Division and Architecture: Global political actors of ethnical division and its

relation with architectural and built spaces

Endrit Kadriu – Paper abstract and first part: Division and Architecture
University for Business and Technology, Kosovo; University of Florence, Architecture Faculty, Italy
Email: kadriu.endrit@gmail.com; endrit.kadriu@stud.unifi.it; Tel.: +37744510181

Lina AbuZarour – Second part: Architecture of occupation

An-Najah National University, Faculty of Architecture, Palestine; University of Florence Architecture Faculty, Italy
Email: linaaz.172@gmail.com;

Abstract
This paper explores the modern policies of violent divisions around the globe among
different governmental structures and ethnic/social/cultural groups. A reflection on
urban design and architectural structures followed by corresponding the policy makers’
political agendas and its effects on citizens living in the divided areas. While using as
case studies countries such as Kosovo-Serbia, Israel-Palestine and others as on-going
modern conflicts with ethnically divided cities, a scientific based insight on how
architecture and built space reflects and relates to the policies of division, is given. The
built environment and its design during the social group’s clashes can affect the
standpoints of the conflicts by the social groups themselves, consequently aiding the
divisions unconsciously as well. Some works and examples from Israeli architect Eyal
Weizman, examine the importance of political actors in division by using architecture
as a tool. In spite of the rarity of general recognition for such paradigms and claims,
the importance of using the physical built environment by different policies remains
significant. The aims of igniting and affecting social group’s separations through such
as implementations remain an important aspect of modern politics of violence, in
western democratic countries also. A further look at the paper regards the city of
Nicosia and the divided Cyprus, through its architectural and urban reflection. The
paper argues for the need of a widespread, conclusive awareness of such issues and
policies, and finds that for achieving a systematic change for peacebuilding among
divided societies, it merits to have further investigation using social architecture as an
instrument.
The purpose of this paper is to give explicit insight into architectural perspective and how it is effected
by the politics of division. The paper is written in two main parts. The first part conducted by Endrit
Kadriu explores the politics of particularly ethnic division and its reflection on urban and architectural
design. Examples from several countries with a key focus on Kosovo-Serbia conflict are mentioned. The
second part is written by Lina AbuZarour and explores the politics of ethnic division in Israel-Palestine
conflict within the tittle “Architecture of occupation”.
IPSA colloquium - RC14 Politics and Ethnicity - Division and Architecture

Division and Architecture:

Global political actors of ethnical division and its relation with architectural and built spaces
Endrit Kadriu - First part

1. Introduction
Social divisions occur naturally in different shapes and it is regulated through different policies by the
regulative laws of modern constitutions. This can assure the rights of different groups especially in cases
of conflict in-between clusters of people, to be intact and as peaceful as possible. These social policies
regulate all aspects of public life by the ruling administration.
For example democratic processes “distribute” laws to the society and allow the diversity of different
groups to flourish peacefully by permitting specific guidelines or rights to particular ethnic, religious or
traditional crowds of people that have special needs.
Nevertheless, these policies are often the main causes of violent divisions among people due to the
unfair distribution and faveolization of certain entities. Even in the western developed democratic
countries such policies are often misused and specifically targeted for the benefit of specific groups of
people.

2. Political actors of division and its effects on several cases

For example the shares of spending on productive public goods—education, roads, sewers and trash
pickup—in U. S. cities (metro areas/urban counties) are inversely related to the city's (metro
area's/county's) ethnic fragmentation, even after controlling for other socioeconomic and demographic
determinants (Alesina, Baqir, & Easterly, 1999).
In the cases with insufficient levels of collaborations between the ethnic groups themselves or in divided
societies around the globe, the policies are automatically affected according to the favoring ruling party
of the countries administration. As mentioned before for the example of public shares, the
infrastructure, economic assets, investments, schooling and all public aspects of a country are highly
influenced due to ethnic relation and social policies. In cases of high level of failure to ensure a stable
collaboration in between the ethnic divided societies, by the cause of bad management and misuses of
regulations by the ruling administrations, the whole country risks failure and violent conflicts. Such is the
case of Sub-Saharan Africa, where economic growth is associated with low schooling, political instability,
underdeveloped financial systems, distorted foreign exchange markets, high government deficits, and
insufficient infrastructure. Africa's high ethnic fragmentation explains a significant part of most of these
characteristics (Easterly & Levine, 1997).
Furthermore, the exploitation of diversity of ethnicities and different groups by the policies of ruling
administrations can dangerously deepen the conflicts among the communities themselves in a society.

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There are several political forces (imposed by policies) and community themselves that play strong role
in how an urban morphology is developed for specific areas – or specific target groups of people; how
immigration and separatist forces grow, and how it can end up to the use of violence. As Sarah Glynn
mentions in her paper “Playing the Ethnic Card: Politics and Segregation in London’s East End” The
understanding in depth of these issues is a necessary first step in combating ethnic division and that we
should be focusing instead on social equality for all ethnicities (Glynn, 2010).

3. Division policies impact on urban designs and space configuration (spatial segregation)
The policies of division impacts the urban designs and settings of cities. Sorting the population groups
into various neighborhood contexts shapes the living environment at the district level (Kawachi, 2003)
and while it has traditionally been associated with racial segregation, it generally refers to any kind of
sorting based on some criteria populations (e.g. race, ethnicity, income) (Uslaner, 2001).
However, the issue of urban segregation due to different society groups has been rarely tackled by the
ruling administration of the countries that have such issues. The rare focus against the segregation in
urban designs creates misperception of the magnitude of this issue and how strongly it effects the lives
of people living under such conditions. Traditionally, most countries regulative policies in regard to urban
design are focused on technicalities and architectural housing regulations.
Therefore the ethnic (or any other group) segregation in a society occurs in urban zoning, architectural
housing, and even inside the public spaces where certain areas are determined (by regulation or by
cultural social relations among people) to belong to certain entities. This is done by the main purpose of
un-equally giving specific benefits to some communities and banning others.
If it can be shown that segregation in public space influences such aspects of life as accessibility to other
people and amenities, movement flows, co-presence in public space, and movement patterns, then it
can be established that urban public space – as it is structured and shaped by built form – very directly
influences people’s everyday lives (Legeby, 2010). By analyzing different conflict contexts among
communities in a society, we can easily claim several urban policies that create certain “cultural flows”
or relations among some communities to spaces with economical potential or other benefits. While
other zones specifically regulated for certain communities with lower opportunities, and essential
differences with the rest of the neighborhoods.
A solid and observable urban and spatial segregation exists today in Cape Town of South Africa, along
with many other cities around the world. Here including countries on conflict that will be mentioned
later on as Kosovo and Serbia and Israel-Palestine*.
(*The use of term “segregation” in some cases can cause contradictions due to the strong meaning of
the word.)
In North America, social and ethnic minorities tend to be segregated in less desirable inner-city locales
while the upper and middle-class majority disperses into small, socially homogeneous urban

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neighborhoods or suburbs across the metropolis. By contrast, in Latin American cities it is the elite
minority that tends to concentrate in one area of the city (Rosalind Greenstein, 2000).
This issue creates multifarious interactions between the communities and the policy maker. The
distributions of qualitative public goods grows unequally in effecting the raising violence among the
communities, lower education level, criminality, separatist movements, etc. In many countries the
limited access for land in certain areas because of policies created from ruling administrations, is related
to the poor class of the population – again influenced by the policy makers of the countries.

4. Architectural construction policies as a form of ethnical segregation (Case of Skopje)

Besides the use of urban morphology and spatial planning as a form of segregation by policy-makers, the
public architectural structures inside the urban zones as well can be identified with strong dividing
messages and giving beneficial gain to only some communities.
One of the headlines in architecture world for failure was noted to be the capital of the Former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia. This was mainly due to its lack of maintaining its architectural heritage and
creating a “Kitsch” capital of the world, by fake neoclassic and baroque coverage of buildings through
facades, contradictory history make-ups and reflections on statues, fountain decorations, etc.
The former mayor of Skopje Andrej Zernovski which opposes the country’s ruling party that conducted
the new architectural masterplan that resulted with the “kitsch” capital declared:

“The consequences of changing the look of the city are changing the identity of the city,
because neoclassic and Baroque style have never been present in Macedonian history.”
(Beneath the Surface of Skopje, 2016).

The case gets interesting when it comes to the city’s history and its demographical composition – and
how it is reflected on the urban structure and architectural masterplan of the city. Before going further,
it is worth to mention that the country has suffered and gone through a civil war and experiences still a
heavy -and- often violent situations among its two main ethnicities, the Slavic-Macedonian that are the
majority (with up to 64% in Macedonia and 66% in Skopje) and the minority Albanian-autochthonous
population (with up to 25-30% in Macedonia and 20-28% in Skopje – censuses inappropriate due to
boycott) (Census of Population, Households and Dwellings, 2012).
Skopje as a city due to demographics was largely inhabited by the Albanian population until recent
demographic changes during Yugoslavian rule. Furthermore, this particular ethnic group has strong
historical ties with its archeological heritage of Illyrian population assumed to be by majority of historians
the ancestors of Albanians. In all this background context, the representation of this minority lacks not
only in administration structures but in physical architectural and spatial organization as well.
The urban and architectural master plan of Skopje was classified as largely unfair that does not represent
the minority of Albanian population in any of its architectural interventions. Moreover, the urban
context of the neighborhoods of non-Macedonian population was left almost intact from previous

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existing organized chaos of village-like architecture and urban morphology. In the other hand, the
investments of the country where largely in the Macedonian populated neighborhoods and in center
city – which is covered on controversial Slavic-Macedonian historical figures. The absence of investments
and elementary necessities for the Albanian neighborhoods caused an online outrage that was neglected
by the ruling administration (Skopje with Double faces - Shkupi me dy fytyra, denoncohet diferencimi,
2014).
Consequently as a result, the minorities of the city led by the Albanian communities, unsatisfied with the
social policies of the government, started another wave of rebellion and separatism movement which
turned out to be violent and resulted in several protests and attacks on Macedonian policemen.
The Kumanovo clashes just few kilometers away from Skopje occurred during 9th – 10th of May 2015,
resulted on eight Macedonian policemen and 10 Albanian rebels killed, while 37 Macedonian officers
were wounded and hospitalized (Atanasovski, 2015).
The rebels claimed to have intended to attack the Macedonian police/military structures in the following
day as a form of rebellion against the segregation and unfair treatment of their communities in the
country. This is the fatal outcome from such policies that create strong levels of discontent among the
people.

5. Division policies in Kosovo-Serbia conflict and its built environment reflections

Kosovo separation from Yugoslavia/Serbia after the war on 1998-99 and its partially recognized
independence in 2008 effected many of the policies and government constitutions to be re-written. The
administration changes and the new policies, along with other war-related events, changed the social
structures of cities and settlements around Kosovo and partly in Serbia.
Initially, the conflict between the Kosovars – or ethnic Albanians of Kosovo and the Yugoslav (or Serbs)
roots back on centuries and has been manifested in several wars and clashes. The historical background
has many different interpretations depending on the side of interest, however, Kosovo as a region fell
under Yugoslavian rule since 1913 until 1999. During this period, the demographic show a rise of the
majority Albanian population mainly in rural and mountainous areas of Kosovo. And a deliberate decline
of the general Serbian population; yet an increase of focus in cities and urban zones (historical censuses
from Noel Malcolm) (Malcolm, 1999).
The ruling Yugoslav administration had the majority of the investments in larger urban areas neglecting
certain cities of minorities. The architectural development came with industrial development, effecting
the social, economic and political interests of people. Therefore communities living near such
development trends tended to grow with more influence among others, by causing injustice and
dissatisfaction to others.
As the conflict is defined in this statement, it occurs when social, economic or political space is contested
or injustice is perceived in the allocation of economic resources among groups in political jurisdictions

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such as states, regions or communities. Conflicts graduate to violence when accommodative structures
break down (Oluseyi O. FABIYI, 2012).
According to many historians and political analysis the case of Kosovo rebellion came as a result of a
direct and indirect violence, segregation and unfair treatment of its Albanian majority – which was a
minority under the whole Yugoslav territory. The journalist and author James Pettifer in his book “Kosova
Express: A Journey in Wartime” describes the treatment and terror of the local population by the Serb
authority during the imposition of martial law in 1990 till March 1999.
In descriptions and written testimonies of the time, describe the urban areas as mainly Serb inhabited
and especially built and invested by the government to colonize with Serbians coming from other
Yugoslav wars and to thrive in Kosovo. The spatial planning of the territory was as well highly contested
by the majority of Albanian population due to the fact that most of mining areas and zones rich in
minerals and fertile lands were given by law to be under the jurisdiction of Serb-majority municipalities.
An excellent example of such regulations is the capital of Kosovo, the city of Prishtina. The northern
Prishtina neighborhoods where there were no urban-planning applied were designated for the growing
Albanian population. While the southern and eastern parts of the city were being developed and highly
constructed on communist-brutalist architecture for the new colonists coming from Serbia. The
apartments were being given for free by the state, on ethnical policy – only for working Serbs. This direct
law or policy of segregation and division had depend the injustice and dissatisfaction for other non-Serb
populations led by Albanians, which consequently prepared a rich ground for a rebellion that ended up
with total separation in 1999.
Most of these issues in Prishtina started in the year 1989 when the revocation of Kosovo's autonomy
happened under Milošević, and the rise of Serb nationalism and mass dismissal of ethnic Albanians
occurred (Warrander, 2007).
Similar as in the case of Skopje in Macedonia, the Jugoslav architecture in Kosovo –during the 90ties-
tended to show solely elements of its nationalistic Serbian doctrine and colonization architecture that
eased the way for the violent rebellion. Hence, the policies of ethnic division affecting spatial regulations
of the cities and landscapes in ethnical bases increased drastically the dissatisfaction level. The creation
of ghettos, isolated communities and network of rural areas were the bases from where the Albanian
rebels established the National Liberation Army. Therefore this case serves as an example of the need
to increase the awareness for deeper studies of architecture and its effects on conflicts and the way how
it effects the communities.

6. Urban separation of cities as a result of violent conflicts

Many conflicts end up with several settlements separated or ruined, damaged and with deep scars for
further healing. Such is the case of Mitrovica city in Kosovo, where the locals followed a natural river
border to separate south (with Albanians) and north (with Serbs) which happens to be in border with

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Serbia. Most of the citizens with homes and lands in their counter-part had to lose their properties after
the war and the separation happened. Bujar Voca, an academic from the city says:

“It has been several years that Serbia has placed barricades in the north, in order to divide
Kosovo, isolate Albanians there and making it impossible for Albanians who have been
banned from the north of Kosovo to return”.

Though similar situation can value for Serbian enclaves that remain deeper in Kosovar territory, and that
are not in border with Serbia. The countries regulations and the inefficiency of the law in such zones of
Kosovo makes it very difficult to regulate the construction and urban zoning.
Very often the local Serb populations sets up barricades to block the south-Albanian side’s possibility to
travel north. The colonization high-floor buildings grow vastly in the taken Albanian lands of the north.
While many of Serb apartments and houses that remained in the south where taken by Albanians.
The whole demography of the neighborhoods in both sides changed just months after the separation in
1999, following the destruction or blockage of cultural/religious sites of their counter-parts and making
it almost impossible to return. The Serb parallel structures of northern Mitrovica also occupied most of
northern public buildings as schools, faculties, courts and hospitals, and imposing new regulations that
make it very difficult for the local Albanians or other non-Serbs to be part of.
A situation of a divided city exists in Nicosia, Cyprus. Where due to the conflict with the Turkish Cypriots
of the northern side of the country, the divided city left a buffer zone with architectural intact heritage.
The architectural/visual “games”, and buildings and spaces sponsored by ruling authorities result in
growing dissatisfaction for some communities in Cyprus.
For example the display of the phrase “Ne mutlu Türküm diyene - How happy is the one who says I am a
Turk” with the Turkish Cypriot Flag in the visual installation on Kyrenia Mountains of Northern Nicosia,
sparks often discontent and outrage among southern Greek Cypriots. The official complains and
petitions to remove it – initiated by southern groups and officials show the tensions caused by such
visual provocation for the Greek Cypriots (MICHAEL, 2017). In addition to such state sponsored
propaganda, there are numerous ad-hoc spaces that have sprung up along the buffer zone as a response
by the Greek Cypriots (Bakshi, 2008). Consequently maintaining tension through the use of architectural
and visual plays.
Many other thoughts on how to re-open the buffer zone or revive the divided city line, open up questions
on what is authentic for the city and what not, which again brings up contradiction between the
communities. And to mention that the case of Famagusta ghost city is another type of example on how
the policies of division are reflected in emptying settlements and dividing communities.

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7. How the built space and architectural design is used to relate emotional impact and division of
people
In a study/project conducted in 2015 by the author of the paper and professor Petrit Ahmeti from the
University from Business and Technology in Kosovo, the use of environmental psychology and
ontological design served for designing a wellness-sustainability center with the concept of –being space-
in the sense that space can let the occupant be whatever the occupant wishes to be.
Using specific elements of the built environment to affect the emotional aspects of the occupants,
starting from colors and materials, decorative details, assembling symbolism in shapes and figures in the
design, etc., concluded the study/project to be valuated highly for its development and its capability of
affecting people’s lives merely from heart-rending their emotions due to design.
A further study/project conducted by the author of the paper with the same subject in 2017, together
with Professor Stefano Follesa from the University of Florence in Italy, proposes that the use of interior
elements with a specific set of colors, lightings, architectural modifications and tricks, and use of eye-
height elements, could efficiently affect the occupants to feel stronger desired emotions wanted from
the architect when they experience a new space, to manipulate brain capacities in a workstation, and to
make the occupants feel more attached to a space.
Such techniques and design concepts have been used by architects and politicians to have larger scale
effects on masses. The brutalist architecture, the radiation of power and strength through materials and
shapes, the urban setting of specific objects and built environments, and the use of such details as
conducted in mentioned studies has strongly moved masses by politics and architecture.
The main themes used in architecture for such politic purposes use and play with nationalistic/ethnic
elements in facades or decorations, colors and materials, as well as power showing through shapes and
forms and object positioning, as well as subliminal messages through colors, spatial configuration and
zoning of architecture, etc.

8. The need for further study and awareness of the role of architecture in conflicts
As such topic can be widespread into several threads, a final aim of this paper is to call for further wide
and conclusive awareness of policies that for achieving political benefits divide the communities and
societies through spatial design and architectural built environment as an instrument.
As in the second part of this paper is further explained, the architecture can have a crucial role in conflicts
and in the way how it exploits the divisions for certain benefits of certain communities.
The deep understanding of the architectural insights and its effects on human psychology provides
awareness that may yield insights for understanding better and identifying cases of dividing policies and
growing tensions among communities – eventually, to help the peace-builders prevent violent conflicts.

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