orga.
niUllion, sent out a monthly newsletter detailing the organiz.ation·s activi·
ties to members who live<! in the Chicago area. but also to dues.paying
members throughout the United States. Another expense the NAIlF in·
curred was the COSI!l of operating its bla<k women's center and the Alter·
native School. which included rent. utilitie!l. and remlllleration for the
school's instructOr!!. Members of the NABf executive board, particularly
the executive director, Orenda Eichelberger, often paid the rent for the
office spa~ because lhey did not receive sufficient dues or volunteer hours
from NAIlF mrmbcrs losustain the-organization." lltis financial strain and
overextension of ccrtain members led to a leadership breakdown in the
late 197°5.
For uample. in September 1976. 5C'Vl'ral board members resigned from
the HASF'S leadcrship because of the financial situatiOn and frustration that
out of Ijj members. only about l.oactively worke<! in the-office, 011 commit·
tc.'C'S, or in orientation and consciousnc.'Ss·raising sessions. The rem~ining
board members. hoping to provoke the general body into action. wrote a
ktter posing the qUe!llion "Should this organiz.alion be financed by whites
IS many other lllack·based organizations ar..?"'· TIll' implication of the let·
ler was the untoward influenc... or a white organiz.ation on the NABF'S black
feminist image and mission. The genenl membership decidl-d that this
wu an unacceptable proposition and helped to sustain the organiZ3tion
through greater p3nkip3tion until 1980.
On the other end of the black feminist organi~ational spectrum. 10C31
organiZOItions, such as the Combahee River Collective, incurred fewcr ex-
pen~. [n their work with the black feminist retreats, women would con-
tribute 3S little as ten dollars for food and lodging. Combahce's organizers
never rented space for the retreats. be<.ause they relied on in·kind dona-
tions from Boston's fcminist community and other allies with large homes
lhat could accommodate members. Combahee's members were also memo
bers of other local organiZOItions, so they cosponsored projects in several
areas orfeminist and civil rights activism,
In essencC', Combahee used its memhen' collective identity ascurrency
in Boston's social justice community. As the only black lesbian, socialist.
feminist organiZOItion in the Boston area, Combaheewasatthc vanguard of
articulating the p3rameters of black feminism. In market economy terms,
its brand of thl'orizing was in demand in the marketplace of leftist ideas.
Mercedes Tompkins, a Boston member ofCombahee, explains how Com·
b.r.hc<l's political analysis and collective identity garnered influence in Bos·
ton's feminist, leftist. and socialist communities: 'Within Boston people
looked to Comb.r.hee for anchoring aroWld things-around the whole issue
of race and culture. So lhal if you touch base with usorwc were involved in
giving support toa ccrtain position. it almost gave them a rubber stamp,
'Comba.hee was involved in this.'·"
Combahee did not literally sell its name or position as black femi·
nists, but sigflCd on 10 events in line wilh its political agenda and ideol·
ogy of an antir.lcist. antis«ist, antiheteroscxist. and ~ocia1ist revolution.
In effect. Com1Wlee bartered for a position on the political agenda of like-
minded organi7..ations. In addition, a~ with other black feminist orKaniZOI.
lions. Combahee's organizers remained viKilanl 10 avoid being 10keni:.1"d
or used to Kive a seal of approval to other organiZ3tions that did not offer
principled coalitions ofsocial justke. Instead ofdues, donations, or founda·
tion gunts. Comba.hee negotiated its unique political position 3.'i a valuable
loc.al resource,
TIle tI RFO, on theolherhand, hoped to use its position asa national orga·
niZ3tion with local chapters to St'Cml' a place in Ihe national women's and
black liberation movement communities, 'nll~ rapid Krowth of the HUO
had significant impli(atlons for the leadership and daily oper:llious of the
organiution. One oflhl'S!' implications was that the tl RfO did /lot have the
 financial mnding of, say, NOW to run a national organization with local af·
filiate!!. An organizalion of this magnitude n~ed full·time, p,aid staff to
managc the How ofinformalion belween the organiUllion'sleadcrship, ils
member!l, potential recruits nalionwide, and the media.
The NBFO'S sliding.scale dues syslem ell<Kerbaled its financial woes. TIle
NUO'S national officf' could not formulate a realistic organizational bud·

get. bKau5l.' it did not know how much member!l would c;ontribute each
year. 8e'Yerly Davis theorized that the NIIFO could not sustain itself finan-
cially, because member!l did not pay the full amount of dues owed 10 the
organization, not enough members paid dues 01.1 all, and not enough memo
bers ~id al thc high end ofthi' dues scale."
Anotberl'lrplanation for the Nno mC'"mbership's low dues participatkm
lay in the organization's desire 10 gain support from women ofall income
brac;kets and class statuS('5. The sliding scale. while encouraging acce!l!1i·
bility, worked against the or!P'niution's financial survival. In the NR~O'S
membership orientation packct, tbe foliowingCllveal was included wilh the
suggC'"Sted sliding scale: "This is nol binding. GM- as you fetl is appropri·
ate, Yoururd will l>e marked 'p,aid' only with noamount noted."'·Thus any
black woman could claim NIIFO membership, but shcooulddo!lO without a
financial commitment or active p.1rticipa.lion. In the interest of represent·
ing a range of black women, this policy allowed poor women to join lhe
organiution and work 10 improve their economic Slanding. Yet, Ihe policy
..Iso potenlially allowed women who were better off financially to shirk
their fiscal responsibility to the organization, Tme to Mancur Olson's fret'·
rider concept. middle·c1ass women could also claim membership without
helping 10 suslain it....
The 11110'0'" is the only organizalion whose records do nOI reHeet finan·
cial strain, The organization held fund·raisers such as yard sales, polili.
cal forums. :md theater be'"m:fits, and, like NRFO'S, Ih~ IWO"'S dues syslem
was sliding snit, but I c;ontend Ihal enough memhe., oflhe ''''0''held
while·collar jobs th31they could effectively suslain the organization's X1ivi-
ties. Expensd included poliliClllaction events, donal ions loother organiza·
tions, dues 10 the Ray Area Feminist Federal Credit Union, and newsletter
production, TIll' group's treasurer's report, ror example, Slaled thai tht-
....0 .. had a surplus in ils budget of$1,ooo in 1976." Unlike Ihe records of
th... N.. uor the N.fO, the IlWO,,'s records never ellpressed concern lhal the
org31liZ~lion would rold due to financial problems. Inslead, activist burn·
Ollt and. as ml'ntioned prt"Yiously, closing political opportunity structures
(aclofL-d into Ih... mgani7.<ltiun's ces.~atioll ofrormal meetings.
 Four out oflhe five b~ck feminist org~ni7.~tionsin this study lacked suf·
ficient funds because, as John Lofl~nd notes, "If the sMo~nd ilS beneficbry
constituency ue poor. not to ~ccept outsidco funding can be 10 condemn
the SMa to me~ger efforts focused mostly on simply survIving."" A cycli-
0.1 dilemmil consn~red bl~ck feminist organiUllions: they stnlggled for the
economic surviv~J of those situ~ted on the lowest rung of the economic I~d·
der in U.S. society. but these organiUltions' own vi~bility depended on ~
popul~tionth~th:.KIthco It'il.St 10 give in terms of dispos~ble income.
In the case ofb~ck feminist orRanizations' finilncbl strain, they, agilin,
en~eted politics in Ihe Clacks. On one side were older civil rights organ;-
Ultions. such as the NAACP ~nd the Nationill Council of Negro Women.
who relied on bl~ck institutions. for example. black churchcos, sororities.
ilnd the bourgeois, middle class, to support Iheir goals of raciill uplift."
Organizations such ~s SHCC and the Black Panther Party, while outside
the realm of lraditional funding sources, ilttracted the largesse of liberal
whites ~nd {'V{'n, in the case of the Panthers. writers. ilrtists, ~nd celebri·
ties. On the other sideofblack feminist org~ni7.iltions, both branches of the
women's movement relied on members' dues. but they ~Iso summoned
connections rooted in white privilege to garner in-kind support, Symptom·
~tic of being at the forefront of iI new movt'ment that challenged r~cism.
sexism. ~nd cbssism simult~n('(lusly. black feminist org,mizatiollS were
trapped by the funding imper.ltives of the time Ihal found black feminist
politiCllloo threiltening or ffiilrginal to both race and gender privilege, Con-
sequently. mOlit black feminist organi7.ations struggled for their organiza-
tions' daily surviva1. as well ilS for the survival of their personal investment
in feminism.

ACTlVtST BURNOUT
Blilck feminist organizers found that regardless of personal commit-
ment to theirorpniUltions, the $OCiJl costs of activism were high. As orga-
nizations with litt.le funding. they relk-d he~vily on members 10 sl~ff their
offices, coordin~te workshops, ~nd filcilit~te events that promoted organi-
zational growth. In the context of this and other social movement organi-
Ultions. burnout. or activist fatigue. marked the growing awareness among
~clivists thai they committed more time 10 !IOCialmovelllenl ur~~nizalions
th:m to other ~spects of their lives. such as work, school, childr.:u. or inti·
milte partnerships. Burnout also signified a level of intense political xtiv-
ism that few political aClors could sustain for a long p!'riod of time Without
experiencing fatigue or, even, frustration that the achievement of move·
ment obiec1ives seemed distant, if not impossible."
Few social movement theorists addre$s the issue of xtivist burnout.
and even fewer altend to tht gendcrC1l nature of this phenomenon. Doug
McAdam. in his analysis of biographical availability during SNCC'S Free·
dom Summer. notes that the studf'TIt volunteers, as rnembel"!l ofa privi·
leged class. ~re not constr..inC1l by full-lime employment obligatKlnl.
Also. because of their age. students were ofien unmarried and free of
family and marit..1 commitments. White students from priVileged back·
grounds fe..sibly worked in the civil righls movement during the summer
withoul disrupting their edualional plans and were not obligaled to sup·
port spouses and children. in contrast to the grassroots communities they
sought to help."
Sex and scXWII orientation. as categories of analysis. eJltcnd McAdam's
analysis of biographical availability. These identitics. though central to mo·
bilization, were also central faclors in black f('minist organizel'$' fatigue.
Neither femaleness nor lesbi.mism meant that black feminists w('re weak
or less dedicated 10 social change and. therefore. unable to nl:limain their
commitment to the black feminist movement. Keeping in mind that mDelt
ofth<- aClivists in this study were in their early to mid·twenties. as females.
some le$bian and heterOSt!xual black feminists chose to hav{' children at
a particul..r point in thfir social movement careers. As single mothers.
some black f{'lllinists supported lheir families without the assistance of
their male partners. In Olherases. forblack feminists in heterosexual mar·
riage$, th<-ir families needed two in<omes 10 survive in an economic sys·
tem based on racial and gender discrimination. Depending on the sexu..l
division of labor in their homes. these black feminists Illay have carried
the double hurden of household maintenance and employment outside the
home. Black leibian feminists faced biogr.lphical availability issues. as well.
in their relationships with panners. Undoubtedly. black feminist partners.
in the home and in thl' same social movement organizations. experienced
the benefits and strains of their joint involvemt'nt in the s.1me movclllt'nt
drcles on a daily b,uis.
('aradoxically, though black women joined feminist organizations to al·
leviatt' the financial. economic. and ~'Ychological burdens of black WOrnall'
hood, these saml' organizations added to their work. Black feminist orga-
nizers. partirul..r1y those who founded the organizations. c~rricd a triplt'
or
hurdl,". Illack WQmen who t'ndured the intensity black feminist orga-

'II '11 '0.. '4'

nizing in a short period, emerged stronger in Iheir political conviction"
yet elthausted from the struggle.
In hindsight. bbck feminist organizers repeatedly ha~ observed that
their organizations mighl have lasted longer had tnere been money to pay
fuJl-lime slaff:'· For some organizations. such as the "''''If, the lad: offull-
time. paid staffor volunteen; puts undue stress and strain on its founders.
For example, the archives of the "''''If evidence the huge amounts of cor-
respondence the organization r«eived from women interested in learning
l1lQre about black feminism in genenl." Eichelberger personally answered
hundreds ofleners over the course of the "'''' II f'S eltistenc:e without the help
of technologies suclt as copy machines, facsimile milChines, or electronic
rnail.1bt lime spent answering correspondt:nc:t and mailing out informa-
tion aboullhe N'" B f was tirnt' taken away from advancing the organization',
goals, though Eichelberger did speak 10 a number of black women nation-
ally about black feminism and its conno:etions to black women's 1i~s.
In a similar position, Margaret Sloan, who left the tllFO in '974, is slill
dedicated to black feminism, but weary of the stnins of runninga national
organization,'· She and Galvin- Lewis were tJ1lo, N IIFO'S only staffat its found-
ing in '973. and both believe that had the organization had the funds, even
01K' full-time, paid staff member would have served it well. The following
e:u:hange between the tlIlFO'S Deborah Singletary, Eugenia Wilshire. and
lane Galvin-Lewis occurred at the beginning of an interview, signifying
activist fatigue as a top decline factor in the minds of organization mem-
ben;, Still, the C'ndunnct of black feminist political convictions and iden-
tification with its politics was at the forefront of the informants' collective
consciousness:

Si"gl~l<lry: ArC' we black feminists now~

GaIvin·UwU: I think I am. but well..
Wih"jn:: War-weny ... been in the trclld>es.
Sinplllry: We're what?
G"svi,,-Ltwis: War-weary
Inl~~r: War-weary warriors?
Galvin_L.wis: War·weary warriors-that's uice....

The alliteration of ~wal-weary warriors" rc,onates for Galvin-Lewis aud

summari:({'s for hl-r thl- scnlirnenls among black feminisls as their organi.
zations folded, They were warriors in the scnS(" thatlhey constantly ~tnlg­
gled againsl racism. sexi~m, da!<Sism. and Ilt'll'rosc:xism in the dominant
socil'ty alld black cornmunili<!S. Yet, a, tilt' women of the ""fO found out,
they were also pion~rs in a struggle 10 define black feminism and ensure
Ihe black feminist movement's growth.

IOEOLOCtCAL DISPUTES
The ideological disput" black feminists elKountered were rooted in
an initial assumption about the homogeneity of black women's 1iYt'S. Al-
though black feminist organiz:otions bllsed their objectives in race and gen"
der com moo allies, black women had their own individual identities based
in dass, seJO.laI orientation. and color differences" These differences af·
fcrted their definitions of feminism and their visions of black feminist
organilAltional objt'Ctives. In their altempts to reconcile the plurality of
black feminist visions lhat emerged, b1;M;:k feminists encountered conflicts
oyer funding SOUTCl"S and alliances with white feminists that contributed
to org:miutional dt'Clim.', but also enriched their organizations' legacy.
Black feminism, at the time these organizations came into being, was
a new concept. As a theory and prilCtice, it was vulnerable to the debate
of whether biack women should be involved in the feminist movement
at all, bUI black feminists had already decided that it was a relevant po-
litical stance for their 3ctivism. Yel, black feminists did not expeo::t to find
dif&':nsion within their own ranks over the meaning and focus of a black
fen.inisl agenda, Ideologialfissures within black feminist organiutions
address the inability of a singular black feminist col1«tive identity to meet
the expectations of all black women. Ideological splits within b1a.ck femi-
niSI organizations hindered their mobilization of resources by limiting the
number of benefactors (e.g.. foundations, other organizations, ctc.) some
members deemed acceptable.
For example, Sloan recalls dissention within the >lUO OYer funding
sources for its Eastern Regional Conference. Some women, Sloan daims,
saw the influx of ·white money· from Ms. and the Eastman Foundation
into the organization as antithetical to an ethic of black self-reliance;

or
And tllen we had a couple nationalist women-l always figured, you
know, if I'm invited to a party and J go to it and I don'l like the music, if
Ihey don"t change tIM: music J haw: lhe option to leaye. J ~r understood,
but I mean, that"s some people'S a~nd.a" We had SOme nationalist women
who-we had (rff meeting sp:w:e at the Women's Action Alliance. II was
an organization Ihat-actually lalll'was in it and she Will black and shewas
able 10 get the space. J think there were tllrCl: women thaI worked there,
two white and on.. bl:ad-th..,y didn't want 10 meet there because il was in
 a white wemtn's effice, you know. They didn't want to lake the [Eastmanl
foundalion money because il Came frOIll tnt whit(' fM:'Opl... I s.a.id, ·Well,
you know. th.. barbecut' piKe and all-they ain·t giving us no mont'y so
we're taking this mon..y. If tlu-y'll' going TO give money fer us 10 have a
black f..minist cenferenc..-yes." With no slrings allached~ I'd be a fool
noT to lake iT."

A concern was that whiTe erganizaTions would co·opt the NBFO, thereby
compremising its already prl"Carious position wilh black communities as
black·identificd.lbe implication of Sloan's reply spc~ks to the lack ofsup·
port the NIlFO r('(eived from iocal and national black institutions {e.g.,
churdle!. sorerilies, local busillCSSCS). Walker, ror ex.amplc, noled in her
1974 leller To lhe editors at Ms. lhallh(' black pn::s.~ failed 10 send reporters
to cover the conference, though they well' invitt'd. In highlighting tnt abo
sence of ovt'rwhelming black support. Sloon countt'rOO nationalist admon·
ishml'nts with the rt'ality that The NBVO'S fOrlllative black feminiSI agenda
was counter to the prevailing. patriarchal ideology of the blad: community
and society at large.
Black feminist organizations complicate the interconnections betwren
resources and collective identity, particularly the revolulionary slance of
black feminism vis·a·vis black corn mu nities. The Nil FO. Combahee. and the
by principles that wcrc antiracist and antisexist. thereby alien·
T ......Astood
ating the majority offunding scurces en which othereivil rights organiza.
tiens ceuld rely, The NIIFO hoped to form commilleell towork wilh women
in prison and women addicted to illegal drugs, but because ofth.f..sc popu·
lations' marginality the NIlFO alienated uppcr.middle·d3S5 and middle·
class blacks who contributed to racial uplift organizations such as Ihe Na·
lion'll Council of Negro Women." Additionally. the TWW" and Combahec·s
anticapitalist. anti.imperialist. and antihcterosc~ist principl!.'s did not en·
de.. r them 10 .. black bourgeoisie that viewed thcse particul~r women as
a threat to the status quo into which some middle·class blKks attempted
te integrale. Black churches, SCrorilies, and other institUTions that favored
integration would not fund revolutionary organizations that advocated the
radical transformation of se~ist institutions. Moreover, the T .... W"·S avoca·
lion ofan antiheterosexist polilicand Comba;]ll'e'sopcnly lesbian member-
ship put Ihem in OpposiTion to the dominant mOr.lol posilion of the black
church. which held, and still holds, an enormous amount of sway in die·
tatin!! heterocentric selCual politics among Afrkan Americans.
CO ... UTIONS WITH WHITE fEIoltN1STS
Wh~hcr they liked it or not. bbck feminist organizalions were parI
of lhe larger u.s. women's movement. l1lcy transformed the theorelical
grounding oflhe movement from gender as the primary oppression to an
examination of race, daSll, and gender as inter5eCting systems of oppres-
sion in the Iiwos of all women. Blilck feminists proudly ~de this theo_
retical contribulion to the women's movemenl, bUl lhey re~ted differ-
entl)' 10 working with white feminists' organizalions on a practiul, direct
action level.
Some black feminist organizations did work wilh while feminists when
an issue addressed the inlersection of race, class, and gender. They re<:og·
nized commonalties Wilh white feminists across racial categories, eYen if
they encountered racism in the process of coalition building, Combahec:
and lhe NBfO, for e~ample, held anliracism awareness workshops for white
feminist organiZ<ltions.l.l Black feminists issued white women a chal1C'nge
to educale themSl'lves about racism and the complexity of other cultures,
bUl they were also adamant lhat it was not black feminists' rt~po'l$ibjljl)' to
educate them. Educating whitl'S about rxism was not the primary goal of
black feminist organizalions: building black women's self.image and de·
stroying internalized racism wC're the priorilies."
The 11'1'0'" saw building blac.k women's self.image and promoting anti·
racism among white feminists as related projecls. A major enaclment of
this work was the organization's particip,;lIion in lhe Bay Area FeminiSl Fed·
eral Credit Union. TIle a....o ... members servffi on the credit union board
along with white feminist members from the Daughters of llililis, the San
Francisco Women's CCllI"r. and the Golden Gale c.hapter of NOW, TIle aWOA
also worked with white feminists in filing pub!!e Interest clas.~ action suilS
and in increasing the number of women employed in law enforcement.
Sinc~ th~ aWOA was organized for action, it opted to work in coalition with
while f~minists, rather than hold workshops tlut would theorize ~bolll
racism. Workshops were an effe<:tivt' means of antiracist organi7.ing, but
the BWOA'S attivities illustrate the principle of theory in ~(tion. CollStitu·
enls· work c.onnecled them with white feminists and illustr~les lhe linu
between differ"llt groups of wom~n working in thl" financial and politic.al
illlerL"Sts ofall women.
Inleractions with white feminisls were a conlested terrain for theT........A
and the NJlBf. I ha\"C noted the early interactions of Easl Coast T.... WA memo
bers with white feminists, sum ..s theit participation in NOW'S August 1969
women's "lilMoration Day" parade, that further decreased t~ir trust in the
possibilities of CNUlion building. Beal critiques the women's movement
for narrow definitions ofwomen's issul':I and interrogated the meaning of
liberation. In doing so. she highlights the ways that the socialist and racial-
ized aspe<ts oftbe TWWA'S collective identity put members in opposition
to mainstream white feminists, whQm !he TWW... saw as merely attempt·
ing to appropriate the power of white males. This incident did nol rule out
alliances with socialist. antiracist white feminists. but the TWW... avoided
lho~ alliances that reRected little und~tanding of Iiberillion as an issue
of an anliracist, antisexist, anti.imperialist, anticapitalist position.
On the West Coast. the debate over working in solidarity with white
feminists took on a form that contributed to the decline of the TWW.... but
fostered the growth of a new organiution. Archival records and infonnants
were unde..r on the da.tcs uf the transition, bUI between apprOlrilltatcly
1979 and 1980 members of the TWW...'S West Coast branch debated whethl'r
to expand the organization to include white women." Sensing. as tbe IIWO...
did, a rise in conservatism nationwide. some TWW'" members ftlt that it
was time to form ont organization that joined women of culur and white
worntn. The political ideology of the T........ directly influenced the new
organization. the AlIian~ Against Women's Oppression ("'AWO), but not
all TWW... mtmbers agreed with this transition. As Cheryl P<.:rry explains,
some members felt thatlhe organization had finally reached a comfort,
able working relationship across their dilfereoces as women of color and
that allowing white women to join their organization would be detriml'n·
tal to the growing collectiVity orwomen ofcolor:"' mean, il was Iikl'-you
know. it's like any olher organization. You really get a good comforl tOne,
)ustto ~rcome Asian and Black and Hispanic women coming together.
you know what I ml'an? And even though there wasn't thaI much ideo·
logical dilferencl'-but cultura.lly we Wl're very difrerl'nI, hUI we oyercame
thaI through years aoci yearsofworking togethl"r. So the Ilotion of bringing
while women into the group really caused a lot of ideological issuC'S. And
~o ~oml' of us went on [with the n~ organization[, and others went and
did othl'r things."" linda Burnham, a TW"'", member who took Oil a larger
leadership roll' in tl1l' neworganiution nOles. "That changl' came about as
part ofa complicated allempttodevelopa mOrl'conSislt'nt class analysis in
the organization." .. Through an enon strongl'r class·based approach than
thI'TWWA's. Burnham and olhers involved with the ..........0 thought Ihat it
was time ror tl1l' organization to expand to indude the needs and conel'ms
of working.c1ass and poor white women. West Coast TWW... rncmbrrs de·
veloped an analysis thai maintainlod an antiracist agenda, hUI joined white
reminists in intl."fJr.llting that a~l1da inlo a larger anti.imperialist move-
ment. Although it meant the demise or the TWWA. the rormation or the
.....wo ensured the longevity orlhe "T" .... legacy into the lale 198os.
The N...aFdid 1101 experience a transition in lhe organization's structure.
bUllhere were disagrrements over affiliation with white feminists. Gayle
Porter, chairperson or Ihe organization cites one particular elGlmple that
highlighled concems about affiliation with while feminists beyond inter.
personal racism:

Prob;lbly ther.. _.., [ideologiul debateslthat had to do with how much

affiliation would the.., be with white feminist groups, How much affilia-
tion would there he wilh lesbian groups? How many evenls would we
have where we would bring Our male p;lrlners or friends Or husbands or
brOl hers or sons? But 1would say the mOSI intensediscussions were 1Ihi"k
al times with lhe level of affil~tion wilh while feminist groups. _.. 1don'l
R'm..mbcr all ofth.. organizalions i","OIvt'd-w;ls that there was going to
be a big voler.' regislration push and I Gin recall. at one of our meetings.
where o~ or lhe while groups volunteered 10 go inlo bl:w:k churches 10
help regiSler black pr<lple. And 1 said. "' mean this, 10 me. would be a
poor use ofyour tim.. since you haven't even been able to ""r$la<k enough
white wom..n 10 pressure a presidential andidale inlo selecting a white
woman 10 be a vke-presidenl. And you're lhe largest group in lhe coun-
try: So there could be lhat kind of. I mean for me. jusl an alTogance. bUI
al the same time there we.., delinite areas of 8uch strong agr~ment and
supporl.)VU know, for both cauSClI. For making change in the ...·hilecol11·
munity. ;as Wf:ll ;Q making rhallg.. in the black. community. But 1 think
001111' membl'n were more or less comfortable with lhal_'·'

This incident ilIuSlrales an enduring trait of e~rly feminist orga.ni~inj.::

identity politics as a strategy of organizing in black communities. Black
feminists felt the neW to organi~e around their own oppression. bUI they
did not carry this practict' to the erlenl of separatism. In their cQ;llitions
Wilh while feminists, black feminist organizations actively sought ways to
supporl cQ;llitions Wilhoul TeinKribing rac~l dominance.

L~"'OIJSIlIV illSI'UTES
Resource mohilization and social constructionist tht'oril'S overlap in
1l1ell view or the role lcadt'rsl1ip dispute. play in Ihe decline ofsocial movt'-
ment organiUlious. Whit rdercnce to black feminisl orllanI7,alion~, rc-
source mobilization issues at the organ~tion;ilIC'\lel combined with col·
le<:ti~ identity conRicts to manifest challenges to the authority of black
feminist organization founders as feminist leadt,rs.lbese factors took their
toll on black feminist leaders and the membership. often creating:;!.n im·
passe in charting the future direction of organiUltions and the movement.
The 8WO... and the East Coast TWW... both de<:ided to stop meeting be·
cause Ihey felt it was lime to devise new stratt'gies of organizing. These
organiUltions sensed a rise in conservatism. and both membership bodies
determined that 1960s stratt'gi!"S would not be effe<:tive in lhe predieled
backl3!!lh against women of color. the working poor. and people of color
communities. Foundcr-s of the BWO.... for eJGImple, sensed conservatism
rising internally because some new professional members wanted to bu·
reaucratize th.. organization. contrary 10 the BWO... ·S nonhierarchical struc·
ture:

One of the positive things that happ"nl'd with Black Women Organized
for Action is lhal many of our women got involvl'd in lots and lots and
lots of things ... I think ....·hat we've done is _'\It' spread the leadership.
which was our purpose. One of the reasons _ structured it the way we
did was that we did not want it identified as anybody"s organization. So
that it would be in my name and everyone would say, Th. that's Aileen's
group'- We didn't w;lntthat to haPP"n, We wanted uS to really create IK'W
leaden;hip and w(' did that. I think _ have significantly dolll' that. There
are 50 many Black Women Organized for Action membC'rs who are into
many. many thrngs, not only her.. in California, but around the world."

Many skilled organizers emerged from the 8WO...'S and East Coast TWW... ·S
collective leadership process and used their r!"Sources in the hroader move,
ment community. By making decisions collecti,·ely. these two organiza·
tions managed to circumvent strain on preexisting networks. £king lead·
erless from their inceptions madt' the collective decision to disband an
investment in future activism. rather than causing one person to bear the
responsibility for the organizations' dentise.
A leadership dis pille highlightl'd the personal consequences of leader·
ship dl'Veiopment. and collectivity precipit~ted the decline of the West
Coast branch of the TWW.... Cheryl Perry. as the foundt'r of the West Cout
branch. admits feding betrayed when. during the dL'dine ofther"'''... and
the emergence of a new organization. other members made it dear that
she would no longer have a leadelllhip role:
 Keep in mind -rm not advocating that I should have bei'n in leadership.
But. simply, I was maintaining probably old methods or organi1ing. You
know, I Iud not made tltt tr;msition around what I"" new requirements
were for political work.". So-and keep in mind I'm coming from a very
grassroots sort of t'sperit'nce and I had not devt'lopel.l tht' or.lll and writ·
tt'n-I had lilt' onl skills, but I had not tht' ideological Of written skills to
participate that way. And 10 I think it was just a Tt'Cognition that I'm a hel·
luva' an organi2.t'r, but J wasn't somront' who could Iud political dt'bate!l
or sit in a rOOm with five or six other organiutions who all had diffnent
opinions aoout women's oppression and nre to generate my ideas,"

Perry, while in ""r mid·twenties, amassed a high level of oophisliGltiOtl in

the area of grassroots organizing, but she later realized Ihat her skills did
not fit Ihe ntw organiution's agenda for the struggle against women's op-
pression across race and gender boundaries. She did remain in the new
organization for a while, but she still gr.lppled with being deposed as the
leader:

Even though I carried on with people [in 1M organization]. my leader·

ship changt'd in the organization and I was more, l...fs call it, not neces·
sarily periphery, but betWfftl the leadership and the periphery. What had
happened 19 I had-you know, Third World Women's Alliance is my baby
(bughterl, And SO as it st;trted to make the tra.nsition, I was having a h;trd
time letting go-this is more personal than political-and as a result of
that, people felt lhat I could lIot lead in the new organiution.... rm still
fairly young. you know, not really-not able to ... objectify my f",,'ings
about not being in the leackrship. So, pretty much I puUe<! back. ('Ven
though rstill Slarn! active" .. J was nol il11he leadership. so I attended lhe
meetings, I did different things. but it wnn'tlikc my heart W;tS in it in the
Rille way a~ with the Third World Womcn's ....Iliance.... You know. it's
oneofthose lhings. ISlarted the organization. Womcn, who are politically
active now,l ~member brilll(ing lh~m in. So il was all th;ttsmff. I was un·
able toobjectiry-inolherwords. [wasn't at!he point where I could accepl
lllfo factlhat I w~sn'tleading the organization. I had done it for SO 10Ilg,"

Pcrry's position wilhin the organiz.ation had to change for the org;llliz.a.
liolllO grow. TIle transilion also allowed her to move on to other org;tnizing,
particularly ~mong black professionals. But, Perry's characteriZ~lionof her
dissatisfaction as youlhful inexpcriCllCC and as personal r.llher than politi,
ulls accurate but insufficieltt in cxplaining lhe social'psychological pro-
cesse!! oneader~hipdtcline. Although she was young, Perry's role in bring-
ing theT......~ from the EaSlto the West Coast was critical in the emergence
of other women of color organizations with a socialist, feminist viewpoint.
Age mattered lillie when Perry was unp.1id for time and resources she put
into theorganiution. She. in facl, donated dedicated labor with significant
political implications for the development of black feminist organizing.
Also embedded in Perry's comments is an illuminating analysis of the
p.1radoxe50ffeminist leadership. like manyotherbla.c:k feminist founders.
Perry wanted to develop leadership skills in otner women of color, but she
did not anticip.1te a role reversal in which she became a follower of worn en
she had trained as they tried diffen~nt leadership roles. This shift in power
dYl1ilmi~ was not an easy transition for Perry to make, especially since she
saw herself as the "mother" of the West Coast T"'WA branch. Undoubtedly.
her hard worl: in transplanting an organization from one coast to another
and building a successful grassroots organization was a testament to lK-r
ability as an organizer and, therefore. difficult to ~tep aW<lY from. An unspo'
ken pitfall oftne equitable distribution of leadership roles for founders is
that, eventually, founders are challenged to share tlK-leadership according
to tlK- epliurian terms they initially espoused.
Eichelberger experienced this type of challen~ to her leadership posi-
tion. but rather th<ln a new organiution emerging, the NABF folded under
the pressure. Nelson. whowas<l member of the NABFand remained friends
with Eichelberger, recalls Eichelberger's precarious position:

Some of us , .. really did everything we could to prolect Brenda from a

lot of things that were going 011 in the organization. We did evt."rylhirtg we
could 'cause we could SC<' things that were going down. We a1",..ys uSl"d to
suggest 10 Brenda Ih.:tt she should surround herself with prople who were
personally loyal 10 her. And Br("llda was good·hearted. good· natured. and
all thai kind of stuff and the snakes-hasically. th.. snakes gal at hrr..
She Was just too - her house was open 10 ev..rybcdy. She tried to be a 101 of
everything to everybody-a lot of things 10 everybody. And w.. who wer..
silting back knew Ihal Ihis wasn'l going 10 worl:.
And Brenda was-the orllaniz.:lltion was. like. il was her life. Sh.. iU!<I
put everything into lhe organiz.:lltion and we alw;lys fdl that she was not
appreciated as much as she should [be]. Shesp.-nl herowlI loon..,.. She did
all kinds of things for th.. organization and she wasn't gelling the kmd of
cooperation Ihal she should have been gcllinll. financially Qr-I r..luelll·
b<:r Brenda lllll.'d to-the newlllelll"r w""lll ha..... tu KtI "ul or 1I01l1<'lhintt
 like that ~nd you [turning to Brenda] would be sitting thert doing it your-
self, when actu.aIly ahe w~s Sllppos«lto h~ve input or somebody come in.
In other words, if tn.:- committee didn't do w....t they were supposed to
do, Blenda Eichelberger ended upsJlCnding heTweekends orherevenings
doing it.... 1felt t....t they knew that Brenda was going to get it done. She
was going to do whatever she could to keep it aH();II."

Eicltelbergl"r did not set! the relationship between herself and the mem·
bersofthe NAIF as exploitative, but sht-doesadmit that at the time, she fell
some members wantlod to criticize her efforts without contributing any·
thing to the organization. Eichelberger found herself, during the HAlf'S
decline, assuming the majority of responsibility for the organization out of
her passion for blad: femitlism and a formali7.ed organization.
Demonstrating how power is interpreted differently from leader and fol·
lower positions. Ekhelbergerdisagreed with ffitmbers who fclt she h~d at·
tempted to have exc!usivecontrol overtheorganization's agenda. Yet, some
members felt that Eichelbergtrdid noltake seriously suggestions forolher
facets of the HAlF'S organizing efforts, for ellample. the cr('ation of a blad:
wom('n ntist colle<:tive." In countering these claims, Eicht-lberger reiter-
ated that the NAif was an umbrella organization lh.at facilitated th(' growth
of other black feminist enterprises.
Some members oftliC HAlf felt that Eichelbergcrdesignatoo hen;elflhe
prime crafter of black feminism and, therefore. the only person who could
speak on behalfof the organization. This accusation crealed a split among
members betwe('n those- who appreciated Eichelberger's dediGitiotl to the
organization and those who felt that her leadership Slyle was autocnlic.
What bolh sides failed to realiZ(' was til(' symbiosis between Eichelberger's
style of leadership and the media's tendency to creale spokespersons or
stars within social movements'" It is difficult 10 discern whether Eichel·
berger wanted to, or could have. declined the role ofspokespc:rson in favor
of a more egalitarian mode ofcommunication with the media. Mighl a col·
lectiwo, such as Cornhahee, h.ave better success in negotiating the is.s~ of
leaders and the star system?
Thl!' Combah('(' River Collective suffered from similar internal leader·
ship conflicts. As ~ publishll'd writer, Barban Smilh stool! out from the
othcrcolk-ctive members as a highly visible representative. Smith contends
that the group collectively made decisions, but olher members had a dif·
ferent pl'rspective on the star system lhat evolVl:'d within Cornbah«. M('r·
cedes lbmpkinl. fot example, ohscrves lhal Smit h 1x~am(' the person other
organiLatioTU approached when they wanted input or participation from
Combahee in aclivities. Consequf'ntly, Tompkins pcrcf'ives Smith's promi·
nC'ncf' n a filtf'r for the type of information tlut eventually reached the
group. Although the collective stnlCturl" was an effort to avoid hierarchy,
Combahl't' encounterf'd internal and external difficulties in d~ising a lead·
erlels strategy that wu truly ~a1iurU.n. Eventually, Combahee's historic
slatement on black feminism and Smith's published work wilh Kitchen
Table Women ofColor Press defined Combah~'s lasting legacy.
As Okn.;Iwa·Rey pinpoinlS, it is difficult to ascertain where a leader's as-
serted dominancf' f'nds and llIem~rs' acquif'scence begins. In the cases of
the NAIf and Combah~. founders and rank·and·file members raised valid
isslK'S about the dangers of organizational leadership and thC' tyranny of
structurelessness in masking power where thf're was thought to ~ 11Onf'.
Detf'rmining when a person crosses the boundary from dedicated leader 10
exerting inordinate power is a dilemma organizations must remain Vigilant
for from their incf'ptions.
Avaibbility issues also played a role in compliuting the leadership con·
f1iclS of blilCk feminist organizations. It is possible that for Smith, Eichel·
berger, and Perry, black femini.st organizing. compared to other personal
obligations, held a higher priority than it did for other members.11tey all
initiated the formation of their respective organiutions. In light of this
founder/organiution connection. regardless of hierarchical or collective
slructure. it is possible that new ml'mbers initially accepted ttll' existing
leadership structure. By the time new members gained organizing skills
and wanted a chance to lise them. lhe founders were firmly installed in
their leadership positiolls. For an organization based on prt'existing friend·
ship networks. t~ leadershipconflicts Wl're even more damaging to the
continuancl:' of the organization because lhe political and person~l I'o'f're so
thoroughly intertwined.
It is worth nOling th~t for Combahee. these prrexisting n..t"mrks in-
cluded friendshilJ5 and romantic relationships, adding an additional layer
to leadership conflicts. Barbara Smith', uchived noll'S from tiM' third rf'-
tre~t refer to a personal conflict that impacted the collective'S polilic~l pro·
ceo<s. Recalling Smith's powC'rful posilion in Comba~. an individual pt'r·
sonal conflict meant disruption for theentirecolle<:tivl'. As an organization
consisting of~clivisls who we", also frif'lIds. political discussions on ]l'sbi·
~nism ~nd tiM' politics ofbt-ing out o\,erlappt'd with the joys and perils of

intimate ,dationshilJ5. Intimat!" irlVolvcrncnt is 110t uncolllmon in social

movl'lllcnl orgilllizalioTlS. but th"re is little rest'arch on thl' consequences
ofthi! invol\'ement for orga iulion·s functioni...g. How do t~ emotional
aspecls ofpolitiol I'ng:l!lcml'! t i... ter.lcl with the poli tical pr.llclice ofll!:lder·
ship?" ForCombaht'C. it mea t tholt t~ pt'rson i... conflict with Smilh was
asked to leave theorg'l.I'liution or fell uncomforuble remaining, as was her
friend who fdt impJioted inlhe conAict by associatio.... This nample pro·
vides an illustratio... of the difficuhy of organizing black wome ..., lesbian
and heterOSl'lCual, who might assume political unity around their mutual
idl."ntities withoul attendillg to interpersonal dynamics.
TIle HB10 encou...tered interpersonal difficulties in its organization,
but its case shows that these relatiQnships impact burl."aucratk organiza·
tions. as well as collectives such as Combahee. Thl." realiution that all black
women ~renot politically aligned or hdd the same interests came too lale
for the HIlFa'S leadl'rship core. Organizational documl'nts and informant
interviews indicate Ihat the N BFa'S interpersonal conflicts were rooted in
competition for control of the organization's agenda and ideological foun·
datio.... Interpersonal conllicts resulted in struggles over the leadership's
bureaucratic structure, and. despite later coopt'r.ltive efforts, the organi-
zation's failing infrastruClure did little to give tm- organization ideologi-
cal focus.
From the start. though the NllfO had a stateml'nt of purpose. Ih,· orga·
nizatio...·sslratl'gy for building a nationwide black frrninist m~ment was
ill dcfint-d. Wallace complains, -after a while. it became an embOlrr.ll$Sment
to try and answer the question. 'what does N 1110 tIo?' -.., Sloan, as the first
and only chair of tile NIIFO, felt extreme pressure to unite dis~rale views
of black ft"minism under one organizational umbrella. Nationalists. social·
ists. mai...stre;om liberals, ~nd women who were politically undedded all
wanted input in the organi1.ation·s direction, but their lack of participation
in the d;oily operation of the organization precluded tholt input and made it
aplX'ar that Sloan was autocratic. Some members sporadiolly volunteert-d
in the NBFO office, but the bunk... fell to Stoall and to Galvin-Lewis, who
served as vice·chair. In Galvin.Lewis·sopinion.lheir later attl'mpt~ at egali.
tarianism were 100 flexible and this accelerated the organization's dedint":

In our desir.. for eogalitarianism. we didn't put down our fOOl Nrlyenough
on Ihr idwlogy and politk. of "'IFO. And by Ihe time we did that there
had been two groups, in particuln, that had tak"n hold and cteat~ ...NI/
u.. RJJoowd 10"" an argument. We had 110 busin~ tv.'n allowing it to be a
Jd•.1le, but we were $0 busy lIi1ying "Oh. we're not goiug to be tikI' uther
org;tnization~, Wr'ro: flOl !!'JlIlg 10 lay lI,al we'rr running Jtufl'.~ 'md the
 irony-the itollyin it """'5 th~tt~t'i wh3tthey accused usof lI11)Wlly. I will
nevtr forget the ·founding mother', con~r,..tion.···

The founding mother's convel1>lltion most dNrly sign~led the beginning

of the N8fO'S decline. After Sloan's re5ignation, several women formed a
policy committee in August 1974 to establish guid~lines for a new. coordi-
nating council structure and worhble guidelines for ch3pter formation.
Although est~b1ished as ~ short·tenn body, this comminee remained in
place until a coordinating council was elected in October of that same year,
11K' interim le~deTShip.~nd the subsequent coordinatilll! councilmem·
bers, including G~lvin·Lewis ~nd Singlet3ry, m~de progress tow~rd bring-
ing the national office and its chapters together through the establishment
of the N8fO newsletter. The leaders also org~nized the N SFO'S lirst national
convention. held in Detroit in the spring of 1975. 111l' purpose oftlx: con·
vention W3S to solidify guidelines for chapter fonnation: come to agree-
ment on the organization's purpose, philosophy. and go.:lls: and establish
a dues structure that would ~lIow the organization to budb'et its resources.
Fifty N sFo members allended and agreed to plan for ~ constitutional con·
velllion. but then" were also initial challenges to the nation~l, New York-
base<! leadership.
TIle women who ch~l1enged the le~dership ~Iso lived in New York, but
th..y felt that the city should have a chapteT independent of the tultion~1
office because. in tlK-ir opinion, the national office leadership held too
much powl'r. As an initial act of dissention. the contendl'TS formed a New
York City chapter in August t975. Galvin·Lewis and Singletary character·
ize the dissenters as overzealous SOl:ialists or communists who ddibt:rately
attempted to disrupt the organization."
Bbck f('minist rl'5pondents. interviewed separ.llely and on different
Q(usions. mcntion Brend.. Verner's ..ntiblack feminist xtivisrn, in par.
ticular, as disruptive. She not only published the negati.·c. homophobic reo
view of the N8FO'S Eoistern Regiona.l Conferencediscusserl in chapter 4, but
slK' also, in Smith's opinion, sought to disrupt the formation of the NIIFO'S
Boslon c.Iulpter." Singletary and Galvin·lewis, ofthe New York NBfO, recall
the disruptive tactics of olher possible provocateurs'

Sing!etu"}': I rrmernber bl.'ing at one meeting. We had a. wnfl."rence on

r~cismand Sl'~isl1l in theworlll."n·s movement ~t1d-J'Il11oout On ~ limb
here_bot I relllcmlK'r ~onll"O'H~ getling up and saying ·What about
sociah~m?!?" And then there was ~ woman l1l~yhe dowllthe w~y who

wlool! Ull and ~aid. "And what about s"ch·~nd,sllchm· And ",'hal-I
 ....w us stop what we~rc doing and ~r those qucstions. And later
J thought, ·Oh, ".., miued the: bo.at there: We_r., on Our ""'y towards
tlw: end, But, I really do feel and [do not have any-I'm speaking on
intuition, , , , I'm working Oil intuition here. but it ~ems to me that
those inlerruplions well' too stl"atcgk to be just the rantings of some
women who did not rnpeet the structure. And becau5C We were not_
I fed that we wen' so nai~ We never considered lhar any governmenl
body would pay us enough attention to scnd-what arc they called?
Inlt:~r: Agent prOVOCaleUI'1?
Singltlary: 15 thai what they're called? It n~r occurred 10 us-it never
occurred 10 me anyway-that they would.
G"fvi",Uu>is: Yeah. But it did O(cur to me laler.
S'''Illrlary: And rm sure. Now I feel very slrongly that that's what hap'
pened and we feU for it,"

The problem this type of disruptive behavior l"aist'S for a social move·
ment organizalion is how to distinguish between agent provocateurs' in·
tentional disrupt ion and contenders' legitimate claims. Well' thesc women
FBI plants. or were they simply 50 against black feminism that they would
take the time to attend conferences and meetings in an auempl to derail the
proceedings? Were thc:sc women pl'rhaps simply trying to convince other
black women that another path, say that of emerging Africana w("nanism,
was a more valid choice for black women interested in gender issues?'"
In hindsight. social mo~ment organizational theorists can only hy.
pothesize on the role ofa disS<'!nting group by examining the outcome of tilt'
group's actions. Foreumple, did the NBFo'santkapitalistcolllenders make
legitimate claims for and p;lrticip.:lle in the daily building of a stronger
class,b;lscd foundation, or did they intenlionally derail the orllanizinll pro·
cess? In both cascs-th~t of movement buildinll or lllovement s,aOotalle-
thl.· ideological dissention within the org~niz.ation over leadership struc,
ture signaled the official end of the I'II1FO.
111e growing confront~tion between the I'IBFO'S coordinatinll council
and its opponents came to full fruition during the organi7.ation's F~1l '975
Constitutional Convention. Initially. the convcntion's orJ:anizers intended
to develop bylaws and rules of governance for the national organ;z~tion
and its dl~pters. Instead of completing these tasks. members of the New
York City ch~pter reignited the challcngc issut'<! 10 the coordin~ting coun·
cil at the spring meeting in'klroit, butlhis time tl.., challenllt" was more
ro.«~ful and COlllemious. Galvin·uwis r~Olll1lS thr details of the evrlll:
 By the lime we [the coordin~tingcouncil) fin~lIy uid, "Look. if you w.l.n~
do it th~tw~y. Form your own: they (the 5OCi~lisl diss\onters) had ~Irc~dy
gotten lheir fOOl-they h~d wedged the door SO open that whe'n we gOI to
Ihe Aoar at one of our conventions, they had organized a mOVl:ment again$t
the founders .... And the D.C. group (one ofthl' " "0'$ aclivl' chapters] for
$Oml' rl'awn was just hoslill'. Thl'y did IMlt want-they just did not wanl
p"ace a.nd I never foulld-I ......I'r rl'ally knC'W whl'lher it was ba:ause they
werl' in with thai socialist sluff-'cause SOnIl' oftl....m were-whether they
wl'~ just tllC' young Turks. you know, were feding their oats and w~nting
to takeover. I didn't know ....·hat. but for some re~sons-therewas nothing
we could do. TI.ey said, "We wann~ meet." "Ouy let's meet. What time~
Four o'clock?" "No. seven." "Okay, seven." "No. eight." "Okay, tight." "No,
Sunday." "Okay. Sunday." I mean, they just jerked us around and we were
so anxious, and I was very frightened because I saw thl' organization dis·
solving, I was so amious noIlo let th~t happ"n that I fell for the old ploy.
It's like driving a car in the snow. When you go into a skid. you turn into
lhe skid. ThaI's what straightl'ns you out. But your immediate respanN' is
to pun a......y from the sIOd.
And th:,u's what I ...... s~did was (sounding ~nXiOlU)lo say, "Let's do
(,\,lC'rything we can to see th~t they fed that we're with 'ern ba:ause we re~lIy
arl'. We don't have anything against them. We're really with them." I saw
them learing the thing apart, and instead of just pulling badr and saying
"Lemme tell you something, You want it Oil Sunday at two?TheIl go m""t
with your goddanm self! You said you ...... nted it Saturd.ay at four and we
went along with you!" ... Instead of thaI, we changed to Sunday and noth·
ing would satisfy them. And when we finally got to the C(lnvention Aoor,
lhey voted some Constitutional changes t(lthe Constitution-and I lell
you very hOTlC'Slly ... iI's probably bec:ause I just don't want 10 rememocr.
but whatever tho5e chang" wele-were endemic to deslruction.
And l ....as 31mosl in tea... bec:ause l knew the vote was messed up be·
cause I had seell a bunch of the", meetillg hy a car, and they (were making
shushing noises). And r said, "Awww,boy."Andw<:thensaid,"Allighl.You
want to see this differently. Then how do yOll see it~" And aller tht')' made
these changes they said, "W.. want the r~of(ls. We want the IxKlks. We're
going to call a tnL'eting a~ soon as IO-C ~t b:.ock to New YOlk.- And we (the
coordinaling council) called alld called and '/llkd, "Come gel the IxKlks,
Come gct the books. Don't yOll want to have a meeting?" And lll,'y thcn,
literally, let the organiution die. They destrO)'L..J til(' old Slructure 31ld I
think lhat WaS ddibenle, And IIlC'y JUSI never calii'd a Il1L'etlnll."

16.. w...•.. un w.. nlOn

These details are imporlallt because they highlight the emotional inten·
sity involved in sustaininga neworganiution alld movement among black
women who prniously were thought to be unified by race and gender.
Black women were not ullified in their orienlation toward feminism. From
the NBFO'S eumple. it is clear that some women were dedicated to femi.
nist ideals of egalitarianism and collcdive action but that others pushed
alternative agendas that included socialism as a priority over feminism.
Still others may have sought the intentional destruction of the organiu.
tion. be it motiVOltl"d by personal ideological differenc~ or by government
instigation.
Based 011 the outcome of the HllfO'S Constitutional Convention and the
f,lilure of the contenders to call further met'tings. it appears that this was
a sitmltion of adversarial intervention meant to destroy the organi1.ation.
Had the bid for power been legitimate, fUrlher m~tings would ha~ been
ailed and the organization restructured to open leadership opportunitif:ll
to all members. Instead. as Singletary contends. the NBFO committed a
form oforganiutional suicide: "I say suicide bccaw;eweacted on whatthl'y
we're doing and, I f~l, negleded to ask the question 'Why are they doing
this?" and if we had asked the 'why' question, then we would ha~ gollen
to who we are as black women.""

Black feminist organiutions complicate resource 1l10biliution theory by

inserling the question of collective identity into thc proct'SS of rewurce
attainment. The organiutions offer valuable compari$OlIs and contrasts
for examining financial and human resources. ideological disputes. and
leadership strain as lhey impact organiutional decline. Contrary to previ.
ous women's lnovement histories that caltgorize difference and schisms as
disruptive and divisive, theseconllictsallow us to rethink the category block
""'ImIII.Blrl feminist organi:tations' membersdi!U:overed that black femi-
nists spoke in a range of voices. displaying a hl'tt'rogeneity lhat pushed the
boundaries of black feminist organi1.ing beyond their initial perceptions of
feminist transformation.
In their efforts to mobilize resources. black feminist organizations en·
countered issues of black selr·determination arid racial authenlicity, aswell
as co.optation dilemmas. Four out nflive black femini~l orRaniutions. all
e~cept the B....o.... erperienr.ed financial strain thaI decreased their ability to
publish n,·wsll·I!rrs. ",n ~rnall·SCIleactivities(e.g.. r.onKiousllellS·raising)
and large.Kale CVl'nt~ (rll" workshops and alternative school programs),
or p;ly full· or part·time staff. The records ofonly one oflhe black feminist
organizations. the Ham, document disputes 0Vff whether to accept fund·
ing from white feminist and white libenl organizations. Theorganizalion's
alignment with Ms. allowed the Haro access to funding sources that other
black feminist organiutions may have alienated b«aus~ of a more vocal
nationalist. anti-integration stance that challengLod the status quo.
All five black feminist organiutions' memberships struggled to keep
tneir organization functioning on a daily basis despite their lack of reo
sources. 11Ie demands of black feminist organizing meanl that often the
same members completed a myriad of tasks, such as facilitating meet·
ings, organizing rallies, wrltil1g and publishing lleWSlelters, and giving
speeches. Black feminist organizations and their members. in keeping
up with the momentum of feminist mobilization. experiencai activist
burnout.
Although they were committed to organizing. black feminists found
thaI their ract'. class. and gender limited how much of their time and effort
was availablt' to their organizations. Bla.ck feminists' availability issues did
1101 stop at a lack of class privilt'lle that prohibil....I their full·time activ·
ism,These organizations faced the reality Ihaltheir constiluency and bellf"
ficiaries lacked tIK- rt'sources to sustain organizations. parti<:ularly those
that were national in scope. The black, woman, and often working-class
aspe<:ts yielded an untenable identity matrix in respect to black feminists'
biographical availability: were black feminists free from racial, ecooomic,
and gender discrimination they might have offered more resources to their
organizations, but such freedom woukl effectively negate the purpose of
their organi:utions. Instead. black feminists constantly struggled to main-
tain organizations that hE-ld thE-ir interests as primary and to reach consen·
sus on what defined a black feminist agenda.
Lack of ideological cohesivell("Sll led to disputes over the leadership of
black feminist organizations. Organizationall~adershipstruclurcs ranged
from the Naro and the NIIB"S hi~Tarchic~1 structure to Combahee and th~
"fWWII'scollectivcs tothe B'&'OIl'S rotatinll coordinators. The NU' and NllfO
leaders were overextended bI..'<:ause lh~ir leadership was centnlizcd and
they w~re ult imately responsible for all organizational maintenanc~: never·
theless. rank·and·file members felt excluded from the decision,making
process. For the NIIFO, though itlmembers later auempted a collt"<:tiv~
structure, initial leadership tensions and later attempts at egalitarianism
lead to dire<:t chalJen~es to the founders and ("velltually destroyed the urga.
ni'f.atioJl,
 Colleo:tive structures worked for ~ while in the TWW" ~nd Comwhee,
but they, 100, f~ced le~dership disputes, For both orgilniuotions. decision
milking wu too unstructured ~nd permitted l:ertilin memben to take on
domin~n' roles as primary leaders. "'e West ~st TWill" evolved into ~
mixed·race women's organiution, requiring the esl~bJishrnent of il new
leadership structure a<:cording to the principles of its new members. In
Combahtt, the meaning of a collective was assumed and not upliC<lted,
·mus. memben with certain or~l ~nd wrinen strengths emerged ~s leaders,
resulting in the resentment by other members who held different under-
standings ofc:oJledivity and tlte emerging black feminist movement.
Resource deficiencies parti~lIy expl~in the re~50ns for the decline of
black feminist organizations. but are insufficient in dellCribing fully lheir
deo:Hne. Ultimately, ~ singul~r black feminist coJll'Ctive identity could not
sustain organiutions beGr.use it was, in its early stages. largely in reaction
to the r.Kism ofsome white feminists and initial universalizingconceptual.
iuolionsofsisterhood and women. Also, a black feminist collective identity
did not deal effectively with class differences ~mong black women. which
were crucial totho:- reo:ruitment of new members. Moreover, black feminist
collective identity WiS limited in its theorizing on inteT~rson.a1 relation·
ships between black women, plalonic ;lI1d intimate.
"'e decline of black feminist organiUlions resulted in the end offomlal
organizations. but tho:- narrative of black feminist Ofll'"nizing dot.~ not end
with the formal organizations. Jo Reger offers the hope that issues of de-
cline.like factionalism, can result not in the end ofsocial movement orga·
nizations but in the diversification of those organizations," "'m, while
these five black feminist organizations did not continue, diverllC' modN of
thinking about and pursuing black feminist g<liIls lived on past the decline
offonnal organizations. Black: feminists involvt.'d with these organizations
inspired future black feminists through their work and writing, but they
also conlinue as activists in social justice caWl':S, Black feminisl organi·
zations produced outcomes that radically chanK'" how we can define the
success and failure of organizations and movements.
CONCLUIION

Ullforl..""uly, ''''' OJkIl cur ;lalldard. for .....hwling RJ(;U» """",melll p;l'OI around
""'<I""r or IIOl Ih,y "l",u,lkd";n "aliz;"g O,,:;r l'iri<l<l5 ""IMt tN" Oft III<: meriu or
powers of Ike visions III<:",seh"", By 5t"" /I """'$\<". l'irtually rw:ry radiall mm.~mell/
faill:d buau" 1M bali<: ~r m..lion51l1<:y ~/ kilN"§' ,.",a'" prelly ",uds 'II/..d.
Am:! yel ;/ is prn;;scly Iwlllltrnu.,i", ~iliollS ..m:! drt..1IU 1""1 'lISp'" ...... gtnetllliollS
UJ ron,llI... k> struggU:Pdsovlge.
-Robin D. 8. KdlC')'o f°rtrdorn DmrIlU. 1001

This book aimed to dispel myths that black women were not. or aTe
not, interested in feminism as a potentially libratoTy pTilctice. The evi·
dence shows thai despite Tilcism and sexism in other social movements,
black women simultaneously struggled for their rights as both blacks lind
women. Black women in the ThiTd World Women's Alliance, the National
Black. Feminist Organiulion, the Nollional Alliance of Black Feminists. the
Combahei: Riwr Colle<live, and Black Women Organized for AClion WeTe
among the first 10 articulate identity where race, class, and gender inter·
secl.lhese organizations add an organizational analysis to our knowledge
that black women did this work independcnllyofwhite fcmini.~ts and black
men, bUl in conjunction with one another and with the goal of building a
movement.
Theoretically, the analysis of black feminist organiutiOlls' id<.'lIlity for·
mation. organiulional resourccs, activit it'S, and deditle constn'cl a bridg..
bl'tw~n political opportunity and col1~tiV(' identity Ihl'OriM:. Much likl'
Collins's conceptualiution ofblac:k women's !.loth/and sl;mdpoint, I "ring
thatume standpoint to bear on theS(' two set'mingly oppositional branches
or social movement theory. I conclude thilt while it is entirely possible to
speak only of the organiZiitional ilSpectS ofa movement or solely of the iden·
tity OlSpeo:::ts of a movement's pilrtkip;ams. a more holistic approach allows
us to eumine how they influence one another.
Bringing margilUlin'd communities' SO(i.:d change efforts to lhe fore-
front also challenges assumptions about movement success and failure.
The common query about whether black feminist organiutiolls are still
in operation suggesls lhat bc-cauK they are not, the organiutions were
unsuccessful or failed in their objtttives. It is in this area that I seek to
challer!ge traditional notions ofsuccl'SS or organizational outcome. Gam·
son poses lhe question "Is a group a failure if it [theorpniution] collaFS
with no lrgacy 5i\Ve inspiration to a gener-Ilion lhat will soon take up the
5i\meGiuse with more tangible results?"' In response to his own qUl$tion.
Gamson proposed thinking of "success as a set of outcomes: specifically.
detcrmining what became of the challenging group as an organiZiition and
what 10 make of new advantages distributed to the group's bl,'neficiuies.'
To what degree can we say thai black feminist organiutions were success-
fulor failed in theirobjec:tives? Did they succeed or fail in distributing new
advantages to their beneficiaries?
In gener.ll. I found that black feminist organizations as a social move·
ment community did not SUCCl.'ed in achieving their main objt"Ctives: the
('radkation of racism and Sl'xism. TIlese pl'rsistent fonns of discrimina·
tiOll. along with dOlSsism. hl.'leroscxism. :md ableism, are 5t ill with us today.
However, thl: black feminist movement was successful in initiating a pro-
c~ for thousands of black women who set' the lotality of their Jives and
resist white supremacy's ills. Black feminist theory would not cxist with·
out thl' organizing of black women around their unique po!Iilion in U.S.
sociNy, and that theorizing has spread throughout the academy and into
grassroots organizing.
The black femillist organiZiitiolls in this studye-xpcrienced a mixture of
success and failure in their specilicobjec.:tivt's.·J1le !.,OA. for example. was
successful in r.lising its members' awareness of political issues atli.'Cting
their community. The organization's inlensi~c polling of poHtic:al Cilndi·
dat('s on race and g('nd('r iSSUl'S resulted in calididatCl!l' courtinllthe orga·
nization and r{'('Valllatinll the power of black .....omen to innuence local
clt"Clions. The B.,OA also achit'Vt'd ilS jljo.al of empowering hbck womellin
leader.•hip positions through a rotatinll coordinatur structure that allowed
numerous wom('n. oYer the seven')'Nr cou~ of the organization's exis-
tence. 10 gain skills in f;lCilitaling meelings. fund·r~ising. sening as mC'dia
spokespcl'$(llis. ~nd coordin~ting direct action events.
Similarly. the ""....,. the TWW.... and Combahee r~ised black f('minist
awareness in Chicago. New York, ~nd Boston. respeeti~ly, lhrough con·
sdousness-r;aising and activities directed toward investing in !he w('ll·
b<'ing of black ~nd third world communities. "Ttl(' "" ... B'·S open politic~l
forums and its Alternative School classes wereop<>n to women ~nd men of
all races, serving to promote the "".... ,·s view of feminism as an aspect of
humanism.1bC' TWW... did not have ~ school eSlablished. but its continuo
ous publicatjon of Tripk jUJptJrdy sened a similar educational awareness
function and reilied its commitmenl 10 the lhird world community's sur·
vivaland revolulion~ry potential. The Alliance Againsl Wom('n's Opprl"S'
sian and the Women ofColor Resourc(' unter in Berkeley. U1iforni~. are
the fruits offormcrTww,,- activists' labor that bring forward black feminist
activism and theorizing from th<' late 1960s to the pr~nl.
Comb.ahec·s laSling contribulion 10 th<' black feminist movement was
undoubtedly its organizing statement that expJainC'd black feminist think·
ing and proposed black feminist praxis rooted in social justice. This state·
mentlaid the found~tion for the soci~lisl. feminist revolution Comb.ahee
and its memlX'rs desin-d. Fut Comhahee's members. the Liber:ation pro-
cess was not a finite process and is evident in everything from writing the
slalement. to its Black Wumen's Network Retreats, toco.alilion work in Ros-
lon's black and wom('n's communities. to th<' thriving work of its memo
ber'S today.
The 1....0 is the only orpnization for which clear·cUI successes are
mon!' difficult to disc:t'm, Organizationally. however, the NBfO failed to
reach it.s fullest potential as a national force in the women's and civil rights
I1lOVCmentS, Its initial infraSlructure wu unstable. and the orpniution
lacked an established obj&tive 10 recruit members. Once mt>mhers joined.
Ihey did not know the organization's direction or go;.ls: nor did they hav('
a clear idea about expectations of rne:mhers. However, in its short exis·
tence. lhe organization definilely touched the lives of its members and
showed them the polential for bl;lCk women's collcclive power, II increased
black women's self.image through consciollsness·raising a,l<!. for sevenl
black women. legitimized tIN- women's movement as ll'ss til(' province of
privileged white women. as it was stcrl'Otypically thought to bot',"le N B'O
also providl'd the initial impetus for the clllcrgcnCt oflhe "'''''If and Com·

'70 eONCI,lJ .... N

b.ahce, successfully planting the seeds for black feminism in Boston and
Chicago.
While sharing commonalties, black feminists were not alike in their
organizational structures. or feminist philosophies, Women's studies and
feminist historiallli are beginning to reconceptualize how we think about
feminism given the diversity of experiences among women. Use of terms
such as sodal mOW_'ll wmmunily, prolUI jiLUh. and ,islrrhood' crcatc a
space for inSl"rtinll black feminist organizations into woml'n's mOVl"ment
history. Collecti,'e idl"ntity tht.'Ories serve as a tool for critiquing African
American women's history for its theorizing of bb.ck womanhood and the
dualism betwl'en race work and lhe gender question.
Can Wl" speak of a monolithic feminist worldview? No. we cannot. n1t~
S(holarly and activist response to accusations of racism in anl'mptinll to
speak of "all women: "sisterhood: or "feminism: has bel'n to think of
fl'minism in the plural: frminisnu. We also need to rethink the idea of
"black feminism" as monolithic. Its very complexity may be a possible
reason for lhe seemingly underground nature of black feminist activism
today. While feminislS were nol the only ones guilty of universalizing ten-
dencies in defining lhe categories of women and sisterhood; African Ameri·
can wOlllen activists also underestimated tht, Iimils of defining the calC"
gory bllU!k womankood by ignoring the heterogeneity of black women and
conlmunities.
Black feminisl organil:alions succeeded in some but nol all of lheir
l,'oals. The set ofoutcomes they produced is impressive. if not well known
Or acknowledged in women's movement or social fllo'·l'IIICnllheorycirclcs.
Today, black feminisl~ serve as elected officials and in human rights .agcn·
cies: teach 31 the college level: write prose. poetry. and t-'SSays; and work
as journalists, to name a few of their occupations. They arc also members
of black women's organizations lhal, while lhey do nol claim a feminist
id... nlilY, advocale on bt'll.alfof women and 3Te enj.\3ged in fCllliuisl pra~i8.
nlOse orgallizalions ilKlude thl' National Black Women's Hralth I'roiect.
1111: Black Radical ConG"'ss. thl' Women of Color Resource Center, and
countless local orj.\anizing initialives. Tht' women who foundt-'d and ran
black f"minist organizalions still claim a black feminisl id.'ntity, bUllhcy
m..nifcstlhat idcntily lhrough differenl orKJnizalions and tyJ1'Cll of din'Ct
ac:lion. They (Olllinue 10 inspire generations of women, men. .and people
of many racCll 10 slnlgl;l(" for social juslice by cOllfronting the slalus quo,
as well as grappling with their own pflvilt>ge. For II genellliion to lake up

COICC1V"OIC '1'
the challenge of its ancestors, the foundation needed to be laid for simply
talking about oppression and its manifestations. Bbck feminists laid this
foundation. and now that we're beginning to hear their stories, we as activ·
ists Coin build upon that lega'Y by adding our own blood. sweat. tears. and
laughter to liVing for the revolution.
_ o.,bor>h S;ngl~lary, N"0, inl~..... icw by au' hOI, '997

Ewry fi..e l'""''' I tull "'SOON...."",./I ~nd we: Uly, ·M~ybt we u.o.M lr~,r sornethinll'"
~IlJ we: soy, ·y,~k, lers IkJ it." We k«p rkinhng rll.ol $Orne fOI'ng ""'''(I' an: gping '"
do II. . . I doll'l blO... ..m.,tMclk, r"""l')' "",,,Ill bt ripe forit or not, bul I blOW rke,.',

a 101 ofblDd< women au! rM.., """'clearly idaolifrwfrminiJl and I rkink llult IMrfrd
llull IMr',. by IktmsdWl and 'her'r, ~Io>lt, Alld 11101 kasll" r"""8"" ri..., """'" "'"
did iI. w,_Ur'''- r,ll''''f_ ,,,-_,, ","""",..Ia' I>< ,n 'kc><:pI""u"'r'n~
"My Cod, Itno..ghr I ""'$ crazy. Mar!'< ,kty'n: rig/ll. I "",,,, hi "'" wIlik,}wU 11«/011"

I WjI,,' simJ* ;..sIiufiw ioIIOck """""/1," W<'d gtl rlu5I' ro",ml'lllS ,,!lIM lim'. -n"",k
fOIl, N.FO,for kl"g rkerr," Wtlwn fU"lIlSlud. Ltl'Ularl ~ llIIJgllZinuo l/our """",,,
~c""'1 , ..... rlo N.... yor\: ,wcrT monrkfi>r a ",,.ling..

We Iuld alllht:se drrolmJ ,,,wi ... jllu did,,'1 do lhem.

-M~rR~r~t Slo;In, .. ~t·O, Interview by nlihor

I hope this book has shown th:;a. contrary to Slo'In's lament, black (I'minists
in the '9708 did a 101 to enable future generations ofblacl< f"minis!S and
black feminist activism, No"" that I !Jave addrl'ssed tIre q\l~'Slioll of what
h~l'l"'t",J to formal black r..mini" orgattiutioru, the p,:nist~"l 'I""stion
St:ems 10 lK-, Why is there no (ormal black feminisl org.mi7..ation today~ It
is a question b!;Kk fl'minisl5 conlinul' asking in thl' popular lnd aCldemi<:
pn'llst.'lI" AKain, keepill.': in 1II111d Ihalthere aR' national black 'l'OI1'Ie,,'sor~.
niutions that mayor may not identify as feminist or ";omanist in principle,
it is not for lade of interest that a national organization explicitly advocat.
ing black feminist politics does not exist; witness t~ t99r mobilization of
African American Women in Defense ofOuT!leIV<."S, which tai$C\l '50,000
in a matter of weeks to place fuJl.p<!g<." ~s~per ads in national and local
African American newspapers protesting Anita Hill's treatment before the
U.S. Congress in the Clarrnce Thomas confirmation hearings. Or the ad
hoc committee Ihal Kimberle Crenshaw. law professor and black feminist.
gathered to makra statement about the masculinist message ofthe Million
Man March in '995.
Ci~n wnat we know from this study about black feminist organizations,
which way forward)
I propose we change the question from asking why thrrr is no ~tional
black feminist organization to asking, WMI would illll.l:e to fINm II nalional
black feminisl organization? Betleryet, WhaldobllU:kfeminislJ wanllhal 0'811-
ni:tlllion 10 Iool: like. lind . 1 is its ,,"rpau? As the NnfO and its better·
organi~ed descendant the NAllf found out, theM! questions need to be asked
frorn the start if a national organization expects to have any sort of Ion·
gevity.
Another question. one that sounds more flippant than intended. is. Do
wt: even need II nalional bl'ack feminist orgllnj~lItio" II"". if p. why? Pan of

that question is actually one of structure {national vs. regional, stale. or

local). rather than the necessity ofsuch an organization. Simply noting that
black women are slill at the bottom of the economic wage ladder. still ex·
periencing violence at home and in America's slreets. the fastest.growing
population I:ntering the U.S. prison industrial complrl as inm~te/no'W3ge
workers. rntangled in the f~ilN ·War on Drugs· ~nd its infringements on
reproductive rights, and slm shaking their asses on IET/"'TV and ·in da
dub" because it p<!)'s more than the ever-expanding service 1'<0110m)' are
bUI a few of the rea!SC.lns we need a nation31 black feminist organization.
When a national news magazine such as Ntwswt:ek can choose an enter-
tainer who sings about bei ng "boot)'lidous· to feature as testament to black
women's adv;lllcement in the new millennium. we most certainly nl"l'd a
n~lional voice for black feminism!
So. what is it thattoday's black f('minists want from a national organi.
ution? 1can hardl)' speak for all black feminists, but I will propose a few
h)'potheses, We ~ppear to W:lnt the following:
 10 hold on to the ide~ of org~niulion5built upon p.1rticip.1torydtmOCracy
principles;
to remain le>derle#, 0. withQut ~ movemtnt·slar";
to stop talking and slm doing;
to .tmain connecled 10 tht black community:
to speak in xcrssiblt. concrrtt terms:
to ITl<JW: be'yond tM aodemy ~nd rrm~in conne<:ted to irs grusroots
legacy: ~nd
to putthemy into pr.Ktice in functional ways.

This list is. by no me~ns, comprehensive and is based on contempor.ny

articles and .ecQllo:ctions from m("("ling with other black feminists. Iflhis.
Ihen. is a partial wish list. whallessons can we lake f.om 1970S black ftmi-
nist organizations. and what would il take to make this dR'am ofa nalional
blxk feminist organization rome true?
First, we need to abandon the idea that one organization is going to
speak to all black feminist perspectivn. This includes rl"fusing 10 be' de-
raill'd by Ihose who want to argul" about labels (t.g.. how much longt.'"r
do we IH,ed to argue a false dichotomy bc-Iwt'en black feminism and
wom;mism as if Ihey do not both hold more th~n similar concerns?).
Clearly, the absence of the black feminist organizations Ih~t slolrted in
the t970s is proof enough that it is time black feminists stopped caring
what others think of our politics and started practicing thl'm with an un-
rell'nting determinalion. Refusing to debate tht lahel is not dismissing
~nother person's political position. If a woman who uses. for uample, a
worn;mist label wanl.~ to join a black feminist organization, but detests
the ftministlabel then, as Brenda Eichelberger of the "'ABf Slated. what
is to stop that woman from either finding communion around Ihe poli.
tics of the organization or from forming her own organiution that works
in alliances around issues we ~11 have in common as black wnnten-
whether those are organizations of womanisIs, black nationalist wOlllen.
rau·African women, professional black women·s organizations. or the in·
creasing number of young black woml"n turning to anarchism~ 1111" ap·
peal of the proll'St fields concepl is that while we might all be parI of
Sl'~rate organizations. we remain in the sante boal with the ability to
come 10Kelher when strategkally necessary. And. yes. I understand that
tht, f,'miniSI label causes som!' black women to shut down and tunc us
01lt. bUl is it not till" point 10 convillce lhese women of the nect-'SSity
of Iht' politics? If ont' WOrrtOin rcit'cls us. what is to stop us from IllOV-
ing on 10 the next woman and the next. speaking louder until we are
heard?
Ideally. black feminists would like a det:entralizcd organization in which
all members are active participants in decision making. Did this ideal work
in the late 1960s and 1970S for black feminist organi:l:3tions1 R.egionally, it
worked 10 the degree that for the .....0-\. different members were given free
reign every quarter 10 direct lhe organization. There is no evidence with
these organizations th31 a participatory decision.making process ~rked
nationally. Could Ihis slructure work now? Although (l.li one who wishes
she were born in the heyday of the civil rights, black power. and ~men's
movemenls)I wish it could work, (as a cynical, post·Soul, civil rights move·
ment bc'ncficiary). I think it's time we accepted the realities oflhe politic.al
culture al hand. Why not survey Ihe current protest fiek! and note what
works in lollar's polilical climate? II is time for hieraKhinl structures (be
it one of officers or an elected steering comminee) tlut detenni~ a cou~
of action. Those ele<:lcd to power. either on their own or through polling
the organizations' constituency, acl upon that cou~ of action, willing 10
accept triumph or defeat, and ready for the next monle that presents itself.
Connected to this structure is the need for a leader(sJ, dare I suggest
movement star(s)?- mind you, not celebrities who merely bask in the lime-
light or the hard work put in by others behind lhe scenes, but personali.
ties who can serve as the voice of Ihe movement. The slar system I pro·
pose unites the voices of this new black feminist organiution into one
cogent alUllysis thllt is re1ldy to comment when (NN, th", W",b Sil'" Com·
mon Dreams, NIe, Alinemet.org. or lIny mainstream or progressive nl"WS
agency asks for "the black woman's perspective: What they will get is a
blackftminiSi pel1lpective. \I mllY be 1ldminble Ih:al some ofour mosl well·
known black feminist thinkers and llCtiviSlS have shunned the Ir.;odition;>1
trappings of prestige, but, through no f;>ull of their own. very few in the
gencnl public know who to turn to for;> b1i1Ck feminist perspective. much
It'SII know Ihat such 11 perspective exists. Advoc.aling a black feminist starl
leader perhaps sounds mercenary, but for a nalional black feminisl organi·
Z3tion to succeed and be viSible, it will require medioJ savvy unlike anything
we have t'xperienced before. In the Rood of informalion avail3ble on tcl('·
vision, r~io, lhe Internet, and ill print. only a Slar lhal shines brillialltly
on behalfof11 black f('minist organiZ3tion willl'Ver get noticed.
It is evident fmm black feminist organi'l:atiollS' decline thai for a mI·
tional black feminist organi:Ulion to SIlCC....-d. it wililleed mOlley and lou
Ilfll. Whtther that mOl\ey comell from mahl~trl:all1 or l,r0I!!l''Ssivl: founda·
tions. community institutions. or from its members own pockets, with·
out a sound financg! infrastructure supporting paid staff, any new black
feminist organi~tion will merely follow the same path a5 ils fore mothers.
Black feminists Ciumot!nrter for airtime on major networks to protest the
lalest heinous 5tereotype showing at the local multiplex cinema. Weunnot
count on using the office photocopier or fax mac.hine after hours 10 conduct
mass mailings 10 our representatives or senators who are being ~lobbied"
on the expense ac.c.ounts or big business enterprises such as CoITe<lions
Corporation of America 10 bring prison~ into our communities instead of
$Chools.lfanything. U.S. black feminists might be best served by interning
with our sisters in the 5O-aol1ed third world and observing how, through
the nongo,-emmental organi~tion structure, they manage to secure funds
and conduci projecls that change women's livC'S for the better daily.
In the quest for a black feminism lhal does 1101 only preach to the aca·
demic choir, I suggest we also rem:.ain vigilant fOf an anti·intellectualism
that has the potential to shut down the growth ofa vibrant national organi,
zation. Yes, absolutely, a national bbck feminist organization must focus on
practiaol applications of black feminist principles with relevante 10 bla.ck
women's daily lives. But to maintain that black women theorizing in the
ac;demy are of no use to black communities is shortsighted, We may ha~
only twenty· four hours to a day, and iimiled energy as individuals. but so-
cial movement organizations need political thought as much as they need
implementation oflh:'1 thought in community activities, We need as mallY
thinkers, writers. artists, and community organizers ilS we un gather 10
speak to Ih(' increasingly div('TS(' body w(' might correctly start addressing
as black coltlltluniJies.
Most important. black feminists will need to redon with our intel'p('f'
>lOnal relationships. If we insist on challe'nging white feminists on token·
izing parlicular black women as jfthere :.are only a handful who c:.an speak
on black feminism, We' should reckon with th(' tokenizaliol\ ~ as black
feminists enable among ourselves, This suggestion is in no way mean! to
deride the contributions of those black feminisls who slep up to tht platt
lime and :.ag:.ainto:.anempt lostarl an organization, but now might be:.a Kood
time to re<:ogniJl:e' the c1iquishnellS our isolation has wrought. If what We'
Ill~ is energy and new insights we may have ovt'Tlookcd in past attempt8
at organizing, it would behOOVt'each of us 10 bring in woml'n not typically
within the black feminist r:.ad:.r.
In addition to m:.akillg Audrt torde's ess.Iy "Eye to Eye: alack Women
Hatred, :.alld An,ltcr" rC'quired re'adln~ for:.all black feminist orl/:allization
members, black feminisls musl a1sodul with the ill behavior that prevents
our coalescing as a lUltional black feminist organization.' I quote e~ten·
siw'ly the 1<11110'5 Debor.lh Singldary hen: bn:auSl' she offers an incisive
analysis of tile paslthat needs 10 be applied to the present:

If you're dealing wilh a group of black "'omm. you're dealing with a group
of people who havr had the leUI nurturing in terms of their esteem and
their st'lf-V3lue... , WI' havrn't been V3luoo by the culture, And I feel that
we had a lot of problems within our owDemotiooal, psychological devrl,
opmenttru.t also made it difIKult for us 10 get along with each other, ,
We needed a lot more ....,o,k on ourselves and what I .11150 remember-l re·
member being at ml"l'tings and rt'alizing that I was with a group of \'rry
articulate women who ....' ffI' used to being "the only ones: They werc used
to going 50meplace and uSl.L:I.lly in a group of white folk or other bbck
people who _re not as e~prcs5ivt' ""rbally as tlwy and wowing the group
aDd being the ooly o~, And heRo there were a whole group of US and I
think for many women that first time elfl'C'rience-they didn't adapt well,
And so we were ul'l"d to being "the one" thai peapll" listened to, I don't
Ihink WI' adapted \'rry well to that,'

This characterization does not, of course, apply to all black women, Some
of us ~ fortunate to have families and siSlah·friends who nurture us and
allow us to do Ih<: same for them, Yel, we p:ay linle allention in our politi.
(al organizations to our relationships as people trying to work together on
many issues that cut close to the bone and that, for tn1ny of us. arc a mal-
ter of (physiul. mental. or spiritual) life or death, Ullimately, we arc oot
"the only ones· and the moreotien we recognize that and strive to maintain
relationships that are nol about policing boundaries of an authentic black
feminism, the sironger a national black feminist organization could be, tn
this sense, the star we create to represent black feminism would not be the
only one, but one out of lIlany who can re'St assured that a supportive black
feminist community has her back,
The task at hand is to establish a national, indept'ndeot black feminist
organization with clear goals, a solid infrastructure, leaders ready 10 Iruly
lead, and black feminists who know lhatthey arc not alone in believing Ihat
Ihe goal of l'radkating racism, se~ism, heterosexisrn, and all olher forms
of discrimination that impacl bl;ICk women's lives is not only possiblt" but
imperative, EUg<'nia Wilshire, 1<1 "fO rnemlx'r, recalls of her group, "What
Wf! did have going for us is that \OX' were dreamers, We really bl'li~'V~'t! in

what we were dointl and thai it was Il,ossible anti that Ihinlls could d1anlle
.md would (hangc. And there w..~ frally no doubt about that, and I think
that's wh..t's different between thlon and now. [don't think that there ..re
dreamers ..nymore:' I resp,:(lfillly disa.grtt: bla(k feminists in the 1970S
were dream('rs, but they ..Iso established an irn:r~ibly strong and dynamic
foundation from whidt twenly.first.(entury national bW feminist orga-
nizations can rise. These war,wNry warriors did not givf' up the struggle.
They have passed along a legacy thai cannot, will not die.
•••••••• • R ••"ItV.I.I ay O••••II.A1"O.

Naliornll Blae!: Feminist Orglll1izlllio~

Kennedy, Florynce. l~terview by author, July 1995.

Galvin·Lewis. Jane. Interview by author. 16 April 1997.
Singletuy, IX-borah.lnterview by author. 16 April 1997.
Wilshire. Eugenia. Interview by author, 16 April 1997.
Norlon, Eleanor Holmes. Interview by author, 6 August 1997.
Sloan-Hunter, MaT!¥,ret. Interview by author, 8 August 1997.
King. DoTothy.lnlerview by author, 1) J3nuary 1998.

Chicago National Blac!: Feminist OrglmiZlIlion I Nalionlll Alliance

of Blae!: Feminists
Eichelberger, Brenda. Interview by author. 1J February 1997.
Nelson. Janie. Interview by author. I} February t997.
Porter, Gayle. Intnview by author. 18 june t997.
Porter. Gayle. Interview by author. 6 May 1998.

Comballu River Col1«li~

Obzawa.Rey. Margo. Interview by author, 20 OctOOcr 1997.

Ritchie. Sharon Paige. Interview by author, 2 November 1997.
Tompkins, Mercedes. Interview by aUlhor. 6 May t998.
Smith.llarbara. Intervil"wby aUlhor.19 June 1998.
Smith. Barbara.llltervil"w by author. 15 July 1998.
Third World Women's Allianu

Beal. Francis. Interview by author. IS August 1997.

Anonymous. Interview by author, 16 January 1998.
Burnham. Linda. Interview by author. I:;r. FdmUlry 1998.
league. Cheryl (Pury). Interview by author. '7 june 1998.

Blat'k Women 0'BPniztd for Action

Hernandez. Aileen. Interview by author, 1"1 September 1997.
Bradley. Valerie 10. Interview by author. 8 October '997.
Dillenberger. Jean (Kresy). Interview by author. 28 October t997.

•Ill A".' .. D,X A

Intemcws wilh bku:k feminislllClivislS wt:1l: "mducled. whtn possible, in ptr·
son. The folJqwing OfXn~mkd qualions wt:1l: polld 10 complimtnl i:lrdlival
dOCUm~nIS.

I. Previous activism: Did you belong to any other organiutions prior to

your involvement with the org<l.niution?

1. How long did you participate in the organization?

l How did you rome to be involved with this organiution?

4. How do you recall the organization being structured?

S. What role do you recall playing (activities, ,omrnittl.'eS.leadership

roles)?

6. Did you belong 10 any other organizations while you were a member
of the organization (otlK-r b1a,k women's, Bladr. Liberation, ,ivil rights. or
women's)?

7. What ~nts stand out for you from your lime wilh the org<l.nization?

8. Do you reall any ideological disputes?

9. How do you think the organization was vit'wed by olher organizations?

10. Do you recall any coalition work? Do you recall the organiution
having allY allies (governmt'nt. feminisl. black organiutions)?

II. Were yOIl aware of any other black women's organi7.ations active
around the I!-:lIflC time period?
11, Do you recall any adversaries (government. feminist, black
orlo\aniz.:ltions)~

13, What do you think the organiulion accompl;shed~

14. Did you leave the organizalion or did ;t fold? If you left, why?

15. Why do you think the organiuotion doesn't e~ist anymore?

16. Do you know lilt current whereabouts of other former members~

Black ftminlslJ iS$Uld Jlak;"""nls of purpose or misJion Sl41k;me"U arlicuJul.
;"8 lheir position /l5 blacb ..lid wome". /l5 well .. J artitwlflli/lfl II po/iliull ide·

ology where race. gcrukr. ..nd d ..ss i"lers«l. SUl!ellllmls lire nproduad here
ill full with originul pllnduallOl1 alld spelling. The Comb..~ Ri""r Coll«liw:
Slalemc"t. a lengthier slak;""",", is 1101 reprodi<a4 Ioe", bIOI '5 inclmkd AS "'"
8Jal;k FeminiSI SUlk;"",nl"," Words of Fire: An AnlhologyofBI~ck Feminist
Thoughl. IUvt:rleyC"r·Shtjillll. cd. (Ntw Yon: N~w Press. 199j}, pp,1J1-2<jO.

"Third world Women's AIIi;r,ncf';r,t Work"

Triple l"'P"rdy 1:6 ISeptember/lkcember 197~)"0-'!

Our purpose is to m;r,ke;r, memingful ;r,nd l;r,sting contribution to the Third

World c.ommunitr by working for the elimination of the oppression and
exploitation from which we suffer. We further intend to take an ao:::live part
in creating a .socialist sodcly where wc can live u d('(f'nt human beings.
free from the prnsun:s of racism, economic exploitation, and lIClrual op·
pression,

To create a sisterhood of women devoted 10 Ihe tuk ofdevdoping solidarity

amolLg the peoples of the TIlird World.

To promote unity among TIlird World people withilL the UnilL'li Statl'S in
mailers alfl'Cling the eduQlionaJ, ('(onomic, !IlKial and political life of our
peoples.
To collect, interp~, and distribute infOrJn;ation ;about thc Third World.
both ;at home;and .. brood, and partlcularl~ inform;ation ;atrcct ing its women,

To build solid relationships with our men, destro~ing myths that havc been
treated byouroppressor to divide us from each other, and to work tog<'ther
to ;appreciate human love and respect.

To u;Lin, d~lop, and organizc Third World women to ;K:tivcly pJrticipate

in the liberation struggles of our people.

'It Nf;ltiolllil Blf;ll::~ Feminist Orgf;lniZf;ltion

"To Seize the Moment; A RetTOspI.-"Ctive

on the National Black Feminist Organization"
Silg. 5:a (fall '9881: 46

TIle distorted male·dominated media image of the Women's Liberation

movcment has clouded the vital and revolutionary import;ance of this
movt'ment 10 Third World worn""n, especi;ally Al;ack wom("ll. lOr. Move·
ment has b..-en ch;aracterized ;IS the exclusive pro~rty ofso-called ·white
middle class· women, and an~ Black women seen involved in this move,
ment have bct-n secn as '~lIing out: "dividing the race." ;and 3n ;assortment
of nonsensical epithets. Blrl Feminists resent these charges ;and h;ave
therefore est;ablished THI;. NATIONAllllACK fEMINIST ORGANIZATION, in
order toaddrcss ourselvcsto the particul;ar;and specific needs of the l;arger,
but 3lrnOlltc.ut ;aside halfof the BI;aek race in Amerikkka,lhe Bl;ack Woman.
Bla<;k women h;ave suffered cruelly in this society from living the phe·
nomenon of being Black and female, in a counlry th3t is bo/h r;a(ist ;and
se.ist. There has been very little re;a! e.amination of the damage it has
caused on the lives ;and on the minds of Black women. Because we live in a
patriarchy, wt' have ;allowed;a premium to be put on Blad male suffering.
Nonc of us would minimize lhe pilin or hardship or the cruel and inh".
rn;anc tre;atmenl experienced by Bl;ack men. But history. past or present.
r;arely d€';lls with the m;alicious ;abuse put upon the blJd wom;an. We were
seen as breeders b~ the Muter; despised and historically polariled frolllfby
the Master's wife; and looked upon as castrators by our lovers Jnd hus·
bands.lOr. Black Wom;an hJS h;ad to be strong, yet we ;afe persecuted for
haVing survived. We hav(" been called "J11;atri;archs" b~ white racists ;and
Black nalionalists; we hay" virtually no positivl' self.imab'Cllto validate our
existenc... Black women wanlto be proud, dil:lnilkod, ;and free from;all those
definitions of beauty and womanhood that are unrealistic aud unnatural.
We. not white women or Black men, must define our own self.image as
Black Women and oot fall into the mistake ofbeing placed upon the ~es.
tal which is even being rejected by white women. It has been hard for black
women to emerge from the myriad ofdistorted imagt'llthat have portnyed
us as grinning Beulahs. castnting Sapphires. and panuke.box Jemimas.
As BliKk Feminists we realized the need to establish ourselves as an inde·
pende11l Black Feminist organization. Our aboveground presence will lend
enormous credibility to the current Women's Liberation Movement. whidl
unfortunately is not seen as the serious polilicat and economic I'l'V(llution·
ary force that it is. We will strengthen the current eftortsofthe Black Libera·
tion struggle in this country by encouraging llll of the- talents and creativi·
ties of Black Women to emerge. strong and beautiful. not to feel guilty or
divisive. and assume positions ofle;K!ership and honor in the Black com·
munity. We wil1!."ncourage the Black community to stop falling into the
tnp of the white male len, utilizing women only in terms of domestic
or servile ntoeds. We will colllinue to remind the Black liberation Mo~·
mentthat there can't be liberation for half the race. We must, together, as
a people, .....ork to eliminate racism. from without the Black community.
which is trying to destroy us as an entif!." people: bllt we must remember
that sexism is destroying and crippling us from within.

'I\' Blllck Women Orgllniud for Action

Membership Brochure
Ai~n Hernandez Pap<'rs

BtAC':: Wear(' Block, and therefor(' imbedded inourconsciousncss iscom·

mitment to Ihe struggle of Blxk peopl(' for identity and involvement in
dec:isions that aff«l OUr lives and the lives of other genentions of l:lbck
people who will follow.

WON ~N: We are Wo_n. and therefore awar(' uf the sollletimes blatant,
waste oflhe lalelllS aud energies of Black women because this SQCiely ha~
dt'Creed a pla,e for us.

OIl{;ANtZUl: Wr are Orgullizrd. because ~ rt'Cognize that only logether.

only by poolingour talents and resour<:es, can we nuke rmjotcl\3nge in the
institutioll~ which have IImitl-rl our opportunities a"d stiflt"d om growth
as human beinllS.
ACTlON: We aff for ",.ion, b~'(auSf: we believe that the time for rhetoric
Is past; that the skills of Black women on best be put to use in a variety
of ways to change the society: that, in the political world in which we live,
involvement for Black women must gn beyond the traditional fundraising
and into the full gamut ofactlvities that makeup the political process which
affects our lives in so many ways,

* NatiolUll AllUlna oj BlDck Feminisls

'Philosophy of "'''Ir"
S,..,nda Ekhelberger Collection, Chicago Historiol Society

Year in and year out, statistics from the Labor Dep;lrtment. the Women's
Bureau. and the Census Bureau indicate that Black women earn less in-
come than white men, Black men, and white women. This economic dis·
parity has 1:>«n high.lighted by the fact that Black women, more often
than whites and men, are disproportionately over represented on the- pub.
lie aid rolls. Yel, it is Black women who are mas' of'en 'he single heads of
households, Thus, the people who n~ economic upgrading the most-
not only for themsclv~s hut also for their offspring-are the people who
get it the least!
As Black feminists. we jus' don', see this as fair. Black feminism, then,
is the belief that Black women have the rigkl to full social, politiaL....d eco·
nomic equality, We do no' accept the proposition thilt because we are born
Black and female in a society which is both racist and sexist. that we should
accept the role which ~roeiety dictates to 115. Inslead, we set'k to unshackle
ou~lves fmmour"place' as Blacks and women to become individuals free
to live 10 the fuUest of our potential.
In order to reach this potential we realize that we must develop and grow
as individuals, but since no Black woman lives in a vacuum, we realize that
all of Black penonkind, all colors of womankind, and the entire ....,odd com·
munity must tJlwgrow. As one great Black woman-Addle Wyatt-put it,
'In order for lhe Black woman to gel out of the bottom of the barrel, those
on top of her must get out!" Thus, as Black feminists, we realize Ihat once
our consciousness has been raised sufficienlly 10 politicize us ......e must
help to poEticize others,
Therefore, th~ pTincipk- ofself-help is the basic fou ndation on which Ollr
orga nization is built. We Iry to grt in tune with our minds and bodies so that
we may beller understand our!lt"lves, deepen and br();lOcIl our communica·

18lI ~ ••• "",. e

lion with otlwors, and effrctively learn to cope with everyday problems. We
;lI!lO try to heighten our awareness or the environment around us including
thoM: rorces which prevent us rrom ma~imi;dng our human potential. It is
in thisspirillhat we in TIlE tlATIOtlA,l AlL1A,tlCE Of IllA,ClI fEW ItllSTSOffer
various programs, including our Alternative School. lbe"" programs ue
designed to hdp roster our pe-r!lOnal growth and development. thereby en'
couraging us to take ·collKtivc· action. In light orthis philosophy, many or
our prOllrams, especially our Allernalive School. are 0!M'" to Black women
in pllrlicular and the public al large.
NOTIS

I. The 50111 of Wo'ne"', Lib

11.0,,1 C<><l" Bm1~r.l, 1M Black W(ImIlII: All A1111oo1ogy (New Yo.k; Penguill.
1970); Bar~.~ Smith. cd .. Hoitit' Girl.<:" Blatk F"",i"iJI ""lhology(NewYo.k:
KitChell T~ble Women orGllor l're'SJ. (983).
P~tricia HiD Collins. 8lAct (emilliSl n.o..gs., [Boston: Unwin Hyman. '990).
lind~ Bumh~ll1. interview by ~U1hor. 11 February 19911
For mo.e fil.-nsive ~nalysi.ofhlack women', :lct;v!$m in thc.e movements.
~ Bernice MeN~ir Bametl, "I"vi.ibl.. Southern Diad, Wome" uadeu in
th.. Civil Rights Mo,..ment: Sig"" AJ"",,,alofWomcft ill Cullll.-c"nd Soc....'Y
7:1.1'99'): /61.-181: Angeb D~vis, W"",e". Raet. ""d Cia" INew York; Vin·
'.gc: Pr~. '981): Paula Giddings. Wlltn llJ'Id whe", I Enur: The j"'pII('l of
Blaek Womm 011 Rau and Seri" A.....ritlIIN"' '1'0.10: William Morrow. 198...):
Beverly GU1·Shril~1I. Wotdsof Fire: An Anlhok>gy of Afril:on .... muiam Fe",i.
nin TIoouglll (New York: N.... PfC'SS. f99~): ~nd Belind.a Robnott. How~?
How Lang?:lifriumA=rica>o Wo....... i.. IM Slruukj"orCiw Richls{NewVn.k;
Oxford Uni...rsity P'l'$$. 1997).
5 Th"S" W(l,uen's m~m""t histories indud.. M~ ... n Cuden. n.. NntoI Femi·
"i,1 M""",,,,,,,' (New Vork; R~1l S<lgc: ,",undot;nn. '971-): FIOI<I Davis. M",,·
illfllM MOWIlaill; Tht Womm's M"""'lnelll in AlIleritli ,illet .gOO (New York:
Simnn and Schu..cr, '99'1; "'ll~" feh...l•. During 10 Be Bad: HlJ'liaJJ FtminiJ",
in " .....ric". 1967-1975 (Minneapolis: Uni""rsity or Minnl'SO~. ,<)89); S~ ...
E~~lIs. ptrs.:"..1 Poli,k, (Nt"OI· York: Vint~gl: Soolul. 1979l: ~nd )0 Flffm~n.
The PoIiliQ f{U'"me,,'s Lu,.,,,,,iOtl (New York: D~vid McK~y. '977).
G 1'11:"" texts mdude Sleven Butchl.. r. Wome..·s Mwt1llC"" j" I"" U"ilcd SUllt:s
{New Brunswick, N.I.: Rulg....S Uni""rsily Press, 1990l; F. D~.i8. Moving 1M
,y",,,,,,,ill; Alic.. Echols. Daring'" Be Bad: Giddings. Wht" and WIle.. I E"lor;
~nd bdl hoo..... Ai"'1 I .. Woma,,: 8/ad: W"""", ..nd Ft",i""m (8o:<Ion: Soulh
End P'C#. 19l\,).
 7 a,.,la Sandoval, "U.S. 1fiird World Feminism: The Thwry and Method of
OppoJitional ConsciOlUneu in the Poslmodern World: C...dm to (spring
'99'): ';: ~ky Thompson, "Mullirxial Feminism: Recasling the Chro·
nology of Second Wave Feminism: Feminist Studies a!l:a (100010): J37.
8 Thompson. -Multirxial Feminism: J59.
9 TeXIs that adopt the par::r.lld dcvdoprnetll model to women's movement his·
lory include Cuy·Shel'tall·s introduction 10 Worlls of Fire: Bt'nila Roth. On
Thtir Own lIl'd fol' Thrir aw..: Afr~lIli Amer~lIli. Cltkllnll. lIl'd Wltiu Femi·
nist M.,....mellt. in the '960und '97°S (New'iork: Cambridge University PTeu.
aoo)): and Deborah eny While. Too HrllVY II L(HU/: Illack Women ill Drft.1Ut.
t>fThtmS<':lvcs. ,894-'994 (New York: W. W. Norl<)n. (999).
'0 Wini Breines, "What's love Cot to Do wilh It? While Women. Black Women.
and Feminism in the Movement Years: Signs: AJounwl t>fWomrll in C.. ltu!"lt
lind S""itty aTot (aooa): tI,)-mot·
Collins definCl' the matrix of dotnination ~ an i,uedocking system lhat de·
m;ltlrls alhm1ion to the interlocking and simultaneous nature of opprC"Slliion
(i.e., intersections of ,;tee. gender. dass. ~.llal orientation. and physical
abilitYI. Collins, Billd: FeminiJI n.o..s"t. 12)-.n.6.
'2 David S. Meyer, -Social Movements: Creating Communiti.., of Change: in
COIIS<iou. kl.lInd lilt poiilia ofSoci<ol CIwlngt. ed. Robin l. Teske and Muy
Ann Tr~lreau1t (Columbio: Unrn,rsityofSouth C.uoli"" PreIs.loOOlo). 19-,,0.
'3 111<' organizations included in lhio book were nol tltt only organiUltion$
acti~ in the '970s ~nd early '98os on behalf of blaclr women. but as I "".
plain in Ill(' nwthodology section. I chose organ~tionslhat Cllplicitlydefincd
themselves ~ feminist.
'" Margo V. Perkins. AutobiognlployllS Aclivis",: Thrn:./t Women of the SiJrtits
(lociuon: University of Mississippi Press. 2000). 4'.
IS Kathleen M. Dice and Vert~ Taylor, "Semistructured Interviewing in So·
dal Movemenl Research: in M<lhods ofSoc:iaI "'OW"",,,1 /kscl'rti•• ed. BM-t
KI~llIknn~ns and Suzanne Staggenborg (Minneapolis: University of Minne·
lIOIa Press. 2002): 91.
t6 Buechler. w_.. Mowme,,'. in lilt Uniled SlDln: N~ncy Coli, Tht Cround-
i"tl of Modem F~",inism INcw H~ven, Conn.: Yale University Press. '987):
F. Davis, MOlIins ,he Moullla;": l.eila Rupl' and Vert~ Taylor, Survival in .'"
Do/dr""'i: Tht ,",""',*,,11 Womell'S Rig/us M""""",,,l. '945 10 lilt '960s (New
York: Oxfo,d University P,eu. '987): and !b,lIara Ryan. Ftmi"i,m lind .'"
W""",,,'s MowIM"t; Dynl'mk. t>fo",ngt i" S""",I Movement. Itkology ,,,iiiAc·
';'';!m (New York: Routledge. '992).
17 Guy·Sheft~lJ. Wool. of 1';,..: Rooneu, How LOllS? How Long?; Deborah Cray
Whitt, Arll', I II Womllll (NewYo,k: W. W. Norton. '9IlS).
,II Giddings. W","" "lid W",",.. J ~'II'rr: Cuy·SheHan. Words oj" 1'1,.; and Dorothy
lIobr,I•. Killill/! l~. lJ/urk /Iooy: lI"e<. Rrprod"rlloll. IIlid t"," Mrlllti,,!: of Lih.-rly
IN.'W YOlk Vlntal(C /look•. (")971 '991)1,
19 Sharon Bergtr Gluck. "WhOSt felllinism? Who5e History~" in C""'''UIlli!y
kfivism .. nd Feminist Poli/ia: 0'i"n,~,ng Iu;..... RII4. o..", ..
nd CeOllkr, N.
Nancy Naple. lNewYork: ROt.lt~~. (998). 35.
20 For furlh.,rdi5<:ussion of "".,nll and people tl\llt dilrupt thoe normative wave
analogy, ~ Thompson, "Muhir;JCial ~minilm"; and Kimberly Springer,
"Third Wave feminism?" Sic"J: A JourMl of Women ,n Cullure lind sacidy
a7:4 (aooa): IOS9-'oSI.
al Som" ofthr$e works indudr J() Frrrman. "The OriginloflhrWonJ«1's Lib,
.,ration Mo~mrnl: Am.......," Jounwll o/S«iology78:4 (1973): 79a-811; Wil.
liam Camson, 110< S.rul<XYofSodal P/'IJU,t (Bdmont,Calif.: Wadsworth Pub.
lialtions. [t9751 '990}: Doug McAdam. PoIitil:aI PrwCSSlind In.. Dcvdop""'''l
'?! 8tA<:k IIIS'"~"'Y.
'93°-'970 (Chicago: Un;veuity ofChk:ago Press. '98a):
John D. McCarthy and Mayer Zald. Social Mow"",nl' '" 1111 Organ.iz"t'onaJ
Socitty (New Brunswick. N.J.: TranQCtion Publilhers. ['9871(994); and An·
thony ObeTilchall, Social Co<IJlil:f lind Social M""""","t.l (Englewood Cliffs.
N.J.: Prentic.,·HaIL 1973).
n David S. Meyer. "Opportunitil"!l and Id.,ntities: Bridge.Building in lhe Study
ofSociJI Movements: in Social MOl'l!_"t", ldentily, Cullure "lid t"'= S.lIII<:. N.
o:.vid S. M"yer. NancyWhittier. and Be!inW RoolI.,.. (New York: Oxford Unl.
versity Press. aooa). )-1l.
a3 RJka Ray. Fid.lJ ofProte5f: W""","', MOIICmcll1J ,II 1>IIi", (Minneapolis:: Univ.,r·
sity of Minnesota Press. 1999l. 7-8.
a4 Ibid .. 7.
as Sidney Tltrrow. 1'"""," '" MOIICItlCII/: Social MOl'l!ltIClIlJ. Callari"" lu;t;o" lind
Pal'ria(Cambridge. Engbnd: c..mbrid~ University l>rrss.1199i1 (998). 86.
,6 McAdam. FrmSom SWm""," (New York: Oxford University Prea. 1988). 51.
2.7 Robin O. G. K.,Il.,y. FlU""'" Vaa"..: The BlaGk Radil:i>II .....gillllliort (Boslon:
Beacon Press. aooz.l. ISO.
z.1I Roonell, /-I"", Lang? Haw L""3?
Z.9 OJvid Snow, E. Burk., Rochford Ir.. St~n Worden, and Robert &nford.
"Fram., Alignmenl Procrsses. MiClomobiliulion, ;nd Movf'ment f':>rlicipa·
tion." Am"';';lIn 5«i<llogi€aI Review 51 (19861: 464-481.
30 Cheb S<1ndov:>l. "U.S, Thi.d World ~minism: IS.
)1 GloriJ Anuldua, 8erd"futtds/1.a Frollft"ru (San Francisco: Spinsters/AUnl
Lut., llook Company. t<)87): Collins. 8I4>d FtmilliSf ThoUghl: Jnd W. E. II.
DuBois, The Sauls of a",,* Folks INew York: Dovr,.[190)) '994) .
.\1 David A. Snow and Rohert O. Ilrnford. "Clarifying'he lI:.,I~lio"sltipbrtw~1l
Fr;llningand Ideology: Mabiliz"lioII: All /IIU.... III;OnalJ"ur>lll!5: I (1000): Sl~
40
JJ Fraucesca PolleHa. "'11 Was Uke a Fever .. : Nat..li.... ;I\d Identity in Social
Prall'llt: Soc,,,l Probltms ,,~:1 (1')911): '37-1~9.
H Julia Sudbu.y, Orn.., Kinds of D....am'" Blli(~ Womt/l's Or)ltr"i2.",ioll.lumJ rn..
I'allrlrl ofTn>"~....,,iI>n (1.01\<1011: Iloulledge, 19981. 47- ..11.
 3> Tera Hunter, "Dominalion and Resistance; The Politics of Wage Household
Lam in New South Allanla: LaOOr Hislory H (t99)); 101.
36 Angel<l [bvis. "Reflections on lhe Black Women'. Role in the Cornmunily
of Slaves: Bta.:k S<hoklr} (1971): .1-1,: Harriel A.Jacobs.ll1ritknl.in IItt Lift
of a Sllw<girl: Wrilun by Hrrsdf.~. )f-m Fagen Yellin (Cambridj;e: Har.... rd
Universily Pres.. 1987).
J7 While, Too Htllvyll Load, 17.
)8 Margaret Wilkerson. "lorraine Hansberry (19)0-196Sl: in Guy·Shertal!.
Words of Fin:, '25-116.
)9 The belovcl communily lithe nJf:taphotical space blach and whites hoped
10 create lhrough working and living loget"",r in lhe "'llreg~ted South. as
detailed in Wini Brein.... Comml.nily linD 0'E0nizlllian in I'" New ujl, ,g6l-
'9fi& The Grt:IIl Rtfu$IJ1 (New Brunswick. N.j.: RUlgers Universily PrC'l'll.
l')3a). In refiKting on Ihe r.ra. Brdnl'll fUrlher defines !he beloved conulIu·
nily as "a humanistic. universal. racially inlCW"ted sislerhood and brolher·
hood idul where. hand in ~nd, wecrNte a benign and just world: Brein....
W""l's Low GOI kJ Do with 111. 1096.
40 White. Too Htllvr Il I.otz<l. lIo-'41.
41 Vicki Crawford, ~'1ueline Anne Ilou~. and Ilarbar.o Woods. Women in 1M
Cil'i/ Rigku Mowmenl: TflJilblaztn 1Im1 Torrhl:t</iTaJ. ':W-'96, (Brooklyn.
N.Y.: Ca,lson Publishing. 1990): Giddings. Wktn anD WMTt I fnur. hoolu:.
Ain'l 'Il W_n; loAnn Gibson Robinson, The Monlgomery B... 8oJ.'<"t1 "mI
I"" Wllm/'n Who Slo.led II (Knoxville: Univenily ofTcnn~ Prrss. 19871:
:md Robnett. H_ Long? How Long?
,p. Robinson, The Monlgomery BUI Bcycorl "mil"" WIJfl'\CII Who S/4Jrkllll.
4) Giddings, Wlltn allil WM'" I tllleT. ~68.
44 B.cines, Commullily linD ~izolion ill I"" NOlI ujl: Clayborne Carson.
In S/rJ'8llk Si<CC 11M lkt Bkack AW/I~tning of.1te 19Gos (Cambridge. Mass.:
H~rvard Uni~rsity Prn:s. 1981): Giddings. WlLeIl linD Wilt", I Enltr. 174-
17~: AlOOn Morris. 1lw: Or'i«ill.loflM Civil/lighll Mwtll1!nllNew York: Fr~
Pr"ss, 1')841: and Barbara RalUby. fila llilktr linD rM a/lICk FTttdom M"",,·
1I1!1I1: A RlIditlll Dan«rlllic Visi<»t (Ch~p"l Hill: Universily of North Carolina
Prns. aoo)).
4S Anne Slandley. "Ole Role of IlI:Kk Women in the Civil Rights M~ment:
in Crawford, Rouse. and Woods, Women in 1M Civil Rights MOW"""1. ,84.
46 Anna Arnold Hedgeman. A 1'",m,.1 .soc.ruIJ: A MtmoiT of NlfIrll LtA4tnhip
(New Yo.k: Holt. Reinhart and Winston. 1964), I').
47 Giddin8~. When anD W"",,,, I tiller, Slandley. "The Role of Black Women in
the Civil /lighl. MOV<'n",nl."
4 g White, Too Hrovy II 1.otz<l.65'
49 E. Franklin Frazier. The NlfIm Familrinlht Vniltll Srlllt.! (Chk~go: Un;W'n;;ty
of Chicago 1'1'811.1191911966): Catvin Hennon..~r,. "nil RlICism in A,....ritll
(New York: GU)\/(' l'n'Sll, 1965): Willi~nl Gri", and I',;ce Cobbs. 8/utk Hiill'"

'94 )Io1UTOC"...',,,.1
 (N~' York: Blonl~m
Book!. 19681: ~nd D~niel P~trkk Moynih:m. The Ntgro
Family: '"'" Ca~frtr ~lioMl kl;oll (W~shington. D.C.: U.S. Go_emmenl
Printing Olfice. 19651.
50 Nkk KOIZ ~nd Mary Lynn KOIl.. A Pa........ fo. Equali'y (N ....... York: W. W. Nor·
ton Company. 19n). ap.
~I Claude l.esstlier. "No!: A Film in GUI~lion: illle",;ew Wilh filmmaker

Aishalt Shaltidah Simmons. will Masazillt.!anwry 1000 Iversion u~ for

IransLators). 1
sa Casry Hayden and Mary King. "A Kind of M"mo from Cuq Hayden and
Mary King to a Number of Ollter Wo~n in the Pe1CeLand Freedom M~·
m"ms," in Ft",iltis", ilt Ou, TII'IIt: The Esstnlilll Wrili..gs. World W", I/!<l rhe
I'rtstnl. ed. Miriam Sc:hneir (New York: Vinugl'. 1994); Carson. In SIn<ggJ<,
147; Enns, Ptrsollcd Po/illes. 36.
53 Evarul. Ptrwnol Polir.:.a: F. Davis. Mwi"lllhe />/"""l<Iill: Echoll. o..rillg kJ &
"'"'.
S4 Hoydl'n and King Lalt:r assert lhot their first pmilion paper was part of lhe
efforllo kft']> SHCC llroundN in p.:r.rtKipatory democracy as lheorganiZlltion
....~ 10Wlrd hierarchy and t.... expulsion of whitel. Robnett. Haw Long?
Haw Long?: Krislin Andersoo·Bricker. ·'Triple }topardy': Black Women and
the Growth of Ft:mini.t Consciousn,""". '961-'975'" in SliU Lif/illg. S,ill
Climbing: Conkmporary Afritall Ame""''' WOllltn's AclivUm. 00. Kimberly
Springer (New York: N....... York Uni>Tniity Ptellll, 19991.19-69.
ss Carson. I" SIn<ggie. 118: Evans. PeI3llllllJ PoIilOtJ. 88.
~6 Standky."The Role of Black Womtn in tM Civil Righls Mo",,~nt: 1990.
57 Margarel Sloan. "Addr"," Given by Gloria Steintm and Margaret Sloan on
Women" (Northfield. Minn.: Carlelon Collegt Audio-Visual D"I>.:Irtmenl.
5 Marclt 1973)·
S8 ~ l'tTkin•. Alilobiogmp/lya. Atli,~m for an tJrceptionallook al go:nder and
~Jr"alily in lhe bl1Ck n~tionolist movemtnt.
59 Giddings. Whal alOd WIle", I ~',,'e,: Cheryltynn Creenberg. "'Nce Womtn
and the Stirring. of Ftminism," in A Ci..:/e ofTnul: Ilememb<ring SIV<:C (New
Brunswick. N.r.: RIltgers Uni~niity Pr=<;. 19911). 127-1)T:and Standley. "TI>!:
Roll' of Black Women in 1M Civil Right. Movement."
60 Deborah King. "Mulliplt Jeopardy. Mulliple Conscious,>!:,,: The Contut of
a Black Feminist Ideology: in Cuy·Shtllal!' Wont. of Fiu. 291-Jl7.
6, 8:Imb.ara, The BIadr Woman: i':I.lrkia Hill Collin', FiJPIling wonts: Blld
Women and IN, S<MC~ fa. JlIIliu IM'n""apoli.: Uni.er.ity of Minnesota PrO'SS,
'9<)11): Giddings. WIw"and WII.... I f.n'<r.and EI.ine IIrown. A Tas"'ofl'awtr:
A Blar~ W""",n'r SI«y (Ntw York: Panlheon Boob. '99a).
61 IIrown. A T"l'" of P""",r; Angda O.vi •. An,v/ol DaviJ: Willi f',,,,Jarn an My
Mi"d IN"w York: Il:mtam Iloob. '97.. ):Tr;J("y~ MaUht"'"3. "·1'ht MOIIt Qu.li.
fied f'tuo1110 IlIndlt thrloo": Black Panlher I"tly W""'''''' '966-'98a," ill
TN R/a(~ l'IlnlJuor I'",'y (Hm",."du<Jj. I'd.Ch.rles F..IQnL" (8:Iltimorl': Rlack

''''''1 '0(;11"",•• I ,')\

 CI;tS$ic Preas. 1998), ~6]-Jo,,: A~l~ Shakur, A5s/l1jl; ............ lObiogrlIplly(Chi·
ago: Lawn-nee Hill Books. 1987): and Fredi A. Smith. ·M.,..t lhe Women of
the Blxk P;onthen: Dllily Dtftndcr. 14 Janu.Jry 19JO.
6J The f l i CoulllerintdHgence I'rognm (conITf.l-Plo) ....as J. Edgar Hoover's
inili.ti~ to infiltrate and undermine organiutions dl"emed extremist (e.g..
communi,t. revolUlionary. su~ni~1 from 19S6 to 197'.
6.. "SI;Kk Panthers Sislers nlk .bo"t Women's Liberation: in The M"""rne"l
(n,p.: New England free Prea. 1¢9). a. Although women increased their
public responsibilities in 'he party. did men also ~rtici]>1'e in the same role
n-vers.l ....hen f;Ked wilh 11!Iks traditionally performed by won~n in lhe pri·
v.,e spherr~ In he. eumin.tion of African AIrl"rican ,",omen in tl'\o, Pan·
Amc~n rncr-emenl. M. B.hali Kuumb:l found Ih.1 when a wornen's union
emMged within th.. AII·African I'topk'l R....olulion.ry Union, women ....
pandnl their roles inlo public sFf'aking and str.t.-gizing, but Ihey also rt':.
maiJl<'d solely responsible for child care and youth educotion. With this
double burden. WOmen in ~ Pan·African mOve men' experienced burnout
more quidly th.n m..n.•dding .nolher dimension to ste.tolypes abo",
wOmen as lesser ~Iu'ionaries than men. M. B.ahati Kuum"', ·Engend...•
ing the Pan-Afm.n Movement: Field Notell from lhe AIl·African Women's
R<'YOlutionary Union: in Springer, Stu/lifting. SliU Qim!ring. 167-,88
6S Uu....hln. w""",,,'. M"""rne"tJ ill IIv U"ilLd S'ala:: Edwls. Dllri"8'0 & Bod:
hooks, .... i,,·' I " Woma,,: IKqut'line Jones. lB'- of L""", LlIbor of Sorrow:
Black Warne". W",l:, and,1v Fa",ilyfrom S/lI",,')' 10 tlv Prest'" INew York: Vin·
lag.. Ilooh, 19851: To", MonUon. ·Wh.t tm- Black Wom~n Thinks ~boul
Women', Lib: New Yorl-1i""" M"agllzi"". n Augus' 197'. '''-'5. 6J-6~. 66:
Inez Smith Reid. "Togtllltr" 81",1: W<l""'~ (N ..w York: Emenon·l-l~II. 197~):
~nd Ryan. F,,,,ini:s,,, lind tlv WOIlU,,'J MIm""''''.
66 Ryan. F,,,,i"i:smllnd 1m Wo"",,,'i Mowm.,..,.
67 Eli7.41belh Spelman. /"esu,,'ilIl W"........; Prubk....u of £xd .... io" i" Femi"iS/
TIaoug~1 (Boslon: 8l';Kon l'ress.I<)8.8).
68 ScI' Br..ines I"Wh.'lt's Love Got 10 Do with II?-) .nd Thompson ("Multirxi.l
Feminism") for,wo penpKtlve on ....helh..r. or to wll~1 d..Wet'. whil" fmu·
nilts slmggled againsl racism during lh.. era. Rreit\6 mainlains lhal t970S
....hit .. r.. minisls",,, getting silo" shrifl in Ihe histo,ic~1 record and nolelllh.l,
in parlicular.soci.l feminist Oflolanizal;unssuchu lhe Boston·b.alled Br..ad &
RO$CI KliII..lycontesled r<Klsm .nd work in coalilion ....ilh fl;foupl."ch as the
Blrll'.nlher r,"y, It is compdling 10 nole. as 8mnes docs. Ihat this anti·
racisl work wilh black organiution. ofl..n occunnllhrough con,,"';lion. 10
men (publicly re<ognized l..adel1l) in the organiutions. not to black ,,-o""en.
69 The Louis Harris Polling Agency alld the tull,no "",,,,fac',,,,,, Virgini~
Slims conduetrd a lII'riell of"A",eric~n Women" poll. lh~' ",..uured ....omen·s
attitudes on polr'ical and soc;~l """'''' during I"'ak y<'"•• for lhe conte,npo'
rarr feminist movemenl: t970. t97a. 197", and '9~'

.')6 NmU"O(Il ...TU,

70 Maddyn Conlq. -()<) Bl:ocl< WOnlrn Nttd tilt- Women', Libr Eue",e, Au.
gust '970. 29-H; Brelld~ Eichd!>t:rger. "Mylm About Feminism: Eu<",.,
NO\'embrr '978, 7'4-75, 91.. 94. ¢: Rose L. H. Finkell$t;oedt, ·Women'. Lib
II~, No Soul: (""..... Morch '97), 18-40: Nikki GiOVllllni, -The Root oflhe
M~tl": £1ICQf't, JallWlry '97~, u-;15; Morrison, "What tllt! BIKk Wom~n
Thinks about Women', Lib-: and Smith Reid. -Togetkcr' Blat:k '£I......,,,.
7' -The Wu between the ~xes: Is II M~nuraclured Or Real?" £I>olly. June '979.
11-19, ,p: Hrlen K. King. "The Dlack Wom~n and Women', Lib: Ebony.
M:rn:h '97'. 68-71: and Morrison. -What the Blad WOrlWl Thinks lbout
Women'. Lib:
71. Morrison. "WhIt the BI~ck Woman Thinks ~l>out Women's Lib: 64.
71 I". King. "Tbfo Black Wom~n and Women's Lib: 70: emplwi. mine.
74 Morrison. -What the Black Woman Thinks about Women'. Lib: 70.
n TI,ere _re instances in which black women dated white men during Ihis
lime ~riod. but fr:w memoirs or document. attesl to Ihis realily. Ple»e see
Alice Walker's 1"'" Way Fonwrd Is witSo a Brob" H(urr (Nr:w York: Random
House. woo) for her l.Ulobiogl':lphic~J relelling or her inlerracial rell.tion·
$hip during the late '960. civil right. movemrnl.
76 SI""". "Address Given by Gloria Steinem alld Ml.rga....t 51""n on Wornrn."
n .,..", Wl.r !>t:lw""n the s<:Jlt:S: 1:/o(I"Y.70.
,8 S~ondary SOUrcCll disput.. whether Smith'. addition w;u du.. to road"m.
p~ternalism. Or both. Bu".,;:hltr. W""",,,'s M~"'$ ill Ill< U"ilrd SllItn;
F. D~vis, Movi"tl Ill< ,1.101"'1";,,, )9.
79 TIm Wi.... -I, Si.trrhood Conditional?- H"'SA[Nalion~l Women'" Studi.... A,.
sociation] JOIJ.rmd '0'3 (autumn '9981: ,-26; Shirlq M. C..ig..r. -En,pIoy·
menl of BlICk and White Women in Slat~ 3'ld Local Government: HWU
J""rnaJ 10:) (~ul\m,n 1998):151-159.
110 Ndllrvin P~inter. S<!jowrncr Trull,: A Lift. a SymilollN~w York: W. W. Nor·
tun.1996 1·
SI A. D2vis. W"""",. RM<, 11lld OlIn, 70-S6: Buechler. Wome,,'s Mow"""I. ill
lhe U"iled SIM(J. '1')-116.
Ih F", more d~tl.ils on black _men'. in~olv"lll..nl with this commission. set'
Miri3m Harris. -From KennalyloComballt't": Black F..m,nisl ACII~i~tl1 fro,n
1960 to 1')80: ph"dissc'lalion, Drp>nmentofSociologylMrnneapulio: Uni.
versity of Mitl"<'SOI~. '997).
II) Su<an M. Hl.,tt1ll.m,. -Pl.uli Murrayl.11d lh.. ',ullcIUleofWotll"n·~ l.iber:ltioll
alld Block l.lbel':llio":" Jounwl o[W......,,·. Hi510ry '4:;1 (2oo~1; 74-n,
114 (:elkstin" W..... W""",,, J'I>Wtr; 1lw: MOIo'tmr"lfi;r WOIII(II') W,auI"'" (N,'w
York; Tower PuhlkatIOll., '970); Flory"c.. K...."'a1y ~Ild D;~tl'-' Schul<lt:r.
AIxlrI"", R"plNcw York: M"Craw Hill. 1'./711.
8~ Smith Rrid. -T"ll",Il<,' BI"d Womrll.
86 Ibod.. 5"-S'.
/(7 t:Chols. DIlrlnH I.. Ik HIuJ. J6'./-)n-

~0IUl0COM'I'"' "p
118 lbid .• 17S.
89 Ibid.• 104. 10'].376; f. D~vis. MPVing 1M MlHUIl<Jill, 7<}-80.
90 Breint"!!. 'What"s Love Got to Do with II?: lIn.
91 Echols, L)(Iring 10 & &d, )73, 3n-
91 Ibid., J74.
93 Lorr~ine IH:thd, "Wlul Chou' Mean '.. ~: White Girl? Or. the Cullud l./:Ihiln
Feminist Declarltion of Independence: CorwfilioM 5 (1979): 88.
94 BreirM'S, 'Wh:!t"i LOYe GOI 10 Do with II?' 1108.
9S ~Ihel. "What Chou· Mean 'WE; While Girlr, 117.
96 P. Collins, Figkling Words, z80.
97 Fnzier, The Nexm F..mily ill 1M Ullild SI.. 1n Sudbury helpfully nol/:ll par-
~J1el sitlLllion for AI'riun WOlllell ill the di",por;1 when she diKusses Afri·
c~n C..i~ln women's economic and eduCitionll SUC«U iIII""";dence· ,lut
black women ~re cOJltributing 10 b1rl men's em~Kulation and white suo
premacy. 01'= Killdl qf DmII11.l, '59.
98 Sheila Rldford,HiIl, FurtMr In Ry: B/Act Wome" ..1Id II\( Politics of E... powu·
me,,1 (Minneapolis: Unive~ity of Minnesotl Preu, %0001, u.
99 P. Collins. Figkllng Words, 75.
100 Ibid., 74.
101 Ie Sue~l1, Fro... M..... mr 10 MwA"",rica ..1Id &)'O"'d: Cull.."" ' .....gnomJ
1M Slloping qfUS, Social PoIi&}' (New York: Routledge. 199J).
10% Teresa Amon ~nd Julie Maunei. "We Sp«i~li%e in lhe Wholly Impoaible;
AfriCin American Womm: /UIu,Gelllkr, ..1Id Worl:: A M..JlicliJIultl1 Erorsomic
Hill<l1)' of Wo"",,, ill 1M UrlilN SillIeS (Boston: South End Preu, 19911, 141-
191.
10) Alke Kt"!ISler·Harris, "The W~geConceived: V;uueand Needs as Measures of
Woman·s Worth: in Femi"ilt Fronliers/V, ed. Laurel Rkh~rdson. Verla T~y·
lor. and Nancy Whittier (N.,w York: MeGr.I'" Hill Companies 11990) '997)'
101-%14·
104 A. Davis, Womm. 1l9«,olld CL:",,; C:l.rol Sud:, All 0 .., Kill: SIIUI<gW:for S...·
.i",,1 i" .. Biad: Com....."ily (New York: 1i>rf'Cr and Row, 19741.
lOS Demi~ KUI%. For RieUr, For Poo«r: MDlMrJ Co"fronl DillOrU (N<:wYork: Rou"
lrdge, '99S), 17-18.
106 Fnncis ~a1. "Double ~P'"rdy; To IH: 81xk and ""mll~: in B3mbara, The
iliad W"""'n, 90-100; Eichelbo-rger, "Myths About F~minism': Diane K.
Lewi., "A Respon"",to In~u~lily, Black Women, R:K:ism lnd s.c.ism: Sign>:
A l""nwI of Womm ill C..II..", .. mJ Societr l'l (1977): IW-J61; 3nd 1'1uli
Murny, ..",., libo-rllio" of Bla<:k Wom~n: in Guy'StH:lhll. WD"" of Fin,
186-'97·
10'] U.S. Bure3U oflhe Cen.us, 1()81l.
c.Qmpl~, i,,,ome by r3(C' ~nd Ilendn W3. 3" folio""" while lne"
loll In '975, ror
~arned "1,448; bl1Ck men cmlC.'d '7.541: whitt Wflt!H'lI c3rned '4,<)!b; and

198 NOTU 1'0 Clt~'l II I

 black women tr.Liled behind lhem all. nming '4.73". U.S. Bureau of the Cen·
SWl.199 8.
'09 In '960. lOughly 8).4 percent of black women wOlkN ;n the manufactur·
ing. dom~tic. Strvice. and cleric1l induSlries. compared to ,a.8 percnlt in
Ihr prof... i~.IP(hnja.l.and manager;al fields. Amott and M1tthri.. "Wr
Speci3liu in the Wholly Imp<>5'lible: 158.
"0 Eichelberger. "Mythll Aboul Frmini,m: 94; Lrwis. "A Respon"" 10 In..qual·
ily: J4<).
III ~Il. From Mamm~toMilJA ..... riaI .. nd&j'Ond. 17.

EdWOlrd Mapp. "Bl"d: Women in Films: 81a1:k Scholur 4:6 IMarch~April

19731; 4}·
II} Reportedly, Erib Huggins reminded Black Panther _tnen dUI. like Viet·
tI"mese women in tl~ rO"VOlulionary slru8l!Je. black women should consider
their bodies as weapons. Brown. i\ Tillie" of ~r, 1}6. Sl"e also Third World
Women', Allimcc. "History of Ihe Organiuti<>n and Ideological Pbtfonn:
Tripk jwpardy I:' (Septrmber-October 1971): 8-9.
114 Donald Bogle. TonI), Coo"s. M"laltOli. Mammiu. and Bucb (New York: Con·
tinuum Publishing 11971]199}). 136. "40: Mnk A. Reid. Rttkfining Black
Film (Berkeley: Uni.....rsily ofCa.lifornia Press. '993). n-8",.
115 M. Reid. R.lkj",i", 8Iadr Film. 86-88.
tl6 Ilogle. Toms. Coo"s. Mulattos. Mammiu. """ Buch. "51: M. Reid. iWJtfi"ing
Black Film. 88.
"7 M. Reid, Rakfining Blacl Film. 86.
liS Ibid .• 86. I ml.L'll nolelennifer OrVNe Brody'l ",ticle tha.t rttXamine, 0<<>-
patm jOIld and other films ,Iarring Pam Crier, She offers a perspecli..... tha.t
ask, how bringing a qu...... theory reading to cultural sludies challg" bow
we read Cleo",,!ra jOlttJ and i.sl;un of desire. lhu, "queering" thl' blaxploita·
tion ;l(lion ~roine. jennifet OrVere Brody, ""The Re'urnsofCk'op'llra Jones:
SiglU: '" jounwJ ofWo"..." ill Cult",. ~nd Sodtlp ~5:1 (19991: l)l-l'lt.
tt9 The editors of Ms. mall~~inc were mo~t likely oblivious 10 thoc misogynis·
tic overtones 10 bl~xploilalion films wlM'n tiley fe~tured I'~m Grier on tiM'ir
August '975 cover as a model ofblack feminist. woman power.
1'l0 Bill Montgomery.• 'n131'S My Mama': Rlack Woml'n Auail IV Show as ·Dc·
me-aning:· AI/:I/l11I journal. 4 Ol:tober 1971: ... vo Papers. University of 1l1i·
llaiS at Chiago Spedal COlll'Clioll~ l.ib... ry: staff ...·riler. .,v Sexism. Iladsm
Hit by Femjni~ts: "',/:Intll D.:>ily W<lrJd. 6 Octoboer 1974: and .. BfO l'apen.
University of Illinois ~t dlicago Special Collertions Library.
I'or a longel discussion of blxk feminist OflPni7.:ationli ~nd their inter.....n·
1;0115. IleC Kimberly Springer. "CooJ Time.> fOf florida and Blark Feminism:
CrrrIrJ: Hrw< pluridisdl'li/l~irr' du trIOOOIk "'nglophon<8Iaoojl, onlin"lonrn~l,
http://wWw·rercles/n~/sprinl;er.pdr.
1~1. fat an ... tells~~nalf'llsofthcrace and 8etKk, implicalionsofrcmncc pro.

"O'HI',I'ltA'".III)9
 gumrning.lltem~lely called soci~1 re~lism or qll~lity television. see Kirslen
M~rlhe lenl'l, "Qu~lity VffilUS Relev~nce: Ferninilrn.lbce. ~nd the Politics
oflhe Sign in '9701 Television: C~,""nz OInct<nz; AjootlU'l of Femin;,m ~nd
Film Thtory(~ooo): 44-93.
I~J Ibid .... 6.
I~" Ibid .. 7..
u.S Aileen Hernandez. leller to Norm~n le~t. 9 October 197... Ail~n Hern:;m·
dez. person:ll p;.pers.
116 Ibid.
'27 Valerie jo 8udley. interview by author. 8 Oclober 1997.
118 Ger~k1ine Rickman. "A Natural Alli~nce: 11.e New Role for R~k Women:
Civil Rigklf Dig'Sl 6: 3 1[97..): 57-65.

2. No longer Divided "j:lIillSl Oune/l'Q

Beverly Davi •. "Tlte Nation~l RIKk Feminist Organiution; SageS (1988): .. ,.

2 Oa,jd A. Snow ~nd R<>bf:rt D.lknford. "Clarifying the Relationship hetween
Fumingand I<kology; Moltilir~lian: An InterrulrioMl jootlU'lS:' (2000): 55-
..0. here. 59-
1 Kalen Kahn. "Relhinki''ll Idenlity PoIilic!: An Inrerview wilh Demita Fra·
:tier,· Sojourner. S<:pl"mber '995, 12.
Fr;tncil Ik~l. iIllCrv;"w by ~uthor. 'S Augusl [997·
Accordinlltu co, NTElPIO "·cords. S/fCC ~nd the T .......... later e.periCTICe<\ ~
rill. in '97'. when tl.e TW"". the African·American Youth MO"ernent. ~nd
.~ific rHNCC m",mhers were KCtlsed of lIf!ing government infiltrator5.
In 1972, T ......" memher.; called for their accuserlto sub:slanti':lle the claims.
but lhert' is no record as to how this conflict was resolved. Feder-II Bureau
oflnve5tig3lions. "Third World Women'. Alliuoce: ""t.....mist ~b\ler5: Field
Office file no. 157-6167. 25 April'97l, 7-9.
6 Third Wodd Women', AIli40nct'. "Hisloryofthe Organizarion and Ideologial
Platfonn: Trip/t jeopardy ':1 (September-October 1972): 8-9. here. 8.
7 Ibid.
g Ibid.
9 Ileal, int"rview by ~uthor. 15 August 1997.
10 Third World Women's Alliance. "History of the Orp.nization and Idl'Ologic~1
Platform: 8.
II lisa Albrrc:ht and Rose Brewer offer a distinction import~l1tto tliis STudy l.>r.
tvo...... n coalitions and alliances. Co.alitions art' temporary aK[CetltcHlS to work
together to ~hiev(' a specific goal. while alliances imply "a new l{'Vel ofCOm·
",irmenl thaI Is Ionll"r.st~lIding, d~pt'r, and b"ilr upon more Irusliujl. po.
Ilrical relationships." lis:o Albrfiht and Ilrm: M. IIr......,r, IlriJgo of I'owrr:
W""...,,',MiJrit..I'.. nzl "'"............ B.C.. C.:",ada: No:-wSoxiely l'"hltshers. T990.
Ileal. mterview by a"lh"" 'S Augnsl '997'

aoo ""IU rOl;IM,'t •• A

 '3 Ibid.
14 Slndy PoI13ck, "'Jhc, V~nc~~m"" Brlgad~: Ntw World RArkw, '970, :>.4-)3,
'5 Contrary to inl~IViews wilh , ........ m~m~n. '"' COl NnlHO records indio
GU~ that by '97.., thr T ........ lud d"'pler~ in Phibdclphia, Seattle, and Elm·
hursl, Nnv York. Fe<lcr;l] Bureau of Invtttig.ations, ~pondcnc~ from
CindnIl1.ti to Washington, D.C...'ield Oflk~. 7 March t974' I.
IG Lill<b Burnham, (>ersonal inler"il"W by author, U F~b<Ullry 1998.
t7 dM'ryl(Prrry) League. int~tvicw by autho., '7 june 1998.
,8 FC<leral 8u~au of In"~stigati0n5. "Third World Women's AHianc~: Rac131
Manen: Dec:~mbe. '97o-March '97.. 1503 of509 documents aYllibbl~l.
19 Margaret Sloan. "Acldrns Gi"en by Gloria St~in~m and Marpr~t Sloan on
Women" (NOTthfielc.l. Minn,: Carleton Col~ Audio·Visual ()epartment,
5 Marc:h t973J. 98,
ao Michrlko Wallace offered a more conlenllous ~r~ion oflhc inilia] meelinll.
and the m",,'ing 10 organi~e the pnoss confe~nc ... in a 1975 ;tC((Iuol that de·
piet. ~mployt'Cs of M~. m"llazine, members of RadkaJ lnbians, the Socii).
ist Work..", Party, and NO'" as dominating the meeting'. proceedings and
rushing through t.... sdecllon of Sloan as chairoftht: "'1anizalioo. Michelle
WalJ:a<:~. "Oolhe Natio""l Black Feminist Organization; in Femini" R,""'w.
lion (Nl"W York: Random HOUSI::. '978). 174-t7S.
B.arb:lra Campbell. "Black Feminists form Group H~r~: New YIrl 1i1tW.
t6 August 1973. 36.
Margaret Sloan.lntu"Jew by author. 8 August '997.
a3 13. Da..is."TIie Nationallllack F~minist Organization; 44.
a4 Len~II to the Editor. M•.. Augwt t974, ..-6.
as Otoborah Singletary and Eugenia Wilshire, interview by author. a6 April
'997·
.6 Il~melt~ Golden. "Black Women's I.i~ralion" !:'.utnct. F~bnury t97.... J6;
8. Da..is. "The Nalkmal Blaek Feminist Or~"iz:otion: 44; and Slo;1n. "Ad·
dress Gi"en by Gloria SteilM'm:md Margaret Sloan on Women: 99.
17 Chicago Natio"al Blxk F~miniJI Orgaoization, WHO. rn«ting minut ....,
luly '974, National BI:w:k Feminist Organizatloo (Chic"ll0chapter). MidWt:lll
Women', Hi'torical Collc<tion, Unt.....r.lty of ll1illois at Chicago.
a8 Ibid.
a9 Chicago NUO. meeting minutt'S. J.
10 'ohn l.onand. Soc;"1 M......"'tIll OI);~~i~PliorlJ: Guitk 10 HtJellrr" 011 In''''fg<'~t
Hell/itiu (Nnv York: Aldin~ dcGruyter. t9961. 341.
jl NIVO. ·E~l'(Cuti>'t: Board Letter to M... m~rship: aJ S<:ptt'Il,bcr 1974. N~tio,,~1
Dlxk Feminist Org.1nizatlon, Midw6t Women's Histo';..1Colk-t:t;otl, Uni·
"euHy of Illinois al ChiullO.
p National Allian'.. of lllack I'emtni",". "l'hiIO'lOphy or NA": n.d .. Iir"llda
F.kh"l[..,rllcr Colk-ction, a,ica~o HiSlorinl Sockty.
JJ ll:lr~r.l SlIlith. inte"iew by author.•, lilly t998.

NOTl~10r;1I"'IU a ,,01
H O~ wond".. if these s~me detr.octors would h~ve said ttM, same ~boul bl:Kk
m~le Ie~derl .uch as Dr. M~rtin Lu~ King, Muh~mmad Ali, or Huey P.
N~ton, who all opposN I~ ViOO:I.... m War.
J5 Barbara Smith, interview by author, 1998.
36 Ibid.
37 Brenda Verner, "Brenda Verner Euminell 'Libcr:alnl' Si.ter.; Ena>n, April
'97'" 22-~). Voo:mer'. artide i.tum;l1n1 il1 more dl:pth il1 thapter ". "81"",k
Women'. Issun;lS Feminist IISUCS."
)8 Barb.>u Smith, interview by author, '99'8,
39 llreinell, [[0": We RIIiM OW" Voius: C-whrali"B "'::tivilmjor E'I"IlIIryllM Priik
in BMkm', AfriaJn ~ri(lIn. Femln;st, Gayllnd Lesbian. lind '-"tiMeommUII;.
tie" I~ online exhibition of a NortheaslCTll University Libr.lries e.hibition.
Boston. Nort~aslern University Libr.!ri.,., 200). hllp:/Jwww.lib.neu.n1uf
archi\'cs/voM:ell.
40 Cornbahec River CoIIC'Ctive, 1M CoonbaJo<c RilJt' ColltCli"" SlIIlcmmt; 8ud
Frmlnill 0'Bunizing i" I'" ~1JtII1ic.s aM li;glllUs (New York: Kitchen Table
Women "fColor Prt'SS.[rml 19'86). 16: Breines, 1 tlo.
41 Barbara Smith. interl'i~ by author. 15 luly 1998.
4a Ibid.
4) Ibid.
"" St.,....,n Buechler, Women', MOVl' ....nIJ in t'" Unllal StaUJ lNew Brul1swick,
N.I.: /lutgeN Univtl1lity Press, 1990): Barbara Ryan, F.mini!m liM lhe
Women', MOVl'menl: Dt-mi<:s of Chan,. III Sociai MOVl'menl, 1IkoI<lgy, liM
Aclivi,m (N~ York: Routledge, '993): and Herbert Haines, "Blxk R:ldic:al-
iz:ation and the funding"fCivil Rights: '957-197°: Sori<d ProbkIll$)2 (O£to-
ber 1994): J'-4J·
45 Barbar.l Smith. interview by author, 15 July 1998.
,,6 s.,...eral other women .pcarheadn!lheernergenceofthe bla<:k femini.t move·
ment. challenging the dominance ofwhite feminist leadership and concern•.
TIleY indude Pauli MUmlY, Mary Al1n Weathers. Cel1estine Wan:. and Dori.
Wright.
47 Marl'a Rudolph, ·Aileen Hem~ndez;in Epk.li....:O"" H~ndmJ lIlaci: Wo"",n

,,8
..,..
Who Mwk II Oi!.,.",e, ed. [eooic Carney Smilh (~roil: Vi~ibk Ink. '993) .

Li~ Gant. ·Bi~(k Women Organiznl for Action: They Coll<':Ct Political IOU."
W.IIU, October [no year[, r~8_
49 Valerie [0 Bradley. int~rI'iew by aUlhor. 8 O£tOOer '997.
So Ibid,
S' Blxk Women Organill,'d for Action. ·Statrlllelll of Purpose and Activities."
n.d .• Aill.'t'n Hernaudco/" ,,,,,,,,,nal p3pt'r,.
S~ G~nt, "lll;,c:k Women O'ganl7.<'11 for Action." ,,6.
51 Ibid.
H !'atS)' FukMr. Ail~ Hernandez, and Eleanor Spikes. ·S....ring th", ~r
Sharing the Glory: ConlllCf MIIg<lzlrn:. fallt974. sa.

J. FUMdiMg II Move"",,,t

, Ie> FrcemaM. "11le Origins of the Women's Liber:l!ion Movement: Amtrifll"

jf!l'rnIll r;fSodok>gY78:4 ('97J): 79.1-811.
.. Ilecky "Thompson. "Muhi=ial Feminism: Reasting the Chronology ofs«·
ond Wave Feminism." Fe"""'lt Stud~s ..8:.. (.100.11: J.46
J ~Iy Davis.·The National BI:><:k Feminist Organization: SIlge S (t91111): 4):
jane Galvin-Lewis. intervi/:W by author, .. 6 April '997: and Marg<i,et Slo;ln.
Hunter. intervi/:W by author, II August 1997.
.. Avyazian characterizes this pheno"",non as ·Founde"· Di$ease: Cited in
lohn Lofland, Socilll MO........ llt QrxIlII,z/llions: C"idl: to Rtstll,d. on ''''''Wilt
Rcalitles INew York: Aldine de Gruyt..r. 1996). '73. n. I.
S TIM,Wollloen's ActlonAlliance(wAA). formed in New York in '97.1. operated as
an activist, social service ag..ncy. Acti.e from 197tto t997, lhe"'AA ~ con·
sidN~!lle success in sprNding feminism t!lrougb profes5iotl~1 referral. ~nd
offering services to help women free thernselv<."S from dependency. Marla R.
Miller. "Trxking the Women'. MOvel11ellllhrough the Women's Action Alii·
ance: )oumw r;fWomell'S Him")' '4:a (aooa): 'H-tS6.
B. Davis. "The N~!ion;al RLac:k Feminist Organi7,;ltioll"; '~ne Galvin·lewi"
interview by aUlho•. .16 April '997: and M~r&"ret S!o;ln·Hunte•• IntNvkw
by author. 8 Augus! '997.
7 Ibid.
8 '!be members oflhe policy (ommin ..e were Diane ~ey. M~"lY'ret Slo.on,
l:h:>ri,Wrighl.laneGalvin·l.ewis.Carolyn l13ndy, Sylvia Vitale. Carolyn Reed.
Lori St...rp. and Maxin.. Williams. Inslead of .<'Commending only two offi,
cers, the policy pape' prof""S"'d delegaling Ofganizationa! responsibilit;rl to
~ ch~ir. a vice·chair. ~ r.-cording se<:rnary. ~ correspooding sccret~ry. ~ Ir..~·
surer. ~nd ~n office coordilUllor, Each member el.-cted to I~ polIi!ionl
would comp,;sr the st"""ring romm,uee, ,..fO. -Executive Boa,d ll'tte. to
Memkr~hip:~) St-pl<'mbrr 197~, NllfO. Midw~."t Wonren's H,~lorialCoI·
1""lion. Unr.'crsity of Illinois ~t Chicago.
9 N•• 0. policy paP"'. lI,d., Brenda Ei<:helbergcrColleclioll, Chkago HiSloric~1
Socie1y. Chic~go .•.
10 "uo "F,xecuti..• I:loard lener 10 MClllber'$hip": M~tK~r ..1 Sloan·Hulilcr. in_
terview by author./l AU~1l11 '997.
lane Galvill·l.ewi~ ~l1d Uel>o"h Singletary. IIltervi<'w by author. ~6 April
'997·
I~ 'n", "AR,"s.tn"'''"e was stnkingly lilllila. tOlil" NUO'S proposn!.truo::tll'e,
sulll;""'1Il1i trOllS,pollination belween II"" two org~,"zatioM Je~p;le thd!

"'Oltl r<.. '-"A ...... J <10,

 tater split The IMU'S officers included the exewtive director, chairperson.
recording st'<:ret~ry. corresponding $«relary. tre;asurer. fin~n<:i.al srcrel~ry,
social service direo::tor. and oommuniatiOOI coordin~tor.
I) The "AI f'l first advisory bo:f;jrd consisted of prOminenl women such ~s C~rol
Moseky Br~un.~st~te rq>resenl~tive~t lh~llime: Ailun Hernandez. former
presldenl of 100'" and ~ cofounder of BI~ck Women Organized for Action;
~ ~nd professor Sonia Sanchez; writer Verl~m~e Grosvenor; and former
u.s. cOrlgre5SWOlTl.'l.n Yvonnf' Ilr;oithwaite Ilurke.
[4 Gayle Porler. inlervil:'W by author. [g June '997.
'5 Ibid.
[6 to fruman. n.. Po/'liQ<>/Wo.m,,', LiMNtill" (New York: David Mcby. 19n1.
20 4.

17 S~ron P~ge Rilchie. "Relre~t Survey: folder 'S. "iliad: feminist Retre~ts:
First Retre~t: '9n. IlUNTl Smith P~pen;, Lesbian Berstory Archives.
Brooklyn, N,Y.: 1~llie Nelson, inlerview by author. [J febrw.ry '997: and
Gayle Porter, inlerview by author. 6 May '997-
18 Janie Nelson. interview by author, 'J february '997.
[9 francis fM,al. interview with author. '5 August [997.
ao Honor ford·Smith. "Ring DinginaTighlComer: Sislren.Collective, Democ·
racy. and the Organizing ofCuhurall'roouclion," in Feminist Gt~.
Co/.onilll f.egaci<>. lkmocrtltic fWlllm. ed. M. )acqui Alexand"r and Ch~ndra
T.:alpa<te Mohanty IN"'" York: Routledge, 19971. 2[)-:>'S8.
Freem~". n.. PoI,t~ of WO""II'J Libaatioll, ao).
Ilarb;lr:a Smith. "MemOl,ndum to Relre~l Portkip.l.nts; fokkr 1:>.. "Illxk
feminist Retr"als: Fourth Retre,t; '975, &rharz Smith Papers.
a3 Il.:irhara Smith, interview by author, '9 lun" 1998,
Z4 Mercedes Tompkinll, interview by author. 6 May 1998.
25 Ibid.
26 M3rgo Okauwa·Rey, inlerview by aUlhor, ~o October 1997.
~7 B3rhan Smith, interview by author. 19 lun" '998.
:l8 P3lSY Fulcher. AiI~n H"mande-z, and Eleanor Spike.. ·Sharing the Power.
Sluring the Glory: Coni"" MAgI>Zi.... f~lJ 197•. sa.
~9 lbid .. p.
30 Aileen HermndC"Z. inle,Yiew by author. 14 Septembl-r 1997.
)' In '974 the I ... o"line·luned ilS leadership structure by creating a It~ring
oommittl"e' 10 ..all' lhe tranlilion from on" coordinaling learn 10 lhe next.
The stening commill..e consilled of lhe newly Insl,lled coordinalors. Ihe
immedia.l" p;ost coordinalors. 3nd tm, f:Kilit~torsof "ach m""Iing. The :oddi·
lion of ~ st...,ring comm;t!l"e' continl/ed th" RWOA'S mi""ion of Ih.:lrlnlltho:-
leadership of the Olg.ni~tkm, "nluring lh~t the o<g3nizalion did nol col.
l.pse during th" 1,;I"silion,
p Aileen Hem~nd"z. ,nt"rv;O!W hy autlTO<, 'i Sepl"mbe, 1997.
H Valerie )/,IlIr:odley. Im"rvkw hy autho,.11 October '9')7.

a04 100ni "'0 CIlAnu J

 H Third World Wom~n's Alliance. "Historyofth~ OrganizatIOn and Id~"Ologiul
Platform: Triple jroPf'rJy t:1 (Sept~m~r-October 197a): 8~9.lMor~. 8.
)S Klrkl Jay. "An Interview with ~brgJret Smn: L.clt~1I Tilk. t97'1' ~'1'
36 "Bl;>tk Women Organiud for Aclion: membership brochure. '9n. AiI~n
Ilernanda. person~1 plpt'rs.
37 Mno, memhel$hip applicalion. n.d" Black Women's VertiaJ File. Sc:hl~·
singer Library. R.>dcliffe wllege. Cambrid~, Mal'$.
)8 National Bllck Femiu;st Organiution (Chiugo chaptfil. m~ding minutes.
JUlie '97'1. Mid~t Women's HiI'oric~lwllection. UniVffSity of ll1inois at
Chicago.
)9 John LoAand. Sociul M'"""mtlll DIllonizot;",...: G..i<k 10 R""orrh en I....../E"nl
lkaIitks (New Yark: Aldiuc: lle Gruytt"r, 1996). a0'l'
'10 Se1' figult" a ("Bl:.>ck Feminist Organizations: A Compa"'tive Chart") al the
beginning of Ihis chapter. Black f~minis' ar81niutians varied in detailillg
1Mir explicil criteri, far membership, bUl Loflandoff.'U Ihe fallawingque$.
Iionlas useful indicators of fI1~",bership: (II Howfrequentlyd""s IhepefSOll
plrticipate in 11010 lsociallflovernem or8"niUlion) ;>ctivi,ies~ la) How much
mon~y (or in·kind donatiolls) dotS the pe-non give 10 the 'MO~ (,l !'low well
known is the person 10 people who art" 1M most ;>dive 5010 m~mbers. and
how Oluch power and infll>t:fKe does she or he al'P"u to have? 1,,) What is
lhe degree to ""hich the person ".preues dwgreement5 or agrffn",nl wilh
1m, beliefs oft"" 'MO?
'I' Lofland, $",,;"1 MlWrmult 0'll"ni~otjoll', 's6,
4a Marsard Sloan.Hunler. ;nl"rv;"'" by autho,. 8 August '997.
'13 M3fllaret Slo:on. "iliad Feminism: A Nf!W Mandale: MI" May '97'1. 99.
4'1 j~ne Galvin'Lewis. Dd>o"h Singlelary, and Ellgenia Wilshire. int"";"",, by
author. a6 Aprilt997'
4S "Blad Wornen United: Sororitiottt. Alliance•. and Pressure Groups." "li.,
January 1979. 90: "Illack Feminism: off"'" b<ock$}: 10 (197)}: }: and Fr.ln
Pollner, Ann.. Williams. and T~cie o..janikus. "Ill;>tk Feminists Up FrQI1l:
offow. ,,",Gb '1:a (197'1): 2~'1'
46 D~.id Snow. Louis :lure"". I'" and Hddon Eckland·Olson. "Social Networks
and Soci,l M~m~nts: A Mic",.trw::tural Approach to Differ"ntial R~'Cruil'
tllent: Amnir"" Sociologic"l R<view S:S (1980): ,87-80,.
'17 Cheryl {l'erryl League. intI'''';''''' by ~uthor. '7 June '998.
411 If!1t,,n to lilt! Nalional Allianc" of Ill:.>ck Feminists. 1976-Il)Ho. Ilrl'nda
Eichd~rg~r Coll«tion, Chicago Historiul Society. Chicago: "11M' War be·
lw...·t\ th... SeXl'lI: Is it Manuf:.>clurt'd Of R..al~" ~l>ony.lulte '979.
'19 Dl;>tk f~minist org~"iulions. reformisl 3nd radical. IIIOSI ohen conlributed
to dl'f"n... funds for politlul priSOflen such as Angekl Davis. t"" s.." Quentin
Si~. aud jDa"n"l.inle.
So '11~ fll"d~ flOW MJ. c~m.. dire<:lly from the magn;,,,, bcl:au,,", AI•. did not
"",ubli,}, It. f"rrn.lllu"ti"ll lOlJlldat'o" unl,1 '979' n .... Easttnau f~"ItI"a'

WOlU "11 c,,~ ..... J ~oS

 tion. established in New York in '946. was and sTill is a private family fund
thai providnl seed gT3nts and malching fundli to organizations active in
mnlia. thealer. ;oging. and wom~n's i5,!;ues.
51 Marpret Sloan-Hunt~r.intervi~ by author. 8 August 1997.
51 Ibid.

of. Black ""a_II's ll5uC$ olld Femillism

el'SU. "c.,... 1Wa~of'VioimceOll Bl:;tCk Wom"n'"l"'mphld, n.d .. Barb.:m

Smilh I'apers, lesbi:tn HerSlory Archiv". Brooklyn. N.Y. For olle account of
thisiJ(tivism, Ie(' }.lim" M.CTiI'u, "Who's Killing Usrin FemK:i/k: The PoIJ,kJ
ofWonw.n KJIlJ"B.rd, Jill R.:Idford and Dian" E. H. Russell (Nc:w York: l ....... yn"
Publishrrs, '99a), 14~-160. In this account, Combahee membr:n ar~ cred-
iltd with serving as a bridge helween white feminist and local bl.xk activists.
Howf:Yer.Okauwa-Rey. in an interview by theauthor(aoOclober 1997), dis-
putes just how dfl"Cti"e this bridge work was gi"",n homophobia on the p.1rt
of some local blKk activists.
a I obtained 500+ p:lg6 of COINTHPlO documents on thr Third World
Women's Alliance through thr Frttdom of Information Act (TalA). Till: "O'A
r"'lu<"Sts 011 the other four organiutions yielded no other documents.
) o.a.rlayne Hunter, "Many BIKh Wary of 'Women's Liberation' M"""ment
in U.S.: New York Timt.!. 17 Novcmb<:r 1970, 47, 60. Recent white feminist
accounts maintain that radical socialist feminists. in fact. did support bl.xk
polilical priSOIl"": Jee alro Wini 8reines. "What's I.o'If' Got to Do wilh It?
White Women. Black Women. and Feminism in the Movement Yean; Sigl'l5:
A Jrwrrnd cfWOmtll ill C!<h"rt And Society a7:4 {aooa}: "')-"'4_
4 83rbara and Beverly Smith. ". Am Hot Me:mt to Be Alone and without You
Who Undtrstand: ~en from Black F~minists. 197::1.-1978." Condirio,.. 4
('9791: 6a-n_
S T ......A. "Now Attica!!!." "Murder at 5,l;n Qu"ntin,' and "Ki.ha'R Arrest." Tripk
J""""rdyt:1 (1972): ::I.~4·
6 francis Beal. "hminin" Slink Mystique." Tripk Jwpardy }:4I'974): 7.
7 Tw"'A. "El Tealro Guerilla" :llld "Gut'lilla n...alreis Fun!: Triplt J~"I"'nJy 2:4
(197}): ".
8 Ibid.
9 For C'RtensivC! analysis ohMs interplay, S('(' Krislin Anderson-Bricker. " Tripll'
jeopardy': Black Women and the Growth of feminist Consdollsness. 1964-
197~" in SliIIlijiing. SIJII Oimbing: Co,.U'mJ'O"''l' Afrk...,. AmtrU:a" WQ"",,.·1
N'lillinrl. roo
Kimboerly Springer (New York: New York Uni~rsity Press.
1999)· 49-69.
10 ....0 ... "Sli1I ... SlI,all Changes for IlI:Kk Wurne"." Wlwl Ir Is!. ruly '9110. I.
II "BI.xk Fe",,,,,"rn." off rwr b-ub 3:10 (r?7Jl: J.
 I~ Kull "'y, "An lntervi..... with M,.~ar"l SI...n;lnbi<ln Tuk, 197'" ~ ...: Mar·
ga",t SI«In. "Blad nminism: A New M~n<bte; Ms., ~by 197", 99: IJfe/
Style. "Femini$m:""'" BlId; Nuance:" NtWlwuk, '7 O«embe. '97J: and
"Uniting alld Conqu"ring; C!lfour lIIarb, o.:cember/J.muary 1974, '-4'
IJ 8I!veriy D~vis, "111. N~lional Black F"ministOrganiution: Sagt5 (,'}88): 44.
' .. "Uniting ... and Conqu",inl/.: i,
'5 Ibid.
16 Ibid.
'7 Ibid.
III "Lellers: Ms.. August '97"."-7, IJ.
19 Brend~ Vern"r. "Brend.:l Verner Eumin~ 'Libemed' Sisters: Ene""" April
1974. ~a-aJ.
10 There iTe no credits given for the iUustraliofil. but often graphic$ Or pull·
quotes are an C'ditori~l decision. not that ofthe""';te•. Still. thelle iliustr.ltiOfl9
-whelher penned by a Woman Of a man-xeuratorly lefiect Verner. view•.
i' ·Uniting and Conquering: 4: Verner. a,.
For a c~r enmination oflhis point and the politiGlllife ofSojourner Truth,
""e NeUlrvin Paint"•• S....joumtr Trutl!: A Lif., II Symbol (New York, w. W.
Nortorl. (996).
13 Verner. "Br.nd~ Verner Ex:aminl!ll'Liberated' Si.tell: U
:l4 Ibid.. a...
25 Ibid.
26 Margo jdf"r.ron and Ma.ga-ret SI...n. "Equal Time: III DefenseofBlack Femi·
nism: E"""", July 197... 46.
a7 Ibid.
a8 NAU. (akndarof ~nll, 5 April 19711. Brenda Eir.hdberv:r Collection. Chi·

<:.ago HislDric~1 Society.

29 Gerda Lerner. BJlIf~ W""",n ,n WIIik A_rica INew York, O~ford University
Pn:ss. '971).
JO 8.""da Eichelberger. interview by autho•. 'I February '997: Janie Nelson.
T'
interview by au'ho•. Februar~ '997.
" Dt-mit1 Fruile•. Ba.bara Smith. and /!.everly Smith. per.ronal correspondence.
i4 Ma~ '977. Barbara Smuh Pipers. l.csbian Herstory AKhivet:. Brooklyn.
N.Y.
p Ibid.
H l.in<la Powell. personal correspondence. 9 JanWlry 19711. lIarh..r~ Smith
I'aper.<.
H Parnda Oliver. l'.. rsoll~1 correspondence. 10 I~"uary 1978. Ba,bar~ Smilh
l'apenl.
J5 Cheryl Clarke. pt'lSonal correspondence, 1<)711. Barbara SlIlith I'~pe'•.
16 IIJrh..r~ Smith. pelson:ll conespoll.knce. n.d .. Barbara Smllh Paper•.
)7 I,iud.> r'owrll. 1>(,'!IOll~1 co.,esro"de"",. 9 January 19711. 0:11\>;11"11 Smith
I>ape...

NOlnrOCI+A,n'4 ~07
18 Alice Walker. III StQrc,I, of Our Mot""'" Gar.ull' IN..... York: Harcourt Brace
ro"anovich. t(}8)).
39 IlJrbar:l Smith. HIlmeGilkA Bl<od: Ftm'"iJI AIllkologylNrw Brunswick. N.J.:
Rutge.. University Prrss. aooo}.

J. BllJd Femi"'sl Identities

Doug McAdam. PoIilica' Prousundl"" IkwlcpllltlllofBlad 1Il5u'X"llC}'. '9Jo-

1970 lChkago: Un~l'5ily of Chiago Pr=;, '98a).
a Scott Hunt and Robert Bruford. "Identity Talk in the f'raceand luslice Move·
ment: journal ofConlQtlpm<ry £rknog"'phy 22:4 ('994): 89·
Miri3.m Harris, "From KennrdytoComl».hl'e: Black Feminist Acti"ism from
'960 to 1980: phD diSRrlalion. Deparlmenl of Sociology IMinneapolis, M N:
University of MinnellOla, '997): Rosr M. Brrwrr. "l'lJ,.,orizing Racr, Cbu.
and Grnde1': in Theorizing Blac!: Fcmillmn.s, rd. Stanlie M. Jamrs and Abena
P. A. BUlIia (London: Routledge, t99ll, 13.
.. s.,., also Deborah While, Too H","'ya LlIl'd: Blatk Wllmell ill DtftllSe ofThtm.
ulveJ, 1~-rm (New York: W. W, Norton. 1999).
5 Theslatements ofpulJlO5"ofthr Third World Women's Allimce IT........I.thr
Nationalllladc Feminisl Org,lnizalion (MBfO), and Black Women Organized
for Action (lwoA)-reproducr.d in lheir entirety in ap~ndix C-describe
why black women chose to organize as black feminisls, IpKifying raciSI and
sr.llist discrimination in their lives. TlJr. Nationa.l Alliance ofSlao:k Feminists
jMAU) did not ju.r a stalement of purpo"'. but the document thaI most
closely addressrs the org;mization'. purpose wJS a pltilosophy of ~ orga·
nization. This document il also rrproduced in ap~ndi. C. 'fI... Coml».hee
Rh...r Coll~i"", issued. as mentioned in the p"",ious chapter (on the Olga·
niutioo's emergerw:e), a blad ftminist lIatemen!. thr Combaka R'~r Col·
I«li"" Slalcmtlll. that encom~ a df'SCription of thr beginnings of C(ln·
temporary black feminism, a sht~ment of mrmbrrs' brli~f•. an ~n3IY$i$ of
problems they en<::ounlerrd in org3nizinll blad frIDinisis. and a discussion
ofthr issues and projrcls that mrmbl!n undertook.
6 Debonh King. in "Multiplr /«>pardy. Multiple ConKioUlIoru:: l1lr Con·
lext of a Blao:k Frminist Ideology: in Won/. of Firt': An AnlJl%g}o of AjriuJn
Amrrican Frminist J1oo,.g11I, rd. Guy-Sheflall (New York: New Prrss. [,g88[
1995). argues th:II black women rn=aged thrir idenlity as multipliotive:
Ihry could not merely add raer 10 thr problem or scsism to arri"e at a
b1aclr. woman·centered ~nalysis of discrimination. Oppression, King pro'
posts. compt>\lnds. whkh makes il nearly impossiblr 10 ascrrtain which as·
pKl of a black woman'. idrnlity accounted rord'scrirnination in a gi.rn situa·
lion.
7 McAd3ln. PoIiricfol I'r0cts5.
 8 I dctfTTllined tNtlle~1 w;\.,~ithcr tM1;OIe ~uthor orO' ~ m,jQT cootributor 10
thcenlier Blad Women',libe",tion CommiuC'e (awu:) "rtklc "5!o1(:c·B!:I.d
Women'. Libe",tion: due to .ignHic,nt ~J~llcl. be""l.'Cn il ~nd hcr "Ss>y
"Doublc Jeop;l.dy: Other""",ys tlut performed ~ t:l.Sk .imil~r to Be"rs in·
cluded Lind~ L~Ruc,"1lle Black Move1l1cllt "nd Women'. Libc"'tion"; P"uli
Murny. "~Ube"'tion or Blxk Women";:I.IId Mn)'Ann Wcathcn, "An Ar,
gument for Bw:k Women's Libcor.ltion ua Revolutionny Fo.ce," an in Words
of Fire: A" I\ttlhoIogyof~" A...",ica" Femi..ul Tho","l, cd. 8e'<crly Guy·
Sh",aH (New York: New !'rea, 199i).
9 Quote rrom Be~1. "Double Jeopudy: 1,,8. See alia Studenl Non-vioknl Co·
oldinating Comminee, "BIKk Women'. Liberati",,: n.d .• Blxk Women',
Vertial File, Schlelling«' Library, RadcliJl~ College, C,mbridge, Ma5l" 77.
10 Third World Women'. Alli"nce, "Third World Women', AlIi~nce ~t Work:
Tripk Jeopi1rdr 1:6 {ScptemberjOctober 197~1: 10-11.
It N~tion~l BIKIt feminist Org>niution, -Statement or Purpose: 197), Mid·
WClit Women', Historical Coll«tion, University or Illinois. Chicago,
81xk Women Org~nized ror Action: membership brochure, I~. AilC'en
Herrwtdez, penon~1 p,aperl.
13 N~tional Alli~lKe or Blad FeminislS. "Philosophy or I<Uf: brochure, n.d,.
l', Brernh Eichelberger CoHeelion, Chicago Historic~1 Society: B~rb:I.",
Smith, imerview by ,ulhor. Ii Jul), 19911.
I" Cornbah...e Rivcr Collecti~, n..: Co'"""hte Ri"". ColIati"" Sl<lltmtlll: BlMk
Femi..isI ~nizing in lilt s...,nlia gnd £ig/llW (New YOlk: KiIChen T,bk
Women of Colo. PreslI, I(977) 1986), 9.
IS P~lricio Hill Collins, fJJack feminist ~ {Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990).
'9,22s-n6.
16 [delineformllJ'''''scio<lsnas·l'llisingas consciousness·uising th,l wu m,n,u·
tory for orgoilniZ:I.limw mem~rship.
17 Hunl md Benford, "Identity 111111. in the Pexe and Justice M"""ment: ,,89.
18 Alice Echols, DcIri"g to Be Bad: llIlIliall Femi"ilm i" Americg, 1967-197J IMin·
nupolis: UniYn'llily of Minnesola, J~9), 8".
19 F.ancis Be"', intl"nitw by author, 'S Augll.l '997.
20 Coml>altC'e Rive. CoII«I"",,: Nation,l AlIImce or Blad "emhusts, press t~·
l~aSf'on theopeningorlhe .... U Bbck Women'sCenlc., 1l M,y 1976, B.enda
Eichelberge. Calk>(liOJl, Chicago !lislonc,,1 Society: and M,rg;t.et Slo;on,
"Bl""k Feminism: A New Mandal~: "'I.. Ma)' '97", 97-100.
'I Beal. inlcrvirw by author, 'S Augu.1 '997.
H Ibid.
2) Ibid.
"L4 Ibid,: Marga.el Slo>.n, "Address Civen by Clori~ Sleinem ,nd M"K"rel Slrnm
on Wom"n" (Norlhfield, Minn.: u.lelun Collell~ A\ldlo·V;suall>epa.II~nt,
~ M,fCh '97))' O<Irothy Robe.tsconlinn.tlut "11,lf oflh.. malernity,.~l.atcd
 de~lhs:unong black women in NewYorlc Cily in lhe 1960s Wl'te annbutNito
iIleg:oJ 300rtionli: in Robem, Killing.""- 8lact Body: lWu, RepruduetiM, "lid
I"" Mwn'Mg ofLib<rry (New York: Vinlage Books.11997J 1999), 101.
as Toni Dde Bamb:"a. The 8lacJ: Womllll (New York: Penguin. 1970), 162-'79:
Roberts. KiUillf: I"" BlMJ: Ilcdy. 98-10).
26 Frauds Be~J. inlerview by aUlhor, IS Augusl 1997.
a7 Ri<;h;I,d F. Balx:ocl< Ir., "Stmliulion: Coercing Con£enl: Nillion. la lanuary
'974. S'-S}·
all Francis B..,.I. interview hy~uthor. ISAugust1997: Black Women's li~ralion
Committe<!. "u..:c: Black Women's liberal ion: Women: A}O«null ofl.I«",·
tiM.n.d.
29 Sharon liarley, -TIle Middle Class: in Black Wolf\tn ;11 Amcticil: All Hislon·
cal "...:yt/Qptdia. ed. D~rkne Clark Hine. Els.a Il<.lkley Brown. and Ro6iolyn
T"rbQrll·l'"nn (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press. 199)).786-789.
)0 Toclarify the diSlinClions brlw~n Ihe upper·middle·class eJile and tM new
proft'$lionaJ mi(1die class. I-I~rl~ 01" Mary Churdl Terrell;u an nample
oflhe form"r alld Anna. Julia Cooprr. Maggie Lena W~lkCf, and Nann~ Bur·
,oughs .. exampks or lhe 1~ller. Terrell w;u llle daughler of a millionaire.
whik Cooper, Walker. ~nd Burroughs rose from humbler beginnings and as·
~nded to prominent positiOJlll ill edunlion and business. Ibid.
31 Brellda Ekhelbrrgc'. interview by author. " Febl1lary 1997; Harley. "11K'
Middle Class."
p. Franei, Beal. inlerview by author, IS August 1997; 8;l,bolra Smith. interview
by allthor. 'S July H;l9!l·
H Valerie 10 8r.wlley. inlerview by author. 8 Octobe, 1997.
3'l Ilcverly D.vis."Thr Nalional Black FeminisIOrg;llliUllion: Sage S(1983); 43;
bell hooks. Ain't I a Womllll: 8lack Wom,nand femillum (Iloslon; Soulh End
I',,,,,,,. '981): .nd Gloria Joseph and Jill Lewis. Com""", Dijft:rtnctl: Conj/itlS
in lYMJ: lind While f.min;sJ Pmpr:r:l;on {Boston: Soulh End Press, '9811.
IS Jacquelyn jones.l..JMxKofLow:. Lab<KofSormw(NewYork: Villl~gt. 1986}. 3'9
}6 Jant Galvin-Lrwis. int"rview by ,ulhor. a6 April '997; Margarel 510.1n.
Hunl..r. inl"rview by author. 8 Augusl 1997.
}7 Karla~. "An Inl"niew wilh Margar.... 51""n: Lesbian TuIe, '974.}.
)8 Ibid.
39 Janie Nelson. intcrvi<"W by .uthor. I) February '997.
40 Ibid.
41 Merc.-des Tompkins. i"lervi""" by aUlhor. (j M.y 199!l.
41 Ibid.
43 Il<.rbolra Smith. interview by author. 15 luly 1998.
44 Eugenia Wilshire. intervi<"W by allthor. 26 April '997.
45 Margar..l Slo.1l1·Hunler. inlerview by allthor.lIl\ugust '997.
46 WalJac" "fre.. a compeJlin8. ifbri"f. J'C'np«li"" OI,th" rarly H no 111:11 cla'lllS
Irsbialls ~tld 11~1I tl.. mall,u dominaled the orll.niutioll, which Mile UW as

'10 NOlliTOCUAP'I".,
 counterproductive to~mxtillg tllemllen. Michelle Wall~, "On the NatiollaJ
Black ""minisl Organi~t;on: in Frmilli.u Ilnoollliion {New York: Ibndom
House, 1978).
47 The O:t:j'onJ English Die'ion,,')' (atldl dtes t979:as the 6rst printed u"" oftlle
word IotttfO:'/'xism in /. Penelope'. Arlinda/ion of BUrl. The 0(0 ~lso citn an
wick in t.... l~nuary '979 i5Sue of Ml. magazine ~ the lirst u'"' of tho: word
"",.,msairt.
48 B;"bar.r Smith. interview by author. IS luly t998.
49 Flora Davis. Mavillg tM MOIIn/ai", n.. WO,""II', Mow......1 i.. Amtriea sillCC
'960 (New YOlk: Simon and Schuster. '9911.
~o Francis Ileal. interview by author. t5 August t997.
St Third World Women's Alliance. "Third World Women'. Alliance at Work:
9; emph3.'li. mine.
p Brenda Eichelberger, mtnview by author. ') ft!bruary 1997; Janie Nelson.
interview by author, J} February t997.
5} I use the woo:llrPNBtndut:d sdf<oosciously. recognizing tnat this cOflCept
WllS nol in popular u~geatthc time orthis incident in the late '9705. Trans·
"".u.1.listll ....... a bctter·known identity at lhe lime.
54 Brenda Ekhelooger and Janie ~lson. inteniewby~Ulhor. 'l FebnJ~ry '997.
SS This reaction was root unique for thr time. and feminislillill gnpple with
their intemalil~ fear in luch p1XI'!I;>" the annual Mi<hijpn Womyn's M\llIic
Festival. 5«. forenmple. Leslie Feinberg. TralllgrNkrWalT'iollllioston: Be~·
con Press. 1996).
56 Sharon Page Ritchie. response to Black Women'. Retreal Survey. Il:Ir\>;lra
Smith Papers. fulder '5. Lesbian Helstory ArchiYCll. BrooldYII, N.Y.
p Brend~ Eithelbe-rger :>nd J~nie Nelson, interview by aUlho'.IJ February '997.
58 Brenda Eichelberger. inlenoicw by aUlhor. IJ Febnul)' 1997; Marguet SI"",n.
Hunter. inlervicw by aUlhor, 8 August [997.
S9 Jane Galvin·L.ewi•. interview by ~ulhor. :16 April [997: Janie Nelson. inter·
view by author. I) February. t997: and Margaret SIo;lIl·Hunter. inlerview by
aUlhor, '998.
60 Margaret Sloan. Hunter. interview by author. 8 August '997.
6. Jane Galvill.Lcwis. Deborah Singletary. and Eu~enia Wilshire. interview by
,uthor. 26 April 1997.

6, W"r.Wcary WarriOr!
I Sheila Radford·I-lil!. F"rlMr Ii) FIr; tu",~ WOmt" ami.""/'oIJIIU of f.lllpowt'.
....."'IMinlleapolis: Universit)· of Mlnn('SOt~ l'reu. 1000). lJ.
1 Gal_m·Lew;•. rane. i"tenoiew by audlol. 1(' April ',)'>7,
I !'uncis »eal. int~rvicw by a"lh.... 15 A"Kust 1997: UIl!b lIurnham. hu!'l"'
vi..... by all/ho,. ,a F~bluaty 199K; and CheryIIPetty)l.cague. IIt1Nview by
aUlhul. '7lulle 1998,

"Ol'U 10 cllu'ru 6 all

 4 AlIi~na Against Women's Oppression, organiutional brochure, American
R.>dicalism Collection Venial File, Michigan State Uni~TSity, unsing,
5 Secondary sources and inforounts claim that though the New York office
closed, the Los Angeles ch.1pt~ kept the WafO n~me and cOTltinued to work
to....ard 81ack feminist change in its geographic area well into the 131e 197°5,
&vcrly Oa";s, -The National Black ftominisl Orgllnization: Sllf~ 5 (1988):
43: Deborah While, Too Hoavy" LOIlIl.. B!Il<:k W"""," i" r>r:ferw; cf1llllltstlllt>,
,S!l4-'m (New York: W. W. NoTIon, 1999).
6 Brenda Eichel~r, inten-iew by author, Ij February 1997: lanie Nelson,
Inler~iew by author, I) Febru.ary 1997:and C~yle Porler, inlnv~byauthor,

6 May 199&.
7 Blaock Women Qrg~nized for Action, -1.etI.er to ."'OA Memben and News·
letter Subscribers: What It II! 8:9 (December '980): I.
8 Ibid.
9 The -Contract with Women of the mA" included the- foU"",ing principles of
action: sharing family rl:SpOnsibilily, ~n end to the femin.iz;ation of f'O"erly,
a«el;Sible high·quality health ure, ~~u~1 and reproductiw: rights. ending
violence ~galnsl women, eduulion~l equily, workpl~(e rights. environmen.
I~l prolection, the indusion of women in policy m:u:ing 10 pre"1'nt war. U.S.
Stotulto ratilic~tion oftlle UN Cotl~ntion to Eliminate All FormsofOiscrimi-
nation against Women (elVA"')' and the pannership of fedenl and stale
policy m:u:en and women's groups to develop a long·nnge plan for women's
equity and empowtorment, Organlutions supporting lhe (onlr;>et included
a long list of public md pri~ate instilUtlons, divelW in their race. class. and
physiul ability idmlities (ad~rlisemenl,"Contract with Women orthe USA:
New Yor~ Times, a9 SeplC'Tllber 1996, 16E).
10 Aileen Hemanda, inltorview by authol. 14 September 1997.
II lrila Rupp ~nd Vena Taylor, S~rvi"" ill the DoIdr.. /N .. TheAI>Ien.:an 'NOIIIC''''
R~ MlM:mMI, 194510 lhe '960s(NewYork: O~rord University Press, 1987).
la William Camson, The SI .... ltgy of So<:iIlJ Proust (Belmonl, Calif.: Wadsworth
Publications, [19751199°), 90.
'} Cheryl (Perry) League'. interview by author, 17 rune 1998.
14 Frmcis Beal. illte.";.,.... by ~ulOOr, Ij AUglUl 1997.
'5 fanie Nelson, interview by author, Ij February 1997; G~yle Porler, inlerview
by author, 18 lune '997.
16 National Alliance ofBl.ck Feminists, Sleering Committee lettcr to membe.·
ship, 1) September '976, Brellda Eichelbe.gerColl«tion,Chi(~go Historical
Society.
17 Mercedes Tompkins. Interview by author, 6 May 1998.
III B. Davis, Ibe National Black ~'eminist Qrgauiution: 45.
19 NWfO, membership applkatiou, n.d.. RI;l(k WOl11en's Vt'"rtical Filto, &hle·
sinser libf1lry, Radcliffe College. Cambridge, Mag,

U2 "(>TU1()CIIA1'r~~ 6
ao MancurOlsnn. Tht Logi<;o!CO/l«tiw......,tiolo (umbridge. Mass.: Harvard Uni·
vnslty Pr~. [I968J 19711.
al Black Won~n Orgntiaed for Action. I,..,asur~r'. r~port pr.-sented to the fi,
nancc commi"~, , March '977, Ail~~n H~mand~z. p.,.5OIlaJ JI1l""n.
11 LoAand. S«WI M""'lMnt Orxanizal;"n" '71-171.
1} WhilC. 7'00 Hwvya UNuJ.
1..t John D. McCarthy md Mayer Zild. Social M\lYOmrn" in a" 0'l!"nizatiDnal
Socitty{New Brunswick, N.J.: Tr:rn....ction Publi$h~, ['9871 '994)' IJI. Hcr·
bert frntd=bergcr coined the term burJ1CtOl for thiSCOnlext in his 1974 book
Bunw<lJ; n..: Higlo CD$l of Hig/l"""kio"'"..."nt (N""" York; Anchor). Be <kfin... it
as "the ""ti",tion of motivation or incemi'e, eSJ>f:Cially where 01"'" drvotion
10 a taU$<: or r~latlonship rails to produce the desired resull,."
as McAdam laler addressrd the impaoct of gender on Ihe recruitm",,'. experi.
ence, and sub~u~nt activism of'white women and m~n in Fr~edom Sum·
mer. He found that gender and sauality repmented a barrier to wotll~n's
parlidpot,ion. but not men',. Wom~n ~IJlf:ri~nced i soual double s'andud
and ,he taboo of inlerrxial \bling in their application process to FTffdom
Summer. [)oug McAdam, "Thco Biographical Consequences of Activism."
. . IM,;,."" Sociclogiad Rmew 97:S ([1988) t991): laI7-la14.
a6 Br~nd.a Eichelberger, interviC'W by au,hor. I} Fcbruary 1997: [)oro,hy King.
l'
interview by author, January 19911: and Margarct Slo.tII·Hunter, interview
by author. II Augu't 1997.
a7 Brenda Eichelberge. Collection, Chicago Historical Society.
a8 Margar'" Sloan-Huntcr. intcrvlew by aUlhor, II August. '997.
a9 Jane Galvin·lewi" Deborah Singletary, and Eugenia Wilshire, intcrvlew by
author, a6 Ap.iI1997.
}o Margaret sto;III·Hunl~r, in'~",I""" by a"too., 8 A"gust '997.
JI Memben ofth~ ,;uo "",,,,,decidedly ploncrrs in ""kling the mallS incuce",.
tion of'black WOIII~n and drug ~iclion to thr black femi"Isl ag~nda.
J2 See Dorothy Allison, "Confrontation BlackfWhit~: IntC'TVin.· wilh Glnny
Apu1.z0 and Betty Powell: in Building F<mi""t Throry; no. &1. ofQUQJ, w.
Quest Slaff(White PlailU, N.Y.: Longman Publishing Group, '98'1: Jaime M.
Grant, "Who's Killing Us?" In F<mit:,rk: 7;'" flo/Ilia of Woman Killi"ll' ed.
JiIIlladfo.d and Diane E. H. RllSSl'1I (New York: Tw.yne Pubiis""", '9911:
Miriam Hams, "From Kennedy toCombahc:r: Black F~lIlini,t Activilm from
'960 to'9IIo: ~hodis$<:rlation.Departmen' ofSociologyIMillll~apoli.: Unl·
vcrsity of' Mlnnnota, '997l: and Barbara Smith, Ihe Boston Murden: In
Lifo NakJ: Ptrwrwl Writings by C""""'p<>rary BIac~ Wo"'rn. ed. Patricia Bdl·
Scoll (Ncwyo.k: W.W. Norton; 1'994) '9951, 31,-)'10,
H Marll".e! SIn:lIl, "Black Feminism: A NIow Mand.te: Ml" May 1974. 99. u,
14 Unda B\1r"h.lII, ir,telvlew by ."toor. 'a February 19911: Ol<:ryl (l'erry)
I.('aittle, int('"lew by author. 171une '9')8.

lion, '0 ~IIA"I. 6 ~I}

 35 C~l (P~rry) league. ;nt~itw by author. '7 Jun~ 1998.
)6 linda Burnham. Inte.....itw by author••1 Hbruary '998.
17 Gayl~ Port~r. interview by author. 6 May 1<)<)8.
,8 Aileen H~rnand~z. int~rv;ew by author. 'i Sept~m~r '997'
39 Cheryl (['erry) Le~gu~, inl~rview by author. '7Iun~ '993.
40 Ibid.
i1 l~nil.' N~llIOn, int~rvl~w by author. 13 Hbruary '997.
4~ Sharon P~ig~ Ritch;~, illt~rview by aUlhor. a NOYemoo '997.
43 See aoo 10 Freeman. The Pol,.;.;.
of WOPmIl'S Lib<ol'lllion INew York; David
McKay. 'm); Todd Gitlin, The Whole World II W~IdI'ng: M~lJ Mal", ,"Iu
M~til'lg plOd Ullmpt'ng of rlw: New uft (Berkeley: Univ......ity of California
t>~.1980)·
+4 for an insightful look inlo t~ inter.>Clion of intimatc rdationships and
leadership rolts.lICt Margo V.Pe.kins. Allklhkigrap/lyas !Il:l;vism: Thru Illl'd:
Women ofllw: Sixlia (Jackson: Universi.y of Miuiulppi Press. aoool.
4~ MichdleWallace. "On the National Black Femini•• Orga.niution: In ftminiJr

R.voIlilion (New York: hndam HOUK. 1978), '74'

46 Jane Galvln·Lewl., interview by author. 16 April 1997.
47 In tht-Iate 1950sthrough thl' 19701. I. Edgar HllOV'I:r. thl'n di,l'Ctoroflhe Fed·
I'.al Bureau of Invclligatiolll (fl'). initiated a massive disinformation cam·
paign against the civil rights. black nationalist. Americ:an Indian. Commu·
nis! Party USA. Socialist Workel'll Party. and New Left movefTl('ntJ. Undl" the
aq:is mthe Coumerin.dligtnce Program (coIIITHno). federal agents ,...
filtraled these OIovenll'nt. u.ing extralegal tactic. such a.s rnailtampering.
inihating disputes within OIovement communitin through infilt~tion by
agents or paid informe". unlawful search and Se17.Urt. and. some theorist.
believe. ever, murder. Ward Churc:hil1 and lim Vanderwall, The COIHnu.O
f'(JfKl'J (Cambridge. Mas:s.: Soulh End Prns, 1990).
Inquiries to the n' and C'" unde.,hI' Fleedom or Informa.ion Act (FO I..).
yieldl'd " substantial file on the Third World WOfTl('n's Alliance. but no in·
formJtlon on theotherorganiulions euminl'd nerf'. HO'oYt'\'er. lhe >lIfO did
eXpl'ricnce significant disruptions that black fl'minisl rl'lpondenls later hy-
pothtlli~1'd were orchestrated.
i8 Ilalbilra Smith, interview by author, IS July '998.
49 Jane G.lvin·Lewis ;md Debor:Lh Sinllleury. illtervil'w by author. 26 April
1997·
So I am inclined 10 dJa,acteri~e Verner's position as the 1an~r because of the
numbl'rofspeeches she has l;nCI' given with litles such as"Tlw: Feminist Piol
to Destroy thI' Afrikan Freedom Movemcnt: Nuhian Network. Global Con·
sciousness: I.n:tures fo. I"terna.ional Thinkcr•. 3Ccessed a l~llu.ry 3004.
hnp://www.blackcon!ICiousnns.com/:uhoplbuster.htrn.
SI Janc Galvin·lewi•. Interview by author.:l6 April '997'
S3 Ikhor:lh SinKlctary. intr,'vlC'W by ."lhor.:l6 April 1997.
53 Jo R{>g{>'. "Mo,{> than On{> Feminism: Organizational Structure and t~ Con'
struction ofCollecti.{> Identily," in Socwl MOv<m<"Is: lde"lily, Culturo,,,ndlke
S~lr. ed. David S. Meyer. Nancy Whi"ier, and Belinda Robnett (New York;
Oxford Universily Press. '002). 17[-r84

Conc/usio"

Willi~m Gamsoll, Th/; Sll'llltgyofSocioll'rolrll (B{>lmonl.Calif.' Wadsworth

Publicalions, [19751199°). 28.
Ibid.

Epilogill'
Krist~1 Brent 200K, "A Manifeslo of Storts for a Black Feminist Mov{>menl,"
Ntul York nllltl' MII8a~illt. 12 November 1995. 86-89: Barbara Ransby. "Illack
Feminism ~ITw{>nty·on{>: Reflections on the Evolulion of ~ N~lional Commu·
nity," Signl; AjounwlcfWomm i" Cullureaml S",itly Z,:4 (2000): rZI5-tzZI:
Lori S. Robinson. "A Feminisl Vision," fm<rge. March 1995. ;1.0-2,; Marilyn
Milloy, "The New Prminism," E_"". September 1997, "7-,,8. 120. 16z.
164: and "BlaCK Women Speak Oul 011 Feminism. Black Men, Lesbianism.
Mot""rs. Daullhtern. and ThaI Movie: Villag< Voiu, Ij Febru~ry 1996. z6-
44·
a Ellis Case. "From Schools to Jobs. Black Women are Rising Much faster than
Black Men: NewlWUk. 3 March zo03.
3 Audre Lorde. Si.ler Oulsider: Essays ami Sptuke. (Berkeley. Calif.: Crossing
Press. 198~), IZ4-1j).
4 Deborah Singletary. interview by allthor. ,6 April '997,
) Wilshire, Ellgen;a, interview by author. 016 April 1997.
.M._.

Numbers in it~liu indk:ate ilIustr~tive Imt"rial.

~borlion wun; consciousnrss .~ising Asi~n-PilCiJk Islander women' Third

~nd, 1l.0~lt: Natiotl~J BI~d,
nist OrlPniuuion ~nd, S'
:activism: instilution~1iling, 9-10
:KIwist burnout. 148~SI
adminislutive burdens. 'SO
Afriun Arn"riCln Women in Drfmsr
ofOuTsd,""" r74
F"mi. World Worn",,'. AIIi"tlce ~tld, 49
25llt'rti...,,,css tu;"itlg: "t Nation..l
Allianc" of BI~ck Feminists .ochools.
'0)-4
Allan ... Daily Wurld: N~lion~1 Blad:
Feminist Org.>ni:z.:olioll and, 4'
Allanl~ )0,....",,1: N~tional Black Femi·

All in lite F~mily lTV sitmml. 4Z nist Or8~nizalion ~nd, 11

A11i=ce Ag.>inst Women's Oppre;;·
sion.14' Baker. Ell..: bridge leadership ~nd .• ):
ah"rn~li~ rducation. '01-6 L'l Mother oflhe Movement, 11-

Alternative SchooL.: of National Alli· 1): Southern Christian Leadership

ance of Black F"mi"ists, 101~6 Conference and, 11; Slud"nt N<ln"
Am"rican Civil Libert;"" Union: vi"""'l Coordinating Commincc
MUmlY ~nd, H and. 1)
Anthony, SuJI1n S.: ~nd racism, J3 Bamb~n, Toni Cad,,: 7m. Blark

anti·irnl"'rilllism: BI~ck Women's Woman: An An1lsokltl:y. S: Gorilla.

Alli~nce md, 48-49 My UM. 108
~nti·intel1ectualism:viRlbnce ~gain.t. 8f'~1. Franc~: on BI~ek Women"s Alii·

'77 ~nce and p:ltriarchy. 48: On Illack

AnuldiJ.a, Glori~: 8onlrrl~mh. '4
archive mat"ri~ls: and per;odiu·
tion·9
Asian women: Illack Women's Alli·
ance and, 4K-49
Women'. Liberalion Caucus of
Studenl Nmwiok,nt Coot<!inating
Committee, 47: 00 eonsclousnl'lls
raising. It8: on d"~lhs from ill,,"
1l~1 1hollion, 1~0: On disjunetu.e,
Beal. F'anc" ([(InlinlWl)
"5-,,6; "Double Jwpa.rdy.
Jl6: on lesbian bailing in Third
World Women's Allian<:e. I}a; 011
,ep,oouctivt- rights. ~.; on whitt'
feminist agenda, 89; work of. in
Studo:nt Nonviolent Coordin.ating
Committet'. :6+
~auty, physkal: aod eoltKiouslIess
'ai~ing. "9-:iO
~ """",unily eoneept.:il
Iltthel. lornin..: Gamba""" MId, 107;
on feminist rXl' iuun.}6
Black En~rpriSt: Btark Women Orga'
nized fo' Al:tion criticizes. 9)
bbek feminist o,ganiz.ations: present
ll<'ed fo., '7"-79
bl:io feminist theo,y: linear ~olu.
'iou, ""
Bbd i~ Iltautiful: Black Women
O'gani~ed for Ac.ion and. 79
blad' matrian.:hy theo,y: and social
policy. }7-H
black m..n: National Allia.nc" of Blad
"eminisls Alterna'n... SChools for,
10}: a. nationalist,. :i6-:i8. +0-"'.
,,8; reassertion of. as br..adwinrteu,
aJ; .."Omen's mo_emem and. l).
:ill-lO. ,6-57
Blad Pan'hffs: Iinane.., of. I"S;
gerwkr iu"", and. 1.6_18
-IUrl Panther Sis'eu Talk about
Wo",..n's liberation' (~mplt\et),
'7
Bl1.ck poo..: aesthetic of. }O; and
consciousn..ss raising, 119-20
BIMk Sr.holo.r jmagOlZine): and ",i·
sogyny deh.1t... 5
IIlxk SiSlel1l United. 49
Blxk Vote,s of Illinois: Natiorul
Alliance of IIlxk ""minis's alld.
'0'
bl;od,iwlllle f"minis": coalitions. tU-
55: divergent aims, :67; nee ism.."
3+-J7
Bl",k Wo>mall, 1M (anthologYl, I
Black Women O'ganized for Al:tion
("'0"'), I-a: da" conftie!l and.
la}_a,,: devrlopment of, 61-6):
finanCes of, ll}-s.., 1"7: Good TI""'J
and, +a-+): m"",be,.hip <;rit",
ria of, 79; new strat<'gies of, .,6;
organizational structure of, 66,
6" 71-,8; publications of, 90, 93;
st~uality iss,," ~nd, 1)0: lI:ite,
ment of purpose of. 117, 18,-811:
suecn~C!i of. ,69-70; survival of,
'''}-H
Black Women O'ganized for Politic1.1
Aetion.6a
Black WOlllen's AIlia.rK<' (.......1. "7-
49: be<:llmt'l Third World Wo",..n'.
Alliane". "9; nonblack women MId.
,,8-"9
Black Women'. Bill of Rights (Na·
tional Alliane.. of Black Ferninistsl.
"
Black Women'. C<'nter; of National
Allian'" of Blxk Ferniuists, r03
Black Worn..n', CoIlreti~, 108
Blad' Women's liberation Caucus
(."'LC) ofStuden' Nonviolent C0-
ordinating Committee. "0. 47; and
consciousnrss raising. 1111-22
Black Women's Network Re.reats; of
Comba1M.'e River Collecti_e. 106-11
blaxploitation film•. ,,0-,,)
Blet. Kathleen M.. and Verta Tay·
10'. "Semistructured inte"jew·
i"8. 7
Boston: National Black l'em;nist
Organization in. 58
Bo"rdi..... l'iclle; fIeld concept. ,a
Hourk.., Sharon: and Boston Na'lOnal
Black Frminisl Orl:"IHliItion. 5')-
60
Bradley. Val"ri~: Black WonW'n Org;!'
niz~ for Action and. 6:1. -,6: on
dass tensions. la4: Good Times and.
4J
Ilread & Rosts: and J3oli;ton National
Black Feminist Organi~tion, 60
Br~in",. Wini: on pro:<cdence. I; on
whil~ ;\Clivist confusions.})
Br~r. Rose: on polYVO[.llity. III
bridge leackrship. 13-14.:n
Brown. Elaine. m~lIIoirs. 7
Burnham. Linda. a: on decline. 140:
Third Wotld Wom~n's Alliance and.
.,
burnout: activis", suffer. '48-~,
campaign organiz.ations: gen<kr
issu",", and .•a-:08
urson. Cbyborne. Qrl Studenl Non·
violent Coordinatin!! Commill....
;md gender issues. :i4-:i~
uthedr.ll orSt John the Divine: Na·
tional Black Feminisl Organization
""stem Rqponal Confe'ence .nd.
94
Chicago.: Nation.l Allianc~ of Black
F~minisli organizing in. SJ-56
Chic.go Black F~minists: .nd Na·
tional Allianu of Black Feminists.
"
Chialgoland and III Pwpk. Indio pro,
gl'3l11): Nation,.] Alliance of Black
Feminists and, 105
Chicago Nation,.] Black Feminist
O'llaniz.:l1ioll chapler. 5)-56: homo·
phobic issues and. 134-15, Srclliso
Nation.l Alh.nce of Black F~rni·
nists
Chingo Stale Uni~rsity: black ferni·
nism t,.]u at. '05
ChlC.na ",,,men: Black Women's
Alliance and. 43-49
Chishohn. 5hi,l..y· at N~tjonallilack
F~r11inist Organi7... lion East{'fn
Regional Conferenc... 95
Civil Rights Act (1964). I)
Civil Rights lIi1l, Titlt' Vll (196,,:
elllploymt'nt}. I'-P
civil righlS organizations: gender
ih'lt'S and. :1.1-6.
Clark. 5<-ptim.: brid~ leadenhlp and.
1};:iS Molhe, oftht M01Iemenl, U
Cl.rke. Cheryl: and Comb:lhee Ri""r
Collective 'dreats, ,<>']. ,08
class: .nd colledi"" idenTity. ,:u-}o
cbss conflicts: in o'ganiUlions. u}-
1°
d~0p"lro JO""I (filmsl. 40-41
Coff'l (filml. 40-41
cogniTive liberation. '3-14. 113
colln:li~ identity: class and, l1:i-30:
paspecliv",", on. 14; reSOlIfee ",obi.
liz.ation and. ,65-66: sexuality and.
'3 0 -3 8
colle<;tivi51 organiulioru. 71.78:
leadership disputell in. ,6']. ~~ .. Iso
Cornball':'C River 0.>Il«ti""
Collins. Palricia llills: 8Iao:k Frmi"isl
l'lwughl. I, 14: Fighting Words. rr.
on oral history. 6: standpoint of. 168
Combab~e Rivt'r CoIll'CTive. I. 44:
Black Wo",en's Network R~trelts
of. 106-11: ceuation of. 14a-43:
dUll conllielS and. 118-29: C.'SIS
.nd. 88: dl"\'eloprnenr of. 56-61:
funding of. 8~. 84; Hom<: Girls: A
8Iad: F~mj,,;l1 AnT/wIagy and, III:
leade't'$hip or. '59-61: Nation.l
8lade "eminist OrganiZlllion and,
51: O'RwiutiOJlal structure' of. 66.
67, 71-7~; I"'lyvoc.lily .nd. IT}-14;
publicalions or. 90: sexu.lity i:tlllueJ
aud, 108. 13°-31: wriatistl't'\'olli'
tion and. 118. 139: ~tatellleni or
pLlrpos.: of, 117: SuC~lIIICli 01. 170:
usc posItion a~ 1..!I<lIl1..... 146
.,
C_bllhtt Ri....r CoIlafi...- SI<lIt"",nr,
S9·n9°·'07
CommiqiQl1 On tM Sr~tU" of Women:
P~u1i Murny ~nd. H
Committee to Free Angela Davis.-49
communitin: re<ognition of, '7~-76.
'n
confer<:ndng: conlCiousness raising
and. 9)-10.1
consciousness raising. '-4. -45--46:
Blxk Women·s liberation Commit-
tee and. ,.8-;1;1: conferenc:ing and.
..
9)-10.1
Cooper. Anna Jutia, pion~r xtivi.t,
Corresponden'e. burdens of. 150
C.enshaw, Kim!>...l"': on Million M~n
March. 17-4
'.IUS: CombJ.h« RiYel' Colleclive
and. 88
Cuba: V.. nc~nos Brigade and. 49
Damo fo. Ddlums. 6.1
Daugh.ers of Bilitis. 74
Davis. Angela: Committee to Frf:'!'
Angela Davis and. -49: memoir!
of, 7: "Reflections ... : '9: lbi.d
World Wom..n's Alliance and. 89.
9.1: Wo....n, Race "nd QIw. '9
D3VII,Cliftoo:;n nllll; MyM",..". i'
dec.. ntnJ;~tion: prxlicalitin of, 176
deo:Jin..: of black feminist o.ganizca·
lions. '19-6]. '4'
o..llums. Ron: fundraise•• for. 6.1
Ot. SMtl: and National Black F..mi·
ni51 Organization. p.
Diljuncture between ideolllRY and
realitY'4S--4 6
disruptive !>..h.avion: eff«ts of.• 6.1-
"
dl ...rsilicalion: bqond decl;ne, ,6]
doulJl.. conscil>usn.... 'i
DuBois, W. E. B., 1M Solli$gf 8lad:
Fo/h,l-4
Eastern Regional COnf.....nc.. fuel.
56-S7. 58-59. 91-loa
wunan Foundation: gr:lnllo Na·
tioml BlKk Feminist Organiuti"n.
8.t"5 '
Ebony magazine: and misogyny d..·
bJ.t ... S: on wom .. n's mo....,m.. nl.
.19-3 0
Echols. Aile..: on con$Clousn<'SS
raisi"!l.ll8
education: alt..rna.iV(!, 10.1-6; gend..r
differ..nces In. )8-)9
Eichelberger, B.enda: on adminis·
'rative burden., 'So: on Inbian
issues in II .... , 135: on middle·c1ass
catalysis. 1.15. 1;16: National Alli·
ance of Black Feminists and. 53-56;
,.-Uf le.dership and. 1~8-S9: f
org:mi7.:ltion and. 71. n:on u
schools, '0-4: Nalionll Black Femi.
niSI Organiution and, 5}-SS: QI1
transgen<ter ;SS\ln in ""'f, ')'~H
eliles: cha.lI""!ling of. 1.1
..mploym.. nt: gender diff.....ncn in,
)8-'9
£neon migazine: di5dain of. for black
f..mlnism. 99: misogyny debale
and. ~; Brenda Verner's artic~ in.
S8,99- loa
Equal Employmenl Opportunity
Commiuioll. 6.1: Aiken Heman·
del. and. )J
Evans. Soon: on Siuden. Nonv;o-
len. Comdinating Comn,itlee and
gend..r issues, 1-4-1S
FW..ral Bure." of hlVmlli~.ti,," (~'Il
COIHTuno. "7: di.infurmation
Unlp>j~ns of. 119: Ki.h. Sh:lkul
 and. 9'-9~: Student Nonviolent
Coon!inatin8 CommittH and. ~o:
Third World Women's Alliance and,
~o; TriJ* Jrop,mlf and, 9"
female Juu~lily: N~lionil Allianoce of
8lxk Feminist~ schools and. 'Q~
ftm;nism: hcttrogeneity of. '71:",-
.istanee distin8ulshcd from. '9~"';
woman;sm ~nd. '7~-]6
IiruineK. Sa fundin8
Ford·Smith. Honor: Si~trcn and, 7)
Foxy Brown (film). ~l
fnme~ and ;dcOIogy.I~
Fra:lin, Dcmila: Black Women's Net-
work Rel",at~ and. roo: Boston I'Q-
liorull 81ack Ftmini.l Organiution
and. 59: Combahtt River Collcdi~
and. 7}-74: On disjuncture. 45
Freeman. 10: on organiution styles.
65· 7a. 7)
Friedan. Ilctty: NO.... and. H
FlIJd",r. PalSy: 8lack WlIIMn Orga·
nized for Af;tion and. 61
funding: alierultion of SOUrC" of.
'51: c.,galion of. '45-~8: organi·
uliorlS. 8)-86: sound financial
infrastructure and. r]6-n
Galvin·~.lane:On di~ruptionl.
r61-65: on Inlcrnal homophobia
in HIfO. 1)6-)7: Nalionalllla.ck
~inist Organi7..ation and. 68-69.
85: on HUO coordinating council.
70: on NUO IeoKkl'llhip. 161-6}: on
war·weary wafriol'll. 1)9.1~0
Gamsool. William: on pattern mainre·
narKe, 144: on success. r69
G~rvl'Y. Amy lacques. ao
gender differences: in education and
cmploymenl.18-)9
gender iderllity: ~Ild co1leclivc iden·
tity. '10-)8
gender ,ssues: in campaign 0't"·
niz:ltionJ. n_6a: in nationali.l
ntO\'t'ments, a6-all. 40-~'; race
issues and, 88-90
g<:nder opprnsion: during .l~ry. r9
Gilford. flon: Black Women Orga'
nized for Action and.-,6
GhKk. Sh~ron fkorgcr: on w;lvt'
an.a.logy.8
Gone wir" lIN: Wi"d (film), 40
Good Time! lTv sitcom). 4a-43
Hamer. Fannie lou: bri~ leadership
and. t);:os MothcroflllC MO\'t'·
ment, aa
llansberry. Lorraine::os feminlsl. :1.0
Harley. Sharon: On black middle clolu.
11.1.-1)
Harris. MilUm: on polyvocality. Tt)-
'.
Hayden, Casey: Hayden·King Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Commit·
tee position paper and. ~4-a5
Hcrn1nde7., A.il~n: 8lack Women
Organized for Action and. 6:1.:
on B"OA new slTatt"JIi.... tS6: OIl
...OA organiuTion. 75-]6: On
ft .. OA lu... i.... l. '4)-44: HOC and.
Jl. 61: Good TI-.s and. 4): ~o ..
aOO.}4
Itcterose,ism: and collective identiTy,
tJo-)8. Sa Ills<> lesbian feminism
hierarchical organi7.1lion •. 67-71.
Hill. AniTa: .upper. for. 174
hiSTOrical background. '9-:1.'
Ho..... Gin.: A 1Ilo>l:1r I'rm'ni.sT All·
thol"Sy. I: Combahee River Collee'
liv~ and. III
homopOobia: r.olll'CTive idcmtlly alld.
')'-3): Nalion.llliad Fcminist
Organiution and. t)4-)7. SI( als<>
Ic!Ilti.n feminism
Hunter, TI"r.l, Do... illtltioll """ RosiJ.
'''Me.,., '9
hypervisibility: stereotyping ~nd, 88
il;knlities,lI}-}8
identity forrn.ation; consciousness
...ising ~nd, ',8-n; in o'g~ni~·
tions, '4-15
id~: disputcs over, lSI-5~, 166
ideoology/rt'~litydisjuncture, "5-..6
impeTi~1ism: Black Women's AIIi~nce
and, ..8-"9
intrrstiti~l politics. 88: origins of. 1-"
[""kson, Geoorge: TI,ird Worlll
Women's Alliance ~nd, 91
[;>cobs, Harriet A., Indd,nlS in tlu: Lift
rf a Slavegirl , ". '9, '9" n.}6
1efferson, M~rgo: response of, to
Brenda Verner, 10'
j<jfrrsoos, Tht (TV sitcom), ...
j<1 m.guine; on women's movement.
'9-}0
~Il, K. S".,; on slernltypinll...o
fohnston. Linda.: and N.tio"..l Alii·
.nce ofBI;><;lc Feminisll;. 5J-~
fones. Cluey: on wtern Region.>l
Confe~nce, <)8-99
fones. Cl.udi•• 10
KI."lIey, Robin D. B.. Frudam Dmt....-.
I}. 168
Kennedy, Florynce: Abortion Rap, H:
N.tion.:ll Blrl Feminist Org.miZ1·
tion and. H-j.4; at NUO .E.lstem
Re-sion.1 Conference, 95
King, Dr. MUlin Lolhe. Jr.: .nd
Soull~m Christi.n Leadership
Conference, ..
King. Mary: Hayden·King Stullent
Nonviolent Coordinating Commit·
tee poliliort pap!'r .nd, .I,,-:.l~
La~nder Menace, III
le~dership: bridge leadership, 13-
I.., n: of civil rights mo~ment.
..-.6; di'pules over, lSS-6S, ,67:
ideoology incohesion and. ,66;
m.tri:",hy ~nd, :1}-''': of National
Bl;>(k Feminist O'g:miz,tion, 66-
70, 6;r. stu syslems ,nd. 176
Le~,. Nornlan: and "rdevance pro·
gnmminll: 4'-4}
Lebron, Lolila: Third World Women's
Alliance and, 9"
l.ent7.. M1Tth.: On Maude and femi·
nism, 4'
l.erne., Gerd., Black WOmOl ill Whil<
America,lO)
lesbian femhlism; colle<:li~ iden·
tily and, 130-)8; Combahee Rive,
Collecti¥( discussion of, 108;
slel'C'Olyping and, 4°-41
Liberalion Schools: Third World
Women'. Alliance, 10..
lifeslyles: Ind 3CIivilm,,,, 1.. 9
lipsky, Suunne: on f.l.'ltem Region.1
Collfe.enct,97
LofIllId. John, S(JCiQl 101_ _111 Orp'
";z"tions,,,,81
Lorde, ComlNhee River Col·
Aud~:
lecti~
Ind, 107; "Eye to Eye; Blxk
Women, Hllred and Anger: In-
,8
Macklin, Kltherine: N~lior111 lil1Ck
Feminill Organization and, ~9
M.:llcolm XCollege (Chi(1!:O), lOS
mammy .tereotype, ..o
!<.t3pp, Edw~rd: on "le.colypitlg, 40
March on Washington 1'96,), iJ
matr;~rchy; worn,:,,'" lurkrshil' and,
'}-24; myth of, ~lId 1l1;J<-k Won....,,'.
"Ili~n,e...7: social policy and,
J7-....
MAUIU (TV sitcom) and feminism ..p
McAdam. Doug. I): on biORraphical
availability, 149
McDaniel, Hattie: in C_ ";Ih 1M
Wind (film). ,,0
McNdl.Claudia: in Rauln ;nlm S.."
(film). 40
membership: criteria of, 711-79;
numhrtll.lh-8)
memory: colle<:ti~. 6-7
men. Su black men
Mcrrin.1'h.P.resa: in ThaI" My M,,,,./>.
.'
middle·classes: dominale organiz;l·
lions. '""-30
Milil1l1t Forum: Nationa.! Alliance of
Blrl Feminist. aud. 10~
mi""ion ~l1temcntt. Sa slalcnlCnls of
purpose
mOOiliz.:llKIn; CQnferencing and, 91-
'"
nlonetary rrllOU'CC$. Sa funding
MOrllgomery bus boytoll. az
Moore, Edwina: Chicago Black Femi·
nists Ind. S~
s:
Morrison, Toni. on blxk men and
....omen·s movemenl. a9-10: 1M
HI ... ,t Eye. loll: S..Jil. 108
MOlhrtll of the Movemenl. az
M"""....'u {newsletter). 28
Moynihan. Daniel Patrick: on black
families. 17-)9
M, ma8"2ine: grant of. 10 Nalional
Ill",k Feminist Orllaniz;llion, II".
151; letters in. On Easlern Regional
Conre~nce. 97-99; w.,o cO\le13ge
in, p: organiulion listings in,lh:
Margaret Sloan and. B
Murr.lY. Pauli: and WO". H
Nash. Diane; and Studenl Nonviolem
COOldinating Comrnilr""••", 2.5
Nalional Alliance of Bbck ~mini.ts
,,,..n), I; administrative burdens
of, 150: Alternative Schools of. 101-
6: caJendar of .....,nlt of, 90-91:
~ndr.l Peten Defense Com·
mittel' and, 89; cessation of, I"a;
c1us conflicts and. '3.'1, 115-111:
cost burden of, 145-46: develop·
ment of, 53-~6: funding of. 8). 85:
leader.hip of, '58-59, 160: lesbi.
anism aud. 1)4-15: membership
crileria of. 80; Nalional Black Femi·
nist OrganiuHon and. p: natioll<ll
conferences of. 106: orpniutional
stmcture of. 66. 66. 67. 7'-7:1:
sexuality and tl'1nsgtllder 'ss,""
1Od. ')0, ')]-H: slalemenl ofpur.
pose of, "7, ,S8~89~ succ<:Ue$ of,
170: ....hite femi"ists :Ind. lIS
National Association for Ih" Advanct'·
ment ofColorrd Pcop~ (w .... c.):
finance and, '48; MOntgomery bus
boycott and, n
..
National AlISOCi,tion ofColourN
Women: on rXe and gender work.
NatiomJ Black Feminist Orgomiution
(N ~FO). I. as. n-}4: adrniniSlr.ltive
burdens of, ISO-51: cessation of,
1"1-,,,,: Chicago chaplet of, S3-~S:
class conflicts and, I~,,-as: devel·
opment of. 50-51: disntptivt' forcetl
....ilhin. 16a-6,,: E1Stern Regional
Conference of, 56-~7, 58-59, 9}-
10.: Brend.> Eichelberger and, SJ-
55: funding of. II), 8i-8S. '''7; Good
n~ 1Dd. 4:1-"]; homophobia of.
13S~37; Ir:-adenhipof, 66-70. 67.
,6,-6~: membership criteria of. 79,
80: IllCIllbeuhip nUlnhrrs of, 8"
II.: nalio1ul conferences or. 106:
organiZlllional SlruClure of, 66, 66.
INUn U1
UfO (fOl1rimud)
67-70: poly~ocality and, 11)-14:
~Xu.1lity i"ue~ and, 1)0: state·
ment of purpose of, 116, 1&6-87:
successes of, 170; lhut'5 My M~ma
~nd, 4': white feminists and, 15J:
white money disputes ~nd, 151-5~
National Counell of Negro Women:
~nd finance. t48: on rKe and ~en·
derwork. ao
National Organiulion for Women
(NOW), '3, ISJ-H
n~tionalist mO\lem..nlS: gender issues
~nd. 2.6-28
Native American women: Bl",k
Women's Alliance 3nd, 48-49
Nelson.lanie: nn lelibian issue1i in Na·
tiotl~1 Alli~nce of 8bd FeminiSlS,
t3.1: on middle·d;tS.~ interesls in
NASF. t26-2S; .. AIF and. 56: on
"AU leadership, '58-59: On NAn
schools, 104: on tnnsgender issU<"ll
in "UF, 1.1J-}-4
nclw<lrking, 13-'3, 106-11
N~IIJ Nt'grncollcept. 2.1
New Yark: Nalianal Bb:;k hminist
Organiution in, .I0-5J
New 'l'a.-k Radical Women. H
Nt'" Yorlr: Tl.ms: National 81",k ft'mi·
nist Organization and. 52. 94
news media cove~, 8,
Norris, Henri; and N~tional Bbel
Feminist Organization, 59
Norton, Eleanor Holmes: and Na·
tiona! Black hminist Organization.
S'
ollie.. sp;Ke: oforganiutions. 85-86
0J1"fH<f IHads ln~paperl: National
8lrl Feminist 0'lPni1.3tion and,
8a; .. BfO !:utem Regional Confe.·
enCe and. 94. 96, 'i1l
Okazawa·Rey, Margo: Combahec:
Ri~er Coll«tive and. 74; on leader·
ship, 160
Oliver, Carroll: Combahee River Col·
lecti~eand, 109, 110
oppositional COIl5Ci<)tISlIeIS, '4
onl history inlcfvlewS: methodology
of,6-7
organizational stmetur". 65-78
organizations: need for plurality.
'75-]6. See I1lso Black Women
Organized for Action: Com~hee
Ri~er CoUl'Ctive: National AIli·
ance of 81",k ~minislI: National
Black "eminist Organization; Third
World Women's Alliance and MmG
of <JIM otgU"i2411ion;
hinter. Nell I.... in; on Sojourne.
Tnuh.p
Pan·African mOVl'ment. ~8
Park5, Rosa; Montgomery bUI boycott
and. :u: as Mother of the Move·
men1,2a
patriarchy: Blrl Women's Allian«
and, 48; National Alliance of Black
Feminists Alternative Schools for
men and. 10J: in nationalist move·
ments, ~6-28, 40-4': women's
mo'"t'ment and. aJ. a8-10. 56-5]
Patton. Gwen; works in Student Non·
violent Coordinating Committee, a~
periodization; of"'"men's movnnent.
7- 10
Perkins, Maq;o V.. AIllob.plrr ,u
Aclivism·7
Perry. Cheryl: Alliance Against
Women's Oppression and. '4':
Third World WOlllen's AIli',"ce ar>d,
49. 7a-7J; on lW'IIA and lead,'.·
ship. 156-58: on T'II'II~ and ....·hite
fenlllllsll.l5-I
Peten, Cass;r,nd",: National Alliance of
Black Feminists and. 89
/'hil Donah"" Shaw: Ind feminist
organizations, 8)
plllr.llity of orllaniutions: need for.
17S-7€>
politio in lhe cracks. Sa interstitial
politic.
polyvocali,y. "l-'i
Porter, Brenda: and National Alliance
of IIlack Feminists. ~5~56
Poller. Cayle: and National Alliance
of Black Feminists. 7': on I<~U and
white feminists. '55
Powell. linda: and Combah~ River
Collective retrea" '07, '08. 110
Presidential Commiuion on the
Status of Women: and polyvocality.
Ill-Ii
press cO>'eIlge: of National Black
Feminist Organization. 51-5a: of
organiutions. 8a-8). Su also Ms
mapzi..e
pliority game (r.w:e lJf' gender), ao. 'I
publicity: and ..m!"""",,""ent. 88-91
public transcripts: P:ltricia Hills
Collins on, 37
publishing: organizalionll. 90-9)
Puerto IUun Sllcialist Party, 48
Puerto RiGn _men: Black Women's
Allianc.. and. 48-i9
Radford.Hill. Sheib: on impouibl..
challenges. 119: on Dan...1 P:ltrlck
Moynihall.17
R"isjll III llu: S~II. A lfilm), 40
Ray. Raka, f~1ds of ProICII: WO"",,,'I
Mowmm/.'l ill/ruliQ., 11-1'1, 193 n.al
ret:rui'melll: of organizations, 81-8)
Ikg<'1". 10: on diversification, 167
Reid, Inrz Smith, "T'W.!It,. BlDck
Women, H Srr. "Is<> le.~bi3n femini.m
Rrlf siste...: st..ri1izallon of. Tal
r..sistance: diStinguished from f..ml·
nism.19-ar
resourc.. d..tkiencies: declil~ of
organizations and. 167
rerource mobilizatiolt: collective
Kknlily and, 16S~66; thwry of.
11-14
Rilchie, ShuOfI Page: on homophobic
lSl!ues.IH-Jj
Robinson. Gwendolyn. Su Simmons.
Zoharah
Robinson. JoAnn Gibson, The 104"",·
gorury 8"" IJor<oII .... n
Robinson. Ruby Dori. Smith: btldlj:c
leadership and. '1: ,,",orks in SlU·
d..nl Nonviol..nt Coordinating
COmmitt..... ai
Robnett, Iklinda: on bridge l<"Ider·
ship. 13-li. n
Rae~. Wade: dfeets of. r6; National
Black Feminist Organization 3nd.
>,
Roc. Mary Faye: on EaslC"fll Regional
Conference. 98
Rupp. Leila. alld Verta Taylor: on
al~yance. '44
53n F",nciKo Bay Ar... Black Women
0'lPni~"" for Aclion. 61-6J
5311 Francisco Mayor'. COl1l1uittL'1: on
1m- Sta'usofWome:n. 61
SandO>'al, Chr-13: on hegentonlc femi·
ni!nt, r on oppositional conscious·
IlCSS. 'i
Sandy Springs Conference 1961\,
Ji-n
s..,,/urrJ "Ild Son (rv sit<ont). 4a
self-valu..: nurtllre of. In-78
sexuality: collecllve id.. ntity and. 1)0-
)11: sterwtyping based on. iO-41.
Shlljllfilml.40
Sh~kut. A~la: memoirs of. 7
Sh~kur. Kisha: and. 91~9~
HI
Sh~Il11~. Nlouk~. "For Colored
Girls Who H~vt' Con3idered Sui·
cide. 5 57; I"adership .. nd, 159-6.; lesbi ..n
Shirley HllrriJ Show (n.dio prognm):
N.. lion..l Alli..lKe of Bl~k femi·
niSls ,,00. 105
SimnlOlIS. Zoh.. r..h: Sludenl Non·
violenl Coordin..linll Comminee
l..un:1 Miuiuippi Project "rid. 34
Si"3le1ary. ~bonh; on conlinuity.
17}; on disruplions. '63-6}; 011
homophobia in Nation.11 Black
FeminisT Otg.3niunon. ,}6-}7;on
"lfO. 53: on IlJ,ocoordinating
cOllncH.]O: on war·weary w;ltriors.
'1 0
Sislren U.. maican wo"",n's col1ectivt').
"
s"'-""ry: ~nd"r opprnsion during.
'9: rervalualed by Black Women's
AIli.wce... 7-..11
SI.... n. Margaret: on administn.live
burdens. 150; on CWI ..nd politics.
129; on dea1hs from illegal abor·
lion. 110; On gender bias in class
lensiollll. J2j~a6; on gender issues
in ampaign organiutioru<. 25-
:>.6.46: on homophobia in Nno,
1}5-)6: on middle-<.bss ablysis.
,"S: AI. magazine and. n; Nalional
Black Feminist Organiulion and.
n; I< no Easlern Regional Con·
fetelKe and. '}4. 95-<)6: t. . FO
leadership and. SO-S). 68-69.
" .•61-65: on NIfO membership
numbers. 8" on In., priorily game.
),; responds 10 Brenda Vern"•• '0";
on unfulfillrd dre~ms, '7}; on ,,·hite
1110'''''' dispules. '51-P'
U(' I .. " •. X
Smilh, Ilarbml: RI:lCk Women's Nel·
work Relre"ls and. lOG. 110: on
cl~Sli in Cornb.aht~ lI.ivcr Collecli.e.
1~8~~9; Comb.. hee River Colleeli."
~nd, 7}, 74-75, 77; (au .. nd. 5G-
ft'rninism and, I}O-}I; N.. lional
Illack Ft'minisl Org~niz:lllion "lid,
58-61; on Ilrend.. Verner. 163
Smilh. Beverl~: Illack Women's Nel·
work Relre;l!S and, 106: Boston
Nalional Rlack feminist O.g..niza·
lion "lid, 59~6J: Comb"h"" Ri""r
Collrcli.e .."d, 7}-74; M< magazin"
and,57-58
Snow. David A., .. nd Roher! D. B"n·
ford: on disjunClUre ~Iween idC<Jl·
ogy ..lid reality, 'Ii: on frames and
ideology, 15
soci3lis1 Tl"volulion: .. nd class issu"5.
11.}, 13M. 119-,0
social mov"menllhcory. II-IS
social policy: and m.lriarch~ lheory,
)7~-H
Souln.,rn Christian Le.wership Con.
fefence (SCLC): wormll and, ,,1., 23
Soulhern Illinois Univenily: black
f"minism 11.lks ~l, 105
Spikes. Elemo" Black Women Org'"
niznl for Acnon and, 62, 6}
st~ffing: of org;rniulions. 86-87
SI.nton, EIi7.abeth Cady: raocism of. B
slar syslems: Jeadcnhip .nd, '76
statemenlS of pUtpos", IJ4~17, ,8S~
"
Sicinem. Gloria: Margarel Slo.:ll1 and,
"
siereolyping: hyl't'r\lisibilily anu. 8M:
m.al.inchal·37-44
sleriliution. involunl.ry: conscious-
IN:SS nisiog of. '2'-....
S,uOenl Nonviult'nl Coordmal;nll
 Commitlt<: (sNccl; Ella Bak"r
aud, ~~; Bl:><:k WOllltll" Libe...tion
Caucus 3I1d.<40. <47, 1I8-~~; con·
sciousness rai,ing and. 1.8-n; ~Il
and. \0; firunc,,;and. '<48; flft'dom
Summer ~nd, '<49; gen~, illlll>l'S
and. "'<4-~~; H~yd"n.King position
p;lpe' ai, "'4-~5; women ~nd. "'~.
'.
succe-ssn; divef8ily ai. ,69-71
Sudbury. Julie: on avoiding fOlmnlki·
utioll .• 11
SWUI"""""S &aIJdaJJm S'lMg (filmj. 40
T.1h•. Ash~ki Hab,boo: on fut"m
Regional Confer"nce. 98
Tah.1. H.lima Malih: on Eastern
Regional Conf"rence. 97-98
television: ·r"I"""I1<" programming·
of. 4'-<4': c~... gt of Org~ni7",'i"n'
on. 8). Set Plso namMi of programs
T"rrcl1. Mary Church: pioneer Klivist.
'0
nUI/'J MyMu,,", (Tv silComl, 41
theoretical framewo,k. '0-"
Third World Women's Al1iann'
(T..... ~). ,. ~. 7. <45-<46; Allianc"
Against Women's Oppression and.
'<41; CC'SAtion of. '<4': class conflicts
and. ,~): COSI burden of. '<45: de·
vdopltll.'nt of. <47-5°: "I and. 50:
Fr~ Ang"la Davis mo~menl :md.
89: funding of.IIJ-8+: homophobia
issues and. '}'-jJ: Kisha Shakur
:Iond l."gal Commitl~ of. 91-9i;
lead"rship of. '56-58: Liberalion
Schools and, '02; m"mbership
enleria of. 78-79; mcmhership
Ilumhers of. 8,; org.1niz3'ional
"rlIC,urt of. 66-6]. 66. 71.-7}.
n: publications of. ')1; sex.... lity
illllUC'll and. 1J0: socialisl r~lution
and. Ii}. '19: Sla,,,m,,nt of purpose
of. 116, 185-86; su«essn ai. '70;
wkile feminists and. tH-5S
Thompson. Il«ky: On organiUlions.
6~: on welling and rt'sh.ping.)
Title VII {1<J6i: employmen'l. )I-P
,okenism: in f"minis, _ment. )6:
Im"maJ·'77
Tompkins. Mercedes: on class in
Comboo'- River Col!ectivt'. '18-
1.9: Comboohee and. 74: on Com·
booht:e le.dership. '59""6,
r...nsgrndered pt'l'IOns: and collec:live
idt:mi'y. 'Jj-j.t
TripkjtoptJ,rJy: Th,rd WotW WOl!>erl'S
Alli~II<:'" newlIp;lpc'r, ~o, 90. 91-92:
as COf;' burelt'n. 145
Trulh. Sojourller: 3IId Juffrage '1lOYl"
m"nl. }1
Tubu13n. Hardtl: Conlbahee Rive,
:><:lion.6,
undergfOulld publishing. 9°-91
Ve'KtU"nlOS Brig.1odc l1Ielnhe~: and
nlild World Womrn'l Alliance. <49
Verne'. Brend:.: National B1Kk F"mi·
n'sl Org.ni7"'lilln East"rn Regional
Conferenc", and. \8. 99-'Oi: fur-
ther disrup,ions .nd, ,62
visibility; 2nd "mpow... rn~n" 88-93
wahad. Dmuoo bin; HI ~nd. 9'-9i
Walkt'T. Alicr. ~: lin E~~,l"t" Rq;ional
ConfNenct. 97: 1.1 Stlireh ofo..r
MOIkr:,,' GgrrJ.,nJ. "0: on press 311<1
Na"onal Bw:k "eminis, Org.1nit...·
tion. 5~
Wallaet. Michl'll': HIMk MIi(/,o lind llll
M)ih ".fIM Swp.......omulI, 5: "n Ha·
l;on11 81ack ';"minisl O'g~l1it...tion
objecliveJ. 'u'
, .. ".~ H7
W~re, Cel\e~tine: New York R~dic~l
Women and, H: Woman Pow",. n
Wa~hitlgton, Crnthi~: Studenl Non.
violent Coordin~ting Committee
and. a4-a5
Watson, Barb:.ra: Chicago Black Femi·
niSIS and. 55
wave analogy: women's ~m.,nt
and. 7-10
Well.Barnett, Ida: pion«r xlivis!. w
WMI /II.!: Black Women Org~niud
for Action newsleller, 90. 9', '4)
White, ~~h Gny: on cyclic~l
prioritization, ao
Wilkerson. "brg~ret; on lorraimo
Hansberry, ao
Wilshire. EUgl'ni.lo: on cWs and polio
tics, 119: on dreamers, 178-79;
on homophobia in National Black
Feminist Organiution, 1)7; on
wuo, p: on war.wea.ry w;uriorl,
'50
woman-identilied woman, Comb:.hee
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