'Japanese Music' Can Be Popular

'Japanese Music' Can be Popular
Author(s): Hugh de Ferranti

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Source: Popular Music, Vol. 21, No. 2 (May, 2002), pp. 195-208
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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2002CambridgeUniversityPress,pp. 195-208.
Popular Music (2002)Volume21/2. Copyright(C)
Printedin the United Kingdom
DOI:10.1017/S026114300200212X
'Japanese music' can be popular
HUGH DE FERRANTI
Abstract
Traditional genres,modernpopularmusic,'classical'concertmusicandotherstylesof music-making
in Japancan be viewedas diverseelementsframedwithina musicalculture.Bourdieu'sconceptof
habitus,and Williams'of dominant,residualand emergenttraditions,are helpfulin formulatingan
inclusiveapproach,in contrastto the prevailingdemarcationbetweentraditionaland popularmusic
research. KoizumiFumiofirstchallengedthedisciplinary separationof researchon historical'Japanese
music'and modernhybridmusicaround1980, and the influenceof his workis reflectedin a small
numberof subseguentwritings.In Japanesepopularmusic,evidencefor musicalhabitusandresidual
typicalof musicologicalanalysis;
traits of past practicecan be soughtnot only in characteristics
modal,harmonicand rhythmicstructures;but also in aspectsof the music'sorganisation,presen-
tation,conceptualisationandreception. Amongthesearevocaltoneandproduction technigues, techni-
calandevaluativediscourse,andcontextualfeaturessuchas staging,performer-audience interaction,
theagencyof individualmusicians,thestructureof corporate music-production, and the use of songs
as vehiclesfor subjectivity.Suchan inclusiveapproachto new and old musicalpracticesin Japan
enablesdemonstration of ways in whichpopularmusicis bothpartof Japanesemusicalcultureand
an authenticvehiclefor contemporary Japaneseidentity.
Most music created and consumed in Japantoday is popular music of one sort or
another. As such it is a manifestationof the processes of global technologicaland
culturaltransferthat have shaped music in all industrialisedsocieties since the early
twentieth century, and its study involves themes and methods for researchon the
popular arts in modern society which have been mapped out in sociology and
culturalstudies. Yet both modern popular music and the traditionalgenres that are
usually denoted by the term fapanese music' (nihonongaku)can be thought of as
elements within a body of musical practices that comprise gapanese musical cul-
ture'.l Music researchhas articulatedthese as two distinct fields, and for the most
part deals with them in isolation from one another,due to their differencein origins
and fundamentaltraits of style. Yet there are theoreticaltools available that enable
us to overcome this disciplinary separationand contemplateJapanesemusic from
a broaderperspective- one that incorporatesknowledge of both textualand contex-
tual aspects of historicalmusic as a resource for investigating points of continuity
between recent practicesand those of the more distant past.
A musical cultureis made up of not only music-technical(or textual)phenom-
ena like melodic and rhythmic style, types of instruments,performancetechniques
and formal processes, but also a web of contexts - of social, personal and political
conditions that are enabling phenomena for musical experience.The term fapanese
musical culture' sounds like an ahistorical,perhaps even a Japanologicalconcept
that isolates Japaneseculturalphenomena from concernsof wider intellectualinter-
est, but it need not have those implications. Rather than laying claim to data on
195
196 Hugh de Ferranti
Japanesepopular music as a part of an independentdisciplinaryprojectof Japanese

music studies, in applicationto modern popularmusic, the proposalthat pop music
be viewed in the context of Japanesemusical cultureis grounded in the idea that a
musical habitusis in play in the productionof music within any given culturaland
linguistic framework.Bourdieu proposed this term as a way of theorising social
practicein terms of internalisedhabits of perception and aesthetic preferencethat
mediate between group and individual practice;in the sphere of musical practice,
habitusis a way of accountingfor the fact that traitsof some historicaldepth, which
are often identified as emblematicindigenous aspects of music-making,are never
wholly dormant.In music-textualterms, such traitscan include particularmelodic-
rhythmic techniques and sonic preferences, and in contextual terms, modes of
performativebehaviour and social practicesfor musical creation,transmissionand
performance.To paraphraseBourdieu,in encompassingboth traditionaland more
recently acquired elements of practice, this is history turned into musical second
nature.2
Anotherway to theorisean inclusive approachto Japanesemusic is in terms of
RaymondWilliams'concept of dominant,residual and emergent culturalelements
(Williams 1977, pp. 121-7). Williams stressed the complex interrelationsbetween
these elements as inseparablefrom 'the whole cultural process', so that no single
element - not even dominant ones - can be reified as static and thereby outside
that process. Clearly,the relationbetween traits of historicaland more recent musi-
cal practiceis one of residual to dominant elements, as 'dominant'in this context
refers to the hegemony of Euro-Americanpopular music styles as a referential
frame for Japanesemusic since the mid-twentiethcentury.For understandingways
in which aspects of historicalpracticecan be significantfor modern music-making
and the process of localising or indigenising Euro-Americanmusical vernaculars,3
what seems crucialis Williams'distinctionbetween the archaic(past elements that
are consciously acknowledged as such), active residual elements that 'may have an
alternativeor even oppositionalrelationto the dominantculture',and elements that
have been 'wholly or largely incorporatedinto the dominant culture' (ibid., p. 122).
While I would argue that recognitionand explicationof elements from formerprac-
tice in each of these three relations to subsequent practice is indispensable for a
systematicstudy of popular musics characterisedby hybridity,as an initial explor-
ation of this issue in the Japanesecontext, in this paper I will present examples of
only incorporatedresidual traits.
I will first outline the disciplinary setting for Japanese-languagescholarship
on Japanesepopular music, so as to sketch the conditions under which studies of
traditionaland modern music have remainedisolated from one another.I will then
suggest modes of continuitybetween music-makingin the two spheres which help
account for the identification within Japan of much pop as both unequivocally
fapanese', and rooted in familiaridioms of Euro-Americanmusic. One of my pur-
poses here is to proffercriteriawhereby popular music might be considered as not
only within the purview of, but also as an importanttopic for researchon Japanese
music. Thereis a potentialloss of perspectivewhen that field of researchis divided
firmly along lines of the perceived traditionalityor modernity of its subjectmatter.
concerning
'Japanese
musict
To begin with an account of the term gapanese music' in its most common usage
within academia today, and of the common characteristicsof research on that
music'can bepopular
'Japanese 197
music: gapanese music' (nihonongaku)is in effect only traditionalJapanesemusic

(dentoongakuor hogaku);it comprises genres of music practisedin Japanwhich had
origin prior to the end of the Meiji period (1868-1912),and subsequent music that
is deeply and audiblyrooted in such earlier practice.Arguments can be made for
the inclusion of the work of Japanese players and composers of jazz, the concert
stage and film compositions of the late Takemitsu Toru, mainstream pop song
(kayokyoku) performersof the 1970s and 1980s, and the multi-referentialJ-pop of
HamasakiAyumi, Shiina Ringo and other recent stars,within the denotation of the
term fapanese music'. While the music industry's habitual division of all musical
products into those produced by Japanese and by foreigners has long since
accorded with such an inclusive definition (albeit on grounds of ethnicity rather
than identificationof any salient features of musical style),4musicologicalresearch
practice has yet to reflect any broader articulation,and remains overwhelmingly
concernedwith musical traditionsthat had origin priorto the modern period, which
have little or no audible tracesof influence from Westernmusical genres.5Japanese
music' then, has thus far remained decidedly pre-modernin its disciplinaryarticu-
lation.
The discursive sphere of Japanese music, thus defined, is created by the
musicians and audiences for that music, as well as a substantialbody of writing
about traditional music produced in a variety of media. But with respect to aca-
demic discourse and the disciplinary status quo that it constructs, what kind of
evidence is there for the past and present limits of viable research on Japanese
music, and for the location of popular music in relationto those boundaries?Firstly,
it should be acknowledged that the history of scholarlywriting on nihonongakuor
Japanese music' in Japanese is hardly longer than it is in European languages -
just over one century.This is because the concept of nihonongakuas a set of musical
genres and repertories that encompasses the musical life of the nation is itself a
modern one, formulated in light of Meiji period intellectuals'study of nineteenth-
century European writings on music. It was only in the late 1880s that a writer
attempted a comprehensive history of Japanesemusic, in the KabuOngakuRyaku-
shi,6as distinct from the many histories of individual genres that had been written
since the Heian period. Consequently, the terms of definition of Japanese music
that characterised scholarly discourse for much of the twentieth century were
shaped during mid-to-late Meiji. In the work of the government-sponsoredMusic
InvestigationCommittee (ongakutorishirabe-gakari) in the 1880s and the subsequent
Hogaku EnquiryCommittee (hogakuchosa-gakari) from 1907 on, only music of pre-
Meiji origin was considered worthy of study,7and the regional songs (minyo)that
were probably the most common form of music-makingfor most Japaneseat the
time were little considered. What is more, an attitude of moral revulsion at the
vulgarity of much of the Edo period shamisensong repertorywas clearly expressed
in the writings of some of the most distinguished members of these music-research
groups, often through the term, ingaku- indecent music - a usage which followed
that of late Edo period neo-Confucianistcommentary. From the first, then, both
contemporaryand even much historicalpopular music was cast in a negative light
by scholars whose authority derived from their governmental appointments. The
initial exclusion from the purview of music scholarshipof minyosongs, in particu-
lar, has meant that the kind of scholasticlineage for popular music researchcreated
by folk music studies in the United States does not exist in Japan.8The case for
integrated study of the nature and history of music of the populace has yet to be
strongly put by a Japaneseresearcher,although such a projectis implied in some

of the work of Koizumi Fumio discussed below, and some writing by populist
criticssuch as NakamuraToyo.9
Since the late-1930s,Japanesemusic as a researchfield has been largelymoder-
ated by an academic organisationcalled the Toyo Ongaku Gakkai.l°Although art-
icles about music in Asian and even some non-Asian cultures are published in the
pages of the Society's journal,writing about traditionalJapanesemusic has com-
prised the bulk of its contents, and it is the centralorgan for new researcharticles
in Japanese.llIn all of the sixty-five issues of the journal,there are only a handful
of articlesthat pertain to Japanesemusic of the modern historicalera of a kind that
can be called 'popular'.All of those papers concern music firmly grounded in the
late Meiji and Taisho eras (ca. 1885-1925),such as naniwa-bushi musical narrative,
songs of the enka-shistreet performers,and the music played for silent film screen-
ings. The genres are discussed almost solely in terms of their stylistic commonality
and derivation from earlier musical genres, with scant attention to aspects that
highlight the music's modernityratherthan its traditionality.l2
Articles on Japanesemusic occasionallyappear in other journals,in particular
the Tokyo-basedMusicology(journalof the Nippon Ongaku Gakkai,or Musicology
Society of Japan), published since the 1950s. Until the 1998 issue, no studies of
twentieth-centurypopular music (Japaneseor otherwise) were carriedin the jour-
nal, but thereaftera numberof articlesand documentationof panels at the Society's
annual meeting constituteevidence of the recent strong growth of interestin popu-
lar music study among young scholars.l3Notwithstanding,writings and presenta-
tions focused on Japanesepopular music perse remain rare.
Because of the JapaneseEducationMinistry'srecent introductionof a plan to
have all students learn a Japanesetraditionalinstrumentduring three years of their
schooling, Japanesemusic has suddenly become a topic of relative importancein
journals of the music education profession.l4It remains to be seen whether this
much-increasedconcernfor Japanesehistoricalmusic will stimulatesome educators
to also considerJapanesepopular musicians'work of the last one hundred years as
viable materialsfor music education in a Japaneselinguistic and cultural context.
The issue of popular music's altogethermarginalplace in Japanesemusic education
has been firmly raised in writings by Tsubono Yukiko (1991)and Koizumi Kyoko
(2000),but the issue of relative representationof Japaneseand nonlapanese reper-
tory therein has yet to be addressed.
Researchon Japanesepopularmusic and its hybridcharacteristics

The syncreticor hybrid musics of the 120 years or so since the first experimentsin
combining Western and indigenous elements in popular song have been referred
to by many terms, including taishuongaku,popyuraongaku,popyuramyujikku,ryu-
koka,enka,kayokyoku, J-poppu(J-pop)and others.l5To date, relativelylittle academic
writing has been done on this music.l6Most writing has been historical,and the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a period of intensive and continual
change in Japanesemusical culture,has been treated at greatestlength.l7A journal
for popular music research,PopyuraOngakuKenkyu(PopularMusic Studies) and a
Working Paper series have been established since the late 1990s by the Japanese
Association for the Study of Popular Music (JASPM),18 and a few articles on
Japanese music appear therein. But perhaps in an effort to raise awareness of
music'can bepopular
'Japanese 199
Japanesepopular music's relevance for researchissues in internationalscholarship,

some of the most substantial articles thus far have been written in English and
published outside Japan.l9In Japanese,among the small number of scholarlybooks
about popular music of the second half of the twentieth century are two books by
sociologist Ogawa Hiroshi that deal with the functions of mediated music in
Japanesesociety of the 1970s to 1990s (Ogawa 1988;1993); and two collections of
essays, one by the ethnomusicologist Koizumi Fumio (1984; see below) and the
other an anthology on gender issues in Japanesepop (Kitagawa1999). There is as
yet no book-length scholarlysurvey or introductionto Japanesepopular music, nor
a Japanese-languagetextbook for use in university classes. Little of extant scholar-
ship gives sustained attention to the theme of Japanesepopular music as Japanese
music, although there are occasional explorationsof facets of behaviour and social
practicesthat link past and present music-making.20 Referencesto traitsof style and
practice that bespeak the music's cultural specificity are rarely made, despite the
fact that musicians have often articulatedthe urgency of their struggle to reconcile
Japanese cultural identity with the Euro-Americanroots of jazz, rock and other
genres.2l
fora generalreadership
Thesignificanceof hyoron- writingsbymusiccriticsandacademics
Texts that appear in academic journalsand other forums for scholarshiprepresent
only a part of the 'serious' writing being done on Japanesepopular music. In Japan
as elsewhere, a demand for many kinds of texts is an outgrowth of the broad popu-
larity of the music itself, and the music industry is actively involved in the pro-
duction and promotion of books, magazines and Web resources that generate
potential profits. Yet there is also an important body of work to be found in a
liminal region between the most sales-orientedproducts of the industry, and schol-
arly texts such as the four books I have referredto: namely, the numerous publi-
cations on popular music by professional critics, music journalistsand academics
writing for a general readership,outside the standard conventions of scholarship.
Among them are histories of particularperiods or music genres, characterisations
of certain groups of songs or individuals' compositions, and extensive analyses of
lyrics in relation to social and political history.
The common term for writings of this kind is hyoron(and their authors are
termed hyoronka,regardless of whether they also produce other, strictly scholarly
texts as academics, gakusha).It is well-documented that in modern Japan the role
of the public intellectual has been accorded social value, and that a tradition of
essay-writingfor non-specialistreadership(zuihitsu)has been an establishedfeature
of academic life since the late nineteenth century - in other words, since the estab-
lishment of the modern Japaneseuniversity system. This reflects not only the cul-
ture of reading in Japan,where apparently'difficult'books on intellectualsubjects
can sell well at the book kiosks on railway platforms, and are advertised on the
front page of some daily newspapers, but also a relative fluidity in the boundaries
between scholarshipand public life. Prolificcommentaryby hyoronkaare a feature
of public discourse in many media. Much of the extantwriting on Japanesepopular
music is writing done in the hyoronmode - including some pieces by Koizumi
Fumio, and Sato Yoshiaki'simportantrecent book. Scholarswho produce texts in
academic mode have also tended to produce much on commission in the role of
hyoronka,as authors of extensive recording notes, recording and performance

reviews, and participantsin interviews and dialogues (taidan).
Koizumi'slegacy
For writings on pop music by scholarswho are known for their work on traditional
Japanesemusic, one must look to the last published works of Koizumi Fumio, and
those of his former student Kojima Tomiko, in the early 1980s: Koizumi is best
known for his seminal work on mode and tonal principlesin Japanesemusic, which
appearedfrom the late 1950s,and for numerous writings on the music of Japanand
other Asian cultures. In his final book, a collection of lectures and essays entitled
TheStructureofPopSongs(Kayokyoku no Kozo),he sought to demonstratein empirical
terms hybrid elements of melodic style in mainstreamsongs and enkaof the 1960s
to early 1980s.He did so by showing how a range of such tunes exhibit (in modified
form) modal characteristicsthat had been identified in his early writings as funda-
mental to Japanesefolksong and other traditionalgenres. Koizumisaw this analysis
of pop songs as a logical extension of his initial work:
The modern popular songs that we think of as new are, in spite of all their novelty on the
surface,in fact deeply rooted in traditionalelements that link them to music of the Edo and
even Muromachiperiods.22
Soon after this book's publication in 1984, Koizumi died, in his mid-50s.
Although he had opened up an important musicological approach to identifying
facets and processes of hybridity in Japanesepopular music, this potentially influ-
ential aspect of his work was taken up as an element in the researchagenda of only
one of his many students, KojimaTomiko.Kojima'sconvictionthat modern popular
music should not be divorced from the broader context of Japanese music is in
keeping with Koizumi, and is reflectedin her work on shin minyo'new folk songs'
in the popular marketof the 1910s-20s.23A persistent assertion in her writings24is
that the Western musical training that has been central to Japan's school music
curriculumfor a centuryhas led to a nationwide condition of devotion to Western-
style music on the surface (the musical tatemae,with its implicationof public, super-
ficial behaviour), but continuation of indigenous musical sensibility and age-old
techniquesunderneath (the musical honne- a more personal and deeply felt realm
of experience).
A few other writers on Japanese pop have deployed aspects of Koizumi's
work during the last ten years. In most cases, Koizumi is invoked in the context of
arguments for the centralityof certain pentatonic scales and 4th-based formations
(the latter of which Koizumi had termed 'tetrachordal')in Japanese melodic
expression.25One of the more sophisticated approaches is that of Sato Yoshiaki,
who teaches in the InterdisciplinaryCulturalStudies Unit at Tokyo University,and
describes his research field as RepresentationalCulture Theory (hyoshobun1wron).
Sato has an academicbackgroundin Americanliterarystudies but has also written
books on post-war cultural history, as well as hyorontexts of popular music criti-
cism. In J-PopShin1wron ('A Theoryof J-Pop'sDevelopment'),a book in a Heibonsha
pocket series aimed at general readership,Sato attempts to account for what he
terms the most conspicuous period of change in Japanese listeners' attitudes to
Westernpop - and their incorporationof Americanstyles into their own pop com-
position-duringthe decade of the Showa 40s (1965-74).He also addressesthe causes
music'can bepopular
'Japanese 201
and consequencesof that change. Among causes, he posits an increasedreceptivity

to contemporaryAmerican music, in particular,because of marked similaritiesin
pentatonic scale-types and tetrachordalfunctions in American R&Band Motown
hits of the mid-to-late 1960s, and those of the hybrid sho1w(school songs), gun1w
(militarysongs) and ryukoka(commerciallycirculatedsongs) that had been enjoyed
by Japanesesince the early twentieth century (Sato1999,pp. 54 60). A second recent
example of the use of Koizumi's work on pop melodies is a book by the rock music
critic, Yamashita Kunihiko (2000). The core of the text is melodic and harmonic
analysis (renderedas accessibleas possible, but nonetheless relianton transcription
examples), in which models of melodic principles proposed by both Koizumi and
the composer Shibata Minao serve as jumping-off points for a whole chapter on
'Asian' scales and their roles in the compositions of SakamotoRyuichiand Komuro
Tetsuya.
Much of this writing veers at times into the realm of Nihonjinron(theories of
Japaneseness) in making claims of a unique and ineffable musical sensibility
buttressed by the 'evidence' of rudimentary melodic analysis - although such
claims are rarely voiced as openly as they were in some of Kojima'swork of the
1980s, penned during a heyday period for Nihonjinron.26 It will be a pity if such
ideological colouring discourages others from utlilising some of the concepts and
tools Koizumi developed; even with regard to the parameterof melodic and har-
monic structure,much analyticalwork could yet be done to define typical features
of kayokyoku since the late 1970s, including comparison of modal elements in the
most recent song styles with those that Koizumi looked at in detail twenty-five
years ago.27At the same time, melodic and harmonicfeatures are only two closely
related facets among many elements of hybrid practicein this music; but that is a
larger picture that I will sketch in the last section of this essay.
Evidencefor musicalhabitus in Japanesepop

Koizumi's investigation of modal practicein kayokyoku melodies is one example of
the application of knowledge of Japanesehistoricalmusic traditionsto pop music,
so as to build an understanding of areas of relation to earlier musical practice.
Koizumi and the few who have adopted elements of his work consider pop songs
primarily in terms of a single parameter,melody, which can be textualised using
the conventional musicological tool of transcriptioninto Westernmusical notation.
But what might be gained by a broader application of knowledge of traditional
music, whereby manifestationsof musical habituscan be sought both in a broader
range of textual facets of pop music, and in contextual facets that shape listener-
viewers' experience of both the music and its performers?For present purposes,
I will approach this question firstly through some brief examples concerning the
'textual' facets of vocal tone-colour and musical terminology, then suggest some
contextualfeatures that might be taken up in future studies.
as a textualfacetof performance
Vocaltone-colour
The issue of vocal production (hassei-ho)has been paid little attentionas an import-
ant area of continuity from traditionalmusic practice,but seems a logical element
of practice in which to seek evidence, for the reason that it is strongly tied to the
use of Japaneselanguage, and is thereforerelatively slow to change through musi-
cal culture contact. In each and every genre of traditionalsong and narrativereci-
tation, there is an elaboratediscourse about the manner of producing appropriate
vocal tone quality, without which one's performanceis deemed aestheticallyinad-
equate. The manner of talking about vocal qualities is learned from one's teacher.
In pop music, such discourse is less regulatedbecause it is generatedthrough fans'
appreciationof a singer's style, ratherthan through a teacher-studentrelationship.
Evaluativeterminologyfor the quality of singers' voices, then, changes rapidly and
is hard to identify, but the sound itself remains a tangible link to past practice.
One of the most persistentqualities of singing in both traditionaland popular
music since the time of the first recordings of Japaneseperformancesis that of a
thin, somewhat rasping yet strong tone produced by forcing a narrow, dense air
streamthrough constrictedvocal cords. This effect, and the techniqueof producing
it, is described in general musical discourse as jigoe (literally, 'ground' or 'basic
voice'). It is particularlyclear in high-pitchedpassages, where there is often a con-
spicuous avoidance of uragoe,a kind of falsetto - in effect a weaker, purer sound
produced with loosened vocal cords. Jigoetechniqueis evident, for example, in the
Edo period shamisensong genre of kouta,as well as some styles of minyosinging.
The same singing techniqueis to be heard in many popular songs of the 1920s and
1930s, most conspicuously in the string of hits - among them 'Gion Kouta' and
'Tenryu kudareba'28and other eiga koutafilm-songs - sung by geisha who had
trained in Edo period shamisensong forms (geishakashu).It is also one of several
aural markersof traditionalityin the core styles of enka,which constituted main-
stream1wyokyoku of the 1950s and early 1960s.After the displacementof en1wfrom
its domination of the market,from the late 1960s on, the characteristictone-colour
created by use of jigoe in higher vocal registers became more rarely heard, but
remained important for the success of certain singers and songs. A major singer-
songwriterof the style marketedas 'new music', NakajimaMiyuki, has often used
the technique;one well-known example from the early 1980sis 'HitoriJozu'.29More
recently, the extremely popular singer-composer of dance-style pop, Hamasaki
Ayumi, almost invariably sings in jigoe when she moves into higher registers, as
can be clearlyheard in the choruses of 'Monochrome',the opening song of her 1999
album,A.30The distinctivenessof this vocal tone-qualityin the contemporarymusi-
cal context can be appreciated by comparing Hamasaki's style to that of Utada
Hikaru, whose vocal technique in representative songs since her 1999 debut is
devoid of jigoe, and is distinguished by skilful use of falsetto in much the same
manner as AmericanR&Bsingers whom she cites as influences.3l
It warrants comment that all of the singers I have referred to are female. It
would seem that although the use of jigoe technique is importantfor enkasingers
of both sexes, it is a less acceptablevocal tone-colourfor male performersin other
popular music styles, with the possible exception of some boy idol singers of the
1970sand 1980s,such as the young Go Hiromi.A historicalexplanationfor this can
be offered:Whereasthe geishakashuwere prevalent among female singing stars of
the 1920s and early 1930s, male singers had no recourse to a traditionalor quasi-
traditionalperformativestance after the demise of the enka-shias viable recording
artists,in the mid-1920s.The great majorityof early male stars were singers trained
in Western art song, with its special techniques for directing resonancewithin the
body, such as 'chest voice' and 'head voice'. Such performerscould not establish
use of jigoe as one of the models for successful vocal production style in modern
singing in the way that women performersdid at that time. During the post-war
'Japanese
music'can be popular 203
decades,sonicmodelsfor maleJapanesesingers(otherthanenkaspecialists)were
providedin the techniquesof leadingwhite Americanand Britishsingerssuch as
PaulAnka,Neil Sedaka,ElvisPresley,MickJagger,BobDylanandothers- but did
not includeany pre-Wardomesticsingerswho had retainedthe use of jigoe.
Justwhat am I suggestinghere?Certainlynot that thereis evidenceof tra-
ditionalmusicpracticein mainstreamcontemporary pop.32Forone thing,the likeli-
hood of HamasakiAyumior any recentmainstreamstarhavingparticularinterest
in traditionalmusicalgenresis minimal.It would be wrong,moreover,to claim
that the vocal timbreI have isolatedhas been that most highly favouredin the
marketplaceanytimesincethe 1940s.Verydifferentstylesof vocalproductionhave
also been favouredin Japanesepop; and indeed,some of the singersI have dis-
cussed can performwith a varietyof timbresand techniques.To say that these
vocal qualitiesand theiraffectivemeaningsfor performersand listenersin 1930s,
1980sand earlytwenty-firstcenturyJapanare 'thesame'is to de-contextualise the
music,takingit out of bothtime and place.HenceI am tryingemphaticallynotto
reifythe traditionalas a set of age-oldtechniquesand a blood-giveneternalsensi-
bility of the sort that KojimaTomikohas sometimesasserted.Rather,by inter-
pretingthe persistenceof and predilectionfor this distinctivevocal tone in the
voicesof leadingperformersovera spanof seventyyearsas evidenceof a musical
manifestation of habitus- or in Williams'terms,as residualelementsthathavebeen
'whollyor largelyincorporated' into dominantmusicalpractices- I am contesting
the polaroppositionbetweentraditionality and modernitythatis conventionalin
writingson Japanesepopularmusic.
Terminology fortechnicalandaesthetic characteristics

ThusfarI have proposedthatpracticesof somehistoricaldeptharesignificantfor
modernpopularmusic-makingin Japan,howeverslight theiraurallyidentifiable
'music-textual' effectsmightbe. Anotheraspectof musickingfor which thereis
likely to be some carry-overfrompast practiceis the sphereof discourseamong
musicianswhicharticulatestechnicaland aestheticconcepts.Termsfor description
and evaluationof vocal timbre,as mentionedabove,compriseone areain which
presentmusicalhabitusshowsthereto be continutitywith pre-modernpractice;the
persistenceof expressionssuch as jigoeand uragoe(as well as others,including
damigoe, which describesa gravelly,low-pitchedvoice of the kind once used by
manynaniwa-bushi performers) is discursiveevidencethatparallelsthatof perform-
ancepracticeitself.Closerinvestigationof theuse of terminologyfortechnicaldetail
in vocalperformance mightalso yield evidenceof the way the sphereof reference
of historicaltermsis expandedto includebothold andnew techniques; forexample,
in the way the termyuricanreferto a rangeof vocaloscillationtechniques,includ-
ing both prolongedmicrotonalmovementof the kind heardin minyosingingand
some biwarecitation,and briefer,broader-ranged pitch embellishmentsin pop
styles.Anotherimportantaesthetictermin multiplegenresis nori(literally'riding').
In historicalgenres it denotes the relationshipbetweenvocalisedtext lines and
temporalframeworks establishedby percussionin musicof nodrama,therecitation
of textwith a markedrhythmin gidayu-bushi musicof the classicalpuppettheatre,
and degreesof tempo in some otherEdo periodshamisengenres;but it has also
beenused in modernpopularmusicto referto theway melodyor overallensemble
204 Hughde Ferranti
sound'rides'a beat,as well as a generalconditionof musicalefficacy,in the sense

of a live or recordedperformance'sabilityto transportaudienceor listeners.33
Contextsfor performance:
socialpractices
Evidenceof continuitywith the past mightalso be soughtin the socialpractices
and contextswhereinmusic'stextualfeaturesare meaningful.Understandingof
suchphenomenais complicatedby the factthatJapanesesocialpracticeshavebeen
framedand re-framedwithinthe essentialisinglanguageof argumentsfor cultural
identity,wherebycertaininterractive and communicative conventionsare claimed
as unchangingelementsof Japanesetradition.34 It is in regardto this problemthat
the conceptsof both habitusand 'residual'culturalelementsdiscussedearliercan
be especiallyhelpfulas heuristics.If understoodas habitsof perceptionandprefer-
encethatmediatebetweensocietyandindividual,habituscanaccountfor the ways
in whichpastpracticeinformsthatof the present,withoutimplyingthatany single
elementof historicalcultureis eitherunchangingor alwaysmanifest.Thehistorical
depthof habitusis thereforeno morea fixed entitythanis its content;to put this
anotherway, habitusmustbe subjectto historicity.(Andthis is justthe continually
dynamicprocessthatWilliamsaccountedfor in his model of dominant,residual
and emergentelements.)Viewedfromthis perspective,Japanesemusicalcultureis
not composedof ever-present techniquesand practicessuchas jigoe,ma (silenceor
space that is a dynamic element in composition),kobushi(melismaticmotion
betweenand aroundprincipalmelodictones),and hiden(transmission of 'secret'
techniquesor repertoryto a selectfew). Rather,it is a palimpsestthat is forever
beinginscribed(andsometimeseven 'scrapedback'throughdeliberatereferenceto
archaicstyles),so thatolderlayersand characteristics continuallyfade and disap-
pear,but also reappearand recirculateamongcomposer-performers and listener-
fansat unevenrates.To claimthatJapanesemusic'always'retainscertainaesthetic,
performativeand behaviouraltraits,or that the presentis a time when popular
musicianshave madea completebreakwith theirpredecessors, is in bothcasesto
denythe complexityof the processof negotiationbetweeninnovationandreceived
practicethatis indispensablefor popularmusic'sappeal.
Some social and behaviouralcontextsfor Japanesepop which can be con-
sideredin light of this metaphorinclude the following:aspectsof stagingand
musician-audience modesof interraction in performance (forexample,the use of
stagingand costumeconventionsof varyinghistoricaldepthby bijuaru-kei'glam
bands');societalandindividualmanifestations of fandom(in particular the market-
ing andreceptionof idol singers);therolesof individualproducer-composers (such
as HosonoHaruomi,KomuroTetsuya,Cornelius,and Oda Tetsuro)withinboth
mainstream and 'independent' pop musicscenes;the structureof music-production
firms(jimusho)thatfunctionaccordingto an elaborateand codifiedheirarchy;35 the
fluidityof labourexchangeamongmusicianswithineachof thosegroups,in con-
trastto a relativelackof collaborationbetweenmembersof separateorganisations;
and, the extent to and mannerin which songs are vehiclesfor subjectivity(as
distinctfrom primarilycommunallyorientedexpressions)or are deployed for
purposesof social and politicalcommentary.For each of these elementsof the
organisation, presentation,conceptualisationandreceptionof pop music,pastprac-
tice is somethingthat cannotbe fully replicated,but is rarelyactivelydiscarded,
'Japanese
and continuesin fragmentary

formto be significantfor presentpractice,as 'history
turnedinto secondnature'.
In conclusion
Koizumi'slastbook,Kayokyoku no Kozo(TheStructureof PopSongs)was an initial
attemptto locatemodernpopularmusicfirmlywithina broaderpictureof Japanese
musicalculture.In a 1980essay includedin the book,Koizumiwritesof the way
old and new elementsare 'patchedand darned'togetherin songs.
[J popular song] is a kind of patchwork,something new that emerges from the joining of
elements brought together from all over the place. That is something which can be seen not
only in popular song, but as one of the patternsof Japan'straditionalculture:We don't make
somethingentirely new by combining things that are new with things we alreadyhad; rather,
we take familiar and borrowed things just as they are, then make something by patching
and darning them together - this is one characteristicof the way Japaneseculture is con-
structed. (Koizumi1984,p. 120)
Thiscommentwas madewith referenceonly to melodicand modalelements

of enkaand mainstreampop songs,but as a characterisation of the processof musi-
cal syncretism,it could well be appliedto other styles and otherparametersof
musicaltext and context,such as those I've suggestedabove. I would advocate
providingthe two-dimensional 'patchwork' imagewith the addedtemporaldepth
of the palimpsest,so as to work towardan understandingof Japanesemusical
cultureas beingfullyinclusiveof popularmusic,the pastof whichis alwaysliable
to manifestitselfin ways thatarenot necessarilyaudibleor conspicuous.
Researchon both textualand contextualaspectsof Japanesepopularmusic
may yield, moreover,a certaindisciplinarycontribution. Whilelinksto traditional
musichavebeen exploredin popular'world-beat'genresfrommanycultures(for
example,in juju,bhangraand soukous),they have hardlybeen demonstratedfor
stylesthatareparticular to nationalentitiesyet arenotconsideredto be distinctively
influencedby indigenousmusictraditions.Japanesekayokyoku sincethe 1970s,and
now J-pop,areprimeexamplesof suchmusic,fortheydo not conformto the essen-
tialisingexpectationthat popularmusicof a given culturemust sound ethnically
groundedin some clearlyrecognisableway. Nonetheless,investigationof subtle
but demonstrable linksbetweennew andoldermusicalpracticesin Japancanillus-
trateways in whichpop musicis undoubtedlya partof fapanesemusicalculture',
and an authenticvehiclefor contemporary Japaneseidentity,the expressiveforce
of whichis in no way diminishedby its alsobeinga localmanifestation of a trans-
nationalmusicalcultureand globalpopularcultureidioms.
Acknowledgements
Thisarticleis basedon paperspresentedat conferencesof theAsianStudiesAssoci-
ation of Australia(Melbourne),and the Associationfor Asian Studies(Chicago).
Thanksto ObaJunko,MarkDriscolland AlisonTokitafor feedbackat thosemeet-
ings, and to TimothyTaylor,HosokawaShuheiand KoizumiKyokofor helpful
commentarythereafter.
206 Hughde Ferranti
Endnotes
1. Other important musical practices therein 14. A discussionof this issue is given in Kakiuchi
include European concert music, television (2000).
and play station media music (some of which 15. See the Mitsuiand Kitagawaarticlesin Popular
overlaps with commerical pop music), Music vol. 10/3 for explanationof the deno-
recorded music broadcast in numerous con- tations of these various terms.
texts and spaces of daily life, and school cur- 16. As I am describingthe disciplinaryboundaries
. .um muslc. .
rlcu of researchin Japan,I will not referto studies
2. Bourdieu(1977, p. 78). In ethnomusicological of Japanesemusic writtenin Englishand Euro-
literature, expositions and applications of pean languages, except those by scholars
Bourdieu's concept of habitus are given in whose locus of professionalactivity is Japan.
Thomas Turino's writings (see, for example, At the time of writing, however, two mono-
Turino1990). graphs on Japanesepopular music are being
3. The growing body of literatureon indigenis- preparedfor publicationin the USA.
ation and localisationin the practiceof hybrid 17. Some of the most substantiveworks produced
popular musics includes Stokes (1994), include Soeda (1963), Hosokawa (1989-1993)
McLaughlinand McLoone(2000),and the spe- and Nishizawa (1990).
cial issues of PopularMusicon Japan,Australia, 18. Formed in 1991, JASPMis administratively
Germanyand the Middle East. independent of the InternationalAssociation
4. This division is expressed through the over- for the Study of PopularMusic (IASPM),but
arching categories of hogaku(a word written has a sub-group of IASPMmembers.One of
and pronounced identically to one of the the latter'sinitialachievementswas to produce
words for traditionalmusic, but in this case a pamphlet on popular music in Japan
meaning music by Japanese) and yogaku (IASPM-Japan 1991)which presenteda concise
(literally'Westernmusic'),used as the largest overview of genresfor the firsttime in English.
unit of division within the popularmusic sec- 19. Examples are some of the papers in Popular
tions of music stores. Music 1991, Mitsui (1997, 1998), Hosokawa
5. I use this expression because in several (1999a,b) and Hosokawaand Otake(1998).
respects - among them the adoption of new 20. See in particularHosokawa'sarticlein English
notation formats and the public presentation (Hosokawal999b). In Japanese,see Hosokawa
of music in concertprogrammes- most genres (2000)and Ogawa'sacknowledgementof simi-
of traditionalJapanesemusic have been affec- laritiesin certainformalcharacteristicsof tra-
ted by Westernmusical practice. ditionaland modernsong lyrics (Ogawa1988,
6. Konakamura(1888). pp. 42ff).
7. Popular genres that had origin in the Meiji 21. See Atkins' 'Can Japanese Sing the Blues?'
Period, such as naniwa-bushi and chikuzenbiwa (Atkins 2000). The early 1970s debate over
were thereforenot considered. the use of Japaneseor English lyrics in rock
8. I thank Hosokawa Shuhei for bringing this songs is also an importantinstance of public
point of comparisonto my attention. contestationover authenticityin the perform-
9. See, for example,Nakamura(1999). ance of a 'Western' pop music genre by
10. The organisation'sofficialEnglishtitle is 'The Japanese professionals (see Hosokawa 2000;
Society for Researchin Asiatic Music'. That in English, see pp.ll7-120 of Hosokawa
title is itself now subject to some debate;see l999b). WatanabeJun's Aidentitino Ongaku
Tsuge (2000). ('IdentityMusic') includes a brief section on
11. Issues of the journalprior to 1950 and since 'Rock music in Japan' in which he laments
the mid-199Oscontainrathermore varied con- that some aspects of rock's development and
tents. reception in Japan are strikingly contrasted
12. With the sole exception of the last section of to the Britishand Americancases (Watanabe
Gondo Atsuko's article on 'enka' of Meiji, 2000, pp. 197-204).
Taishoand early Showa (Gondo 1988). 22. Koizumi(1984,p. 119)
13. Withinthe Toyo OngakuGakkai,therewas far 23. See Kojima(1970).
less evidence for such receptivityto popular 24. For example,in Kojima(1981,pp. 31-6).
music scholarshipuntil 2001, with the sched- 25. For an account of Koizumi's theory of tetra-
uled presentationat the annual conference,in chordal structures in Japanese melody, see
November,of a paperon pop music in African Tokita(1996,pp. 1-33).
post-colonialsettings by TsukadaKen'ichi.It 26. See Dale (1986).
remains to be seen whether such papers will 27. For enkaand some of the more conservative
be publishedby the Society. styles of 1960s and 1970s kayokyoku, Okada
'Japanese
(1991) employs an analytical approach to Yellow Magic Orchestraand Hosono Haruo-
address some of these features. mi's parodic references in 1970s and early
28. 'Gion Kouta'(Sassa 1930)was the theme song 1980s albums;Shang-ShangTyphoon's incor-
for the 1930 Makino film of the same name, porationof both domestic and Okinawanfolk
which concerned the life of a Gion district music elements in the 1990s; and of course,
Kyoto geisha. 'Tenryu kudareba' (Nakayama Okinawan folk-rockitself. But in all of these
1933) was the theme song for the 1933 Sho- cases except the distinctive and on-the-whole
chiku film of the same name, and incorporates marginalised genre of Okinawan folk-rock,
elements of a style of minyo(folk song) from the referencesare conscious quotationalges-
the Shinshu region, home to both the com- tures made for particular effect. As such,
poser and performer. The original SP they are instancesof an 'archaic'residualism,
recording included the representative folk in the terms of Williams' model.
song 'Ina-bushi'on its B-side,also sung by the 33. Ogawa discusses the term's importance in
geisha Ichimaru. pop music reception and among no per-
29. Nakajima(1981). formers so as to build a model for its use in
30. Hamasaki(1999). other social contexts, but does not treat the
31. There is some evidence on Utada's second specifics of its use by popular musicians in
album (releasedin mid-2001)that she is diver- various genres (Ogawa 1988, pp. 78-97).
sifying the vocal tones she produces.It remains 34. Such assertions have been characteristicof
to be seen whether she will eventually try to Nihonjinronaccounts of Japanese cultural
incorporateany elements of vocal technique uniqueness. See Dale (1986), Chapters 6, 7
fromthe enkasinging of her mother,FujiKeiko. and 9, and Befu (2001).
32. There are cases of pop artists making refer- 35. The most famous - and in some respects
ence to traditionalmusic: Yano Akiko's use infamous - of these is the boy-idol 'factory',
of no drums and drum-calls,shakuhachiand Johnnies (janiizujimusho),which has flour-
allusion to northern regional folk song in ished since its establishmentin the mid-1960s
tracks on her 1976 album, JapaneseGirl; (see Schilling 1997, pp. 232-3).
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'Japanese Music' Can be Popular

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'Japanese music' can be popular

Japanesepopular music as a part of an independentdisciplinaryprojectof Japanese

music: gapanese music' (nihonongaku)is in effect only traditionalJapanesemusic

strongly put by a Japaneseresearcher,although such a projectis implied in some

Researchon Japanesepopularmusic and its hybridcharacteristics

Japanesepopular music's relevance for researchissues in internationalscholarship,

hyoronka,as authors of extensive recording notes, recording and performance

and consequencesof that change. Among causes, he posits an increasedreceptivity

Evidencefor musicalhabitus in Japanesepop

Terminology fortechnicalandaesthetic characteristics

sound'rides'a beat,as well as a generalconditionof musicalefficacy,in the sense

and continuesin fragmentary

Thiscommentwas madewith referenceonly to melodicand modalelements

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