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22 AXELROD
For the men described in this article, work on the project is a predomi-
nantly solitary activity with tenuous links to the outside world. There is a
kind of absorption in the project that lends it a quality of timeless activity,
Even though the man works hard, he often experiences his activity as
busywork that is beyond his capacity for regulation.
These men typically describe a sense of bewilderment about the world of
adulthood. They feel like outsiders, different from other working men. Re-
gardless of what is done on the project, the man feels like a fraud—an
imposter—and is subject to crises in self-esteem. The work project itself is
experienced as impossible.
Fast (1975) described a similar "syndrome" in borderline patients who
value self-involvement and enthusiastic commitment to a creative pursuit at
the expense of initiative, purpose, and goal-directed activity. She attributed
the "borderline work style" to a disturbance in the transition from narcissism
to reality in the first years of life. Satow (1988) described patients who suffer
not from work inhibitions, typically rooted in the oedipal phase of develop-
ment, but from a need to fail at work that has its origins in preoedipal object
relations. She attributed the work difficulties of her patients to an anal-sadis-
tic struggle with their mothers. Failure represents both an attempt to preserve
a sense of self from an intrusive mother and a way of remaining merged with
her.
The subjects of this article, like those described by Fast and Satow, have
experienced primary disruptions in the development of a work identity. Their
work difficulties are rooted in problems at the preoedipal level of develop-
ment. These developmental failures are examined in light of the early stages
of male development: disidentification from mother (Greenson, 1968), the
first constructions of the ego ideal, and the achievement of gender identity.
Case material is used to illustrate the interplay between these developmental
factors and the specific types of work difficulties that have been observed.
MALE DEVELOPMENT
CLINICAL MATERIAL
Tim
Characteristics of the impossible project close to its genetic roots can some-
times be observed in the productions of children and adolescents. Tim, a
14-year-old boy, started treatment 4 years ago because of his parents' con-
cerns about argumentativeness at home and social isolation. His father was
worried about Tim's becoming homosexual. Tim presented as an attractive,
fine-featured child who was often mistaken for a girl in infancy and early
"IMPOSSIBLE PROJECTS" 25
In class, we had to write a letter to the president. In the letter I said that
money should be taken from the military for other needs, like all the
problems with the environment. I signed and sent it but didn't put my
age because younger people aren't listened to. If they asked my age I'd
sue for discrimination....Last year the fifth-grade class wrote a letter to
the president and got a form letter back from a secretary. That's not
26 AXELROD
Philip
Philip is a 41-year-old man who started treatment 6 years ago. At that time,
he had recently broken up with a girlfriend, was guilt-ridden, had suicidal
thoughts, and was $15,000 in debt from heavy cocaine use.
Philip described his father as "a working stiff who never asked for very
much." Growing up, his father was distant and passive, though sometimes
violent towards his children. As an adult, Philip has been ashamed of his father's
inarticulateness and lowly position. In contrast, he described his mother as a
"big personality"—opinionated, controlling, and self-dramatizing. She reacts
viscerally and can be extremely vengeful if she feels betrayed or abandoned.
Philip feels that during his childhood his autonomy was crushed by his
mother, who both intimidated and overprotected him. At the same time, she
was critical of her not-very-bright husband and communicated to Philip her
preference for his intelligence and sensitivity. When she went back to school
in her 40s and threw herself into more intellectual circles, Philip followed
and centered much of his adult social life on his mother and her friends. They
were both particularly drawn to a group of gay academic men.
Philip described his mother as the "masculine ideal of power." Fantasies
of the phallic mother surfaced early in treatment when he reported an early
memory of seeing his mother's pubic hair—"big and deep like a beard." At
the same time he told me he had never considered it weird to "want to fuck
your mother"—he had had fantasies of doing so for as long as he could
remember. Philip's early sexual fantasies included being used as a dildo by a
36-foot woman and having a 12-inch woman whom he could undress and
look at whenever he chose to. He has likened himself to Cinderella and
Sleeping Beauty and described himself as "neither heterosexual nor homo-
sexual, just sexual," although he has only been heterosexually active. He
describes longstanding voyeuristic trends as well as, on occasion, fantasies
of sexual self-mutilation.
Philip described his childhood in very bleak terms. School held little
interest. He completed 2 years at a community college, then dropped out. An
attempt to return to college in his late twenties was disastrous.
When he entered treatment, Philip complained that he had been unable to
bring anything to completion. Although he had settled into a more stable job
in a technical field, he felt fraudulent on the job. At 35, he felt like a child
in the adult world—bewildered and lacking something important that others
seemed to have.
In treatment, work on his feelings of being enslaved to his mother and of
being nobody on his own enabled him to return to college and eventually to
"IMPOSSIBLE PROJECTS" 27
Gary
Gary's parents had married relatively late after a courtship by mail. Soon
after marraige, his father began to withdraw and his mother went on frequent
alcoholic binges. Her blatantly seductive behavior during Gary's childhood
continued into his adult life, with frequent comments about his body build,
sexual potency, and resemblance to movie stars.
Gary's father was a passive, withdrawn man, stiff and uncomfortable
around people, always something of an enigma to Gary. The father gave up
his own career goals to start a business backed by his father. Although the
company was successful, Gary recalled in one session that his father "didn'n
seem proud of it, and nobody in the family gave it credence." His memories
of his father at work are of a man poring over figures, separated from the
vitality of the production floor. He never wanted to do what his father did.
Whether it was hobbies, sports, or traveling, Gary feels that his father
held out the promise of doing things together but never came through. Hi;;
perception is that his father, like his mother, didn't want him to grow up.
When he began to come into his own at boarding school, he saw his father
become more depressed and withdrawn. When he was 16, his father commit
ted suicide by gunshot on the same day that Gary left the house to spend hi<;
first night with a girlfriend.
As a child, Gary had marked difficulty reading, which eventually required
remediation. Although his academic problems eased when he went away to
boarding school, he completed high school only with great difficulty after
his father died. He went to college briefly and eventually enrolled in art
school, where he did well but never finished. Just as he began to win praise
for his photography, he dropped it—to the surprise of his mentor—and
decided to do his final project in animation.
Gary moved to a different city and began work on his animated film,
which was about the pollution of the Earth by capitalist tycoons. In the film,
a Moses figure is transformed into a woman with pendulous breasts who rids;
the world of polluting muck and changes it into a paradise. After more thar
6 months of painstaking work, painting thousands of individual cells, Gary
had just a few minutes of film. He realized it could take years of solo effort
to get smooth movement in the film and to complete it. He abandoned the
project and his plan to get work in the animation field.
Because he could live on his inheritance, Gary decided to do what he had
always wanted to do—play music. He would make up for having to stop
playing the trumpet at age 10, when, as he saw it, he had been unable to
concentrate because of his erratic, intrusive mother. He would be free of
distractions and would be able to achieve the concentration and sense ol'
continuity that had been missing in his childhood.
Gary built a small practice and recording studio in the loft that he had
moved into with his girlfriend. His days were spent mostly alone in long
hours of practicing the piano and composing pop songs. His practice regimer
was rigid and highly repetitive. When frustrated, he found himself cursing
his father and wishing he had murdered him. In repetitive dreams during this;
"IMPOSSIBLE PROJECTS" 29
education. Then it switched again. The field on the side of our second
house was completely filled with water. There was a huge sailboat
sailing on the water. I got on a windsurfer. Then I looked up at the
house. My mother, aunt, and aunt's husband were standing in the
window drunk, waving and motioning me in. I motioned that I'd be in
soon, got on the windsurfer, and sailed away. It was a nice feeling.
In his associations to the dream, Gairy connected the first section to his
rejection of his father, his sense that his father's business was an exercise in
futility. He also associated the big sailboat to his father and to me. Thus,
although he could not identify with his father of the "workaday" world, he
longed for the father who could protect him from the uncontrolled, sexual -
ized relationship with his mother. This is the father who could do things with
him and with whom he could experience the vital physicality of early
childhood, depicted in the strong sensations of wind and surf.
CONCLUSIONS
In this article, a clinical picture has been outlined that includes a specific
family constellation, developmental deficits, and involvement in impossible
work projects. The three cases discussed are representative of a larger group
of 8 to 10 severely character-disordered men whom I have treated or whose
treatment I have supervised. These cases share most of the characteristics or'
the impossible project outlined earlier, although there is some variation in
the degree of gender identity disturbance and the achievement of stable,
intimate relationships.
Additional case reports and further study would help substantiate the two
major hypotheses of this article: (a) that the impossible project is a stable,
identifiable form of work disturbance; and (b) that it is related to a charac
teristic family constellation and personality disturbance. The impossible
project syndrome can be differentiated conceptually from neurotic forms of
work inhibition (Kets de Vries, 1978; Ovesey, 1962) where the picture is one
of less isolated activity, procrastination, perfectionism, and decreased out
put. In these cases, the core conflicts relate more to the aggressive drive than
to identity per se. Although oedipal conflict is not absent in cases of the:
impossible project syndrome the attenuation of the early bonds of affection
and admiration between father and son lends the man's Oedipus complex a
diffuse, phantomlike quality.
The impossible project syndrome can be understood as one type of work
disturbance seen in patients along the narcissistic-borderline axis (Axelrod,
1993). It can be distinguished from the borderline work style (Fast, 1975),
which is characterized by a more unstable activity level and a higher degree
of work-related interpersonal conflict. It can also be contrasted to the narcis-
sistic patient's work compulsion in which there is a high degree of goal
"IMPOSSIBLE PROJECTS" 31
Strong longings for the absent father eventually surface in the transference
and are often sexualized. The patient looks to the analyst to be the strong,
vital presence that will enable him to extricate himself from his engulfing
mother. As these feelings are interpreted and worked through, the patient can
begin to differentiate sexual excitement from a sustained interest in work,
thereby achieving a more stable and cohesive work identity.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
An earlier version of this article was presented at the April 1992 meeting of
the American Psychological Association, Division 39, in Philadelphia. My
thanks to Dr. Charles Spezzano for his sensitive reading and valuable discus-
sion of this article.
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