Working The Earth of The Heart The Messalian Controversy in History Texts and Language To AD 431 PDF

OXFORD THEOLOGICAL MONOGRAPHS
THE PRINCIPAL OF RESERVE IN THE WRITINGS OF

JOHN HENRY NEWMAN
R. C. Selby ( 1975)
THE COSMIC CHRIST IN ORIGEN AND

TEILHARD DE CHARDIN
A comparative Study
J. A. Lyons (1982)
THE HIDDEN GOD

Samuel E. Balentine (1983)
PROTESTANT REFORMERS IN ELIZABETHAN

OXFORD
C. M. Dent (1983)
REVELATORY POSITIVISM?
Barth's Earliest Theology and
the Marburg School
Simon Fisher ( 1988)
THE COMMUNION OF SAINTS

Radical Puritan and Separatist Ecclesiology 1570---1625
S. Brachlow (1988)
PROBABILITY AND THEISTIC EXPLANATION

Robert Prevost ( 1990)
VERBAL ASPECT IN NEW TESTAMENT GREEK

Buist M. Fanning (1990)
THE LORDSHIP OF CHRIST

Ernst Kiisemann's Interpretation of Paul's Theology
David Way (1991)
'Working the Earth
of the Heart'
The Messalian Controversy in History,
Texts, and Language to AD431
COLUMBA STEWART, OSB
CLARENDONPRESS·OXFORD
1991
Oxford University Press, Walton Street, Oxford oxz 6oP
Oxford New York Toronto
Delhi Bombay Calcutta Madras Karachi
Petaling Jaya Singapore Hong Kong Tokyo
Nairobi Dares Salaam Cape Town
Melbourne Auckland
and associated companies in
Berlin Ibadan
Oxford is a trade mark of Oxford University Press
Published in the United States

by Oxford University Press, New York
© Columba Andrew Stewart r99r

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without
the prior permission of Oxford University Press
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Data available
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Working the earth of the heart: the M essalian controversy in
history, texts, and language to A.D. 43r / Columba Stewart.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
r. Messalians. 2. Asceticism-History-Early church, ea. 30-600.
3. Pseudo-Macarius. Spiritual homilies. I. Title. II. Series.
BTr4r7.S74 r99r 29r.4'47'09or-dc20 9r-9974
Set by
Latimer Trend e§Y Co. Ltd., Plymouth, Devon
Printed in Great Britain by
Bookcraft ( Bath) Ltd., Midsomer Norton, Avon
IN MEMORY OF IVAN HAVENER, OSB
MONK OF SAINT JOHN'S ABBEY
DR THEOL. MUNCHEN
PRIEST AND TEACHER
1943-1988
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This book was made possible by the support of my monastic

community of Saint John's Abbey, Collegeville, Minnesota.
To my confreres and to Abbot Jerome Theisen I owe my
deepest thanks.
The Right Reverend Kallistos, Bishop of Diokleia (Dr
K. T. Ware) supervised the research at Oxford upon which
this book is based. Dr Sebastian Brock generously advised
me in Syriac matters, and read the sections relating to Syriac
texts. I owe much to them both.
Several people read portions of this work before its
completion and advised me upon its defects and merits: Br
Dennis Beach, Fr Richard Dillon, Fr Anthony Meredith,
Mr Grant White, Dr Gabriele Winkler. Fr Vincent Desprez,
of the Abbaye de Saint Martin, Liguge, was generous with
unpublished materials pertaining to Ps.-Macarius and an-
swered many questions. The staff of the Theology Faculty
Library, Oxford, and especially Mrs Wilmy Minty, were
unfailingly helpful and cheerful. Br Dennis Beach provided
indispensable technical assistance with computer software
and hardware.
I owe deep thanks of many kinds to the following people:
the late Canon C. P. M. Jones, Dr Benedicta Ward, Mr and
Mrs Stephen M. Wolfe, the monks of Saint Michael's
Abbey, Farnborough. Two of my confreres had special roles
in my preparation for this work: Fr Michael Marx and the
late Fr Ivan Havener, to whose memory I dedicate this work.
Saint John's Abbey C.S.

Collegeville
Minnesota
January I990
CONTENTS
NOTE ON CITATIONS Xl
1. Introduction and Method I
The Ascetical Crucible of Controversy

The Messalian Controversy 2
The Ps.-Macarian Writings and their Syrian Back-
ground 9
2. The Messalian Controversy: History and Texts 12
Phase 1: The Emergence of the Messalians 14
Phase 2: The Synod of Antioch and the Shift to Asia
Minor 24
Phase 3: Towards Condemnation by the Third
Ecumenical Council, 43 1 42
The Lists of Messalian Doctrines 52
3. The Spiritual Vocabulary of Ps.-Macarius 70
The Writings of Ps.-Macarius 70
The Syrian Background of Ps.-Macarius 84
The Significance of the Spiritual Vocabulary of Ps.-
Macarius 95
4. A Greek Vocabulary of Christian Experience 96
1TATJpo<f,op{a and 1TATJpo<f,op£w 97
a'ta8'T]a,s and ala8a.JJoµ.ai 1 16
1T£tpa I 39
Combinations of Terms 154
1TATJpo<f,op{a, a,a8'T}a,s, and 7Tf.tpa in Syriac
1 57
Conclusion: A Syriac Background for Ps.-Macarian
Usage? 167
5. Metaphors of Spiritual Experience in Greek and
Syriac 169
Metaphors of Mixing and Blending 170
The Indwelling of Sin and of the Spirit 203
Being Filled with the Spirit or with Sin 223
The Syrian Face of Ps.-Macarius 233
x CONTENTS
6. Conclusions 234
Messalian Historiography and the Syrian Background
of Ps.-Macarius 234
The Dangerous Ambiguity of Language 237
The Encounter between Two Cultures 239
APPENDICES
r. Concordance of Anti-Messalian Lists 241
2. Synopsis of Anti-Messalian Lists 244
3. Condemned Messalian Propositions and the
Writings of Ps.-Macarius 280
4. a,a871a,s in the Writings of Ps.-Macarius 282
5. Pairs and Combinations of Terms 284
6. Vocabulary of Mixing or Blending in the Writings
of Ps.-Macarius 285
7. Vocabulary of Mixing or Blending in Greek
Christian Writings 288
8. Vocabulary of Mixing or Blending in the Writings
of Ephrem 290
9. Vocabulary of Indwelling in the Writings of Ps.-
Macarius 294
10. Vocabulary of Indwelling in the Writings of
Ephrem 297
I r. Vocabulary of Filling in the Writings of Ps.-
Macarius 301
BIBLIOGRAPHY 304
INDEX OF GREEK WORDS 325
INDEX OF SYRIAC WORDS 330
INDEX OF HEBREW WORDS 332
GENERAL INDEX 333
NOTE ON CITATIONS
Full references to works cited in the notes m.ay be found in the

Bibliography. Classical texts are cited according to the conven-
tional section numbers of the Loeb or Oxford editions. Biblical
texts follow LXX or Peshitta numbering. Patristic texts are cited
in the text and notes by the Latin titles and abbreviations to be
found in Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon, pp. ix-xliii. Depar-
tures from this rule are noted in the Bibliography.
Ps.-Macarian texts are cited by prefixes indicating the collections
in which they are found, followed by numbers indicating the
logion or homily, the section, and the subsection. For the Greek
texts these prefixes are: 1, 11, III, H, Eph. For the Arabic versions
the prefixes are those used by Strothmann in Makarios/Symeon:
Das arabische Sondergut: TV h, TV int, T br, Vint, V hr. For the
Syriac versions the prefixes are those used by Strothmann in Die
syrische Uberlieferung der Schriften des Makarios: Al ep, Al h, Sin.
For further information on collections and manuscripts, see
Chapter 3 and the works cited there.
Series and journals are abbreviated as follows:
CPG Clavis patrum graecorum
csco Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium
CSEL Corpus scriptorum ecclesiastorum latinorum
CCSG Corpus christianorum, series graeca
DS Dictionnaire de spiritualite
GCS Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der
ersten Jahrhunderte
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
OCA Orientalia christiana analecta
OCP Orientalia christiana periodica
PG Migne, Patrologia graeca
PL Migne, Patrologia Latina
PO Patrologia orientalis
PTS Patristische Texte und Studien
RAM Revue d' ascetique et de mystique
SC Sources chretiennes
TU Texte und Untersuchungen
TWNT Theologisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament
VChr Vigiliae christianae
ZKT Zeitschrift fiir katholische Theologie
I
INTRODUCTION AND METHOD
The Ascetical Crucible of Controversy
Because the gospel speaks both individually to the heart

and universally to the world, Christians have struggled since
the day of Pentecost to integrate the believer's quest for
deepened faith with the Church's communal witness. This
integration becomes threatened when individuals or groups
are convinced that Christ's imperative, 'Be perfect as my
Father in heaven is perfect', is addressed especially to them.
Throughout the history of Christianity this has been the
conviction of many of those who have sought to follow
Christ by a renunciation of material possessions and a life of
celibacy. Any claim to perfection and exclusivism invites
notice and often sparks controversy. In every case the key
question is the same: to what extent does an individual's
response to the Spirit depend upon or oblige participation in
the larger Church?
In the fourth century this question became acute, and
various models emerged for the ecclesiastical integration of
ascetical groups as official status was granted to what are now
labelled 'monastic' movements. In Asia Minor, Basil the
Great was at pains to keep potentially separatist ascetical
communities within the larger Church. 1 In Egypt, where the
early history of the Christian community is obscure, strong
connections between at least some monks and the refugee
bishop Athanasius helped to create a monasticism which
was, at least on some occasions, vociferously supportive of
the ecclesiastical structures of the larger Church. In Syria
the original severity of a discipline which may have made
I See Gribomont, 'Le Monachisme au sein de l'Eglise', 'Le Monachisme au IV'
siecle', 'Saint Basile et le monachisme enthousiaste'.

2 INTRODUCTION AND METHOD
celibacy a condition for baptism was mitigated, and a less

elitist interpretation of the demands of the gospel became the
norm. 2 The Latin West saw different, but no less varied,
patterns of development and integration of ascetical groups.
In some cases, of course, no integration was possible.
Some ascetical groups refused or were refused a place in the
system, and fell under ecclesiastical ban. Experience has
shown, however, that variations from normative Christianity
do not cease when the last signatory to an anathema lays
down the pen. Radical interpretations of the gospel arise in
every generation, and some of them touch the life of the
whole Church through a powerful and attractive leader, by a
compelling literature, or in alliance with contemporary
social and political movements.
When ascetical Christianity and the institutional Church
come into conflict, the possible grounds for controversy are
many. Behaviour can be an issue. Perceived disregard for
ordinary Christian sacramental, liturgical, or calendrical
practices is inevitably controversial, as is ambivalence to-
wards, or rejection of, norms of social conduct, especially
with regard to relations between the sexes. Sometimes
ascetical goals or descriptions of religious experience can be
dismissed by critics as misguided, pretentious, dangerous.
In such instances, issues of language and vocabulary are
foremost, as ecclesiastical authorities question the meaning
of traditional religious language used in unfamiliar and
possibly unacceptable ways, or react against the novelty of
distinctive terminology. Doctrinal issues accompany termi-
nological disputes, often because words used in one kind of
religious discourse are heard and read by those accustomed
to another kind, and judgements are made. What is distinc-
tive becomes 'deviant', an unusual approach is labelled
'heretical', and attempts at excluding the offenders are
inevitable.
The Messalian Controversy
The historian's appraisal of such conflicts, difficult in any

case, becomes especially awkward when a controversy 1s
2 See the summary of the evidence in Murray, Symbols, 11-17.
INTRODUCTION AND METHOD 3
ancient, when the disputants are of uncertain identity, and
when documentary evidence is wanting. All of these difficul-
ties apply to the so-called 'Messalian' controversy (the name,
of Syriac origin, means 'those who pray'). 3 References to
'Messalian' persons or practices appear in the 37os; not
surprisingly given the Syriac name, the first associations are
with Mesopotamia. Then the controversy shifts to Asia
Minor, with a crescendo in the 42os and 43os, including a
condemnation at the Council of Ephesus in 43 1. The picture
is complicated by the fact that the term 'Messalian' became a
pejorative epithet applied to any group of ascetics or monks
who seemed to have a less than hearty enthusiasm for
manual labour or the sacramental ordinances of the Church,
or who placed an emphasis on 'experiential' aspects of
prayer. Thus the fourteenth-century Hesychasts were
accused of 'Messalianism', which by that time had become a
generic term applied to persons or groups suspected of
dualism. The name 'Messalian' had been severed from
whatever historical basis it originally possessed, and had
become a pejorative label.
The ambiguity of the name 'Messalian', based as it is on a
trait and not on a person, and the widespread polemical
misapplication of it, suggests that one must proceed with
great caution when interpreting evidence or reconstructing
events pertaining to the Messalian controversy. Previous
study has suffered from misplaced assumptions and criteria
applied a priori which have obscured the actual evidence and
drawn scholars into methodological mazes. The result has
been a tangle of conclusions. This study starts the work
anew, beginning with a consideration of the types of evi-
dence available for the history of the controversy and of its
associated literature. A review of the types of evidence will
indicate the questions which must be asked about how (and
indeed, if) one may proceed from one kind of evidence to
another. The result will be a reconsideration of the Messa-
lian controversy, or more specifically of the evidence for
the controversy, from a series of new perspectives. The
3 The best overviews of the difficulties are provided in Guillaumont's 'Messalia-
nisme', Gribomont's 'Le Dossier', and Staats's 'Messalianerforschung'. Other

studies will be noted in Chapter 2.
reconfiguration of evidence will inevitably lead to reappraisal

of the controversy itself, and to what is hoped will be a
sounder and more illuminating method for further inquiry.
THE EVIDENCE
The evidence for the Messalian controversy is of three kinds,

and a suitable method must in the first place make clear
distinctions between them. First, there are the various and
scattered historical references to, or narratives about, the
Messalian controversy, always from the 'official' side and
condemnatory. Under this heading would come the various
documents which refer to synods or councils against the
Messalians, or which attempt to explain where they came
from. Noteworthy here are Epiphanius' account in the
Panarion, Theodoret's descriptions of the controversy in
both the Historia ecclesiastica and the Haereticarum fabu-
larum compendium, Photius' description in chapter 52 of the
Bibliotheca of an anti-Messalian dossier, and Syriac texts by
Philoxenos and Severns of Antioch.
Second, and embedded in such sources, are the lists of
doctrines attributed to the Messalians. It is evident that
these originated independently of the works in which they
are now found, and probably derive from various anti-
Messalian synods and councils. The lists are the sole source
of theological information about the Messalian controversy.
These lists, closely related one to another, have strong links
with the writings traditionally but mistakenly attributed to
Macarius the Egyptian, the great fourth-century leader of
monastic life in the desert of Scetis.
Third, then, are the Ps.-Macarian writings, now thought
to be from Syria and/or Asia Minor. Written in Greek, but
translated into many ancient and modern languages, the Ps.-
Macarian writings have circulated widely since the time of
their composition. They played a key role in the Byzantine
monastic revival in the eighth and ninth centuries and in the
Hesychast movement of the fourteenth century; a catena of
Ps.-Macarian material found its way into the Philocalia, and
the texts to this day are read in the Orthodox Church by
monks and non-monks. Upon Syriac writers the influence of
the Ps.-Macarian texts was profound; Dadisho and Isaac of
Nineveh in the seventh century, and Joseph Hazzaya and
John of Dalyatha in the early eighth century, demonstrate
some dependence on them. In the West their influence has
been less dominant, but surprisingly varied. Jesuit novice
masters were advised to read the Ps.-Macarian homilies, as
were Maurist Benedictines in the seventeenth century. Gott-
fried Arnold, Johann Arndt, and John Wesley were students
of the Ps.-Macarian texts, doubtless drawn to their strong
emphasis on personal experience of Christ and the Holy
Spirit in warmth and in light.
To these three groups one can append other texts asso-
ciated with the Messalian question, but not themselves the
objects of controversy. In Greek these would include Greg-
ory of Nyssa's De instituto christiano, which is apparently
based on a Ps.-Macarian text, and other of Gregory's writ-
ings in which allusions to Messalian issues have been
detected. The works of two other authors, Mark the Monk
and Diadochus of Photike, demonstrate affinities with the
Ps.-Macarian writings. On the Syriac side stands the anony-
mous Liber graduum, which is significant for its linguistic
and thematic parallels with the Ps.-Macarian writings.
METHOD AND PITFALLS
With these three kinds of evidence available, an appropriate

first task is to attempt a reconstruction of the history of the
controversy from the references to or narratives about the
Messalians. Clearly one cannot produce a history of the
Messalian movement, but only of the Messalian controversy.
The internal history of any particular ascetical group
involved in any stage of the controversy is lost. The progress
of the controversy itself, however, can be tracked from
Mesopotamian origins to the imperial capital and then to the
Third Ecumenical Council. These geographical clues help to
situate the lists of Messalian 'doctrines' which are linked
with the Ps.-Macarian writings, and are among the indica-
tions that a deeper understanding both of those lists and of
the Ps.-Macarian texts may be had by looking to Syriac
Christianity for possible parallels in spiritual vocabulary and
descriptive or illustrative imagery. Even a cursory reading of

the anti-Messalian lists makes it readily apparent that
alleged claims of vivid religious experience and spiritual
'perfection', described with unusual words and images, were
singled out for condemnation. The detection of a Syrian
background for these controversial ideas and expressions can
alert one to the potential for misunderstanding spiritual
vocabulary transmitted across cultural and linguistic fron-
tiers.
In the historical reconstruction of the controversy, prim-
ary attention will be given to sources which refer explicitly to
'the Messalians'. The alternative to such a cautious approach
is to see Messalianism everywhere, using the term as a catch-
all for every kind of charismatic religious phenomenon. 4 As
when studying the Gnostics, so too with the Messalians, it is
necessary from the outset to define terms and to restrict the
field of enquiry. Before moving into study of allusions,
possible parallels, and 'tendencies', one must establish a
basis for analysis and comparison.
The historical reconstruction suggests that what can be
known about the Messalians is really not about them, but
against them: that is, one finds various condemnations of the
Messalians and certain doctrines attributed to them. These
condemnations are always in the form of reactions from
ecclesiastical authorities. A certain scepticism about the
accuracy of such information is unavoidable. To use the
anti-Messalian lists as theological criteria for detecting the
'Messalian heresy' is to employ a flawed methodology.
The most extensive of the anti-Messalian lists, preserved
by John of Damascus in chapter 80 of his De haeresibus,
consists of condemned propositions which are extracts from
4 For example, Staats quotes H.-G. Beck's comment that one can observe an
'ununterbrochene Folge messalianischer Phanomene in der byzantinischen Kir-

chengeschichte' ('Beobachtungen', 235), and himself writes, 'Ja, man darf fragen,
ob nicht der Messalianismus die gesamte Geschichte der Ostkirche begleitet - wie
eine stete Anfechtung. Diese Frage ist berechtigt, insofern sich die Ostkirche
wesentlich auch als eine Monchskirche darstellt, in der mystische Gotteserkennt-
nis, personliche Erfahrung des heiligen Geistes und Vollkommenheit des einzelnen
Christen leitende Prinzipien sind' ('Messalianerforschung', 47). Staats recognizes
the need to distinguish between narrow and broad uses of the term 'Messalianism'
('Beobachtungen', 235-8) and, like many scholars, employs both.
the Ps.-Macarian writings. 5
The affinities between John's
list and those of Theodoret and Timothy of Constantinople
mean that all of the lists bear some relation to ideas in the
Ps.-Macarian corpus. Not surprisingly, then, the trickiest
methodological juncture for the study of the Messalian
controversy and the associated literature lies in the question
of how the anti-Messalian lists and the Ps.-Macarian texts
relate, and what is to be made of that relationship. The twist
which makes this connection of more than narrow scholarly
interest is that the Ps.-Macarian writings are among the most
enduring and widely read of Greek spiritual works. 6
The relationship between the lists and the Ps.-Macarian
writings has generated an array of questions. Are the Ps.-
Macarian writings 'Messalian'? Was the author a founder of
the Messalians, or one among many Messalian teachers?
Was he (or she, for the Messalians were accused of allowing
women to teach) a Messalian extremist or an ecclesiastical
fifth-columnist who was redirecting the movement? Each
question takes the investigator around a circle. The criteria
for discovering 'Messalianism' as a theological rather than as
a historical phenomenon can be derived only from the
various lists of condemned propositions. The most complete
list is directly based on the Ps.-Macarian texts, and the other
lists demonstrate some contact with them or with closely
related ideas. Every question becomes a conundrum. Rather
than ask, 'How Messalian are the Ps.-Macarian writings?',
one could with equal justification (and as little fruit) ask,
'How Ps.-Macarian is Messalianism?'
The official nature of the lists formulated by orthodox
critics of Messalians, when combined with modern appraisal
of the condemned propositions on doctrinal grounds, has
created a methodological trap from which scholars are only
just beginning to escape. A 'Messalian' system has been
derived from the lists and then applied to various texts as a
5 The relationship between John's list and the Ps.-Macarian texts was redis-
covered in the early twentieth century by the Benedictine scholar Louis Villecourt.
Modern interest in the Messalian controversy dates from the publication in 1920 of
his article, 'La Date et l'origine des "Homelies spirituelles" attribuees a Macaire'.
6 For a rather arch, but accurate, assessment of the tendency of scholars simply to
identify the Ps.-Macarian texts with Messalianism, see Voobus, On the Historical
Importance, 7-9.
way of measuring their 'Messalian' content. 7 However, to

use the lists as a basis for ferreting out Messalianism is to
wander through a hall of mirrors. One can never be sure
what is fact, fancy, or fantasy. Using criteria derived from
th~ lists to judge the Ps.-Macarian texts themselves is clearly
pteposterous; using such criteria to judge other writings may
in fact determine not their 'Messalianism', but their resem-
blance to a distorted likeness of the Ps.-Macarian texts. The
lists can have little independent value as a yardstick of
'Messalianism' used to measure the Ps.-Macarian writings
or any other texts. 8 To use them in such a manner assumes
that they accurately describe 'Messalianism' and condemns
the investigator to endless shuttling between the lists and the
Ps.-Macarian texts to work out the 'Messalian' traits of one
or the other. Such an approach is like judging the Platonic
character of the Symposium by comparing the text of the
dialogue to a set of lecture notes on it. Meanwhile, no
advance has been made in the more fundamental enquiry
into how and why the distinctive language and imagery that
lie at the heart of the controversy came to be in the Ps.-
Macarian texts in the first place.
The only safe course is to consider each kind of evidence
in turn, recognizing that each provides a particular perspec-
tive on the Messalian controversy. One should not force
connections between them in the interest of solving histori-
cal problems far more complex than the surviving evidence
and any hypothesis based on it could address. The better
course consists of a series of forays, or tentatives, following
each type of evidence only as far as it will lead. The resulting
picture of the Messalian controversy will not be like a finely
detailed engraving, but like a highly impressionistic painting
providing an array of perceptions as it is viewed in different
lights and from different angles.
7 The classic example of this effort to systematize Messalianism is Hausherr's
'L'Erreur fondamentale'. A succinct statement of the unnecessary anxiety which

lies behind such an approach can be found in Murray, Symbols, 35.
8 As an example of what can happen, Staats includes a section in the introduction
to his edition of the Epistola magna of Ps.-Macarius entitled, 'Stil und messalia-
nischer Charakter' (pp. 23-6); the criteria for the 'Messalian character' seem to be
derived from the anti-Messalian lists, but one suspects that 'Messalian' has come to
be used as vaguely as 'Gnostic', in this case as a broad label for charismatic and
pietistic groups. See also Staats's 'Messalianerforschung', 68-71.
Th~ Ps.-Macarian Writings and their Syrian
Background
The key role of spiritual vocabulary in the controversy

suggests a way out of the maze and a step towards the origins
of the controversy. Could it be that at least some of the
difficulties between these ascetics and concerned ecclesiasti-
cal authorities arose because the bishops began to hear an
unfamiliar form of spiritual discourse among their people?
With this clue, one turns to the Ps.-Macarian writings with a
specific purpose. The controversial language of the lists is
there, but at home with other equally distinctive and charac-
teristic images. These rich and colourful texts certainly
deserve study in their own right, not simply through the
narrow lens of the Messalian controversy. No matter who
may have written the substantial body of texts preserved
mostly under the name 'Macarius', there can be no doubt as
to the purpose and audience of these writings. They are the
testimony of someone engaged directly in the struggle to live
the gospel faithfully, and determined to show others a way
'to work the earth of the heart' until it brings forth the rich
harvest promised by the Lord. 9
The distinctive Ps.-Macarian vocabulary and imagery
have been often noted, but little studied. Many scholars have
suggested some kind of Syrian background for the Ps.-
Macarian texts, but there has been little attempt to demon-
strate such influence at the level of language and imagery.
The most recent major work on Ps.-Macarian theology,
Hermann Dorries's Die Theologie des Makarios-Symeon,
scarcely considers the vocabulary itself and does not pursue
the Syrian connection. The present study suggests that the
Syrian background of Ps.-Macarius can be demonstrated by
an examination of his spiritual vocabulary. An analysis of
some of the most unusual of the words and images in the Ps.-
Macarian writings reveals that whereas earlier Greek Chris-
tian literature cannot account for them, Syriac Christian
writings do show striking parallels. This demonstration of
' For this image, see among many other examples, Collection I 3. 3. 8-9 and
Collection 11 26. 10. An explanation of the various collections and the method of
citation will be found in Chapter 3.
the Syriac background of elements of the Ps.-Macarian

spiritual vocabulary can also help to explain why familiar,
and even scriptural, Greek words are used by Ps.-Macarius
in apparently novel ways.
The common characteristic of the three bodies of evidence
is revealed: hard to pin down, suggested by scholars but
rarely demonstrated, it is a Syriac ascetical milieu which
generated the controversy and also accounts for the language
condemned in the anti-Messalian lists and found throughout
the Ps.-Macarian texts. One therefore sees confirmed the
suspicion of Reinhart Staats, who wrote in an illuminating
study of the Messalian controversy: 'Messalianism is orig-
inally no more and no less than a dramatic manifestation of
Syrian Christianity and can be considered utterly heterodox
only from the viewpoint of the orthodoxy of an imperial
Church.' 10 One might refine Staats's assessment, and con-
clude: 'The imagery and terminology associated with Messa-
lianism is no more and no less than a dramatic manifestation
of Syrian Christianity in Greek guise, and can be considered
utterly heterodox only from the viewpoint of the orthodoxy
of a Greek-speaking imperial Church.' Much of the lan-
guage and many of the most striking descriptive images of
the Ps.-Macarian writings are expressions in Greek of a
spiritual argot characteristic of Syriac Christianity. This
language sounded unusual, excessive, and even dangerous
when translated for a Hellenistic audience. The graphic and
sensual metaphors employed by Ps.-Macarius jarred theo-
logically sensitive ears which normally heard such language
used sparingly and cautiously. When µsed repeatedly and
with great freedom, this language could captivate readers by
its beauty and vividness (as it evidently did then and has for
many centuries since), or challenge and threaten (as it did
then, and later). The present study enables the reader to
understand better the source of this linguistic power, as well
as the potential for misunderstanding it.
Because so much of what survives of the Messalian con-
troversy is literary, it seems only just to devote attention to
words themselves. The anti-Messalian lists alert one to the
significance of spiritual vocabulary in the controversy, but
'0 'Messalianerforschung', 53; see the similar point of Quispe! in Makarius, 4.

INTRODUCTION AND METHOD I I
cannot limit the enquiry. The anti-Messalian lists are the

responses of unknown investigators to the Ps.-Macarian
texts available to them. The lists constitute an amalgam of
reactions to theological language and imagery, and concerns
for sacramental, ecclesial, and social issues. A study of the
ancient versions of the Ps.-Macarian writings, particularly
the Arabic version, reveals that not all of the Greek texts
which underlay the versions have survived. Therefore, a
modern student of the Ps.-Macarian writings confronts what
is probably a somewhat truncated corpus of texts, for it was
only after the early phases of the Messalian controversy that
the writings were arranged into the collections now extant.
None the less, the modern researcher may well possess more
material than did individual anti-Messalian controversialists
of the fourth and fifth centuries. In any case, today's
investigator can work only with the materials which survive.
And these must be studied on their own terms. While the
lists are a bridge between the Messalian controversy and the
Ps.-Macarian texts, they cannot be used as an objective
control in analysis of those texts.
The examination of spiritual vocabulary which forms a
major part of this study divides into two sections. Chapter 4
is a survey of the distinctive Ps.-Macarian usage of the words
TTATJpocf,opta, afoOTJaLS, and TTE'ipa. Chapter 5 considers a series
of images which, although unusual with respect to Greek
Christian tradition, display striking parallels with imagery in
Syriac texts. These metaphors are: (1) the 'mixing' or
'blending' of sin or the. divine with the heart and soul;
(2) the 'indwelling' of sin or the divine in the heart and soul;
(3) the 'filling' of the heart and soul with sin or the divine.
The writings of Aphrahat and Ephrem, and the anonymous
Syriac Liber graduum, 11 an ascetical text probably dating
from the fourth century, provide interesting thematic com-
parisons with the Ps.-Macarian texts. The Liber graduum has
often been labelled a 'Messalian' document, and thus merits
particular attention in this study.
The method outlined recasts the questions surrounding
the Messalian controversy and the Ps.-Macarian texts, and
suggests that for a subject which does not admit firm
solutions there can be, nevertheless, avenues of approach.
11 This text is introduced more fully in Chapter 3.
2
THE MESSALIAN CONTROVERSY:

HISTORY AND TEXTS
The history of the Messalian controversy up to 43 1 can be

divided into three phases. First, there is the emergence into
public view of groups labelled as 'Messalian', described in
sources datable to the 37os. It should be noted at the outset
that the term 'Messalian' will be used in this study below
when and as it appears in the sources, without suggesting a
uniform taxonomy for all groups labelled as such. During
the initial period these 'Messalians' were active in Mesopo-
tamia, perhaps particularly in Osrhoene. Second, there are
condemnations of Messalian ideas and leaders by local
councils c.380-90. The trial of a Messalian leader at Antioch
is the major event noted in the sources, but there is also clear
evidence of the spread of people and ideas described as
Messalian to Armenia and Pamphylia. Third, in the 42os
and 43os there is the most intense period of anti-Messalian
activity, directed by Asian bishops and ratified at the highest
levels of ecclesiastical authority.
The evidence is often considerably posterior to the actual
events, and tends to be allusive and/or fragmentary. This
study will deal with evidence bearing directly on the doc-
trines and activities of people labelled 'Messalian' and of
those who labelled them. 1 The years it covers are those in
which the ascetical life assumed a distinctive and formalized
I There have been several studies of the Messalian controversy. The first
comprehensive examination of the evidence was by Kmosko in his edition of the

Liber graduum (L.G.). Kmosko placed subsequent researchers in his debt by
collecting all of the materials about the Messalians known at the time and
publishing them with a commentary (texts: pp. clxx--ccxciii; commentary:
pp. cxvi--cxlix). Kmosko's dossier covers a longer period than does this study.
Subsequent studies, often incorporating additional material, are: Dorries, 'U rteil
und Verurteilung' and 'Die Messalianer im Zeugnis ihrer Bestreiter'; Gribomont,
THE MESSALIAN CONTROVERSY 13
role throughout the Christian world, and during which a
number of groups and individuals attracted attention and
occasionally criticism for their ascetical practices. The 'Mes-
salians' were but one part of this larger tapestry. The
contemporary references by Gregory of Nyssa and other
writers to various kinds of ascetics, perhaps including the
'Messalians' (though unnamed), will not be considered in
this survey. Several studies, notably those of Reinhart
Staats, have been devoted to this aspect of the history. 2
One point needs to be made before beginning the histori-
cal reconstruction of the controversy. The Ps.-Macarian
texts, eventually condemned in excerpted form at the Coun-
cil of Ephesus (43 1) as the 'Messalian Asceticon', date from
the earliest period of the controversy and were circulating
probably during the latter part of the first, and certainly
during the second and third, periods of this study. These
texts were used by Gregory of Nyssa in the late 37os or early
38os, by ascetics who were condemned in the 42os and 43os,
and doubtless by others during the intervening years. 3 The
examination at the end of this chapter of the lists of Messa-
lian doctrines will demonstrate a continuity of ideas from
one list to another. This continuity can be explained only by
some contact between compilers of the lists and the Ps.-
Macarian texts or the ascetical circle which produced them.
In order to understand the place of the Ps.-Macarian texts in
the controversy, one might think of these writings as repre-
senting a source of inspiration and teaching which was
tapped at various times and in various ways by individual
ascetics or by ascetical communities. For some persons and
groups, these texts and their ideas may have been central.
'Le Dossier des origines du Messalianisme'; and Staats, 'Beobachtungen zur

Definition und zur Chronologie des Messalianismus'. Other, less comprehensive,
studies will be noted below.
2 See especially 'Die Asketen aus Mesopotamien in der Rede des Gregor von
Nyssa In suam ordinationem'; Gregor von Nyssa und die Messalianer; 'Beobachtun-
gen'; his edition of the Epistola magna of Ps.-Macarius with Gregory's De lnstituto
christiano; 'Messalianism and Anti-Messalianism'; 'Basilius als lebende Monchsre-
gel'.
' The affinities between the points of 'Messalian' doctrine in Theodoret's
accounts and the Ps.-Macarian texts suggest some relationship between those
people who were labelled as 'Messalian' and these writings in the 38os.
14 THE MESSALIAN CONTROVERSY
Others may have made use of similar themes and vocabu-

lary, while having a more pneumatic or charismatic tend-
ency. Others, like Gregory of Nyssa, Diadochus of Photike,
or Mark the Monk, would have had affinities with the
Ps.-Macarian approach, while correcting it in a more ecclesi-
astical or sacramental direction. The Ps.-Macarian texts
themselves may have been intended by their author as a
corrective to extreme positions within ascetical circles. 4 It is
impossible to ascertain the precise status of the Ps.-Macarian
writings among those persons and movements which were
called 'Messalian'. Certainly the texts were extant and
influential throughout the time covered in this survey. And,
as Chapters 4 and 5 of this study will demonstrate, an
examination of the language of the Ps.-Macarian texts pro-
vides clues to the origins of those writings, an explanation for
their condemnation (and their later success), and a way in
which to understand the controversial nature of the 'Messa-
lian' and other spiritual movements of the period.
Phase 1: The Emergence of the Messalians
The first three surviving references to the Messalians are: a

line in Ephrem's Contra haereses (before 373), a brief men-
tion in Epiphanius' Ancoratus (374), and a lengthy exposi-
tion in the same author's Panarion (377). These texts have
much in common. First, each is a work which lists and
refutes heresies. Second, in each the Messalians are pre-
sented as the latest group of heretics, being placed last in the
lists. Third, these texts are virtually the only witnesses
contemporary with the early phase of the controversy-other
sources for the early history of the controversy were actually
written much later-and thus they demand close scrutiny.
Unfortunately, the early date of these texts is evident more
in a lack of substantial information and by their fanciful
• This is the view favoured by Dorries and most other commentators. It avoids
the trap of declaring the texts to be 'Messalian', by holding that the list of
condemned propositions preserved by John of Damascus quotes out of context, and
thereby saves the embarrassment of concluding that centuries of Eastern Christian
monastic life have been fed on a Messalian diet.
speculations than by authentic testimony to Messalian on-
gms.
EPHREM
Ephrem's mention of the Messalians comes in the alphabetic

acrostic Madrasa 22 of the Contra haereses, of uncertain
date. 5 Ephrem ends a list of heresies in stanza 4 with the
Messalians, stating simply, 'And the mfallyane who are
debauched [or 'contemptible', 'stirred up', ezdallal]: Good is
he who makes them return to his sheepfold. ' 6 The latter
strophe is actually the conclusion of the whole stanza, and
thus refers to all those who follow the various heresies which
have been listed. 7 There are two pieces of information here: a
name, mfallyane, clearly from #', a Syriac verb which in the
pa'el conjugation (falli) can mean 'to pray', plus a one-word
description, d-ezdallal.
Ephrem may be intending ezdallal to be a play on the
name mfallyane; the roots of the two verbs, fl' and zll, have
an obvious euphony which would be evident to Syriac
readers (and especially to singers and their audience) even in
5 See Segal, Edessa, 87, who argues for a date before the cession of Nisibis to the
Persians in 363; Gribomont, in 'Le Dossier', 612, places it after 363. In any case,
Ephrem's death in 373 provides the terminus ad quem.
6 Kmosko, p. clxxi; the best edition is that of Beck, CSCO 169/Scr. Syri 76,
p. 79. The heretics Ephrem lists in Madrasa 22 are Marcion, Valentinus, Quq,
Bardaisan, Mani; the heresies are those of the Arians, Aetians, Paulinians, Sabel-
lians, Photinians, Barbarians, Cathars, Audianae, and Messalians (pp. 78--9). There
is no apparent reason for placing these heresies together; some were ascetical like
the Messalians (the Cathars ( = Manichaeans) and Audiani), the Barbarians were
Gnostics, and the others were doctrinal heresies. Theodoret's account of the
Messalians in the H.e. 4. 11 follows a chapter on the Audiani, whom he describes as
Syrian in origin, and partakers of some of Mani's doctrines. The chapter on the
Messalians has no apparent connection with the preceding one other than pointing
to a common Syrian origin and equally suspect doctrines. On the Audiani, see
Marutha of Maiperqat's catalogue of heresies in Voobus, The Canons Ascribed to
Maruta of Maipherqat, CSCO 439/Scr. Syri 191, p. 25. 6-11. Marutha's description
of the Audiani bears no resemblance to Theodoret's, and emphasizes their ascetical
character. As Voobus says of Theodoret's association of the Audiani with the
Manichaeans, 'the historical kernel of this tradition seems to be in the memory of
['Uda's] allegiance to the archaic traditions of Mesopotamian monasticism' (CSCO
440/Scr. Syri 192, p. 20, n. 46).
7 Kmosko includes the two lines immediately following; these actually belong to
the next stanza and do not refer to the Messalians.

THE MESSALIAN CONTROVERSY
the derived forms. 8 The ethpa'al form of zll, used by

Ephrem, has several meanings: 'those who are debauched',
'those who are contemptible', 'those who stagger', 'those
who are agitated' .9 The first two meanings can find echoes in
other sources; Epiphanius decries the scandalous conduct of
the Messalians; both Epiphanius and Theodoret complain
that the Messalians are prone to perjury and obfuscation. If
Ephrem intends these meanings, he need not be excluding
the third, and in fact the wordplay may be taken a step
further. The verb ~l' has the root meaning of 'incline, lean,
bend'. The secondary meaning of 'to pray' is a metonomy
based on the posture one assumes at prayer, as one might say
in English, 'let us bow our heads' or 'let us kneel', meaning
thereby 'let us pray'. One of the meanings of ezdallal is
'jump, waver, be agitated'. Ephrem may well be mocking the
pose of these people who claim a devotion to prayer, saying
in effect, 'And the bow-ers [ = pray-ers], who can't stay still'.
When writing elsewhere of John the Baptist's leaping in his
mother's womb in honour of the Saviour, Ephrem uses
ezdallal to describe John's movement. 10 Later authors will
mock the Messalians for being agitated or jumpy: thus the
caricature in the name 'Ev8ova,aara{. 11 Perhaps Ephrem has
8 Suggested by Rucker, Des heiligen Ephriim des Syrers Hymnen gegen die
lrrlehren, 2. 8 I, n. 3.
9 Payne Smith in his Thesaurus Syriacus lists three definitions, in this order:
(1) 'vilis factus est, vilem se reddidit'; (2) 'luxuriatus est'; (3) 'se commovit' (cols.
I 123-4). Brockelmann in the Lexicon Syriacum (2nd edn.) also has three, in this
order: (1) 'vacillavit, nutavit'; (2) 'viluit'; (3) 'impudice, luxuriose se gessit'
(p. 197 A). Beck translates d-ezdallal as 'wegen ihrer Ausschweifungen', following
the meaning of 'debauched, licentious'; see CSCO 170/Scr. Syri 77, p. 78.
10 This text is noted by both Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 1124, &nd
Brockelmann, Lexicon, 197 A, and can be found in H.nat. 6. 18. In this stanza
Ephrem uses two different words for John's leap in the womb: in I. 3 there is
ezdallal, in I. 5, da'es, which is a participle of the verb used in the Peshitta for the
Greek <aKlpT71a•v (Luke 1:41 and 44). Ephrem also uses ezdallal with the meaning of
'waver' or 'be shaken' as in H.c.haer. 24. 9, comparing heretics to an unfaithful
bride whose love weakens (the verb is used twice, Beck, 93). In the companion
volume, Beck's German translation uses 'wankend' (CSCO 170/Scr. Syri 77, p. 88).
11 See Theodoret, Haer. 4. I I, col. 432 B, on the curious movements and gestures
of Messalians; this recurs in Timothy of Constantinople's list of Messalian errors in
De iis qui ad ecclesiam ab haereticis accedunt (De receptione haereticorum), col. 49 C.
The epithet 'EvOm,aiaaTa{ occurs in the anti-Messalian decree of the Council
of Ephesus (Schwartz, Acta conciliorum 1. 1. 7, p. I 17. 6 and 15, and also in
Theodoret's Haer., col. 432 B, and his H.e. 4. 11, p. 229. 7, where it is explained
heard of ecstatic practices among certain groups who have
thereby come to be known as the m~allyane as critics in
another age would refer to 'Holy Rollers'. But there is not
much to go on: in the end, one can be sure of a name, and of
Ephrem's clear lack of regard for these people. 12
This is the sole mention of the Messalians in Ephrem's
writings. 13 Although most of the heresies listed in the Contra
haereses are mentioned more than once in that work, the
Messalians are included only in Madrasa 22. The most likely
explanation is that they were new to Ephrem, and he knew
little about them. In stanza 20 of Madrasa 22 he complains
of those who have received ordination and even signed a
declaration of faith from the 'excellent synod' (Nicaea), but
who belong to the Aetians, Arians, Sabellians, Cathari,
Photinians, or Audiani. 14 The omission of the Messalians
could be explained by their not belonging to this category of
heretics: that is, Ephrem did not know of any bishops (who
would have been required to sign a declaration of faith) or
that this name derives from their being possessed by demons which they mistake for
the Holy Spirit. Timothy cites 'EvOouo,ao-ra{ as one of the several names by which
these people are known (col. 48 A).
12 Modern scholars, perhaps influenced by Epiphanius and other ancient critics
of the Messalians, have read somewhat more into Ephrem than is actually there.
Dorries comments that Ephrem provides 'zwei Pinselstriche' about the Messalians:
they are 'zuchtlos und arbeitsscheu' ('Urteil und Verurteilung', 335). The first is an
accurate representation of ezdallal, but 'arbeitsscheu' seems to be reading Ephrem
in the light of Epiphanius and others. Cf. the similar statement in Staats's
'Beobachtungen', 239, about Ephrem's intention 'von arbeitsscheuen, autoritats-
feindlichen Asketen zu berichten'. Puzzled by this, I consulted the Editio Romana
of Ephrem's works (ed. Assemani et al., 1737-46), the edition cited by Dorries, and
found that although the Syriac text is the same as that in Kmosko's and Beck's
editions, the parallel Latin translation reads: 'nee non Messalianos, postquam ad
inertiam et voluptates corporis suas cupiditates solverunt' (vol. 2, col. 485 E). The
interpretation of ezdallal in Assemani's edition, with the dubious 'ad inertiam', was
the one picked up by Dorries et al.; the translations of Kmosko ('lascivos factos'),
Rucker ('die sich schamlos benahmen'), and Beck ('wegen ihrer Ausschweifungen')
are more reliable.
13 Gribomont discusses an instance in the Greek version of Ephrem's Testament
where the reference to Bardaisan in the original Syriac has been replaced by a
reference to Messalians. Gribomont explains the scribal error. See 'Le Dossier',
612.
14 Beck, 84-5.
clerics with Messalian connections; 15 or it could be that he

knew very little about the Messalians other than their name.
In any case, Ephrem's mention of the Messalians is the only
evidence which antedates the outbreak of the controversy in
the Greek-speaking areas of western Syria and Asia Minor.
EPIPHANIUS
Epiphanius of Salamis' listing of the Messalians in chapter

13 of the Ancoratus16 (c.374) set the stage for his later
description of the Messalians in chapter 80 of the Panarion 17
(c.377); the Ancoratus was a sort of prospectus for the fuller
analysis of heresies in the Panarion. 18 In both works the
Messalians are depicted as the latest heresy. 19 Epiphanius is
clearly puzzled by the Messalians, for he comments in the
Panarion that they have 'neither beginning nor end, neither
head nor root, but are completely unstable and deceptive'
(80. 3. 3). One obvious reason is that, unlike so many groups,
the Messalians are not named after a founder or controver-
sialist. It is perhaps due to his lack of information about their
15 Also omitted in this list are the Paulinians and Borboreans. Although Messa-
lians may have been new and relatively unknown, surely Paulinians were not: and so
perhaps one must be cautious in deducing too much from Ephrem's lists.
16 Anc. 13. 8, p. 22.
17 pp. 484-96.
18 The Ancoratus counts eighty heresies from the time before the Law until the
time ofEpiphanius; nine precede the Law (12. 8), eleven are from the time between
the Law and the Incarnation (12. 9); sixty are after the Incarnation (13. 1-8).
Obviously Epiphanius' definition of 'heresy' is a broad one, including pre-Christian
groups, and is an interesting illustration of the Patristic conception of the one
economy of salvation. Epiphanius probably bases his tally on the 'four score of
concubines' in Song of Songs 6:7 (see Quasten, Patrology, 3. 388). On Epiphanius
and the heresiologues generally, see the study by Gouillard, 'L'Heresie clans
!'empire byzantin des origines au XII' siecle', especially 299-307 and 319-22 on the
Messalians.
19 In the Ancoratus the last few heresies are: Audiani, Photinians, Marcellians,
the Semi-Arians, the Pneumatomachoi, the followers of Aerius (not to be confused

with Arius), the Anomians (=Aetians, Eunomians), the Dimoiritai/Apollinarians,
the Antidikomariamitans, the Kollyridians, and the Messalians 'with whom are
associated the Martyrians from among the Greeks and Euphemites and Satanians'
(p. 13. 7-8). The order in the Panarion is identical; the summary of 'fome 7 states,
'the Maaaa>.,avo{, so named meaning "those who pray". Associated-with these are
the ones called Euphemites and Martyrians and Satanians, heresies which were
practised among the Greeks' (p. 415).
background that Epiphanius associates the Messalians with
three non-Christian groups among the Greeks: the Martyr-
ians, the Euphemites, and the Satanians. Epiphanius
explains that the shared trait of the four groups is a special
emphasis on prayer, and it is he, fluent in both Syriac and
Greek, who first introduces and explains the name 'Messa-
lians' to a Greek-speaking audience. 20 The word, he writes,
means 'those who pray (evx6µ.uoi)' (80. 1. 2). He continues,
'there were for some time, from the time of Constantine and
since, others called Euphemites or Martyrians, 21 from
which, I suppose, this [heresy] takes its counterfeit ideal. But
they [the Euphemites] began among the Greeks, neither
adhering to Judaism nor involving Christians, nor were they
from the Samaritans, but they were only Greeks' (80. 1.
3-4). This group would speak about the gods, but would
offer prayer and honour to only one of them, whom they
called IIavToKpaTwp. They built places of worship, gathered
twice a day for common prayer, and sang hymns and
acclamations (ev<p71µ.{a,) to God. They were punished by
local authorities; some died as a result, and these were called
MapTVptavo{ (80. I. 4-2. 4). Others among them concluded
that Satan was more deserving of worship, and these were
the EaTaviavo{ (80. 3. 1).
Epiphanius sees in these groups an affinity with the
Messalians in that all of the evx6µ.evoi 'carried on out of
doors, overstepped the bounds of truth, devoted themselves
to praying and hymn-singing' (80. 3. 2). The Greek evx6µ.evoi
were not Jews, Christians, or Samaritans (80. 1. 4 and 3. 3).
Somehow akin to them, says Epiphanius, are those 'now
called Maaaa>.iavo{, of whom there is neither beginning nor
end, neither head nor root, but who are completely unstable
20 The variation in spelling between Maaaa>.,avo{ (Epiphanius) and Mwa>.iavo{/
Mwaa>.,avo{ is discussed by Gribomont in 'Le Dossier', 620-1.

21 The text reads Maaaa>.iavo{, but Holl has emended it to read Map-rup,avo{ (see
apparatus on p. 485). The emendation makes sense, for Epiphanius explains later
that the Martyrians were those adherents of the Euphemites who died for their
beliefs at the hands of (Christian) authorities (80. 2. 3-4). Map-rup,avo{ is, then, an
alternative name for certain Ev,f,71µi-ra,. Epiphanius would hardly intend Maaaa>.ia-
va{, a Syriac term, to be understood as another name for this Hellenistic group. The
context, a discussion of the Messalians, has probably caused a copyist to write
Maaaa>.,avo{ for Map-rupiavo{.
and anarchical and deceived, utterly without the support of

name or law (Oeaµ,ov) or ordinance (Oeaews) or legislation
(voµ,oOeatas)' (80. 3. 3). Epiphanius is at a loss to explain the
origin of the Christian Messalians. The associations with
non-Christian groups say more about Epiphanius' broad
conception of heresy (the Panarion is not restricted to
Christian controversies) and his compulsion for complete-
ness than about the history of the Messalians. The author
himself hedges his explanation with 'I suppose' (olµ,ai, 80. 1.
3). Although he suggests the link with the Euphemites and
others, his own opinion peeks through in the frustrated
lament that the Messalians have no beginning or end, no
head or root (80. 3. 3b).
The indictment of Messalian errors which follows is
primarily concerned with disruptions of the social order.
Epiphanius' first complaint is that they do not separate the
sexes, but allow men and women to live together (e1ri To
mho). Their justification is that having come to believe in
Christ, they renounce the world and withdraw from their
own kin. Their male and female followers therefore sleep in
the streets out of necessity, for they claim to have no
property on earth. They have no responsibilities, means of
living, or property, and they survive by begging. Their
words are unthinking; if you ask one where he comes from,
he will say whatever you want. He will claim to be prophet,
or Christ, or patriarch, or angel; 22 you have only to suggest a
title and he will use it. They do not fast, and pretend to pray
through the night. They eat and drink without scruple
whenever they are hungry. Epiphanius professes an utter
inability to bring himself to speak about their shamelessness
and lust, but remarks that neither can be lacking since men
and women sleep in the same place (80. 3. 4-6). It is after
this description that Epiphanius mentions the presence of
22 In the light of later accusations against the Messalians, these titles may reflect
more than evasiveness on the part of 'Messalians' under interrogation. From

Theodoret onwards, anti-Messalian writers accuse them of claiming prophetic gifts
and the possession of the soul by Christ (see the list of John of Damascus). The
notion of attaining to the life of the angels is a commonplace in ascetical literature,
and is found in the Ps.-Macarian writings and in the L.G.; see, e.g., Ps.-Macarius,
Collection I 25. r. 4 and E.M. 6. 8, and also L.G., col. 144. 7-10.
Messalians in Antioch and their origins in Mesopotamia (80.
3. 7).
The next two chapters of Panarion 80 are an exposition of
the necessity of work for the Christian and especially for the
monk. Epiphanius allows that the Messalians might have
picked up their attitude towards work from certain of 'our
brethren' who have an over-simplistic understanding of the
Lord's command to renounce all, give to the poor, take up
one's cross, and follow him (Panarion 80. 4. 1; cf. Matt.
19:21, 16:24). The Lord's intention was not, claims Epipha-
nius, to encourage idleness, for as Paul indicates in passages
such as 2 Thessalonians 3: 1 o, 'The one who does not work
shall not eat' (80. 4. 2). The error, Epiphanius asserts, may
have been learned from Mani, 'the one who came up from
Persia' (80. 4. 3). 23 Against this idleness Epiphanius urges
the example of Egyptian and other monasteries, where the
monks both pray and work, building their dwellings with
their own hands, reciting the Scriptures as they perform
their manual tasks, keeping vigils and offering prayers and
psalmody (80. 4. 4-8). The next chapter presents the ex-
ample of Old Testament figures and their significance for
Christians, ending with a summary of the proper Christian
understanding of the relationship between work and spiri-
tual duties (80. 5. 1-6. 3). Before returning to the Messa-
lians, Epiphanius criticizes the Syrian Saccophores for their
ostentatious asceticism in dress and their pointless imitation
of the Nazirite practice of not cutting beard or hair, a
practice rendered obsolete by the coming of Christ. The long
hair vexes him, and he devotes twenty-two more lines to this
issue (80. 6. 3-7. 4). He concludes, 'but these things we have
been compelled to say on account of the aforementioned
Messalians, because they also have cast off from the truth,
23 The Messalians and the Manichaeans were often associated by their critics.
Theodoret praises the opposition of Marcianus to 'those called Euchitai, sick with
Manichaeanism in the guise of monks' (H.rel. 3. 16). Severns of Antioch often
lumps Messalians with Manichaeans, attributing to both a belief in the substantial
presence of evil within the soul. See the Contra additionesJuliani, 32. 21, 41. 26, 47.
3, and the Philalethes, 13. 14. However, Severns' best material on the Messalians,
taken from an anti-Messalian dossier, makes no mention of the Manichaeans
(Contra additiones Juliani, 34. 17-27). The association of Messalians and Mani-
chaeans here is more taxonomic than historical.
receiving sickness of mind from there [Mesopotamia], and

turning aside the understanding; [their] heresy consists of a
dreadful state of idleness and other evils' (80. 7. 5).
Before concluding the Panarion, Epiphanius returns to the
subject of relations between the sexes. He points out an
inconsistency in the Messalian attitude; they tell women not
to engage in sexual intercourse, yet they make a mockery of
their exhortation by not following their own counsel. Those
Who do live in purity and eyKpaTELa, he claims, undercut their
virtuous action by ignorance. He then offers twenty-four
lines of advice based on scriptural models of fidelity (80. 9.
1-5). It is difficult to take Epiphanius seriously on this
subject. He is desperate to associate the Messalians with
sexual impropriety, but everything he reports about them
points to their ascetical understanding of relations between
the sexes. The accusation of hypocrisy is a hard one to make
stick in this case. Although there may well have been other
groups which combined a strict asceticism with sexual
licence, Epiphanius' documentation of the official ascetical
line of the Messalians is more substantial than his proof that
they disregard it, and he concedes that at least some of the
Messalians do follow a life of eyKpaTELa.
He bemoans once more the foolishness of the Messalians
and their claims to be Christ or a prophet, and finally
concludes his attack: 'Yet the things said about this [heresy]
are enough' (80. 9. 6 ). The next section is a general conclu-
sion to the whole of the Panarion, at the end of which
Epiphanius writes:
And so, in all things calling upon and having called upon God, we
succeeded in fulfilling the undertaking of the promise [a reference
to Matt. 16: 18-the gates of Hell shall not prevail against the
Church] which I pronounced against all heresies, and by means of
the promise we have come right up to the heresy of the Maaaa>.ia-
vo{. And having trampled it under the shoe of the Gospel, like
a many-footed chameleon without form or shape and breath-
ing forth a foul stench, let us give thanks to God in all things. (80.
I I. 7)
Epiphanius' remarks about the recent appearance of the

Messalians and his association of them with Mesopotamia
and Antioch are valuable clues, and contribute to the con-
stellation of evidence about the rise and diffusion of the
Messalian 'movement'. He is vexed by their lack of an
identifiable leader, explicable origin, or clear organization.
He knows of their Syrian origin, and tries to situate them
within what he knows of those traditions. He knows of
various pagan groups with 'similar' ideas. As he casts about
for an explanation, the result is his curious linkage of non-
Christian and Christian Evxoµ,EVOL, his reference to Mani,
and his blame of the Syrian Saccophores. He has 'heard'
things about the Messalians (80. 8. 1), but may not have had
direct contact with them. Epiphanius may be saying more
than he realizes. His frustrated effort to pin down the
Messalians could be an insight into the true nature of this
'heresy' he was attempting to refute. Currents and tenden-
cies, particularly if originating in a rich Christian culture like
· that of Syriac Mesopotamia, resist categorization as 'sects' or
'heresies'.
Compared to Ephrem's allusion, however, Epiphanius'
account is lavish, despite the fact that Epiphanius was either
little acquainted or little concerned with the spiritual doc-
trine of those whom he labels 'Messalians'; his principal
attack was on deviations from social norms, especially with
regard to relations between the sexes and to gainful employ-
ment. A line count of Panarion 80 suggests his real concerns:
the pre-Christian Evxoµ,EVOL get 52 lines, the Christian Mes-
salians get 59, various kinds of monks, good and bad, get 62,
and he devotes a total of 93 lines to excursuses on work, long
hair, and the proper relationship between men and women. 24
His worries are similar to those of the bishops at the Council
of Gangra in 340-1. 25 He introduces the topic of idleness,
24 Gribomont's count in 'Le Dossier', 613, appears to follow that of Dorries in
'Die Messalianer im Zeugnis ihrer Bestreiter', 215, n. 6; despite using the same
edition of the Panarion as Dorries, I cannot reconcile my count with his.
25 The Asian bishops who were assembled at Gangra to deal with Eustathius of
Sebaste and his followers were concerned about issues similar to those preoccupy-
ing Epiphanius some thirty-five years later. The canons of Gangra refute the
practices of the Eustathians rather than question their sincerity, thus taking a
somewhat different line than Epiphanius. But the basic issues are there: marriage
(Canons 1, 4, 9, 10, 14); the holding of separate assemblies for worship (Canons 5,
which will recur in later attacks on Messalian conduct. In the

fourth and fifth centuries this accusation was not levelled
against the Messalians alone; ascetics generally were cau-
tioned and at times criticized about their attitude towards
manual labour. 26 Epiphanius does refer to the Messalian
devotion to prayer (even to the exclusion of other spiritual
disciplines such as fasting), to their strict notion of poverty,
to possible claims of prophecy or the 'angelic' life (garbled in
Epiphanius' caricature of what they call themselves), and to
an emphasis on celibacy. Even in this prolix, but ultimately
rather thin, account can be found issues which will recur in
later encounters between ecclesiastical authorities and the
'Messalians'.
Phase 2: The Synod of Antioch

and the Shift to Asia Minor
It is during the next phase of ecclesiastical reaction against

the Messalians that the traits and teachings which become
commonplaces in anti-Messalian literature begin to be noted
in the sources. This period, extending from the 38os to the
Synod of Constantinople in 426, featured a succession of
synods and councils condemning the Messalians. The first
official reactions noted in the extant sources came from two
synods, one at Antioch in Syria and one at Side in Pamphy-
lia, held during the 38os or 39os. At Antioch a Messalian
leader named Adelphius was tried and condemned by Fla-
vian, bishop of Antioch. The date of the synods is difficult to
fix, 27 as is the relationship between them. Modern scholars
6); conventions about dress and hair, in this case mostly with regard to women
(Canons 12, 13, 17); fasting (18, 19). The canons can be found in Hefele and
Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, 1 (2). 1029-45. Later critics of the Messalians will
echo these issues and others which were discussed not only at Gangra, but probably
whenever and wherever bishops were worried about the role and attitude of
ascetics.
26 Among other works entirely devoted to this subject, one could mention Nilus'
De voluntaria paupertate and Augustine's De opere monachorum.

27 A useful summary of the divergent views can be found in Honigmann, 'Samus
of Seleucia'. Most writers have followed Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et

amplissima collectio, vol. 3, cols. 651-2, in suggesting a date of 383 for both; Mansi's
have followed Hermann Dorries in accepting the chronology
presented in Codex 52 of Photius' Bibliotheca, and have
assumed both the priority and greater significance of a synod
at Side. There is an emphasis in the later sources on
Messalian activity in Pamphylia and neighbouring regions of
Asia Minor. However, the resultant tendency to minimize
the significance of the Synod of Antioch fails to give due
regard to other sources, and undervalues key evidence for
the origins and early diffusion of the Messalian movement.
The years between Ephrem's and Epiphanius' accounts and
the troubles in Constantinople in the 42os saw the spread
throughout the eastern empire of what had formerly been a
localized Syrian 'problem'. It is important to examine care-
fully any evidence for what occurred during this intervening
period to account for the shift of the focus of controversy
from Mesopotamia to Armenia and Asia Minor.
THE EVIDENCE
Besides Photius' surpmary, the other evidence which must

be considered consists of two accounts by Theodoret of
Messalian teachings and anti-Messalian efforts. Theodoret
does not use Epiphanius' material. In his writings, Theo-
doret mentions the meeting at Antioch twice: in the Historia
account of the two synods is in turn based upon Baroni us, Annales (anno 383, n. 39)
and Baluze, Conciliorum nova collectio. The only real basis for determining dates is
the episcopal tenure of the bishops named in the sources. Flavian was bishop of
Antioch from 381 to 404; Amphilochius was bishop of Iconium from 373 until
sometime after 394; Marutha of Maiperqat was born c.350 and died before 420, and
is attested as bishop in 403 and 410; Bizos of Seleucia in Pieria is attested as bishop
in 381 and 394 (see Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, vol. 2, cols. 777-8); Samos of
Seleucia in lsauria would have been bishop sometime between 381 and 43 1, as other
names are given as representing that see at the Councils of Constantinople and
Ephesus (although between the tenure of Samos and Dexianus, who was at the
Council of Ephesus, John Chrysostom's disciple Maximus was bishop of Seleucia;
see Le Quien, vol. 2, col. 1013 Band Honigmann, 'Samus of Seleucia', 45). This
adds up to the likelihood that the synods were held late in the fourth or early in the
fifth century. The most recent writer on the subject, Reinhart Staats, suggests a
date of around 400, after the deaths of Gregory of Nyssa and the praetorian prefect
Rufinus, both of whom were well disposed towards ascetical movements and eager
to protect them, hopeful of keeping them within the Church. See Staats, 'Beobach-
tungen', 235-44. In the light of the arguments presented below, I think it likely that
the Synod of Antioch was held earlier than Staats would suggest, in the 38os or
early 39os, before the shift of the controversy to Asia Minor and the Synod of Side.
ecclesiastica 4. 11 28 and in the Haereticarumfabularum com-

pendium 4. 11. 29 He does not mention a synod at Side,
although he praises the efforts of Amphilochius, bishop of
lconium and metropolitan of Lycaonia (bishop from 373
until sometime after 394), whom Photius identifies as the
leading figure at the Synod of Side. Photius summarizes a
collection of various documents which no longer survive
either singly or collectively. Theodoret's information is both
'doctrinal'-he lists the controverted points-and historical;
Photius' narrative is historical only. The doctrinal issues will
be considered later; here it is the historical evidence which
will be the principal concern.
The difficulties with Theodoret's two accounts arise from
their narrative complexity. This is especially evident in the
Historia ecclesiastica, where the chapter on the Messalians is
structurally complex and suggests the diversity of underly-
ing sources. When one turns to Photius, it is the very nature
of the Bibliotheca simultaneously to intrigue and to frustrate
the modern researcher. Photius would pick up a codex,
perhaps itself a random or disorganized collection of texts,
and describe its contents. The modern researcher thus relies
on Photius' reading of the original documents, and what
must be, to some extent, his interpretation of that evidence.
In Codex 52, Photius is recounting the history of the
Messalian controversy from the materials found in that
codex. 30 Theodoret, too, would have relied on written
sources, but he wrote some 400 years before Photius, con-
siderably closer both chronologically and geographically to
the events he narrates. 31
28 Ed. Parmentier (GCS), 229-31. The numbering of chapters in this edition
differs from that in Migne, PG 82, cols. 1141-5 and Kmosko, pp. cxci--cxcvi, where
Theodoret's description of the Messalians is counted as eh. 10.
29 Migne, PG 83, cols. 429-32. A new edition is being prepared by P. Sauvet.
30 Schamp studies the manner in which Photius used the materials in Codex 52 in
Photios, 50-1.
31 If Gribomont is correct in his suggestion that Photius' codex is a sixth-century
collection of materials from henophysite circles (the last items Photius describes
concern the anti-Messalian actions of Severus of Antioch and Timothy of Alexan-
dria), then what Photius provides is a ninth-century description of a sixth-century
collection of materials concerning events in the fourth and fifth centuries. See 'Le
Dossier', 614.
THEODORET
Theodoret's first description of the Messalians dates from

the 44os. 32 Within the framework of the Historia ecclesias-
tica, Book 4 covers the reigns of Jovinian, Valentinian I, and
Valens (thus 363-75 for the West, and 364-78 for the East).
The principal concern of the period was the continuing
struggle against Arianism, aggravated by the pro-Arian
Valens. Within Book 4 Theodoret pauses to consider two
other heresies, of the Audiani (eh. 10) and of the Messalians
(eh. 11). Both heresies are of Syrian origin. These two
chapters form a parenthesis in the main narrative line,
having no apparent connection with what precedes them
(anti-Arian measures in Asia Minor) or with what follows
(Valens' attraction to Arianism). The chapter on the Messa-
lians takes Theodoret beyond the chronological framework
of Book 4; Flavian was not bishop of Antioch until 381, after
the death of Valens.
Chapter 1 1, on the Messalians, falls into four parts. First
there is an explanation of the terms 'Messalians' and 'Enthu-
siasts'. Second, Theodoret makes some general remarks
about their teaching (they are possessed by a demon which
they think is the Holy Spirit, they shun manual labour and
consider their dreams to be prophetic); he provides a list of
their leaders, comments upon their apparent disinterest in
formally leaving the communion of the Church despite their
disregard for the eucharist, and remarks upon their penchant
for perjury (that is, they refused to admit that they were
heretics, and denied the charges against them). The third
section chronicles the steps taken against thetn by Letoi:s,
bishop of Melitene, and by Amphilochius of lconium. The
fourth, and lengthiest, section describes the trial of Adel-
phius and others in Antioch for Messalianism. They were
brought from Edessa to Antioch at Flavian's command.
Flavian beguiles Adelphius into believing that he is sym-
pathetic to the persecuted Messalians, and Adelphius
obligingly proclaims the Messalian teachings. Thus it is
in the context of the trial that Theodoret includes a list of
32 On the dating of the H.e., see Chesnut, 'The Date of Composition'. Chesnut
places the work between 441/2 and August of 449.

Messalian doctrines. The account concludes with Flavian's

expulsion of the Messalians from Syria, and mentions their
subsequent activity in Pamphylia.
When Theodoret wrote of the same events a few years
later in the Haereticarumfabularum compendium (dated 453),
he chose a different manner of presentation, in four discern-
ible parts. First there is the introduction which presents the
term 'Messalian' and its Greek counterpart, followed by a
discussion of Messalian doctrines which incorporates most
of the material from the second and fourth sections of
Historia ecclesiastica 4. 11 and adds some points not found in
the previous account, notably the term 'spiritual ones'
which, he states, was used by the Messalians themselves. 33
The second section relates Flavian's trial of Adelphius and
others. Since the doctrines are listed in the preceding sec-
tion, Theodoret concentrates here on Flavian's crafty hand-
ling of his aged suspect and his expelling the Messalians
from 'the borders of the East'. The third section is a brief
digression on Messalian peculiarities having to do with their
excitable nature (here the term 'Enthusiasts' is mentioned)
and also contains the list of leaders (in a slightly different
order from that found in the Historia ecclesiastica34 ). The
fourth and final section commends Leto:is of Melitene's
letter-writing campaign against the Messalians, and praises
Amphilochius of Iconium, who has been the most success-
ful, Theodoret notes, in combating Messalianism by way of
the illustrative memoranda ((nroµ,v~µ,am) he has prepared
from their own words.
It is apparent that Theodoret has used previously unavail-
able-or disregarded-sources for this later account. 35 But
33 This term occurs frequently in the writings of Ps.-Macarius. Here is one
example from among many: 'The spiritual (1TV£vµ.anKo{) and perfect (T<A£tot) ones,
in whom the intellectual (vo')Tov) light shines actively in the hearts, know in true
insight both the virtues of the best and the depravity of the worst, according to the
different working of each' (1 59. 2).
34 H.e. 4. 11: 'Dadoes, Sabas, Adelphius, Hermas, Symeon and others'; Haer. 4.
I I: 'Sa bas, Adel phi us, Dadoes, Symeon, Hermas and others'. Despite Adelphius'
prominence at Antioch, he does not figure first in the list. In both H.e. and Haer.
the list of leaders is separated from the account of the trial, suggesting that perhaps
they were not all present at Antioch.
35 In Haer. 4. I I he includes more information about the meaning of 'Ev9ova,aa-
,-a{ and adds more items to the list of Messalian teachings. These can be seen in the
Synopsis of Anti-Messalian lists in Appendix 2.
he has also chosen to leave aside some material included in
the Historia ecclesiastica. 36 In each case, however, pride of
place goes to Flavian's encounter with Adelphius at Antioch.
Although Theodoret does not call this meeting at Antioch a
'synod', it was a gathering of bishops and clergy at which
charges were brought and witnesses called. Amphilochius of
lconium is mentioned in each account, but there is no
mention of a synod in either Lycaonia, his own province, or
at Side in Pamphylia. It is Photius to whom one must turn
for this information.
PHOTIUS
Photius' account in the Bibliotheca37 covers a longer period

than Theodoret's texts, although they begin at roughly the
same point; Photius refers to Messalian troubles continuing
into the fifth century. Evidently the codex he is describing
was a compendium of Messalian-related materials. The
influence of Photius' description on the study of Messa-
lianism has been enormous. The account is valuable for its
reliance on primary sources (now lost); unfortunately, how-
ever, Photius summarizes, rather than quotes, the texts he
consulted. The narrative is historical rather than doctrinal:
Photius does not include a list of Messalian teachings as does
Theodoret.
Photius' account can be divided into five parts. First, the
period, also covered by Theodoret, of the anti-Messalian
activities of Amphilochius of lconium, Flavian of Antioch,
and Leto:is of Melitene. Second, the later action by Atticus
of Constantinople (406-25) against the Messalians. Third,
the condemnation of the Messalians in 426 by a synod
held in Constantinople upon the election of Sisinnius
(426-7). Fourth, events leading to the condemnation of the
36 Notably: (1) the Messalian disinterest in formally breaking communion with
the Church and their attitude of indifference to the eucharist; (2) Flavian's sending
to Edessa for Adel phi us and followers; (3) all mention of release from the passions.
37 Ed. Henry, 1. 36---8. On the dating of the Bibliotheca, see the summary and
argument in Treadgold, The Nature of the Bibliotheca of Photius, 26---36, where he

defends the traditional, earlier date of c.845 suggested by Photius' Preface and
Postscript. Treadgold's argument has been challenged by Schamp in Photios:
historien des lettres, who devotes a whole chapter to Treadgold's use of Bibliotheca
52 as evidence for the early date (Schamp, 43-52).
Messalians at the Council of Ephesus in 43 1, and other

efforts against them. Fifth, the controversy surrounding the
monk Lampetius, accused of Messalianism in the mid-fifth
century. The first section is of particular interest here.
It is in Photius' narrative and in it alone that one finds
reference to a synod held at Side under the presidency of
Amphilochius of Iconium. This synod, which twenty-five
other bishops attended, condemned Messalianism. 38 The
dominant role of the metropolitan of Lycaonia in a synod
held in Pamphylia seems unusual. 39 None of the other
bishops is named. Photius comments that he read in the
same book the letter sent by the synod to Flavian of Antioch.
Thereupon Flavian himself (8,61rep Kat avT6s) convoked a
synod against the Messalians. With him at his synod were
three bishops, who are named: Bizos of Seleucia (in Pieria,
near Antioch); Marutha 'of the Soupharene peoples' (the
Armenian province of Souphanene; Marutha's see was at
Maiperqat (Martyropolis), some 500 km. to the north-east of
Antioch 40 ); and Samas (of Seleucia in Isauria, at the western
38 Mansi and his predecessors depend on Photius for their information; see
Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, vol. 3, cols. 6 5 1-2. Hefele
and Leclercq remark of both synods, 'a vrai dire, leur existence n'est pas tout afait
etablie', Histoire des conciles, 2 (1). 75. Schamp comments, 'declarer que le synode
de Side est ma! atteste releve de la litote. Dans la litterature conservee, Photios est le
seul a en faire mention' (p. 45).
39 G. Ficker, editor of Amphilochius' writings, was so struck by this anomaly
that he questioned the accuracy of Photius' narrative, suggesting that the Amphilo-
chius mentioned by Photius was actually the later Amphilochius of Side, active in
the episcopal reactions against Messalianism in the 42os and 43os. Ficker notes that
Amphilochius of Iconium does not mention the Messalians by name anywhere in
his extant writings, and that if he was combating them, he did not know them by
that name (see Ficker, Amphilochiana 1. 266-8). If Ficker is correct, then Theo-
doret too must come under scrutiny, for he refers twice-H.e. 4. 11 and Haer. 4.
11 -to the anti-Messalian activities of Amphilochius of Iconium. Ficker's sugges-
tion can be set aside, but his anxiety is understandable: all knowledge of the Synod
of Side rests on the meagre evidence of Photius. Ficker's contemporary, Karl Holl,
took a quite different approach. In his Amphilochius von lkonium, 31-8, Holl argues
strongly for the leading role of Amphilochius, and explains his presidency at Side as
a sign of his personal initiative in the fight against Messalians in both Lycaonia and
Pamphylia. Amphilochius went to Side, claims Holl, to confront the Messalians at
this coastal port of entry to Asia Minor.
• 0 On the identity and location of Maiperqat (Martyropolis), see Hiibschmann,
Die altarmenischen Ortsnamen, 308-10; Manandian, Trade and Cities of Armenia,
60-2; Adontz, Armenia, 9- 1 1.
end of the Antiochene sphere). 41 He also gathered presbyters
and deacons numbering about thirty.
As Photius describes it, the work of this synod at Antioch
was to deal with Adelphius. Although he sought reconcilia-
tion he did not find it, writes Photius, nor was his abjuration
of heresy accepted. He was a layman, being neither monk
nor priest. The 'begetters of this heresy', besides Adelphius,
were: Sabas, known as 'the castrated one', who 'had usurped
the monastic habit'; another person named Sabas; Eusta-
thius of Edessa; Dadoes; Symeon, the 'tares of the Evil One';
and others. This is more biographical data than Theodoret
has in his list, where he counts only one Sabas, has no
mention of Eustathius of Edessa, and includes someone
named Hermas. As Photius says nothing of an Edessene
origin of the Messalians, the inclusion of this Eustathius of
Edessa is of interest. As in Theodoret's account, it is unclear
whether all of these people were tried at Antioch, but this is
the impression given. Adelphius and those with him were
convicted of Messalianism, despite their protests of inno-
cence and repentance, because they were found to have been
in written communication with the very people whom they
had anathematized for being Messalian. Flavian wrote to the
bishops of Osrhoene (the province in which Edessa was
located) about the acts of the synod and concerning the
punishment and condemnation of Adelphius and his col-
leagues. The bishops responded with thanks; Photius also
mentions a correspondence between Flavian and Leto"is of
Melitene about Messalian matters.
Such is Photius' evidence for this stage of the Messalian
controversy. When one compares this account with Theo-
doret's, differences are readily apparent. Theodoret never
mentions a synod at Side, although he refers to Amphilo-
chius in both of his accounts; in the Historia ecclesiastica,
Theodoret states that Amphilochius expelled the Messal-
ians when he discovered that they were in Lycaonia, and
in the Haereticarum fabularum compendium, he praises
Amphilochius for his effective use against the Messalians of
41 For more information on these bishops, see n. 27 above on the dating of the
Synods of Side and Antioch.

'memoranda' (tnroµ,v~µ,aTa) made by him 'from their own

words'. It is possible that the term vTToµ,v~µ,aTa describes a
synodical document, for among its meanings is 'minutes of a
synod' .42 Conceivably one could associate the writings of
Amphilochius mentioned by Theodoret with Photius' ac-
count of a synodical letter sent from Side to Antioch.
However, Theodoret makes no such association. Clearly he
regards both Flavian and Amphilochius as key figures in the
controversy, along with Leto:is, bishop of Melitene. All
three, he writes, drove the Messalians from their regions. It
is impossible to deduce a chronology from Theodoret's
description of their work. 43 The anti-Messalian work of the
bishops could have been contemporary, or have represented
different phases of controversy. What is certain, however, is
that the accounts preserved by both Theodoret and Photius
which damn the Messalians 'with their own words' describe
the Synod of Antioch. The Synod of Side, despite its many
bishops, receives comparatively little attention even in Pho-
tius' account. Perhaps Photius has got the chronology
wrong, and it was actually Flavian who acted first, near to the
source of this controversial spiritual movement. The letter
from Side, then, may not have been so much an encourage-
ment to take action as it was a report to the acknowledged
authority on Messalian matters. Much, perhaps too much,
has been made of Photius' 8,6TTEP Ka, aih6s-.
MODERN READING OF THE EVIDENCE
A puzzling aspect of modern study of the Messalian move-

ment is the emphasis on the Synod of Side to the virtual
neglect of the Synod of Antioch. Although Photius does
mention Side first, and refers to its twenty-five bishops and
its synodical letter to Flavian, his account of the synod at
Antioch is lengthier, he actually names the three assisting
bishops, counts thirty attending presbyters and deacons,
describes the direct confrontation with Messalian leaders,
and recounts Flavian's energetic letter-writing campaign
42 See Lampe's Lexicon, 1451 B, v1r6µ.v71µ.a, -r6, 2a.
43 In H.e. these bishops are named in the sequence Flavian-Leto"is-Amphilo-
chius; in Haer. the sequence is reversed, Amphilochius-Letoi:s-Flavian.
after the synod's decision. In the light of the Syrian origin of
the Messalians-found in the earliest sources, implied by
Photius with the Syriac name, the trial at Antioch, the
mention of Eustathius of Edessa, and clearly stated by
Theodoret when he refers to Messalians in Edessa and their
expulsion from Syria-the significance of the actions in
Antioch at this relatively early stage of the Messalian con-
troversy are readily apparent, and the emphasis by historians
on the Synod of Side harder to understand. Further evi-
dence from Severus of Antioch, to be discussed below,
underscores Flavian's role.
The emphasis on Side in modern studies rests in part on
Hermann Dorries's theory about the literary relationship of
the lists of Messalian doctrines which survive in the works
of Theodoret, Timothy of Constantinople, and John of
Damascus. 44 Dorries suggested that what Theodoret pre-
sents as testimony from Antioch is actually Amphilochius'
list of Messalian teachings prepared before or at the Synod at
Side. Dorries associated this list with the v1roµ,v'T/µ,arn of
Amphilochius mentioned in the Haereticarum fabularum
compendium. The list from Side was taken up and amplified
at the Synod of Constantinople in 426, and further streng-
thened by the supporting evidence of the Messalian Asceti-
con presented and condemned at Ephesus in 431 .45 The
44 The hypothesis was formulated by Dorries in his magisterial Symeon von
Mesopotamien, 425-41. Dorries's later work presumes such an understanding of the

texts. See 'Urteil und Verurteilung', passim, esp. 335-40, and 'Die Messalianer im
Zeugnis ihrer Bestreiter', passim, esp. 218-22. Other writers accept the significant
role ascribed to Side by Dorries, although they do not discuss the literary
connections Dorries sought to develop; see Voobus, A History of Asceticism, 2. 128;
Gribomont, 'Le Dossier', 614-15; Murray, Symbols, 33 (where Marutha is num-
bered among bishops at Side); and Staats, 'Beobachtungen', 238-44. The Synod of
Antioch is scarcely, if ever, mentioned in these accounts. An interesting exception is
Jaeger's remark in Two Rediscovered Works that 'the Messalian errors were attacked
as early as the Council of Antioch (380) by Amphilochius of lconium' {p. 226).
Jaeger does not note his source, and has presumably conflated material from
Photius .
., Dorries suggests that Timothy preserves the version used at Constantinople in
426, and John preserves the final version prepared for the Council of Ephesus in
431. There is no firm evidence for this hypothesis, although it would account for the
literary affinities the lists have with one other, and with the Ps.-Macarian texts,
which are now commonly acknowledged to be the basis for the Asceticon con-
demned at Ephesus. John's list has direct quotations from the Ps.-Macarian texts.
theory, brilliant in its simplicity, and attractive for its

solution to the literary problem of the relationship of the
various lists to one another, has despite its advantages some
problems of its own. There is no evidence to suggest that
Theodoret's association of his list with Flavian's interroga-
tion of Adelphius is sheer fiction, whether for literary or even
political purposes. 46 In the Historia ecclesiastica, the list
comes within the description of the trial at Antioch, and
there is no mention of Amphilochius' writings. When Theo-
doret acknowledges Amphilochius' vrroµ,v~µ,arn in the Haere-
ticarum f abularum compendium, he does not associate the list
of Messalian doctrines (which he repeats in this later work)
with those polemical writings. Clearly Theodoret was aware
that Amphilochius fought the Messalians; it is unlikely that
he would have suppressed mention of a synod under Amphi-
lochius' leadership, or falsified the provenance of the lists of
Messalian teaching in his two accounts. It is the face-to-face
encounter between Flavian and Adelphius at Antioch which
is the context of Theodoret's lists of Messalian teachings. He
may have been unaware of a synod at Side; if he knew of one,
he did not consider it to be as significant as the confrontation
at Antioch with Messalian leaders.
SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH
An interesting sixth-century text, unmentioned and prob-

ably unknown to Dorries and those who accepted his chro-
nology, appears to corroborate Theodoret's and Photius'
emphasis on a synod at Antioch. In the Syriac version of
Severus of Antioch's otherwise lost Contra additiones
Juliani, one of Severns' polemical writings directed against
the extreme monophysite position of Julian of Halicarnas-
sus, there are several references to Messalians. 47 In each case
•• A political consideration may have been to emphasize the role of a bishop of
Antioch, Theodoret's home territory, especially in the light of events during and
after 431.
47 Honigmann was the first to call attention to the implications of this passage
for the study of the Messalians; see his 'Sam us of Seleucia', 46. Draguet discusses
the doctrinal significance of the various references to the Messalians found in the
Contra Additiones; see his Julien d'Halicarnasse, 129-31. Honigmann cites the
passage as published by Rab.mani in Studia Syriaca, 4. [84], but Honigmann's
the Messalians are described as sharing Julian's notion that
evil is an indwelling reality in human beings, passed on to
each generation since Adam's transgression of God's com-
mandment. In the lengthiest description of the Messalian
view, Severus writes:
That the Messalians think that abominable idea [of substantive,
indwelling evil] is known from the memoranda48 which [were]
written against Adelphius. In them is found a notice 49 from
Euprepius, bishop of Paltus, 50 to Flavian, 51 who was bishop of
Antioch after the great Meletius. In it are written these things:
'They say that after Adam transgressed the commandment, evil
was by nature like an entity; 52 that by no other way than by prayer
can a man be freed from evil; baptism is for purifying men, for the
sins done by the living, but does not extinguish the source of evil
thoughts; prayer frees from the sufferings of [evil] thoughts.' 53
These vTToµ,v~µ,arn described as 'against Adelphius' could
well be the decisions of the Synod of Antioch sent out by
Flavian after the condemnation of Adelphius. Whereas
Amphilochius may have prepared vTToµ,v~µ,arn against the
Messalians 'from their own words', here is evidence that
the same thing was done on Antiochene territory against the
English translation is rather free. Gribomont knew Honigmann's article and

consulted both Ral;imani's work and Draguet's dissertation, as well as the Syriac
MS, but simply notes the fact that Severus had access to original documents. See
'Le Dossier', 614, n. 18. The bearing of Severus' work on the reconstruction of the
early history of the controversy has been left unremarked by those writing about the
Messalians.
48 The Syriac cognate for 111Toµ,v~µ,aTa is used here.
•• The cognate for v1roµ,v17aT<i<ov is used here.

so Paltus is south-west of Antioch, on the coast. Euprepius is to the best of my
knowledge otherwise unknown; Le Quien lists no bishops of Paltus between the
time of Severus, who was at Constantinople in 381, and Sabbas, who was at
Chalcedon. See Oriens Christianus, vol. 2, cols. 799-800, and also Devreesse, Le
Patriarcat d'Antioche, 169-170.
51 Hespel's French translation in CSCO 296/Scr. Syri 125, p. 28 reads: 'adresse a
Paulin', taking the unvocalized plwyn' to refer to Paulinus, the Eustathian bishop. in
Antioch from 361 to 388. This is inexplicable on linguistic grounds-one would
expect pwlyn' for Paulin us-and incorrect on historical grounds; although Meletius
was willing to allow Paulinus to succeed him in order to end the schism at Antioch,
in fact it was Flavian who was Meletius' successor (see Festugiere, Antioche, 255 f.).
Payne Smith has an entry for plwyn' in the Thesaurus Syriacus, with the definition,
'Flavianus' (col. 3145).
52 The cognate for ova{a is used here.
53 CSCO 295/Scr. Syri 124, p. 34. 17-27.

very Messalian leader condemned by Flavian at Antioch.

Euprepius may have been one of the accusers of Adelphius,
and his memorandum to Flavian part of the 'advance work'
of the trial. It is understandable that Severns would have had
access to, and made use of, materials of local origin. This
further mention of the work of the Synod of Antioch, with
its indication of anti-Messalian activity independent of the
work of Amphilochius of lconium and the Synod of Side, is
a useful witness to the significance of that occasion. The
documents referred to may well have been among Theo-
doret's sources, for Theodoret, like Severus, would have
made use of materials of local provenance. Theodoret,
Severns, and Photius all point to the significance of Flavian
of Antioch, and the trial on Syrian ground, in this early stage
of the Messalian controversy.
GEOGRAPHICAL CLUES
This reconstruction of the early history of the controversy

gains support from the geographical clues in the texts. These
indicate a movement northwards and westwards of Messa-
lian activity from Syria, and particularly Mesopotamia, to
Byzantine Armenia, Lycaonia, Pamphylia. It should be
remembered that the name 'Messalian' is based on a Syriac
word, and that Epiphanius knew of Messalians in Mesopota-
mia and Antioch but nowhere else. The move from Syria to
Asia Minor chronicled in the sources led the seventeenth-
century scholar, Le Nain de Tillemont, to suggest that
Theodoret's account may be more accurate than Photius',
and that the action at Antioch may have in fact preceded that
at Side. 54 As he notes, Flavian dealt with the Messalian
leaders and expelled them from Syria, whence they moved
on to Pamphylia and, as Theodoret writes, 'filled that region
with the outrage' (H.e. 4. 11 ). Thus a Synod of Side would
have been a response to the Messalians newly arrived in
Pamphylia after their expulsion from Syria by Flavian. The
four bishops associated by Photius with the Synod of
Antioch cover quite a lot of the ecclesiastical region of
54 n. 2 to 'Les Messaliens ou Massaliens, heretiques', in Memoires, 8. 798; cf. 14.
449, where he repeats the suggestion.

Antioch, and even a bit beyond: one need only recall the
geographical range of those other three bishops. Marutha
was from Maiperqat (Martyropolis) 500 km. to the north-
east; Flavian was from Antioch itself, and Bizos from near-
by Seleucia in Pieria; Samas was from Seleucia in lsauria at
the western end of the Antiochene sphere. To get away from
Flavian and his associates would have meant going north far
into Byzantine Armenia or west into Lycaonia and Pamphy-
lia (the East, under Persian control, would perhaps have
been less inviting).
Karl Holl rejected Le Nain de Tillemont's suggestion on
the grounds that Theodoret portrayed the Messalians as
already active in Byzantine Armenia and Pamphylia at the
time of the trial at Antioch. 55 Holl is intent upon asserting
the active leadership of Amphilochius of lconium in the
Messalian controversy, and he regards Side as the first bold
move against the Messalians in the face of apathy on the part
of Syrian authorities. He claims that the evidence (or rather,
the silence of the evidence) points to a diffident attitude on
the part of Meletius, Flavian's predecessor, who does not
seem to have taken any action despite the presence of
Messalians in Antioch as indicated by Epiphanius. Holl
rightly seeks to place Amphilochius' anti-Messalian activi-
ties in the context of a general concern about the orthodoxy
of ascetical movements, 56 and he rightly points out the
ambiguities rife in the sources. However, he moves too freely
within those ambiguities. Granted Theodoret's praise for
Amphilochius, especially in the Haereticarum fabularum
55 See Amphilochius von Ikonium, 31-8. Nothing in Theodoret's accounts,
however, can solve the chronological problem of sequence of activity. There

remains another difficulty with Le Nain de Tillemont's suggestion. If one accepts
Staats' s argument that the De instituto christiano of Gregory of Nyssa depends on
the Epistola magna of Ps.-Macarius, and if one associates in some manner the Ps.-
Macarian texts with the Messalians, then the Messalians (or at least their texts)
must have been present in Asia Minor in the mid- to late 38os, i.e. even before the
expulsion from Syria by Flavian. Even if this starkest of scenarios were accurate
(setting aside the problem of just how the Ps.-Macarian texts relate to the
Messalians), it need not destroy Le Nain de Tillemont's contribution, which was to
relate the evidence to the broader history of the Messalians, which clearly shows a
shift of the locus of reaction from Syria to Asia Minor.
56 'Der Feldzug gegen die Messalianer erscheint als Stuck eines groBen Kampfes
gegen die asketischen und enthusiastischen Richtungen iiberhaupt', Holl, 37.

compendium, it stretches the evidence to view Side as the

major battle of the campaign and to dismiss the Synod of
Antioch as 'nur ein Nachspiel'. 57 As Ficker pointed out,
nothing in Amphilochius' extant writings indicates a special
concern with the Messalians. 58 Thus one is left only with
Boll's claims for Amphilochius' 'groBer Kampf' against
ascetical and enthusiastic movements, which Holl supports
by the indications of Theodoret and Photius. The signific-
ance of Flavian's actions in Antioch stands undiminished.
Holl is certainly right about the early presence of 'Messa-
lians' in Asia Minor. One cannot put too fine a point on the
geographical argument, and one is not forced to reject
Photius' chronology. Whatever the actual sequence of the
Synods of Side and Antioch may have been, 'Messalians'
were likely active in Asia Minor before both synods, 59 and it
is naive to assume that the actions of any synod could be
definitive. The presence in Antioch of bishops from lsauria
and Byzantine Armenia suggests a meeting of those who had
encountered these disruptive ascetics in their own Churches,
a meeting which involved the summoning of Adelphius to
Antioch. The later concern of Syrian synods, east and west,
about the Messalians shows that the problems did not stop
with Flavian's order of expulsion. It is impossible, then, to
decide for or against Le N ain de Tillemont, or Holl, or
Dorries. It is also unnecessary. The action taken at Antioch
against named Messalian leaders was of prime concern to
Theodoret and to whoever collected the materials described
by Photius. Antioch was near to the Mesopotamian region
which gave rise to the Messalians, and was a town where
Greek and Syriac Christianity met. There Adelphius was
confronted by Flavian in the first significant challenge to the
Messalian themes which recur throughout the controversy,
however much those themes may have been distorted by
opponents of the Messalians. It is not the 'Acts of Side'
which merit the notice of these writers enough to be de-
scribed at some length, but the trial at Antioch with Adel-
phius' confession. Later the most prominent synodical and
57 Holl, 32-3.
58 See n. 39 above.
59 See especially Staats, 'Die Asketen aus Mesopotamien'.
conciliar reactions to the Messalians will be in Asia Minor,
and Asian bishops will play leading roles in the controversy.
But at this point, close to the Syrian origins of the move-
ment, Flavian of Antioch is the key ecclesiastical figure.
ADELPHIUS OF EDESSA: PHILOXENOS' EVIDENCE
So much for the synods: what of this Adelphius and his

followers? Both Theodoret and Photius identify him as a
spokesman for the Messalians, but provide little biographi-
cal information. There is another source to consult. Around
the year 500, Philoxenos of Mabboug wrote a long letter
about the contemplative life, a1ra8eia, and demons to a monk
of Edessa named Patricius. In chapters 108-10 of this letter,
Philoxenos tells the cautionary tale of Adelphius, the Edes-
sene whom Philoxenos calls the 'author' (meskb,cma) of the
heresy of the Messalians. 60 Philoxenos describes Adelphius'
time in Edessa, the expulsion of him and his followers by the
bishop, and their move thence to Asia (in this instance, to
Iconium). In addition to these points which were mentioned
by Theodoret, Philoxenos adds a good deal more informa-
tion about Adelphius, seeking to explain his delusions of
a1ra8€ta and spiritual perfection.
The story Philoxenos tells is that Adelphius was a disciple
of Julian Saba, and travelled to Egypt and the Sinai. There
he met the monastic fathers, including Antony the Great. It
was in Egypt that he heard about purity of mind, salvation,
the passions, 8cwp{a (Philoxenos uses a Syriac cognate),
impassibility (la b,asusuta), the recovery of original nature,
and the possibility of dwelling in the kingdom of God even
now (eh. 108). He left Egypt and went to Edessa, and lived a
life of "ib,"idayuta (eh. 109). He was deceived by Satan, whom
Adelphius mistook for the Paraclete, into believing that
ascetical labours were no longer necessary. He attracted
followers, whom Philoxenos calls monks (dayraye), and also
the attention of the bishop at that time (Flavian of Antioch),
•° Chapters 108-10, Kmosko, pp. cciii-ccxi; m Lavenant's critical edition,

pp. 850-5.
who expelled them. Today, Philoxenos concludes, they are

in monasteries in the area of lconium (eh. 110). 61
This account is most interesting. Although Philoxenos
does not mention either of the synods at Antioch and Side,
he does describe the expulsion of the Messalians from
Edessa and their eventual arrival in Lycaonia. His informa-
tion about Adelphius is tantalizing: if in fact Adelphius spent
time in Egypt, and there acquired an interest in the workings
of the passions and the possibility of a1Ta0Eia, this would
provide a fascinating link between Egyptian, and particu-
larly Evagrian, monasticism and the native Syrian tradition.
Although there are references to Messalians in Egyptian
monastic circles (under the name of Evxfrai), 62 it is difficult
to follow Philoxenos' lead in ascribing Adelphius' teaching
about a1Ta0Ha to an Egyptian monastic education. Philoxe-
nos is the only early source for this Egyptian connection.
There is a tradition that Julian Saba went to Sinai, but no
mention of a trip to Egypt. If Adelphius was Julian's
disciple, of course he could have travelled to Egypt on his
own. Aside from the tendency in Syriac writers after the
fourth century to link their native monastic movements to
Egyptian models, there is another possible explanation for
Philoxenos' account. It may be that Philoxenos had heard of
the emphasis on a1Ta0Ha found in certain 'Messalian' writ-
ings, or taught in certain circles. He knew that those people
were of Mesopotamian origin. He was familiar with the
Evagrian teaching on a1Ta0Ha (which he passed on to Patri-
cius). Therefore he concluded that if Adelphius were teach-
ing about a1Ta0Ha, he must have learned it in Egypt. The
explanation for his heresy would be that he either got it all
wrong or had bad teachers in Egypt. However, it is more
likely that Adelphius' conception of a1Ta0Ha, like that of the
Ps.-Macarian writings, was not inspired by contact with
Egyptian monastic traditions, but belongs firmly within the
" Book 11, eh. 74 of the late eighth-century Scholia of Theodore Bar Koni relies
largely upon Theodoret and Philoxenos, stating that Adelphius et al. were followers
of Antony, Macarius, and Julian Saba; that the Messalians are appropriately called
ktile ('Enthusiasts'); and that after their expulsion from Edessa and the eastern
regions, they went to Lycaonia. See Kmosko, pp. ccxlii-ccliii, and Scher's edition,
328-31; French trans. by Hespe! and Draguet, 245-7.
62 These will be discussed below.
Syrian, experiential spirituality of the kind exemplified by
the Ps.-Macarian texts. In this tradition, 'freedom from
passions' meant liberation from indwelling sin. The Greek
term d1ra.8Em, used in some Egyptian monastic circles, was
then applied to this somewhat different teaching about
freedom from passions when it spread to the Greek-speaking
Christian world.
JEROME, THE MESSALIANS, AND a1ralhia

The first mention of the Messalians in a work written after
the time of Antioch and Side (indeed, the first evidence
written down after Epiphanius') is a remark made by Jerome
in the preface to the Dialogus adversus Pelagianos (written in
415). This was the period of Jerome's deep involvement in
the Pelagian controversy, and his criticism of those who
teach about a1raOELa must be seen in that light rather than in
terms of Jerome's earlier anti-Origenist campaign. Else-
where Jerome holds Evagrius responsible for such a perni-
cious doctrine, 63 but in this text he broadens the blame. He
traces the doctrine back to the Stoics and Peripatetics, and
notes that it was propagated by Cicero. It was taken up by
Origen (for 'Origen', one should understand 'Clement', for
here Jerome attributes the Stromateis to Origen!), the Mani-
chaeans, Priscillian, Evagrius, Jovinian (Jerome's great
enemy from the old days in Rome), and now by those
'heretics who are all over Syria, whom they perversely call
by a native word, Massalianos, Evxfras in Greek' .64 All of
these writers, teachers, and groups, he writes, 'hold that it is
possible for human virtue and knowledge to attain perfec-
tion, being not only likeness to God, but equality; they also
think, thoughtlessly and ignorantly, that when they reach the
height of success, they are free to sin.' 65 Jerome attributes the
concept of a1raOELa to quite a diverse group. What they have
63 Ep. 133, to Ctesiphon, p. 246 (written in 414); Comm. in Ieremiam, 4. 1,
pp. 220-1 (written in 415).

64 There is a corruption in the MSS upon which the text in PL 23 is based before
the word 'Massalianos'. It is impossible to sort out the problem on the basis of the
information given in the notes to the edition; Kmosko follows the restoration found
in Migne's edition, which seems to be the best solution.
65 See Migne, PL 23. 517 (ed. 1883).
in common is a belief in the perfectibility of the human soul.

He seems more concerned to illustrate how widespread this
teaching is than to account for its source. The people and
movements he lists are so diverse as to make any suspicion of
common origin impossible. He situates the Messalians in
Syria, noting their Syriac name, and does not associate them
particularly with Evagrius. 66 Living in Bethlehem, Jerome
may well have had some contact with ascetics accused of
Messalianism or with anti-Messalian activity. 67 It is note-
worthy that he associates a1raOeia with the Messalians; the
term occurs in Theodoret's list of Messalian doctrines in the
Historia ecclesiastica (but is omitted in the Haereticarum
fabularum compendium), and is a theme in the Ps.-Macarian
texts. Jerome's simple association of a1raOe,a with the Messa-
lians rests on a surer foundation than Philoxenos' more
elaborate attempt to account for Adelphius' teaching of
a1raOeia.
Phase 3: Towards Condemnation by the Third

Ecumenical Council, 431
With Flavian's 'expulsion' of the Messalians from Syria-

however effective it may or may not have been-the histori-
cal focus shifts, and the first part of the fourth century sees
reaction at progressively higher levels of church authority to
groups accused of being Messalian, culminating in a synod at
Constantinople in 426, the imperial law against heretics of
428 which mentions the Messalians by name, and the decree
of the Council of Ephesus in 43 1 against the Messalians and
their collection of writings known as the Asceticon. The
greatest concentration of anti-Messalian activity in this
period is in Asia Minor, especially in Pamphylia and Lyca-
onia; presumably the ascetical groups labelled as 'Messalian'
were strongest in those areas, although Cyril of Alexandria's
66 Evagrius is blamed elsewhere by Jerome for the notion of a1rali£<a, as noted
above.
67 Gribomont in 'Le Dossier', 616, suggests that Jerome depends on Epiphanius;
since Epiphanius does not mention o.1rali£<a or perfection, the reason for Jerome's
inclusion of the Messalians in his list, this suggestion is problematic.
involvement in the controversy would indicate anxiety about
the Messalians in Egypt as well.
With the exception of Jerome's comment about the Mes-
salians and a1ra8Eta, there is silence from the time Of the
synods at Antioch and Side (c.380-400) until the synod at
Constantinople. Obviously it was a period of expanding
activity in Asia Minor by those who eventually fell under
censure in the 42os and 43os. The Ps.-Macarian texts
continued to circulate, and they, or excerpts from them,
were obtainable in 431 for the council's consideration and
condemnation. Epiphanius was frustrated by the Messa-
lians' lack of a history: in this survey of sources, it is
becoming apparent that the 'Messalians', as such, have no
recoverable history. But ideas and texts associated with them
certainly do have a history, whoever may have been tagged
with them at various points throughout the controversy.
Certain traits may have been enough to prompt the accusa-
tion of Messalianism: devotion to prayer, disdain for those
who worry about possessions and manual labour, ecstatic
forms of devotion, an 'excessive' emphasis on spiritual
experience. Disparate individuals and groups, with distinct
backgrounds and formation, probably fell under the ban.
Two outstanding characteristics, however, save the am-
biguity and silences of the sources from being utterly frus-
trating: first, the continual reference to Syrian origins;
second, the continued emphasis on lists of condemned
propositions which finally permit a link with the Ps.-Macar-
ian texts.
THE SYNOD AT CONSTANTINOPLE (426) AND THE

LAW AGAINST HERETICS (428)
Photius sketches the official background to the synod at
Constantinople. Word of Messalian troubles reached Atti-
cus, bishop of Constantinople from 406 to 425, and he wrote
to the bishops of Pamphylia urging them to expel the
Messalians. He wrote to Amphilochius of Side68 as well.
68 Not to be confused with Amphilochius of Iconium. On Amphilochius of Side
see Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, vol. 1, col. 998 B-E and Ficker, Amphilochiana i.
259--68.
Both letters are lost, and cannot be precisely dated. For lack
of any further information, it is probably safest to place them
later in Atticus' tenure, that is to say, closer to the formal
actions taken by his immediate successor in 426 and by
others shortly thereafter, rather than earlier. Amphilochius
of Side was active at the synod in 426, had a correspondence
with Cyril of Alexandria about Messalian matters, and was
present at Ephesus in 43 1.
The documentation for the Synod of Constantinople,
though fragmentary, is enough to establish its date, occasion,
and intent. Photius preserves the opening lines of a synodical
letter; the anti-Messalian decree of Ephesus mentions the
synod. The date was 426, the occasion was the episcopal
ordination of Sisinnius (patriarch February 426-December
427). A synodical letter was produced under the authority of
Sisinnius and Theodotus of Antioch, and addressed to
Berinianus (of Perge), 69 Amphilochius (of Side), and all of
the bishops of Pamphylia. 70 Although Photius actually
quotes only the salutation, he describes a statement con-
tained in the letter, attributed to a bishop named Neon (of
Sillyum in Pamphylia? 71 ). It is hard to know if Neon's
intention is that of the synod, is supplementary to the
synod's policy, or is a dissenting hard-line position. 72 He
69 Or 'Verinianus'. He is sometimes confused with Valerian of lconium, who
plays a major role at Ephesus. The confusion is evident in Le Quien, who in Oriens
Christianus, vol. 1, col. 1070, contradicts his earlier identification of Berinianus of
Perge as the addressee of the letter from the synod (see col. 1014). Subsequent
writers have persisted in this error, doubtless because of Valerian of lconium's later
prominence; in fact, it is Valerian who reads this letter to the Council of Ephesus.
But the letter itself, directed to all of the Pamphylian bishops, is addressed in the
first place to the two Pamphylian metropolitans, the bishops of Side and of Perge.
70 Bibliotheca 52; Henry, 38. 11-18.
71 Photius gives the name but not the see; this is a conjecture based upon the
information in Le Quien, who lists two Neons, one of Laranda in Lycaonia from the
early third century (Oriens Christianus, vol. 1, col. 1081 B), the other of Sillyum
(Syllaeum) in Pamphylia, who was present at Chalcedon (1. 1017 A-B).
72 Photius' description of Neon's position is introduced by the phrase, lv TauTr, Ti,
avvo8,Ki, lmaTo>.fl, indicating that Neon's view is included in the actual document.
Mansi states, 'Falluntur autem qui haec Neonis verba nobis obtrudunt, tanquam
synodi canonem. Quamvis enim haud dubie ita decretum fuerit ah omnibus
episcopis, heic tamen non referuntur eorum verba, sed Neonis tantum' (Mansi, vol.
4, cols. 541-2 C-D). Dorries thought that Mansi misinterpreted Photius' evidence:
'[Mansi] aber macht in seinem Bericht iiber die Synode von 426 das Votum des
einen Bischofs zum Canon der ganzen Synode: so konnen irrige Traditionen
stated that anyone who, having anathematized the Messa-
lians, was subsequently suspected of falling into that error by
word or deed was to be deprived of his position, even if
promising a thousand times over to join the order of peni-
tents. This penalty was extended to anyone who supported
the accused, whether the supporter was a bishop or of other
rank. It would seem that Neon's strictures are directed
against clerics and bishops. The phrase /.l€Ta TOV ava(hµ.ana-
µ.6v may refer to the synod's decree itself, or to an individ-
ual's rejection of the heresy in the terms of the synodical
condemnation. If the latter, Neon would be penalizing
perjury, and his harshness would be easier to understand
(one might note the commonplace accusation that the Mes-
salians were ready liars). Such a view would be in line with
the stand taken at Ephesus, which was declared to be based
on the synodical letter of Constantinople.
Once the Messalians had come to the attention of the
highest ecclesiastical authorities, their inclusion in imperial
legislation against heretics was perhaps inevitable. These
were trying times for ecclesiastical authorities trying to
regulate ascetical and monastic groups in the capital itself as
well as throughout Asia Minor, 73 and the Messalians vvere
often suspect. N ilus of Ancyra complains in chapter 21 of his
De voluntaria paupertate74 about the followers of 'Adel phi us
of Mesopotamia' and of Alexander (the leader of the 'AKo{µ.17-
-roi, 'they who do not sleep'), who had recently come to
Constantinople; such people urge idleness (even for per-
fectly healthy people), pretend to pray, and suffer from the
passions while at prayer. 75 Nilus' account (written in 430) is
the earliest mention of Adelphius, 76 and the link Nilus makes
between the followers of Adelphius (Adelphius himself,
entstehen!' ('Die Messalianer im Zeugnis ihrer Bestreiter', 222, n. 26). Yet it would
be hard to maintain that Neon's statement, if included in the synodical letter, was at
variance with that of the larger assembly.
73 Gribomont's summary of the evidence in 'Le Dossier', 617-18, is succinct and
balanced.
74 Kmosko, pp. clxxxii-clxxxiii, based on Migne, PG 79, col. 997 A.
75 See Gribomont, 'Le Dossier', 617-18.

76 Theodoret, although describing events of the 38os, wrote sometime around
450.
described by Theodoret as an old man at his trial, was

probably dead) and Alexander is readily explained. The Life
of Alexander 77 explains that although he was educated in
Constantinople, Alexander went to Syria to become a monk
(chs. 23-5). On the banks of the Euphrates he gathered
disciples of various nationalities and instituted the practice
which would bring him such notoriety in the capital: divid-
ing the community into shifts, he kept the celebration of the
divine office going night and day, doubling the scriptural
prescription of 'seven times a day will I praise you' (deferred
to by Basil) so as to give seven offices for both day and night
(chs. 26-9). He moved from place to place in the Syrian
desert over the next several years. About the year 426 he and
twenty-four followers came to Constantinople and estab-
lished a monastery. At one point he was condemned by
church leaders, but escaped and found shelter in Hypatios'
monastery near Chalcedon. 78 Other monks in the area were
drawn to him, and in his new monastery north of the capital
on the Bosporus he eventually had 300 monks, Romans (i.e.
Latins), Greeks, and Syrians, whom he divided into six
choirs which offered praise to God continually (chs. 43, 52).
Alexander's idee fixe is unparalleled in other sources
referring to Messalians, but the possibility of associating him
with the 'Pray-ers' is understandable because of his empha-
sis on constant prayer and his reputed disdain for ordinary
work. Such a stir in the capital, even if the number of monks
associated with Alexander is exaggerated, would make the
authorities especially sensitive to activities which seemed to
fall into the 'Messalian' or 'Euchite' category. A taxonomy
for heretics and misfits had developed, whatever basis it had
in reality, and it was soon to be enforced by law.
The imperial decree of 30 May 428 against 'the madness of
the heretics' 79 is concerned in the first place with the recov-
ery of churches held by unorthodox groups, and then with
preventing defections of clergy to such groups. There follow
77 See De Stoop's edition in PO 6. 5; see also eh. 42 of Callinicos' Vita Hypatii,
ed. Bartelink, 242-7, and the note by R. Janin to Festugiere's translation of the Vita
in Les Moines d'orient, 2. 82. Vailhe's 'Acemetes' is still valuable.
78 See V.Hyp. 41, pp. 242-6.
79 Codex Theodosianus 16. 5. 60.
inhibitions and penalties of various kinds and varying sever-
ity, adjusted to the apparent danger of particular heresies.
The Manichaeans have it the worst, incurring automatic
expulsion from municipalities; a middle group, including the
Messalians, are forbidden the right to assemble and to pray
anywhere on Roman soil; the Arians and certain other
groups are forbidden to have churches within any municip-
ality. A number of civil disabilities are prescribed, as are
penalties for rebaptism by heretical groups of those who
have received orthodox baptism and for inhibiting the prac-
tice of orthodoxy. The Messalians appear with the additional
names of Euchites and Enthusiasts (as will be the case m
Theodoret's accounts).
THE COUNCIL OF EPHESUS (43 I)
Amidst the other, more pressing, business of the Council of

Ephesus was the promulgation of a decree supporting the
anti-Messalian work of the Asian bishops, especially Valer-
ian of lconium and Amphilochius of Side. 80 These two
brought the issue before the council, and it is described as a
heresy found in parts of Pamphylia. Valerian read out the
synodical letter from Constantinople for the council's con-
sideration, and it was reaffirmed by all of the bishops, led by
Valerian, Amphilochius, and the bishops of Pamphylia and
Lycaonia. There is also mention of steps taken in Alexandria
(Cyril's letter to Amphilochius will be discussed below). The
position of the bishops was this: anyone found to be, or
suspected of being, a Messalian, whether cleric or layman,
could retain his position if he anathematized the Messalians
'according to the things declared in writing in the aforemen-
tioned synodical [letter]'. Those refusing to do so were to .be
deprived of rank and communion, and were not to be
allowed to have monasteries, 'lest tares be scattered and
flourish'. Vigilance was urged, for the struggle against Mes-
salianism required, the decree states, the zeal of bishops like
Valerian and Amphilochius.
80 The Greek text is in Schwartz, Acta conciliorum, vol. 1. 1. 7, pp. 117-18. The
Latin version is in vol. 1. 5. 2, pp. 354-5.
The most interesting part of the decree is the mention of

the Messalian's book, called the Asceticon, obtained by
Valerian 'from the heretics' and presented to the council for
condemnation. 81 This was granted, and any other work
found to be from the Messalians was similarly to be con-
sidered anathema. It was thought necessary for the sake of
concord to put the decisions plainly into writing, so that if
any enquiry were to be made to Valerian or to Amphilochius
or to any bishop of the province, or if anything contrary or
disputed were to arise in Lycia or Lycaonia or anywhere,
there would be a means of resolving it by referring to the
decisions made at the council.
Before turning to the Asceticon, or indeed, to the question
of what in the synodical letter from Constantinople could
have been the basis for abjuring Messalianism, the dissen-
sion at Ephesus on the part of the eastern ('Antiochene')
bishops must be noted. In a letter to Rufus of Thessalonica,
who did not attend the council and thus was open to appeal
from those at the disgruntled anti-council held at Chalcedon,
John of Antioch and his cohorts (including Theodoret) list
the treacheries of Cyril of Alexandria and Memnon of
Ephesus. 82 Among these is a willingness to receive into
communion those who have been excommunicated in other
places, including the EvxiTai or 'Ev8ovaiaarnt, who think like
Celestius and Pelagius. The suggestion is that Cyril and
Memnon welcome all of these people so as to increase their
own power; the letter states: 'they are collecting a great
number from everywhere and seeking to indoctrinate them
tyrannically rather than piously. ' 83
81 This is the text which apparently consisted of some of the Ps.-Macarian
writings; literary issues will be dealt with in the next section of this study. The
decree does not mention how Valerian obtained the Asceticon; Gribomont has
suggested that Alexander the 14Ko{µ11To~ brought the Ps.-Macarian texts (=the
Asceticon) with him to Hypatios' monastery, whence the texts somehow made their
way into official hands. Certain reminiscences of the Ps.-Macarian corpus found in
Callinicos' Vita Hypatii do indicate some connection, but Gribomont's suggestion
remains a hypothesis. See 'Le Dossier', 619, and the 'Note additionnelle' on p. 625;
the parallels between Callinicos' text and the Ps.-Macarian writings are noted on
pp. 38-41 of Bartelink's edition of the Vita Hypatii. Bartelink suggests that
Callinicos became familiar with the Ps.-Macarian texts in Syria, before coming to
Hypatios' monastery.
82 Schwartz, Acta conciliorum, 1. 1. 3, pp. 39-42. The relevant section is
p. 42. 4-9.
83 Ibid. 1. 1. 3, p. 42. 8-9.
In a second letter, addressed to the Emperor, 84 John and
his colleagues again complain about Cyril's actions, es-
pecially with regard to the way he has packed the coui:i-cil at
Ephesus with his own followers in contravention of the
Emperor's wish that the council be attended by a few, well-
chosen bishops. John claims that although he had followed
the instruction that each metropolitan should bring with him
two bishops, 85 he found that at Ephesus there were 'fifty
Egyptians, forty Asians under Memnon the leader of tyr-
anny, and twelve of those heretics in Pamphylia called
Messalians', 86 not counting various hangers-on. These two
letters have little direct bearing on the history of the Messa-
lians other than to demonstrate the now higher profile of the
'heresy' evidenced by the polemical use of the name to tar
ecclesiastical opponents.
Cyril's views on the matter can be gleaned from a letter of
uncertain date to Amphilochius of Side. 87 Cyril's overriding
concern is pastoral flexibility (olKovoµ.{a), and he praises
Amphilochius for demonstrating that virtue. ,There is no
need, Cyril counsels, to make a great fuss over those who are
willing to renounce the heresy; they need no further persua-
sion, but simply the opportunity to state: 'I anathematize the
heresy of the Messalians or Euchites.' He states that engag-
ing in subtleties or referring to things in books upsets people
who lack a sharp mind; many of them are simple, and unable
to understand all of the things that could be condemned. It
will suffice for them to anathematize the heresy without
names being put forward (that is, names of Messalian
leaders) lest controversy dissuade those who desire ortho-
doxy. Cyril closes with an assurance that he writes not out of
obligation to anyone, but out of the conviction that prudence
is the best policy. This letter could be understood as a
84 Ibid. 1. 1. 5, pp.125-7.
85 Festugiere in Ephese et Chalcedoine, 548, n. r, refers to the imperial letter sent
to Cyril inviting him to the council (Schwartz, Acta conciliorum, 1. 1. 1, pp.114-16;
Festugiere, 173-5). There the instruction is to bring 'a few very holy bishops of the
province', and it is stated that the same letter is being sent to all of the
metropolitans. The imperial letter to John of Antioch does not seem to have
survived, so his grounds for insisting on two assistants for each metropolitan cannot
be verified from the documents.
86 Schwartz, Acta conciliorum, 1. 1. 5, pp. 126. 29-31.
87 Kmosko, pp. clxxxvi-clxxxvii, as in Migne, PG 77, col. 376 (Ep. 82 of Cyril).

practical modification of the policy stated at Ephesus; a

suspected Messalian must anathematize the heresy, but
explicit condemnation of specific points (items from the
synodical letter of 426 ?) is beyond the capacity of most of
those involved. Alternatively, Cyril could be writing before
Ephesus and suggesting a policy. The former interpretation
would seem more likely, given the reference to the Alexan-
drian policy in the formal decree from the council. Of
Messalian activity in Egypt there is no other information in
Cyril's writings. The letters from the anti-council at Chalce-
don are critical of this moderate stance. It is likely, however,
that for the Antiochene bishops the real trouble was Cyril
rather than the policy itself, for the bishops in the Messalian
hotbeds of Asia Minor accepted the line taken by the bishops
at Ephesus.
Another letter of Cyril, to Calosyrius, bishop of Arsinoe, 88
although it does not name the Messalians or Euchites
explicitly, criticizes some practices generally associated with
them. 89 Cyril had heard reports of trouble in the area of
Calamon, south-west of Arsinoe. Some of the monks there
were zealous in their askesis, but others had lapsed into
anthropomorphism. Others denied that eucharistic bread
retains its consecration if kept for a day. And finally, there
were those who devoted themselves to prayer alone and did
not work; piety was their excuse and their means of gain.
Cyril grants that ascetics need rest to be able to pray
earnestly, but adds that it is no burden to do some work so as
to avoid being burdensome to others and to be able to help
those in need. Their claim of devotion to prayer alone is an
excuse for idleness and gluttony.
It is apparent from the decree of Ephesus and from Cyril's
letter to Amphilochius that there were troubles in Egypt
which were blamed on the Messalians. One of the sayings
from the Alphabetical Collection of the Apophthegmata
patrum, attributed to Abba Lucius of the monastery of the
88 On Calosyrius, see Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, vol. 2, col. 583 B. He is

recorded as a signatory to the vindication of Eutyches at the Second Council of
Ephesus (449); otherwise he is known only from Cyril's letter.
89 See Wickham's edition of Cyril's letters, 214-21. I owe the reference to a note
in Diekamp's 'Der Mi:inch und Presbyter Georgios', 43 n.

Enaton, refers explicitly to the Evxfrai. Lucius was the
companion of Theodore of the Enaton; the incident reported
in the apophthegm would probably date from the first half of
the fifth century. 90 Lucius rebukes 'Euchite' monks for not
actually 'praying without ceasing' as they claimed to do. 'Do
you not eat?', he asks them. 'Do you not sleep?' When they
admit that they do both, he asks, 'And when you are eating,
who prays on your behalf? ... and when you are sleeping,
who prays on your behalf?' 91 As in so many texts about the
Euchites or the Messalians, emphasis is placed on failure to
work and on an excessive literalism with regard to Paul's
command to pray unceasingly. It is a good monastic object
lesson, but difficult to relate to the Messalian controversy
except in the most general terms. 92 One thinks also of the
story about John Kolobos, who as a young man decided that
he would be like the angels and serve God unceasingly, only
to discover that although angels did not need to eat, he did. 93
These stories reflect the same anxiety evident in Cyril's letter
to Calosyrius. But as so often in the apophthegmata, another
story will praise what is here condemned. 94
These notices of Euchites in Egypt are no more than a
commentary on, and condemnation of, a perennial monastic
issue. Philoxenos' association of Adelphius with Egyptian
monastic circles has been seen to be problematic. Cyril
indicates in his letters that there was need for a pastoral
• 0 By the time of the Council of Chalcedon (451), the Enaton under Longinus'
leadership had become a leading monastic centre; after Chalcedon Longinus was a
leading opponent of the council. See Chitty, The Desert a City, 74 and So,
nn. 111-12.
" Lucius, col. 253 B-C.
92 There is a line in Paul Evergetinos attributed to Macarius the Great: 'The
heresy of the Messalians does not permit work, for they say it is necessary to persist
always in prayer, teaching a loathing for work (µ,w<py{a).' This is a later tradition,
not found in the Alphabetical Collection, reflecting the standard line against
Messalians. See Paul Evergetinos, Synagoge, vol. 2. 3. 8. 2, in the 1981 Athens
edition, 2. 96. I am indebted to Dr K. T. Ware for this reference.
93 John Kolobos 2, cols. 204 C-205 A. Cf. the similar Silvanos 5, col. 409 B-D.
94 See Apollo 2, where a murderer prays unceasingly, to the utter neglect of
manual work, seeking forgiveness (cols. 133 C-136 A). The other interesting thing
about this story is that as he prays, the man receives 1r>.71po<f,op{a of forgiveness of
sins; 1r>.71po<f,op{a is a key word in the Ps.-Macarian texts. But in this instance the
usage is akin to that in the New Testament, where the word means 'full assurance'.
response to Messalians, but unfortunately he does not indic-

ate the location or extent of the problem. He may have been
advising Amphilochius about problems in Pamphylia. His
letter to the Egyptian bishop Calosyrius makes no mention
of the Messalians. The Ephesine decree praises Cyril's
actions in Alexandria, but describes the Messalians as being
'in the regions of Pamphylia'. The Antiochene complaint
about Cyril's Messalian cronies identifies them as Pamphy-
lian bishops. In the absence of other information, attention
remains directed at Asia Minor, the Asceticon of the Messa-
lians, and the decree of Ephesus.
The next step in this investigation is to consider the
second kind of evidence, that found in the 'lists' of Messalian
doctrines preserved by various authors. These lists, with
their strikingly consistent set of objections, lead ultimately to
(and perhaps derive originally from) the teaching of Ps.-
Macarius.
The Lists of Messalian Doctrines
Gaining a sense of the shape of the Messalian controversy

allows one to turn to a close examination of the doctrines
ascribed to the Messalians. These doctrines are found in five
lists. (Epiphanius' discussion of Messalian practices, already
consider~d above, is so polemical in nature, and finally so
thin in evidence, that it does not figure among the much
more informative texts which will be treated here.) They are,
in the chronological order of the works in which they are
preserved: (1) Theodoret's list in H.e. 4. 11 (449-50);
(2) Theodoret's list in Haer. 4. 11 (453); (3) the Syriac list
attributed by Severus of Antioch to Euprepius, bishop of
Paltus in the time of Flavian of Antioch (bishop 381-404)
and included in Severus' Contra additiones Juliani (c.527);
(4) the list contained in Timothy of Constantinople's De iis
qui ad ecclesiam ab haereticis accedunt (c.600), noted as T;
(5) the list 'taken from their book' and included by John of
Damascus in his De haeresibus 80 (before 749), noted as J.
The considerable chronological range of these works is
deceptive; the lists themselves, when considered apart from
the works in which they are embedded, are probably to be
divided into two groups. Theodoret's lists and those of
Severus belong to the second phase of the controversy
(before 400), and Timothy's and John's belong to the third
phase (426-31). There is no doubt that the lists antedate the
texts in which they are now found, or that they circulated (in
some form) independently of them. The preservation of the
lists is a happy accident, and the coherence and consistency
between them would indicate that they have been well
preserved. The first three lists are in works from the Antio-
chene sphere. Timothy was writing with access to patriar-
chal archives in the imperial capital; John, although writing
from the Judaean desert, was much involved in the major
controversies of his day. To his anti-Messalian material he
appends the whole of Theodoret's account of the Messalians
in H.e. 4. 11 (including the trial of Adelphius with its list of
Messalian doctrines).
There are relationships between these summaries of Mes-
salian doctrines which clearly indicate a common back-
ground for them. From the earliest list to the last, the basic
allegations are the same, and there are continuities of lan-
guage from one to the other. These relationships will be
examined in turn.
RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE LISTS
Thematic Relationships
The first sort of kinship between the lists is evident in the
topics they cover. The significance of this agreement is
confirmed by the final list, that of John, based as it is on the
Ps.-Macarian texts. Correspondences between statements in
John's list and passages in the Ps.-Macarian writings were
noted as early as the late thirteenth or early fourteenth
century by an anonymous monk in a MS of uncertain origin
containing what would now be described as Collection I of
the Ps.-Macarian writings (MS Athen. 423). Some 400 years
later, the eighteenth-century scholar Neophytos the Pelo-
ponnesian (or the Kausokalyvite) studied the parallels
between Theodoret's and John's lists, on the one hand, and
the Ps.-Macarian homilies (he knew Collection I I) on the

other. He rejected Macarian authorship as a result of his
study. 95 The twentieth-century interest in the relationship
between Ps.-Macarius and the Messalians followed the pub-
lication in 1920 of Villecourt's 'La Date et l'origine des
"Homelies spirituelles" attribuees a Macaire', wherein he
listed the parallels between the condemned propositions and
texts from Collection II of the Ps.-Macarian writings.
Further correspondences have been noted in subsequent
studies. 96
The use made by the compiler of John's list of material
from the Ps.-Macarian corpus to substantiate each of the
themes found even in earlier lists demonstrates that the
earlier composers of lists of Messalian doctrines had zeroed
in on items which, however tendentiously interpreted, char-
acterized the teaching of an ascetical circle at least similar to,
if not identical with, that to which Ps.-Macarius belonged.
John's list brings the disputed points into the sharper focus
permitted by direct reliance on specific texts attributed to
the Messalians. The heading, 'chapters of the impious
teaching of the Messalians taken from their book', inevitably
makes one think of the Messalian Asceticon presented to the
fathers of Ephesus by Valerian of lconium in 43 1. The
natural conclusion is that John's list represents the excerpted
material prepared by Valerian for condemnation at the
council, as Dorries suggested. 97
Timothy's list occupies a mediating position between
Theodoret's brief lists and John's well-documented cata-
logue (although Timothy has information not found in
John's work), and Dorries associates it with the Synod of
Constantinople in 426. Timothy's summary of the con-
troversy, which prefaces his list, is a jumble of historical and
chronological references. He lists the names given to the
Messalians over the years, including the most recent, Map-
Kiav,aTa{, after someone from the mid-sixth century, Mar-
cian the money-changer. Timothy then mentions Cyril of
95 The details of this early detective work can be found in Darrouzes, 'Notes sur
Jes Homelies du Pseudo-Macaire'.

96 See Dorries, Symeon, 425-41, and Desprez in DS 10, cols. 23-5.
97 See Symeon, 425-41.

Alexandria, Flavian and Theodotus of Antioch, Letoi:s of
Melitene, and Amphilochius of lconium (in that order).
These people (oinvEs), Timothy writes, prepared acts
(1rE1rpayµha) against the many tenets and many names of this
heresy of the MapKtaviaTa{. Timothy then presents the
'chapters' (KE<pa),aia) of their doctrines. Presumably one is to
associate these KE<pa.Aaia with the 1rrnpayµiva he mentions,
but there is no firm indication of how they are related. One
could infer from the mediating literary position of the list,
i.e. as more developed than Theodoret's and less developed
than John's, that it is to be linked with the Synod of
Constantinople. Timothy does not explicitly make the con-
nection, although he does mention Theodotus of Antioch, a
leading figure at the synod. There is also the likelihood that
Timothy would have consulted the patriarchal archives as he
prepared his treatise, and perhaps have found there docu-
ments from the synod of 426. On the basis of content,
Timothy's list would seem to indicate a stage when anti-
Messalian controversialists had acquired a degree of fami-
liarity with the teachings they opposed, but had not prepared
an actual catena of quotations. That task was left to Valerian
of lconium at the Council of Ephesus.
Thus John's list allows one to link together the previous
lists, the Ps.-Macarian texts, and (probably) the Ephesine
condemnation. The continuity between John's list and the
earliest ones, those of Theodoret (attributed to the trial of
Adelphius at Antioch) and Severns (also associated with
Antioch) indicates that throughout the phases of most in-
tense anti-Messalian activity, there was a coherent set of
objections which may have rested upon misinterpretation,
but certainly not upon fantasy. John's precise objections
clarify the earlier ones, and the relationship between his list
and the Ps.-Macarian texts explains the source of the distinc-
tive vocabulary found in his list and in the other lists as well.
If one prepares a synopsis of the four Greek lists (Severns'
Syriac list is quite brief), ten doctrines and practices asso-
ciated with the Messalians can be identified. The first five
points concern doctrinal themes:
1. the presence of an indwelling demon in each human
soul;
2. the inefficacy of baptism for the expulsion of the demon;

3. the sole efficacy of prayer for the expulsion of the
demon;
4. the coming of the Holy Spirit or the heavenly Bride-
groom;
5. liberation from passions (sometimes called a1raOEia).
The next five points are about Messalian claims or practices:
6. claims about visions and prophecy;
7. avoidance of work, and the desire for sleep;
8. excessive sleep and claims that dreams are prophetic;
9. disregard for ecclesiastical communion and structures;
10. denial, perjury, and prevarication.
All ten topics are found in each of the four Greek lists,
with the exception of number 8, which is not found in
John's, and number 5, which is in Theodoret's first list (from
H.e.), but not in his second (in Haer.). Severns' list included
numbers 1-3. The five points about Messalian practices echo
some of Epiphanius' charges.
In the first section, topics 1-5, the order of treatment in
the various lists is broadly the same, although Theodoret's
lists reverse the sequence of topics I and 2. In each case these
five doctrinal topics are at the top of the list (they make up
the bulk of Theodoret's lists), indicating their significance.
While the manner in which a charge is framed in each list
may be distinctive, there are parallels in vocabulary as well as
in theme.
Relationships of Language and Vocabulary

Even in the earliest lists, those of Theodoret set in the 38os
or 39os, a distinctive spiritual vocabulary is discernible.
Different lists may use different key terms attributed to the
Messalians, but there are continuities between lists, and in
each case one can detect language familiar from the Ps.-
Macarian texts. Some of this language as used in other lists is
absent from John's list, despite the introduction there of
direct quotation from the Ps.-Macarian writings. It would
seem that each time Messalian doctrines were recorded,
those responsible for doing so had access to persons (or texts)
able to suggest teaching or vocabulary of the kind illustrated
by the Ps.-Macarian writings. The differences between the
lists argue for some degree of independent access to sources
in each case.
If Dorries is correct in associating Timothy's list with the
Synod of Constantinople (426) and John's with the Council
of Ephesus (43 1 ), the question of how the texts interrelate
becomes rather complex: the lists ascribed by Theodoret
to late fourth-century anti-Messalian activity were not
recorded by Theodoret until after Ephesus. And, of course,
his two lists differ somewhat one from the other. Although
there is little reason to doubt his situation of the lists in the
first phase of the controversy-their brevity and directness
argue for an early date-it is difficult to know in what form
they existed in the sources to which Theodoret had access,
and then to know if (or how) these early texts influenced the
later ones found in Timothy's and John's accounts. The
thematic continuity indicates a standardized approach to the
issues, probably based on a list of doctrines emanating from
the late fourth century, and akin to Theodoret's. However,
each list shows development or modification of each topic,
often with the introduction of a distinctive phrase or term
which can be associated with the Ps.-Macarian milieu.
Timothy's and John's lists each expand certain of the
standard topics, each has several topics unique to it, and each
demonstrates awareness of key terms.
One therefore has the sense that there was associated with
the people condemned for 'Messalianism' a body of ideas
and language, bearing some resemblance to the Ps.-Macar-
ian texts. At least one controversialist (the compiler of John's
list) was able to obtain an actual text in which ideas and
language had crystallized; this Ps.-Macarian text was then
used to support and amplify the various standard charges
against the Messalians. It is more difficult to identify the
sources used by previous writers. Theodoret presents his list
as a confession made by Adelphius, but Severus' account
indicates that Flavian of Antioch gathered written state-
ments about the Messalians. Theodoret would have had
to rely on written materials. But whether those documents
had a basis in texts actually circulating among the people
condemned for 'Messalianism' is unclear. Timothy's list
demonstrates contact with ideas similar to those in the Ps.-

Macarian texts, but without the word-for-word correspond-
ence notable in John's list. 98 It is only with John's list that
documents from both sides of the controversy definitely
coincide. This begs the question of how the Ps.-Macarian
texts related to the 'Messalian movement' .99 One can do no
more than note that the Ps.-Macarian material found in
John's list does not contradict the other lists. There is a
continuity between the lists, and the distinctiveness of
John's list lies in its more focused quality: the distinction is
one of degree, not of kind.
Survey of the Lists

The most illuminating way to approach the material will be
to study each theme with particular attention to distinctive
vocabulary. A synoptic presentation of the texts is essential
for such study, and is provided (see Appendix 2). In the
synopsis, the lists have been subdivided and rearranged
according to theme, and each topic within the lists has been
prefixed by a numeral or letter which indicates its original
position in the sequence of material. 100 Letters indicate anti-
Messalian points which are made outside of the main lists of
doctrines and practices. 101 The purely theological issues
arising from the lists will not receive particular attention:
that is to say, the condemned propositions will not be
examined with an eye towards determining their 'orthodoxy'
or 'unorthodoxy'. 102 Such an approach, emphasizing the
heretical or orthodox character of the ideas and language in
the lists, violates the basic methodological stance of this
study, which endeavours to exclude assumptions made a
See especially T 6 and 1 1 in the synopsis.
98
See Desprez's discussion in the introduction to Collection I I I, pp. 37-46.

99
100 These prefixes differ from those in Kmosko's collection of anti-Messalian
materials (used by Dorries); Kmosko did not use a consistent system for the lists
themselves. See Appendix 1 for a concordance of Kmosko's divisions and those
used in this study.
101 In H.e. these precede the lists of doctrines and practices (pp. 229. 7-230. 2); in
Haer. they follow (col. 432 B); in T they are incorporated into the main list; in J
they follow (pp. 43. 41-46. 100).
102 For such an approach, see Dorries, Symeon, 425-41; 'Urteil und Verurtei-
lung', 335-43; Die Theologie, passim. Also, see Meyendorff, 'Messalianism or Anti-
Messalianism', passim, and Gribomont, 'Le Dossier', 618-19.
priori about the Messalians, and to work with historical
records and distinctive terminology studied in context. Con-
nections between condemned propositions and the Ps.-
Macarian texts will be considered on the level of language
and imagery as significant terms with Ps.-Macarian parallels
occur and recur in the lists. Appendix 3 indicates the Ps.-
Macarian texts that offer parallels with the condemned
propositions. 103 The Syriac background of some of the
fundamental imagery of those writings, discussed in Chapter
5, indicates that cross-cultural transmission of vocabulary
and imagery may account for more of the Messalian 'heresy'
than has been previously thought.
Theme I: The Indwelling Demon 104

The emphasis on prayer which provides the name 'Messa-
lian' springs from the basic conviction that evil, sin, or a
demon dwells within each person from birth. This tenet
underlies Themes I and 2 alike in the synopsis; here material
from both sections will be kept in view. The words used to
describe this maleficent presence are vivid: the demon is
'indwelling' (EvoiKov, H.e. 2, cf. Haer. 5) and 'co-dwells'
(avvotKEi, J 1; avvoiKovaiv, J 3). The reality of the demon is
underscored by words such as ovaiwSw, (T 1) and lvv1ro-
aTaTw, (J 1), 105 and its firm hold described by the comment
that the inheritance of the demon is like part of one's very
nature (</>vai,, H.e. 3). 106 The presence of evil can be de-
scribed as 'the root(s) of sin(s)' (Haer. 1-2, T 2), which are
coexisting (avvovaiwµ.eva,) with the soul from birth (T 2, cf.
9a). Satan and demons 'possess' the human mind, and
human nature is in communion (KoivwvtK~) with the spirits of
evil (J 2). 107 Sin is mixed, or compounded ( avµ.1recpvp-rai) with
the soul even after baptism (J 5), working away with its
distinctive force (~ lvEpyovµ.evTJ lvepyEia, J 3).
103 This information is collated from the studies by Villecourt, Dorries, and
Desprez, and supplemented by my own observations.

"" H.e. 2-3; Haer. 2-3; T 3a, 1; J 1-3.
105 See Ps.-Macarius, I 46. 1. 2 and 10 ( = II 16. 1 and 5) on sin as lvv1ro11TaTo~:
this theme will be discussed in Chapter 3.

10• Cf. J 13 as discussed below.
101 This is one of the most identifiable quotations from the Ps.-Macarian corpus:
cf. I 7. 16. 3 (= II 27. 19).

Theme 2: The Inefficacy of Baptism 108

Baptism cannot, claim the Messalians according to Haer. 1
and T 2, cut out (EKKOTTTEL, EKTEf.LEtv) the root (p{,a) of sin, but
only remove the 1rp6-rEpa, the 'former things' of sins, 109 as a
razor can shave above the surface of the skin but not below
(Haer. 1). John's list states that 'baptism cannot perfect'
(-rEAELot) someone (J 4a); this emphasis on perfection recurs
later in that text (J e). John's list includes an allegation that
the Messalians consider eucharistic communion to be simi-
larly unavailing (J 4b).
Theme 3: The Sole Efficacy of Prayer 110

The Messalians were given their sobriquet because of impu-
tations that they devoted themselves to prayer to the exclu-
sion of all other activity. In the lists it is claimed that only
prayer can expel the indwelling demon. Such prayer is
characterized as 'zealous' (H.e. 2, 4; J 4c), 'continuous'
(Jv~EAEX~S', Haer. 2), 'intense' (EKuv~s, T 3a). It is the JvipyELa
of prayer which drives out the demon (Haer. 4). The
expulsion of the demon is described graphically as having
physical and visible effects; John's list adds, notably, that
this expulsion is felt by the person who is delivered (Jc'); the
words used, afo8wv-rai and ala87J-rws, are distinctive and recur
throughout the lists. Through prayer, sin is pulled out 'root
and branch' (1rp6ppL,ov, Haer. 2). It is noteworthy that the
emphasis falls upon fervent, rather than on unceasing,
prayer.
Theme 4: The Coming of the Holy Spirit or the Heavenly

Bridegroom 111
This theme is especially rich in distinctive terminology. The
actual coming of the Spirit is described by the verb Jmcpomiw
or the noun ETTL<polTT}aLS' (H.e. 4b, Haer. 9, T 3c), 1rapova{a
10• H.e. r; Haer. r; T 2; J 4a (cf. 4b), 5~6.
109 The obscure phrase Twv cl.µ.apT'f//J,O.Twv Ta 1rpaT£pa is perhaps illuminated by the
corresponding section in Severus' list, wherein the Messalians are accused of saying
that baptism cleanses from the sins done by the living, but does not extinguish the
source of evil thoughts. Thus, Ta 1rpaT<pa would be 'former sins', those done before
baptism, which are taken away by baptism while the root of sin itself remains.
110 H.e. 4a (cf. 2); Haer. 4-5 (cf. 2); T 3a-b, 9a; J 4c, c' (cf. 6).
111 H.e. 4b-5, a, Haer. 9; T 3c-4; J 7, c', 8, 17.
(H.e. 5, a; T 3c), eiaoSos (J c 2 ). 112 The presence is described

by John as a µ,eTova{a (J 7), and both Timothy and John
compare the soul's Koivwv{a with the heavenly Bridegroom to
a bride's sensual experience of avvova{a with her husband (T
4, J 8). All four lists use some form of alaOavoµ,ai or aiaOTJais
to describe experience of the Spirit (H.e. 5; Haer. 9; T 3c-4;
J 7, c2, 8, 17). Both Timothy and John associate a1TaOeia with
the coming of the Holy Spirit (T 4, J 7). John's list
introduces the distinctive term 1TATJpocf,op{a, linked once with
aiaOTJais (J 7), once with evlpyeia (J 17). John's list adds that
one receives the substance, 1m6arnais, of the Holy Spirit (J
17).
Theme 5: Liberation from Passions 113

This charge is two-edged: against the presumption of the
Messalians for thinking themselves freed from sin (H.e. 6, T
9c), and against their irresponsibility in renouncing fasting,
other corporal disciplines, and any sort of instruction after
they attain this liberation (H.e. 7-8, T 9b). The corollary to
both is abandonment to utter licentiousness (T 16, J e), as
Epiphanius had claimed. Timothy uses the word a1TaOeia to
describe this state of freedom from sin (T 9c, 1 6) but John
does not: it is only in J 7, cited above, that John uses the
term. 114 John's list speaks of being blessed with the ata07Jais
of the Spirit, which permits one to be counted among the
>rl>.eioi, those who have attained to TEAEL6TTJS (J e).
Theme 6: Claims about Visions and Prophecy 115

This section is a catch-all for divine visions, prophecy, and
spiritual insight. Theodoret's lists speak simply of an ability
to foresee the future (H.e. 9, Haer. 7) and to behold the
Trinity with one's eyes (Oewpef, H.e. 10; {JM1Teiv, Haer. 8).
The account in Haer. includes a comment about Messalian
112 Theodoret's description of Adelphius' trial at Antioch has Flavian inviting
Adelphius to speak about the 'visitation' (bricf,o,-rav) of the grace of the Holy Spirit
(H.e. 230. 23).
113 H.e. 6-8; T 9c, 9b, 16; J e.
11 • Although in J 14 he uses the adverb ,hra6ws, describing Adam's relations with
Eve before the Fall.

115 H.e. 9-10, a; Haer. 7-8, a-b; T 1oa, 5, 1ob, 17; J 9-10, 18.
delusions that they can see demons, and their foolishness in

shooting at them with their fingers as if with a bow and arrow
(Haer. a). Timothy's list parallels these topics, adding refer-
ences to ,h6JJELa (T 1oa, 5) and describing the perception of
invisible powers as occurring alaOrirw, (T 1oa). The material
proper to Timothy's list concerns Messalian claims to spiri-
tual discernment. They assert that they can determine the
condition of the souls of the perfect, and fancy themselves to
be Kap8wyvwarai (T 17). John's list lacks material corres-
ponding to Theodoret's, and has only a rough analogue to
Timothy's passage on discernment: 'the spiritual ones (o,
1rvevµ,anKo{) see sin and grace within and without, worked
upon and working' (J 9). 116 The passage that follows in
John's list is unique to that text: the claim is for revelation
occurring in aiaOriai, and in 'divine substance' (v1r6araai,
Oeii<~, J 10). Also under this heading can be placed a
description in John's list of two specific visions (J 18). 117
These claims are related to the epithet of 'possessed ones'
('EvOovaiaara{, H.e. a, Haer. b).
Themes 7 and 8: Avoidance of Work and Desirefor Sleep 118

In the four Greek lists the accusation of disdain for manual
labour is associated with nomenclature: the pretentiousness
of the Messalians, evident in the names they give themselves,
is demonstrated by their arrogant disregard for work. Theo-
doret has already mentioned one name, 'EvOovaiaara{,
'Enthusiasts' or literally, 'Possessed Ones', a derogatory
term applied to the Messalians by others (H.e. a, Haer. b);
here he adds 1rvevµ,anKo{, 'spiritual ones' (Haer. 6), which is a
name they themselves use. This second name is specifically
related to the charge of laziness, and this association occurs
in Timothy's list as well (T 13). 119 John's list uses the name
116 See Ps.-Macarius, logion I 5. 3. 2-3 on seeing 'inside and outside'. Baker in
'Ps.-Macarius and the Gospel of Thomas', 221-3, notes occurrences of the phrase
'inside and outside' elsewhere in the Ps.-Macarian corpus and suggests a connec-
tion with logion 3 of the Gospel of Thomas, 'the Kingdom is within you and it is
outside you'.
117 Cf. Ps.-Macarius, logion I 4. 9. 1-2 ( = II 8. 3).
118 H.e. b; Haer. 6; T 13, 15, 14; Ja.

119 On the term 1rvwµanKo{, see Guillaumont, 'Christianisme et gnoses'. In its
Syriac form, ru!Jcme, the term is commonly used in a non-pejorative sense, as in

Aphrahat's Demonstration 6 (col. 253. 21).-
in the preceding section, on spiritual insight (J 9). Timothy's

list charges that being so-called TTV€vµ,anKo{, the Messalians
abstain from real work (epyov alafhrr6v, T 13). 120 The use of
alafhrr6r:; echoes the occurrences of ala8YJrwr:; and ala8avoµ,ai
elsewhere in Timothy's list. In the description of the Messa-
lian attitude towards work, the compiler of John's list uses
xpianavo{ instead of 7TV€vµ,anKo{ (Ja). This use of 'Christians'
as a form of address for those in ascetical communities is
familiar from the Basilian ascetical texts, and can be inter-
preted as arrogant exclusivism or as humility, according to
one's viewpoint.
Timothy's and John's lists charge that along with the
Messalians' refusal to work came a refusal to perform acts of
charity, even for those in greatest need (T 15, Ja). This lack
of charity was justified by reference to the beatitude: the
Messalians claimed that they themselves, being truly 'the
poor in spirit', were in no position to give alms.
The charge of laziness is pressed further with the accusa-
tion that the Messalians are devoted to sleep under the guise
of prayer (Haer. 6), and claim that even their dreams are
inspired and prophetic (H.e. b, T 14). Timothy's list goes a
Step further, Stating that after a,7ra(}€La they are given to a
great deal of sleep, and claim that their dreams, in reality
prompted by a demon, are inspired (eµ,TTv€va8€{aa,) by the
Holy Spirit; these people who are possessed (ev8ovaiaaµ,o{)
rather than inspired are under the delusion that they are
saints (T 14). 121
Theme 9: Disregard for Ecclesiastical Communion and

Structures 122
It is indifference, rather than contempt, that is the issue
here. The Messalians are charged with claiming that partici-
pation in the eucharist and reception of communion are not
120 The L.G. talks about renouncing this world and its labour: there the
distinction is between those who minister 'spiritually' and those who minister
'corporally' (e.g. cols. 65. 3-6 and 68. 4-10).
121 Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, Virg. 23. 3 (p. 337. 8-17) on those ascetics who reject
the necessity of work and on those who are deceived into thinking that their dreams
are actually revelations. Staats discusses this text in 'Basilius als lebende Monchsre-
gel', 232 ff.
122 H.e. c; T 12; J h (cf. 4b), b, d, g.
beneficial, and that membership in the official Church is

essentially irrelevant: one need not make a formal break with
the Church (H.e. c, T 12; cf. J 4b). It is at this point that one
encounters the first example of the lengthy sections found
exclusively in either Timothy's or John's lists; in this case it
is an issue which was of particular interest to the compilers
of John's list (if this was the material prepared for the
Council of Ephesus, that would be understandable). A series
of statements describes the Messalian preference for ex-
perience of the Holy Spirit in prayer rather than for the
normal sacramental acts of baptism, ordination (xetpoTo-
v{a), 123 and eucharist (J 4b). The Messalians judge every-
thing by the criterion of perceptible reception of the Holy
Spirit, including sacraments and the role of the ecclesiastical
hierarchy: for example, they do not receive the eucharist
unless they feel sensibly (ala8YJTW, afo8ovrni) the TTapova{a of
the Spirit at that time (J h).There is also the charge that they
present candidates to bishops for ordination, winning the
bishops over by their claims to be ascetics. This is done not
out of respect for the office which is sought, it is suggested,
but out of desire for status. These charges are significant for
their emphasis on ata8YJat, of the Holy Spirit contrasted with
faith in the Holy Spirit (J d, cf. b). This aia8YJat, is the 'true
communion of Christians' (J d), 124 echoing the use of xpiana-
vo{ earlier with regard to manual labour (J a).
Theme IO: Denial, Perjury, and Prevarication 125

In accounts of the Messalians from that of Epiphanius
onwards, the Messalians are accused of deceiving their
opponents and betraying their own followers. It is not
surprising that any group would deny being heretical, or
object to possible exaggerations or misconstructions of their
teachings, but such resistance to the charge of heresy is cast
in the most sinister light possible by the various anti-
123 Although the context makes one think of the laying on of hands in Christian
initiation rather than in ordination, the word x«poTOv{a was generally used for
ordination, and x«polJw{a for other sacramental acts involving a hand-laying (see
Lampe, Lexicon, cols. 1522 B-1523 B).
124 On 'true Christianity' see Ps.-Macarius, logion 1 48 ( = 11 5), esp. I 48. 1. 9
(=115.4).
"' H.e. d; Haer. 10; T 19; J j.
Messalian texts. The particular charge imputed to them is
that of hypocrisy. 126 Here it can be noted that in Timothy's
list such perjury is claimed to be permitted to those who
have attained d1ra.8Eia: to the 1rvEvp,anKo{, such matters as
truth or falsehood are of little concern (T 19).
Material Proper to Timothy's List127

Now one can consider the five propositions included in
Timothy's list which fall outside the ten common themes. As
the synopsis indicates, three of these come in a block
following the principal objections against Messalian doc-
trine. The three items are theological, and are probably
inserted here because the preceding statement (T 5) is about
visions of the Trinity. The first of the three (T 6) accuses the
Messalians of Sabellianism (without using that term). The
fluid divine nature, which can be Father, Son, or Holy
Spirit, is 'mingled' or 'mixed' (avyKpa8iJ) with worthy souls.
This appears to be a distorted interpretation of the very
common Ps.-Macarian teaching about the mingling of the
Holy Spirit or the Lord with the soul, a distortion encour-
aged by the ambiguous vocabulary of the Ps.-Macarian
writings. Those texts use 'Holy Spirit', 'divine Spirit',
'Spirit of the Lord', 'heavenly Bridegroom', etc., more or
less interchangeably when describing the communion
between God and human beings; when turned around and
used as evidence for an inadequate trinitarian theology, this
free use of language can appear highly suspect. 128 The key
term here is avyKpa8iJ, and this is the only point in the lists
where such language appears. The two other points concern
'" Cf. Photius' suggestion that one of the reasons Adelphius et al. were refused
reconciliation at Antioch was because they were secretly corresponding with people
whom they had condemned previously as Messalians (Bibliotheca 52, Henry, p. 37.
29-33).
127 T 6, 7b, 8, 11, 18; T 7a=J 15.
128 This is one of the places where Timothy's list clearly indicates some contact
with Ps.-Macarian material. Logion I 37. 5 notes that the 'sons of the Spirit' see in
the incarnate Christ 'the divinity, the power, the Father, the Son, the Holy Spirit,
the pure man', and various virtuous qualities. The same logion, in section 2, states
that throughout salvation history the Lord was changed into different forms
(ovµ.µ..-raf3a>.>.6µ.,vos) in order to benefit people in various situations. One could
compare similar themes in logion 1 35. 1-2 (note variant) and I 33. 3. 3. Sur-
prisingly, these parallels have not been noted in other studies.
the Incarnation. The first, T 7a, echoes a passage in one of

the Ps.-Macarian texts about the Logos entering the womb
of Mary like a seed planted in rich earth (H 52. 3) and is
paralleled thus far by J 15. Timothy's statement, however,
goes on to speak of the body assumed by the Lord as filled
with demons which he had to expel (T 7b, cf. H 52. 2). This
recapitulates the theme of indwelling demons. Timothy's
third point (T 8) accuses the Messalians of a docetic Christo-
logy; this charge seems to be like that of T 6, and based upon
the same sort of ambiguous language which one moment
speaks of the Lord or Bridegroom, and the next of the
Spirit. 129
The statement in T 11 that the Messalians teach the
change of the human soul into the divine nature after a1ra8eia
echoes the Ps.-Macarian teaching about union with the
divine nature and is another indication that the compiler of
Timothy's list had access to Ps.-Macarian material. 130 The
last item proper to Timothy, T 18, criticizes Messalian
reliance on women as teachers and leaders. This is akin to
earlier comments about disregard for ecclesiastical struc-
tures, rejection of manual labour, and refusal to give alms: all
of these are violations of social and religious norms.
Material Proper to John's List 131

The items found only in John's list constitute a puzzling
assortment of apparently unrelated statements. Closer study
reveals that they can be largely explained by reference to the
Ps.-Macarian texts, and represent fragmentary and garbled
excerpts from those writings. The first, 'that fire is a
demiurge' (J 11) can be related to Ps.-Macarian texts about
the cleansing and renewing effects symbolized by divine
fire. 132 The second (J 12) is reminiscent of T 7b, although
this time it is said that any soul not possessing Christ lv
129 Cf. Ps.-Macarius, I 37. 2 and 5.
130 See I 2. 12. 15, where Ps.-Macarius writes that the soul which believes is able
µ.eTaf3&.>..at ... Els ET£pav KaTCl.aTaa,v Kai. q>Uaiv d.peTijS' 8E{av. On union with the cf,Ums
8E{a, see also II 24. 6, 34. 3; III 16. 6. 2.
131 J 11-14, 16, f, i; J 15 =T 7a.
132 Cf. I 53. 1 ff. and II 25. 9-10, as noted by Dorries and Despre2. To these one
could add I 35. 8-9, a text which speaks both of divine fire and of God as STJµwvpy6~.
and 46. I. I(= II 16. 1).
aia8~aH Kat mfov evEpyEL(!- is a dwelling (oiK17-r~p,ov) of ser-

pents and wild beasts, symbolizing the opposing power (of
evil). 133 The next, 'that evil things [are] by/in nature' (cf,uaE,)
(J 13) can be seen in the light of Ps.-Macarian statements
about the real presence of evil in the soul. 134 The following
item (J 14) claims that before the Fall Adam had sexual
relations with Eve without passion (cha8w~ EKoivwv17aEv).
This a literal quotation from the Ps.-Macarian logion I 7. 2.
The final point in this series (J 16; J 15 was considered above
with T 7a) is about the necessity that human beings have two
souls created, one human and one divine; again, this is based
on a Ps.-Macarian text. 135
Two items remain from the second part of John's list, both
about the violation of social and ecclesiastical norms. The
first concerns marriage, relations between parents and chil-
dren, and slaves (J f); the second insinuates a tendency
among the Messalians towards self-mutilation (Ji). Both are
standard charges against 'heretical' groups, like those in
Epiphanius' account and in the canons of the Council of
Gangra.
CONCLUSIONS
This review of the anti-Messalian lists from the perspective

of spiritual vocabulary has revealed several distinctive topics
with accompanying terminology. Much of this terminology
occurs in more than one list. Even in quick overview these
words make an impression: they are unusual and vivid, and
the echoes between lists reinforce the impression. Evil is
depicted as adhering to human nature in ways characterized
as indwelling, compounding or blending, coexisting, com-
muning, being rooted so deeply that it must be cut out. One
133 Dorries notes the parallel with I 21. 3-4; to this can be added I 6. 2. 4 (=II 26.
24) and 14. 10.

134 See 12. 3. 11, 4. 29. 12 (= II 15. 49),49. 2. 2(= 114. 6); 1126. 22. Cf. Severus'
list, item 1: 'that after Adam's transgression of the commandment, evil was a being
('usiyii, the Syriac transliteration of the Greek otlafo) by nature (ba-kyiinii)' (p. 34.
22-3).
"' See H 52. 5, as noted by Dorries, and the passage in 111 10. 3. 4, which
Quispe!, 'The Syrian Thomas and the Syrian Macari us', 228, compares to logion 1 1
of the Gospel of Thomas ('On the day when you were one, you became two'). To this
one might add 1 8. 4. 1, on the two parts of the soul.
must pray for the coming of divine help which is described

as visitation, participation, communion, 7Tapovata, blending.
The expulsion of evil and the coming of the divine is
something to be felt. The result is a7Ta8eia, perfection, the
experience of divine help in aiaOTJats, 7TATJpocf,op{a, Evipyeia,
v7ToaTaais. Those who claim these experiences are dubbed
'the spiritual ones', 'the possessed ones', 'the perfect ones'.
If it were not for the relationship between John's list and
the Ps.-Macarian writings, one might think that the anti-
Messalian controversialists created their own polemical
vocabulary with the intention of caricaturing the teachings
they found so offensive. This polemical vocabulary might
then have become standard among those condemning Mes-
salian ideas. But the connection between the lists, especially
that of John of Damascus, and the Ps.-Macarian writings
establishes that this terminology is not a polemical invention
of anti-Messalians. However it may have been misunder-
stood, this is a distinctive and coherent argot developed in
ascetical circles and employed, if not coined, by the author of
the Ps.-Macarian texts.
When one examines the two most complete lists of Messa-
lian doctrines, those of Timothy of Constantinople and John
of Damascus, it becomes evident that each of the 'doctrinal'
points in the lists can be related to a theme in the writings of
Ps.-Macarius. The accusations of counter-cultural social or
religious behaviour (T 12-19; J a-j) are of a different order,
and naturally enough are not derived from material in the
Ps.-Macarian corpus except by hostile inference: e.g. the use
by Ps.-Macarius of the term TEAetot, 'the perfect ones', to
describe ascetical Christians could fuel accusations of elitism
and separatism.
However, none of these lists can pretend to be a represen-
tative precis of the teaching of Ps.-Macarius. Several distinc-
tive images and words from the Ps.-Macarian repertoire are
to be found in the lists, but they are wrenched from their
place in the larger world of Ps.-Macarius' spiritual vision. It
is this world which must now be explored. The spiritual
vocabulary picked out in the lists can point the way, but,
because of their incomplete (and unsympathetic) perspec-
tive, the lists cannot set the agenda for a study of the Ps.-
Macarian spiritual vocabulary. The words highlighted in the

lists constitute a narrow, but secure, bridge between the
history of the Messalian controversy and the Ps.-Macarian
writings. This narrow crossing opens onto a range of dis-
tinctive terms and images of which the language of the
anti-Messalian lists is only a hint. One must review the Ps.-
Macarian corpus as a whole with an eye towards gleaning its
key terms and examining them both in situ and against the
background of Greek Christian tradition. The unusual
nature of this spiritual vocabulary is puzzling until one looks
to Syriac texts for help. In view of the Syrian origins of the
Messalian controversy, such an appeal is natural. Fortu-
nately one finds in Syriac literature, notably in the Liber
graduum and the writings of Aphrahat and Ephrem, enough
parallels with Ps.-Macarian usage to suggest that the author
of those Greek texts was engaged in quite an interesting task.
Formed, or at least profoundly influenced, by Syriac Chris-
tian symbolic and poetic traditions, this anonymous teacher
was interpreting and translating aspects of the Syriac tradi-
tions for a Greek-speaking audience. Students of the Ps.-
Macarian texts have rushed to defend them against the
charge of 'Messalianism', claiming that when read on their
own terms they are perfectly sound. Much of this defen-
siveness may well have been misplaced. If anti-Messalian
controversialists seized upon unusual vocabulary for con-
demnation, and much of this distinctive terminology can be
seen to be of Syriac inspiration and consonant with the usage
of standard Syriac texts, one must see the controversy in
quite a different light. Categorical denunciation of Messalian
errors may be seen to rest largely on misunderstanding of
unfamiliar terminology, and culture joins with (and perhaps
supplants) doctrine as the basis of controversy.
3
THE SPIRITUAL VOCABULARY OF

Ps.- MACARIUS
The Writings of Ps.-Macarius
The author of the texts preserved under the names 'Macar-

ius' and 'Symeon' writes anonymously. The various attribu-
tions are attempts of later admirers of these writings to
attribute them to monastic figures of universal renown and
respect. The significance of these particular names has been
discussed in other works, and will not be recapitulated here. 1
In the absence of a solution to the problem of authorship, the
best course is to use the name 'Ps.-Macarius', which con-
veniently indicates both anonymity and the most familiar
alias. The writings can be placed in the second half of the
fourth century, probably in the 38os; Gregory of Nyssa had
access to at least one text, the so-called Epistola magna, and
used it as the basis for his own De instituto christiano. 2 This
would establish a terminus ad quem for that particular text of
1 In this, as in most technical issues pertaining to the Ps.-Macarian texts, one
begins with Hermann Diirries's great Symeon von Mesopotamien. Die Vberlieferung
der messalianischen 'Makarios' -Schriften. On the authorship of the texts, see pp. 6-8.
The title of Diirries's book is inspired by a version of one Ps.-Macarian homily
attributed to a 'Symeon of Mesopotamia', whom Dorries associates with the
Symeon listed among those condemned by Flavian at Antioch. For a balanced (and
concise) summary of the evidence, see Desprez's portion of the article 'Pseudo-
Macaire (Symeon)' in DS 10 (see col. z7).
2 The priority of Gregory's work was asserted by Jaeger in his edition of the two
texts (Two Rediscovered Works). This view was challenged by Staats in his Gregor
von Nyssa und die Messalianer, and conclusively overturned in his edition of the
texts (see Bibliography). For the other traces of Ps.-Macarian influence on
Gregory's work see the various articles by Staats in the Bibliography.
THE SPIRITUAL VOCABULARY OF PS.-MACARIUS 71
the mid-39os; certain doctrinal formulae militate against a

date much earlier than 380. 3
Gregory of Nyssa's interest in the Epistola magna points to
the circulation of at least some of the Ps.-Macarian writings
in Asia Minor; geographical and cultural indications in the
texts point to both Syria (especially Mesopotamia) and Asia
Minor as possible provenances. 4 The style is straightfor-
ward, and correct, if unsophisticated. These are popular
writings, directed towards inspiration and instruction, and
the rhetorical devices are both simple and effective. There
are Semitisms evident in some passages. 5 The evidence
suggests an author who had contact with both Syria and Asia
Minor; the study of vocabulary and imagery to be under-
taken below will explore particularly the Syriac connection.
TEXTS AND COLLECTIONS
The study of the Ps.-Macarian texts is greatly complicated

by the profusion of collections and versions. 6 Gregory of
Nyssa was but one of many admirers of these writings in a
succession which has lasted to this day. Read under the
attribution to Macarius the Egyptian (and sometimes to
Macarius the Alexandrian 7 ), these texts became a mainstay
of Byzantine monasticism, and the various collections known
today were probably assembled in monastic circles of the
tenth and eleventh centuries. 8 Translated into Syriac, Ara-
bic, Georgian, Latin, and Slavonic, they were diffused
' See Staats's introduction to his edition of the Epistola magna, _26, and
'Messalianism and Anti-Messalianism', 41-2. Because of difficulties in dating much
of Gregory's work, his use of Ps.-Macarian material does not pin down the
chronology as much as one would like. As was seen in Chapter 2, the years between
380 and 390 constituted a critical phase in the diffusion of the Messalian con-
troversy even though the key events in that decade resist any sure ordering.
• See Desprez in DS 10, col. 23, and in the introduction to Collection I II, pp.
34-7; see also Staats, 'Messalianerforschung', 54.
5 See Desprez, introduction to Collection I II, p. 35, n. 5.
6 See the surveys by Dorries in Symeon, 392-424 (in pp. 92-391 of Symeon,
Dorries summarizes each logion), Desprez in DS 10, cols 20-3, and in his
introduction to Collection III, pp. 13-26.
7 The confusion between the two Macarii is best illustrated by the Syriac
versions.
8 See the introductions to Collections I (p. xxxix), II (p. xi), and III (pp. 30-1).
The oldest Greek MSS of the Ps.-Macarian texts date from this period.
72 THE SPIRITUAL VOCABULARY OF PS.-MACARIUS
widely, and even found their way to someone as far distant in

time and place from their original milieu as John Wesley. 9
Translation into modern languages and publication in recent
editions witnesses to the continued popularity and value of
these writings.
This study will refer to three major collections of Greek
°
Ps.-Macarian texts. 1 Collection I, consisting of sixty-four
logia, is the most complete of all and contains a good deal of
material found in other collections. 11 Logion I of this collec-
tion is the text known as the Epistola magna. 12 Collection I I
is the most famous, and circulated under the title 'Spiritual
Homilies of our Holy Father Macarius of Egypt' .13 It
consists of fifty oµ,,Ma, ('homilies') and has been the collec-
tion most widely translated into modern languages. 14 Collec-
tion I I I consists of forty-three logia of which twenty-one are
unique to it. 15 In this study, texts will normally be cited as
they appear in Collection I, with parallel texts in Collection
9 On the Syriac and Arabic versions, see below. On the early versions and
modern translations, see Desprez in DS 10, cols. 22-3. Wesley included portions of
Collection II (in translation) in his Christian Library. See the introduction to
Collection II, p. I.
10 A fourth collection, apparently an earlier arrangement of the material, is
wholly contained in Collection I. See the introduction to Collection I, pp. liv-lxiii.

II Edited by Berthold in GCS as Makarios/Symeon: Reden und Briefe (see
Bibliography). The edition does not include the Epistola magna. In this study,
references to these texts will consist of the prefix '1' followed by the number of the
logion, then the number of the section, then the number of the subsection (if any).
12 See Staats's edition. References will consist of the prefix E.M., followed by
number of chapter and paragraph in Staats's edition.

13 This is the collection found in PG 34, cols. 449-822, and edited by Dorries et
al. as Die 50 geistlichen Homilien des Makarios. The apparatus has been supple-
mented by Strothmann's Textkritische Anmerkungen, which provides variant read-
ings for those texts in Collection II which also appear in Collections I and III.
References to these texts will consist of the prefix '11' followed by number of homily
and then number of section.
14 There are two complete translations into English: Mason's Fifty Spiritual
Homilies and Maloney's Intoxicated with God. Mason's is the more reliable. Of
translations into other modern languages, most notable is the French translation by
Deseille, Les Homelies spirituelles.
15 An edition of the texts from Collection III which are not contained in
Collection I I was prepared by Klostermann and Berthold as Neue Homilien des

Makarius/Symeon. A new edition, without apparatus but based on the full MS
tradition and with French translation, is the first volume to appear in Desprez's
edition of the entire Greek corpus for Sources chretiennes. References will be
prefixed with '111' followed by number of logion, section, and subsection as they
appear in Desprez's edition.
I I indicated and significant variations noted. The published
editions of Collection I I I contain only those texts which do
not appear in Collections I or I I.
Two small collections must be considered along with these
three major ones. The first consists of seven homilies, of
which four are authentic and a fifth partly so. These are
conventionally associated with Collection I I because they
form an appendix to two MSS of that collection, and thus
their numbering follows on from that of Collection I I .16 The
second collection of additional material was circulated under
the name of Ephrem, and some of these texts do not appear
elsewhere. 17
The Arabic version is of particular importance in recon-
structing the original shape of the Greek collections, now
hopelessly obscured in the Greek MSS, and contains some
material not found in the extant Greek texts. 18 The Syriac
version, of which there are two distinct traditions, will be of
particular interest for the study of spiritual vocabulary .19
Among the Syriac MSS are by far the oldest ones of the
16 Edited by Marriott as Macarii Anecdota. Aelred Baker published a list of
corrections to this edition (which Marriott had been unable to proofread owing to
interruptions in transatlantic post during the First World War) in JTS 22 (1971),
538-41. The authentic texts are those numbered 51, 52, 53. 1-7 + 13b-18, 55, 56.
On the question of authenticity, see Despre2, introduction to Collection III, p. 17,
n. 5. References will use the prefix 'H' (the convention used to distinguish these
texts from those of Collection II), followed by number of logion and of section.
17 Edited by Strothmann as Schriften des Makarios/Symeon unter dem Namen des
Ephraem. The unique material consists of logia 2. 7-11, 3. 1-3, 4. 12, 7. Logion 8 is
found in the Arabic collection (TV h 24), but is not included in Strothmann's
translation of the Arabic materials because it appears in the Greek Ephrem
tradition. References will include the prefix 'Eph' followed by number of logion
and of section.
18 The Arabic version remains unedited, but has been studied by Strothmann in
Die arabische Makariustradition and by Dorries in Symeon, 337-?7 and 410-15.

Strothmann has published a German translation of the material unique to the
Arabic collections in Makarios/Symeon: Das arabische Sondergut. References to
these texts use the conventional prefixes (TV h, TV int, T br, Vint, V br; these are
readily located, and well explained, in Strothmann's translation), followed by
number of logion and of section.
19 Edited by Strothmann as Die syrische Uberlieferung der Schriften des Makarios.
These texts, like the Arabic ones, are cited by various prefixes (Al ep, Al h, Sin)
followed by number of logion and of section. Later in this study the significance of
the Syriac version will be considered at greater length. For the influence of the Ps.-
Macarian texts on later Syriac writers, see Strothmann, 'Makarios und die
Makariosschriften'.
entire Ps.-Macarian corpus, two of them dating from the

sixth century.
THE SPIRITUAL VISION OF Ps.-MACARrns
The Ps.-Macarian texts are of three kinds: questions and

answers about the spiritual life, as in Basil's Asceticon;
discourses on spiritual topics; a lengthy treatise on Christian
life (the Epistola magna). Certain texts have epistolary traits,
but distinctions of genre are relatively unimportant within
the corpus of the Ps.-Macarian writings, 20 and have in any
case been obscured by the process of assembling and reas-
sembling the various collections. With the exception of the
Epistola magna, the most systematic of the texts, all of the
writings have the paranetic quality of the instructions of a
spiritual elder to his disciples. In each case, the starting point
is the experienced reality of the Christian struggle against
sin. The paranetic style avoids abstraction or systematization
in favour of a continual return to fundamental aspects of the
Christian life.
His basic issues are few, but the images used by Ps.-
Macarius to describe them are many. 21 The first theme is the
beginning of the struggle: he recognizes the fact of human
sin, the dissonance within the created order that contrasts
with the saving proclamation of the word of God. The
images he employs, varied as they are, underscore in their
different ways the key elements of his teaching on sin. Sin is
pernicious, pervasive, and beyond mastery by human beings
without divine assistance.
In his view, the goal of Christian life is victory in the battle
waged within the 'inner person'. The progression is from a
heart possessed by evil (because of Adam's disobedience), to
a heart indwelt by both sin and grace, and then finally to a
heart from which sin has been cast out by the co-operative
triumph of human will and divine Spirit. Such a heart
20 On genre, see Dorries, Symeon, passim, in his summaries of the various
collections; also Desprez in the introduction to Collection III, pp. 26-8.

21 For a theological survey of the Ps.-Macarian writings, see Dorries's last (and
unfinished) work, Die Theologie des Makarios-Symeon. The briefer study by

Davids, Das Bild vom neuen Menschen, is also helpful but is based only on
Collection II. See also Canivet's summary in DS 10, cols. 27-38.
belongs now to God alone, and is able to enjoy the heavenly
mysteries. The soul cleansed of evil is worthy of the heavenly
Bridegroom. It is ready to be 'mixed' or 'mingled' with the
divine Spirit, so that they become 'one Spirit' 2i and the soul
is changed into Spirit. 23 The 'goal of piety' is 'the fullness of
the Holy Spirit and complete release from the passions'
(E.M. 9. 1). Ps.-Macarius describes such freedom in terms
of restoration, new creation, and even divinization.
Ps.-Macarius skirts the trap of dualism by insisting that
sin is not a 'person' or 'substance' (evV1roaTaTov) with respect
to God (1 46. 1. 2 and 10); however, with respect to human
beings, sin is 'an evil reality working with all power and
sensation' (eanv EVV7TOaTaTOV KaKOV EV£pyoiiv 1raav Dvvaµ.££ KaL
aiaO~a£L). 24 Evil is 'the opposing power which is substantial
and intellectual' (~ evaVTLa Dvvaµ.L, IJ7TOaTaTLK~ ooaa VO€pa), and
is also described as 'the robber in the house' of the soul ( I 4.
29. 10). 25 Ps.-Macarius is primarily concerned with the
experiential reality of sin and evil, and it is from this
perspective that he writes of sin and grace as two presences
or players in the heart (1rp6aw1ra, I 4. 5. 1 (= II 40. 7)).
Whatever its ultimate ontological status, evil is felt to be real
in the lives of those engaged in the ascetical struggle. When
he uses words like evv1roaTaTo,, or speaks of evil 'mixed with'
or 'dwelling' in the soul, the experiential thrust of his
descriptions can be misunderstood. His works, if read as
theological statements and removed from the descriptive
22 See e.g. I 13. 2. 4 (= II 18. 10), 15. 2. 3 (= II 9. 12); II 46. 3; Ill 16. 3. 5,
26. 7. 3.
23 See I 63. 4. 2: ai 'Pvxai ai ElAtKpivWs 1TLOTEVaaaa, Kai Tip 1TvEVµ.aTt yEvv118Eiaai Els
Trv<1,µa µeraf3>.TJB~ooVTa,, picking up on John 3 :6b, TO y•y•vvTJµ<vov <K Toii -,,.v,uµaTo,

1rveVµ.&. faTtv.
24 See 1 46. 1. 2; the parallel in I I 16. 1 omits evu-,,.6oTaTov. Cf. 111 18. 1. 4. Gregory
of Nyssa writes, 'evil is not a person, for it takes its nature from that which has no
being' (TO yO.p KaKOv d.vv,r6a-ra-rov, 0-r, fK -roV µ.~ Ov-ros -r~v V1r6<JTaatv Exe,: Hom. in Eccl. 2
(PG 44, col. 637 C), as cited in Volker, Gregor von Nyssa, 89 n. 7). On evu-,,.6aTaTo,,
see also Rahner, 'Ein messalianisches Fragment', 268, n. 104.
25 The parallel text in 11 15. 48 breaks after lluvaµi,, and the next sentence begins,
avnOTanK~ o.Jv Kai vo,po. ean. There is no doubt that the text as it stands in I 4. 29. 10
is prone to misinterpretation. Note that 11 16. 1 similarly omits the word
evu-,,.60TaTov when describing the working of evil within the human person. Given
that this very topic was an issue in the Messalian controversy, and that John of
Damascus' list of Messalian doctrines begins, '[they say] that Satan dwells as a
person [or 'substantially', ouvo,K<i ... evu-,,.oaTo.no,] with a human being and rules
him in all things', a revision of such a problematic text would be likely.
ascetical context in which he writes them, can indeed appear

problematic. The concerns of those anti-Messalian contro-
versialists who excerpted his works for the list of Messalian
doctrines preserved in John of Damascus' De haeresibus
doubtless arose from the application of a hermeneutical key
different from that intended by Ps.-Macarius himself. Ps.-
Macarius' approach is a far cry from the psychological
subtlety of the Antony depicted in the Vita Antonii, who
maintains that the demons have power over humans only
through fear and deception, and that discernment eliminates
their threat. 26 Ps.-Macarius is not so psychological. For him,
. evil is real and powerful. Faith and discernment initiate the
struggle against evil, but the war is protracted, and for a time
sin and grace can coexist in the soul. 27 The contest can be
won only by liberation from the occupying power, not
merely by a refusal to believe in ghosts.
This insistence on the reality of evil, and the equally
vehement assertion of the palpable work of the Holy Spirit in
the human heart, underlie the graphic imagery Ps.-Macarius
uses in his teaching. Evil is not just a tendency with a place in
the array of human options, but a dramatic foil playing
directly opposite the protagonist, which is the human will
co-operating with divine grace. If at times Ps.-Macarius'
language veers in the direction of dualism and seems to place
the power of evil and the power of good too much on a par,
the explanation lies not in arcane cosmological speculations
(like those of Gnostics or Manichaeans), but in a deeply felt
concern to represent clearly and forcibly the challenge
awaiting anyone who seriously pursues Christian perfection.
He can even apply to the work of evil spirits language he
ordinarily reserves for the energizing effect of the Holy
Spirit. Evil, as well as grace, can affect soul and body Jv
alaO~aEt Ka, 1TATJpocpop{q. (III 25. 6. 1).
When Ps.-Macarius describes the ascetical goal as 'resto-
ration', it is with respect to the original pure nature of Adam
26 See V.Ant. 42 (PG 26, cols. 904 B-905 C).

27 See I 4· 5. 1-3 (= II 40. 7-8), 4. 9. 1-4 (= II 8. 2-5), 7. 5.1-7. 6. 8 (= II 26.
5-12), 14. 7 (= II 43· 4), 18. I. 4-11 (cf. II 41. 2-3), 32. 3· 2 (= II 15. 14), 32. 6-7
(= II 15. 17-18), 46. I. 7-8 (= II 16. 4), 47. 2-5 (= II 38. 4), 51. 1-8 (= II 10. 1-5),
54. 7. 3-4 (= II 15. 6); II 41. 2-3, 50. 4; H 56. 7.
before the Fall, when Adam was able to be on guard against
the passions (which for Ps.-Macarius are always bad) and
was free from sin. Both the faculty of discernment and the
freedom from sin are Christian ideals ( II 26. 1 ). The return
to Paradise, a strong theme in the Ps.-Macarian texts, is a
characteristic image in Syriac Christianity. 28 Ps.-Macarius'
descriptions of Adam's fall and the believer's restoration are
not always consistent; at times he is strong in his assertion
that the original, pure nature of Adam was completely lost
by disobedience and the invasion by the passions, 29 whereas
on other occasions he refers to damage and wounding. 30 In
any event, only Christ and the Spirit can restore and heal, for
the Incarnation accomplishes the a1roKaTaaTaai, of the first
Adam's pure nature (1 61. 1. 1). 31
Alternatively, Ps.-Macarius describes salvation as renewal
or new creation, without reference to Adam and the original
order. He writes in the Epistola magna of 'the high goal of
Christianity ... and the apostolic rule of new creation' (3.
11), and he explains that this 'apostolic rule of new creation'
entails 'renewal above nature' (4. 1). This means refashion-
ing the human person, transforming the old a.v8pw1ro, and
KaTaaTaai, into a new creation which brings a new mind
(vov,) and soul, new eyes, ears, and a new spiritual tongue (II
44. 1). This renewal of the vov, and the transformation of the
eaw Tij<; KapSla, a.v8pw1ro<; is true Christianity and the aposto-
lic tradition of the Scriptures (III 25. 6. 2, II I 48. 2. 2 ( = II 5.
4); cf. I 52. 1. 3). Christianity itself is the 'new creation' (111
1. 2. 3), and the whole configuration (oiaTv1rwai,) of the
Church is for the renewal and recreation of the soul (1 52. 1.
6). Restoration of the 'image of God' in the soul is another of
28 See Voobus, Legacy of Pseudo-Macarius, 13; Murray, Symbols, 254-62; Brock,
Luminous Eye, 18-20.

29 I 29. 2. 8, the original nobility (,tlylv«a) of the pure nature was destroyed by
the transgression of the commandment; see also 1 50. 1. 1 and 9, human nature fell
from the original pure and ,hrali~s condition, and only God can restore to the
original EVy€vEta.
' 0 See 1 25. 1. 5-9, the wounds of sin; 111 26. 5. 1, the soul still has the original
constitution of Adam's soul, but it is veiled by sin.
31 Bianchi notes the significance-and the literalness-of Ps.-Macarius' Adam
typology in 'La Tradition de l'Enkrateia', 303-5. He places the Ps.-Macarian

conception of o.1rali«a in the context of the restoration of human beings to Adam's
primordial condition.
Ps.-Macarius' favoured approaches to the goal of renewal

and restoration. 32
The theme of a 'new creation' suggests that 'restoration' is
not understood by Ps.-Macarius to refer simply to a return
to the starting-point. There is a possibility of a state greater
than Adam's, as Ps.-Macarius explains in replying to the
question: 'When the Holy Spirit comes, is natural desire
uprooted along with sin?' He answers that when sin is
uprooted, one initially receives the first shape (1T1\aais') of the
pure Adam. Having arrived at the 'measures' (Ta µiTpa) of
the first Adam through the power of the Spirit and spiritual
rebirth, one is divinized (chro8Eoihai) and thus becomes
greater than Adam was (I 7. 3 (= II 26. 2)). 33 This point is
echoed in other passages which refer to the Christian hope of
becoming Kvpwi (as Adam was Kvpws of creation) and 8Eo{ (a
status which Adam was denied). 34 In the only other reference
to divinization in the extant Ps.-Macarian corpus, the com-
parison is not with Adam, but rather with one's own sinful
condition before the coming of divine power. This power
confers the 'pure man' (TOV Ka8apov av8pw7TOV) and makes one
'greater than oneself' (y{yvETai lavToii µ,EL(oTEpos), for now
such a one is divinized (chro8Eoiirai) and has become a son of
God, receiving the heavenly sign in his soul. 35 Far more
common than these two uses of aTTo8E6w are references to a
'mixing' of the Holy Spirit with the human soul (a theme to
be discussed more fully below), to becoming 'one spirit' with
the Lord, 36 to being changed irito a 'divine nature' (8Ei·K~
cpvais, 2 Pet. 1 :4), 37 and to other ways of describing full
communion with God.
The most prominent image of salvation is the liberation
from passions and from sin, a promise directed towards the
individual believer and discussed without much reference to
the broader perspective of the historical economy of salva-
tion. This is no surprise, for Ps.-Macarius prefers to use
32 See Davids, Das Bild, 39-42 and 67-72.
33 See Brock, Luminous Eye, 18 on this theme in Ephrem's work.
34 See e.g. I 7. II. 3 (= II 27. 3), 16. I. I(= II 17. 1); cf. II 34. 2 and III 8. 2. I.
35 II 15. 35; cf. I 33. I. 7, y{vera, iv mhcj, µ.£{{wv. '
36 Seee.g. I 15.2.2-3(=119.11-12),49.2.9(=114. 10); 1146.3and6;cf. 1113.
3. 2.
37 See e.g. I 14. 23 ( = 11 39); II 34. 2, 44· 9.
salvation history more as a source of images and examples
than as an organizing framework for his work. Unlike the
author of the Liber graduum, who employs a fairly consistent
historical elucidation of the workings of sin and grace, Ps.-
Macarius never strays far from the experiential reality of sin
in the soul now and the imperative for its expulsion. The
most frequent characterization of the goal of Christian life is
in terms of a release from the tyranny of sin.
Occasionally he describes this liberation as a1raOEia, but his
concept of a1raOEia must be understood according to his own
emphasis on escape from the tyranny of sin rather than
according to other, more systematic, approaches, such as
that of Evagrius. 38 To paint the difference between Ps.-
Macarius and Evagrius in broad strokes: Evagrius consis-
tently maintains that a1raOELa, the fruit of the 'practical life'
of observance of the commandments, is not the goal of, but
the ouverture to, the full life of the soul. Evagrius writes that
a1raOEia allows for aya1r17, which is the basis for contempla-
tion of things as they are (OEwp{a <pVGLK~ or yvwais TWV ovrwv),
which prepares for knowledge of God (yvwais 0Eov or 0Eo>..o-
y{a). 39
Ps.-Macarius presents no such cosmic plan. For
him, a1raOEia or release from sin is the hallmark of the love
of God, and makes possible the perfect observance of the
38 Ps.-Macarius uses the word a1rall«a seventeen times, and it occurs in each
major collection: I 16.2.11 and 16.3.2 (= II 17.11-12), 20.1.5, 25.2.3, 25.2.10,

36. I. I, 38.2.6, 40. I. I, 40.2.6, 49.6.4 ( = II 4.25), 5 1.5 (=II 10.3), 51.8 (=II 10.5); II
29.7; III 28-4-2; E.M. 3.14, 13.3, 13.8. He uses the adjective d1rall~s six times: I 40.
1. 13; II 45. 7, 48. 6; III 28. 3. 4 (twice); E.M. 11. 11. In each instance it is a quality
attainable by human beings. He describes a1rall«a as 'health' (,lyda), in the manner
of the Stoics and Evagrius ( I 25. 2. 3 and 10, 49. 6.4 ( = II 4. 25)). Sometimes he
writes, as does Clement, of a divine quality of a1rall«a which is shared with human
beings ( 1 40. 1. 1 and 2. 6). Less explicit are statements about attaining the 'perfect
measure of a1rall«a', a phrase associated in the Ps.-Macarian texts with Eph. 4: 13, as
discussed below (125. 2. 10, 51. 5 (= II 10. 3), 51. 8 (= II 10. 5), cf. II 29. 7; E.M. 3.
14). But there is not always either an explicit or implicit reference to divine a1rall«a.
Adam was d1rall~s before the Fall ( II 48. 6) and had relations with Eve a1rallws ( I 7.
2); a1rall«a is something one receives through grace (1 20. 1. 5, 51. 5 (= 11 10. 3)) or
the Holy Spirit (1 38. 2. 6, 40. 1. 13; 11 29. 7); the Scriptures explain how various
people attained a1rall«a through ill treatment and endurance (1 36. 1. 1); a1rall«a is
associated with the achievement of 'perfection', -r<>.«6-r17s (I 16.2.11 and 3. 2 (= II
17. 11-12)), and with 'freedom' (E.M. 13. 3 and 8). It is love that makes possible
a1rall«a rather than, as for Evagrius, a1rall«a that makes possible love ( II 1 28. 3. 4).
39 See Prac. 81-7 (pp. 670-78).
commandments. 40 Observance of the commandments char-

acterizes the struggle against sin, and perfect observance
denotes overall spiritual perfection. For if perfection is
possible in this life, one who is perfect must remain bound to
the demands of charity, which require the observance of the
commandments, particularly the Great Commandment.
The 'treasure of the Spirit', writes Ps.-Macarius, makes
possible the spotless and perfect observance of the com-
mandments (1 13. 1. 5-6 (= 11 18. 2-3)). The Lord comes to
dwell in the soul, freeing it from enemies and from indwell-
ing sin, filling it with the Holy Spirit, and making possible
the observance of all of the commandments without strain or
effort. Ps.-Macarius elucidates this further: 'even better, the
Lord performs in him his own commandments' (1 56. 1. 3
(= II 19. 2), cf. H 56. 5). There is an analogy with the overall
ascetical struggle: as one can fight indwelling sin, but not
uproot it, so one can observe the commandments, but not
freely and effortlessly. The effort is to live 'in the command-
ments of the Lord', hoping for the complete hallowing by
the Spirit which will allow the perfect fulfilment of all of the
commandments (1 60. 3. 5). When the struggle is ended, and
God alone dwells in the soul, the observance of the com-
mandments is transformed into something natural and easy.
To live according to the commandments is to live according
to the will of God; when one is free from indwelling sin,
there is no impediment. It is a shift from observing the
commandments with difficulty (µeTa f3{as; i 13. 1. 5 ( = I I 18.
3)) to fulfilling them without hindrance (avev {3fos; I 56. 1. 4
( = 11 19. 2) ); with complete release from evil passions comes
the ability to fulfil perfectly all of the commandments, and to
receive knowledge of heavenly mysteries through experience
(SLa TTEtpas, 1 58. 2. 5). In Collection I I I the imperative is
stated clearly: to be worthy of the Kingdom of Heaven, one
must receive the Spirit entirely and perfectly now, for
without the Spirit there cannot be that communion with the
divine nature which allows for the fulfilment of every com-
mandment (111 16. 6. 2). And so the te.rm 'spiritual one'
• 0 On Ps.-Macarius' differences with Evagrius on this point (the relationship
between ,hra8«a and dycf1r71), see Desprez, 'Le Pseudo-Macaire' (in Commandements
du Seigneur), 186, n. 48.
(1rvev1wnK6s) describes well the true Christian, the one who

lives in and through the Spirit. 41 The rich biblical back-
ground for this very common Ps.-Macarian terminology is
immediately evident, but such language came to appear as
elitist when it seemed to apply to some Christians but not
others: thus the sarcasm in the anti-Messalian lists. Ps.-
Macarius writes, 'The Kingdom of Heaven is the philan-
thropic spirit of Christ, working (Evepyovv) and supplying
(1raplxov) cb6.8eLa and faith in the soul' (1 38. 2. 6). For him
a1ra8eia is the 'rest [or calm, KaT0.7TaVaLS] Of the fullness Of
grace' (1 20. 1. 5), it is health (1 25. 2. 3), it is sanctification (1
40. 1. 1 and 2. 6). It is complete freedom from sin allowing
for the free and full working of divine grace.
It is in this manner that one should understand references
to 'perfection' in the Ps.-Macarian texts. The Greek TEAELos
means both 'perfect' and 'mature, complete', and the latter
translation is perhaps the more helpful one. The 'mature'
Christian is the one who has grown up through the ascetical
struggle, and been 'completed' by the gift of the Spirit. Thus
the emphasis on growth (av('YJaLs/av(avw) and progress (1rpo-
Ko1r~/1rpoK61r,-w) in these texts:
Those recently reborn by God still live like children and are in
childhood; like the newborn, who come forth with all their limbs
ready but because of their simplicity or smallness cannot accom-
plish or do· something, and thus require much nurturing and
attention in order to come to full growth (-r£A1dav av!TJaiv): so those
begotten by the Holy Spirit, and by him instructed and nurtured,
grow into the growth (av!ovai TTJV av!TJaLv) of the Lord. (r 18. 5. 6)
As a newborn babe is the image of the mature man, so also the soul
is the image of the one who made it. And as a child who is partly
grown knows the father partially, and growing up is taught by the
wisdom of the father, and then the father knows the son, and the
son [k~ows] the father perfectly, and the treasure of the father is
revealed to the son, so too the soul is meant to advance (1TpoK61TTELv)
from disobedience and come unto the mature/perfect man, because
of obedience and the 'iconic love' (~ EiKoviKTJ ayaTTTJ) concealed
[within the soul]. (r 3. 5. 6)
41 See e.g. I 4. 27. 1 and 6 (= II 16.8and11), 6. 4. 3 (= II 27. 10), 13. 2. 3 (= II

18. 8), 14. 21, etc.
Similar passages, and ones with somewhat different meta-

phors of growth (such as agricultural metaphors) can be
found throughout the writings. 42 The underlying biblical
text is Ephesians 4:13, which speaks of advancement 'unto
the perfect (mature) man, unto the measure of stature of the
fullness (1rA.~pwµa) of Christ' .43 It is this verse which lies
behind the recurring phrase, 'the perfect measure(s)', used
by Ps.-Macarius to describe the Christian goal. 44 The theme
of growth towards maturity and adulthood echoes also
Colossians 1 :28 and Hebrews 5: 14. The dynamic quality of
'perfection' in these texts touches back to the Adam typo-
logy: the 'earthly man' (TeA.ews av8pw1ros) is the one restored
to the perfect health which was Adam's (1 2. 5. 2), by the
help of the 'heavenly man' (e1rovpavws av8pw1ros), who is
Christ (I 14. 35 (= II 42. 3); II 2. 4).
Ps.-Macarius' insistence on progress, liberation, and per-
fection does not ignore the fact that spiritual progress is
never uninterrupted, and he admits that perfection is not
unshakable. Here one sees the dilemma of his exhortatory
role: on the one hand, he must proclaim the goal of perfec-
tion with its joys and rewards; on the other hand, he must
acknowledge the difficulties of the ascetical way of life and
caution against any presumptiveness. Therefore he insists
that even one who in this life is filled with, and joined to, the
Holy Spirit, and intoxicated with God and heavenly things,
is still capable of turning to evil. 45 Concerned to preserve
human freedom, Ps.-Macarius writes that grace will step
aside (1rapaxwpei) to allow freedom of choice ( I 6. 5. 1 ( = I I
27. 11)), without grace itself being weakened in any way.
This awkward rationale illustrates his efforts to place observ-
42 e.g. I I I. 4· 5 ( = II 47 · 17), 14. 17, 43· 3, 45· 4· I (=II I 5· 41 ), 5 I. 8 (=II 10. 5);
II 32. 10; E.M. 2. 3. The words avt17,ns and 7rpoKo7T~, often paired, are very common
in the Ps.-Macarian texts.
43 See e.g. I 25. 2. 5, 38. 2. 9, 40. 3. 8, 45. 4. I(= II 15. 41); II 32. 10; III I. 2. I,
21. 1. 2, 27. 4. 3; E.M. 2. 4, 3. 1, 13. 3.
•• At III 27. 4. 3, the phrase T<A«ov µhpov is set within a passage playing off of
Eph. 4: 13. For other occurrences of this phrase, see I 4. 9. 3-4 (=II 8. 3-4), 5. 2. 3
and 6. 3· 3 (To fl,<Tpov TWV TEA«wv), I I. 4. 5 (=II 47. 17), 16. I. I (=I I 17. I, TU. fl,<Tpa
T~S TEAE<OTT/TOS), 18. 5. I, 25. 2. 10, 47. 2 (= II 38. 4), 51. 5 (= II 10. 3), 51. 8 (= II
10. 5), 52. 2. 8; E.M. 3. 1, 3. 13, 3. 14, 5. 2, 11. 1, 13. 3, 13. 6, 13. 13; II116. 2. 1, 27.
4. 3.
45 I 6. 4-7 (= II 27. 9-13), 33· I. 8 (= II 15. 36), 45· 3· 3 (= II 15. 40).
able reality within his spiritual vision. The tension between
idealism and realism accounts for his apparent contradic-
tions. Thus the famous passage in which he declares, despite
his many descriptions of perfection, 'Truly I have never seen
a Christian who is perfect or free' (I 4. 9. 4 (= II 8. 5)). His
concern here is for those who think that they are perfect
while in fact sin remains present in their inner selves.
Elsewhere, where the need is different, so is his commentary.
The question-and-answer format of much of the corpus
lends itself to statements tailored to particular circum-
stances. For a similar approach, one might think of the
Apophthegmata patrum, and the utter impossibility of order-
ing the advice of the monks into any kind of consistent
system.
THE SPIRITUAL VOCABULARY AND IMAGERY OF

Ps.-MACARIUS
When Ps.-Macarius writes about Christian spiritual ex-
perience, he does so with an extraordinarily rich vocabulary.
It is important to remember that he is not writing a system-
atic treatise, or providing a scientific exegesis of Scripture,
but rather offering exhortation and inspiration, as well as
practical advice, to groups of Christian ascetics. Despite a
lack of a formal structure, one soon finds that his writings
portray a clear trajectory which unifies the texts. This
trajectory is observed from a number of different perspec-
tives and traced with a variety of images. The author plays
freely with these images and with the scriptural texts he uses
to support them. But because the corpus of his writings is so
extensive, and his tone so distinctive, one soon begins to hear
echoes, and to perceive a specialized and indeed unique
vocabulary of spiritual experience. The following passage is
a good illustration of typical Ps.-Macarian language:
[Those with a heart made completely holy] commune with the
Spirit Paraclete in perfection with all a,aB'Yjat, and TTA'YJpocf,opta, [and]
receive liberation from the passions of evil through the Spirit ...
[But the careless cannot attain] the perfect measure of aTTa8Eta, [or]
be filled utterly (TTA'YJpw8iJva, TEAEtw,) with grace ... [which is for]
those desiring to be completely worthy of the mystical and
unutterable spirit of communion with [Christ] in holiness, with the

face of the soul unveiled and gazing upon the heavenly Bridegroom
face to face in spiritual and indescribable light, made one with him
in all 1TAT)pocf,op{a, conformed to his death in great desire, always
thinking of death for the sake of Christ and believing [themselves]
worthy to receive complete liberation from sin and the darkness of
the passions by the Spirit in 1TATJpocf,opta, so that they might be
cleansed through the grace of the Spirit and made holy in soul and
body to be a pure vessel for holding the heavenly myrrh, and made
worthy to become a dwelling for Christ the true King, and
[worthy] of the eternal Kingdom, having become a pure dwelling
of the Holy Spirit within ... [and so through many trials] the soul
obtains growth and progress to the perfect measure of a1T1ilhia. ( I
51. 5-8, cf. II 10. 2-5)
As one reads through the Ps.-Macarian writings, it is not

difficult to pick out the elements of the author's distinctive
vocabulary. It becomes considerably more problematic
when one tries to determine how he came to use certain
words as he does or where he might have learned his
vocabulary. Many of the words and images can be found in
the writings of other Greek Christian authors, but both the
frequency and application of some of the most striking terms
and metaphors in these texts cannot be paralleled in Greek
patristic literature. Many of Ps.-Macarius' most arresting
images do, however, have strong affinities with language
found in Syriac writings, and in some instances especially
with the Liber graduum.
The Syrian Background of Ps.-Macarius
AN APPROACH
In recent years, scholars have regularly spoken of the Syrian

background of the Ps.-Macarian writings, and have explored
connections between these texts and the Gospel of Thomas,
the Diatessaron, or the Old Syriac versions of the Bible. 46
" See Baker, 'Pseudo-Macarius and the Gospel of Thomas' and 'Syriac and the
Scriptural Quotations of Pseudo-Macarius' (especially 147); Quispe!, 'The Syrian
There has been little attempt, however, to explore the
implications of this association in terms of language and
imagery. 47 Attention has been drawn to the Syrian back-
ground of bridal imagery in the Ps.-Macarian writings, 48 and
to ecclesiological metaphors, 49 but these efforts represent
only a beginning of the task at hand. A close examination of
the spiritual vocabulary of the Ps.-Macarian texts, and
where relevant, a comparison with the Liber graduum and
other Syriac texts, can advance these tentative efforts. In this
study, certain words and images common in the Ps.-Macar-
ian texts will be examined from three perspectives. First,
how Ps.-Macarius uses such language, with particular atten-
tion to biblical antecedents. Second, how his usage is distinc-
tive when compared to that of other Greek Christian authors
(with occasional reference to Classical authors and Philo as
well). so Third, in some cases, how similar language in the
Liber graduum or other Syriac texts may better explain the
Ps.-Macarian usage than appeals to Greek texts. The relative
importance of a particular perspective will vary from case to
Thomas and the Syrian Macarius' (especially 234-5), Makarius, das Thomasevange-
lium und das Lied von der Perie, and 'The Study of Encratism', 55; Klijn, 'Some
Remarks on the Quotations of the Gospels in Gregory of Nyssa's De instituto
christiano and Macarius' Epistula magna'; Guillaumont, 'Situation et significance',
318-19.
47 Viiiibus insists on the Syrian provenance of the Ps.-Macarian texts and
discusses some thematic parallels between the Ps.-Macarian texts and Syriac
sources in Legacy of Pseudo-Macarius, 13-19, and in History of Asceticism, 3. 5o-67,
but does not go into great detail. His suggestions will be noted below where
relevant.
48 See Viiiibus, Legacy of Pseudo-Macarius, 19, and Brock, Luminous Eye, 92-106,
130.
49 See Murray, Symbols, 262-71.
so The first survey of the distinctive Ps.-Macarian vocabulary was by Stiglmayr

in his Sachliches und Sprachliches bei M akarius von .ii.gyp ten ( 1912). Stiglmayr noted
how certain terms were used by Ps.-Macarius in ways not (or only rarely) paralleled
in other Greek texts. Stiglmayr held to the identification with Macarius the
Egyptian, however, and little suspected a Syrian explanation for what he noted.
The next general study of vocabulary was that of P. Miquel in 'Les Caracteres de
!'experience spirituelle selon le Pseudo-Macaire' (1966). Miquel's article, written
before the publication of the text of the E.M. by Jaeger and the publication of
Collection I by Berthold, is based on Collections II and III, with some material
from the Opuscula. His approach is descriptive and thematic, rather than system-
atic. V. Desprez has done detailed work on certain words, and his studies will be
noted below. As Davids wrote twenty years ago, 'Sehr wenig ist die Sprache [des
Makarios] noch studiert worden' (Das Bild, 25). His observation remains valid.
case: each image or term poses its own questions, and

demands appropriate treatment.
First to be studied are three words which are Ps.-Macar-
ius' hallmark. Out of TTATJpocpop{a, aia87Jai~, and 7T£tpa he
composes a leitmotif which runs throughout his work, for
these words appear whenever he emphasizes experience of
grace or the Holy Spirit at work in the soul. Although these
words do not appear to derive directly from Syriac models,
their use in an experiential mode has few parallels in Greek
Christian tradition.
Following the study of those key Greek terms, a series of
central Ps.-Macarian metaphors with clear Syriac parallels
will be examined. These images are: ( 1) the mixing of sin or
the Holy Spirit with the soul ('mixing language'); (2) the
indwelling of sin, the Lord or the Spirit in the soul ('dwell-
ing language'); (3) the filling of the soul by sin or the Spirit
('filling language'). These three have been chosen because
they are among the most unusual metaphors in the Ps.-
Macarian repertoire, and because they have not received the
attention given to, for example, bridal imagery. These im-
ages have strong resonances with themes in Syriac literature,
and help to fill out more of the suspected Syrian background
of Ps.-Macarius. There are many distinctive and colourful
themes in the Ps.-Macarian texts; a number of them were
described earlier in this chapter. Inevitably a selection has
been necessary, made not with the aim of capturing the
whole landscape in a few sketches, but with the intention of
suggesting new perspectives on an extraordinarily rich
vision of Christian progress and perfection.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE LIBER GRADUUM AND ITS

SPIRITUAL VISION
The Liber graduum is a particularly interesting text for

students of the Ps.-Macarian writings. 51 Like the Ps.-Macar-
ian corpus, it is anonymous, dates from the fourth century,
and has mysterious origins. 52 Its 'Messalian character' has
51The L.G. was edited by Michael Kmosko in Patrologia Syriaca 3 (Paris, 1926).
52On the L.G., see Guillaumont, 'Liber graduum', and 'Situation et signification
du "Liber graduum" dans la spiritualite syriaque'; also, Voobus, History of
been widely noted since Kmosko published the text in 1926,
in the same decade which saw Villecourt's detection of
correspondences between the anti-Messalian lists and the
Ps.-Macarian writings. 53 The Liber graduum is a thoroughly
Semitic work, with little evidence of influence from Hellen-
istic Christianity. It stands apart, however, from the works
of Aphrahat and Ephrem, for its author has a distinctive
conception of the progress of human beings from Creation,
through Fall and recovery, and on towards perfection.
The Liber graduum differs from the Ps.-Macarian texts in
that the author uses salvation history as the organizing
matrix for his exposition. The collection of homilies (the
Syriac term is memre) is thematic rather than diachronic, but
a consistent appeal to various stages in the history of God's
relationship with human beings provides a coherence to the
work as a whole.
The rriost notable feature of the Liber graduum's descrip-
tion of creation, disruption, and recovery is a detailed
analysis of humankind's movement away from and then once
more towards the perfection intended for them by God. The
approach is both historical and moral. The time between
Adam and Christ is described as a succession of laws, some
of which were salvific, others not, but all given by God.
Similarly, the period opened by the birth of Christ, with the
possibility for human beings to recover Adam's created
perfection, is characterized by all of the commandments and
precepts of the preceding generations, with the addition of
those of the New Testament. The serious Christian thus
confronts an array of injunctions and examples, all claiming
divine authority, and must determine which ones are obsol-
ete, which are meant for those who have only the barest sense
Asceticism, 3. 1-18, recapitulating his earlier work. A summary of the anthropology

of the Liber graduum can be found in Aveta, 'Ad instar angelorum'. As for its origins,
Murray suggests possibly west of Edessa (Symbols, 36) while Brock places it in the
Persian Empire ('Syriac Tradition', 206).
" See Kmosko's section entitled 'Necessitudo Libri Graduum ad doctrinam
Messalianorum', pp. cxxxix-cxlix. Kmosko sees the L.G. as representative of ideas
that, by an unhealthy evolution, led to the Messalian teachings of the later fourth
century. Vi:ii:ibus defended the text against any imputation of Messalianism
(A History of Asceticism, 1. 178-84). See Guillaumont's 'Situation et signification'
for a mediating position.
of virtue, which lead to a life acceptable to God, but not

perfect, and those that are meant for those who strive for
perfection. The twinned notions of distinction and discern-
ment form the basis of the Liber graduum's understanding of
the Christian life. Briefly stated, discernment of God's
commandments, aided by the partial indwelling of the Holy
Spirit, keeps one moving along towards a life of justice or
righteousness (kenuta). The higher goal is a life of perfection
(gm'iruta), when one is in full possession of the Holy Spirit
(termed in this case the Paraclete), and thereby knows all
truth. 54 This progress, described in one of the memre of the
Liber graduum in terms of steps or degrees, provides the
name for the whole treatise, Ktaba d-masqata, literally,
'Book of Ascents'.
The Liber graduum is, therefore, a work of high moral
aspiration and rigorous self-examination. At the same time,
it avoids harshness and self-righteousness by emphasizing
the premier qualities of love ('1,ubba) and humility (makk'i-
kuta, better translated as 'lowliness') found supremely in the
life of Christ. The appeal for reflection upon Scripture and
for advancement beyond selfishness and conflict is highly
personal and adverts little to ecclesiastical structures, the
sacramental economy of the Church, or doctrinal controver-
sies. Indeed, the author continually emphasizes that inner
and invisible realities are far more important than external
structures, laws, and ministries. 55
The intrusion of sin into human life is associated in
Memra 1 5 of the Liber graduum with the acceptance by
Adam and Eve of the illusion of equality with God. Thereby,
various sorts of desires (regge) became operative, and sin
entered their hearts even as the spirit of God departed from
them (cols. 341. 5-7; 349. 12-14; 644. 10--12; cf. 68. 14-72.
19). The abiding reality of sin is explained in terms of a
'continuance/course of desire' (mardita d-reggta; mardita is
from rda, 'to journey' or 'to continue'). This phrase is
54 Quispe) in 'The Study of Encratism', 80, relates this distinction to Matthew's
addition of 'if you want to be perfect' (Matt. 19:21) to Jesus' saying about selling
one's possessions and giving to the poor (cf. Mark 10:21 ).
" This point is made pre-eminently in Memrii 12, 'On the Service of the Church
Hidden and Manifest' (cols. 285-304), but is found throughout the work.
generally, but not exclusively, used in Memra 15 with
specific reference to sexual desire. 56 The 'course of sin' is a
reality for the descendants of Adam and Eve (e.g., cols. 629.
13-28 and 856. 4-10), but there is little concern in the Liber
graduum about how the marcEta is transmitted from genera-
tion to generation. In one place the author states that all of
Adam's descendants receive the 'thought' (i.e. sin) of Adam
from their mothers' wombs and none escapes sin before
being justified (col. 125. 4-8); in another place, however, it is
remarked that babies appear to be exempt from desire ( col.
344. 2). It is observed that baptism does not eliminate vices
(col. 344. 4-5), and that there remains an admixture
('urbana) of sin in human beings which can coexist with an
'urbana of the Spirit. 57 In any case, it is the
presence of sin rather than its inter-generational trans-
mission that is emphasized. This is not 'original sin' in an
Augustinian understanding. Rather, it seems, desire and the
persistence of desire are concomitants of living on the earth
(col. 337. 13-19).
Desire can be transcended, or better, removed by God
from one's heart and body, through a life of perfection
returning one to God's intention for humanity, that is, to
dwelling spiritually in heaven (cols. 336. 3, 340. 12-348. 5,
349· 19-352. 3, 353· 24-356. 5, 356. 8-15). The affinity with
the Ps.-Macarian view of spiritual growth is apparent. The
return to the heavenly city, which is the principal theme of
the entire treatise, is described in Memra 19 as an ascent to
the heavenly city along the road of the commandments:
The steps that confront human beings along the way that leads to
that city are difficult and steep and narrow, bounded by great
heights above and great depths below. If you tum to one side, there
is fire; on the other, great waters. One who falls down is bruised;
•• For mardita d-reggta, see cols. 336. g--10 and 356. 5, 13; for reggta ... w-
mardita, col. 341. 19. For mardita applied to marriage (mardita d-zuwaga), see cols.
336. 1-2 and 385. 5. For both (mardita w-reggta d-zuwaga): col. 353. 15. For sexual
desire: mardita w-reggta d-sawtaputa, col. 341. 12; reggta d-mardita d-nestawtpun,
cols. 337. 26-340. 1; reggta w-mardita d-zar'a, col. 340. 5.
57 This theme will be studied in some detail as part of the discussion of
metaphors of mixing or blending in Syriac literature. The parallel with Ps.-

Macarius' notion of the 860 1rpoow1ra of sin and of grace in the heart is striking ( I 4.
5, I(= II 40. 7)).
one who comes to the fire burns up; one who falls into the water is
drowned. The step ahead is high and hard and difficult. If then you
want to go to that city, constrain yourself and begin to climb, and
do not turn aside to right or to left or to the depths, lest you perish.
Climb with integrity, that quickly you may arrive at that great and
glorious place. (col. 449.9-24)
To this one can compare a passage from Ps.-Macarius:
If there be a city in a high place or resting upon a mountain, which
has in it rest and great peace, wealth and treasures, and where there
are people who are well born and of senatorial rank, then the way
by which one comes to that city is narrow, with the width of a step
being that of a man's leg. On the right there is a great fire, and on
the left the depth of the sea, and if the foot takes even a small step
to the side off of the narrow path of the way, one is thrown into the
fire or into the water. And if one carefully continues through the
roughness and reaches the city, he finds rest and great wealth and
much freedom from cares. (1 6. 3. 7-8) 58
The parallel is striking, and as this study will show, it is by
no means the only one.
The Liber graduum places great importance on the ex-
ample of Christ, for it is only through imitation of Christ
that one can reach perfection, gmzruta, thereby recovering
Adam's original status (see, e.g., col. 444. 5-17). Christ's
coming broke down the enmity between heaven and earth
(cols. 217. 12-13, 352. 18-24, 365. 8-9 and 21-5) that was a
result of the fall of Adam and Eve from the heavenly plane to
the earthly. Before Christ, according to one explanation in
the Liber graduum, the household of God was under the
stewardship of the Law, which served as a kind of tutor;
when the heir, Christ, came of age, he took his place as father
of the house and instructed those belonging to it. The
servitude of sin and the burden of the Law gave way to the
sweet and light yoke of the New Testament, in which are
contained the two great precepts of the Old Testament (love
of God and love of neighbour). The task for the believer,
then, is to discern what of the Old Testament is in conform-
ity with the New, for Jesus has made the two Testaments
58 See also 1 7. 18. 2, the narrow and dangerous path to the heaven.ly city, and I 7.
16. 11, the commandments as the milestones along the way to it.
into one, and then to proceed along the way shown by Christ
to reach the place from which Adam fell (cols. 461. 14-465.
22; cf. Gal. 4:1-5, Eph. 2:14-16).
It is this last point that is the key. Through imitation of
Christ's lowliness and love, through sharing in his suffer-
ings-and the Liber graduum insists that as believers suffer,
Christ suffers within them in a hidden manner (cols. 416.
I 1-417. 8, 428. 21-4)-one strives for kenuta and then for
gmzruta. The goal is new creation in Christ, when one is
restored to Adam's purity of heart, freed from the 'course of
desire', filled with the Spirit of God (see cols. 580. 14-581.
9). Thus Christ can be called the 'firstbom of creatures': not
because he was himself one of the first creatures, but because
through him they are created anew and perfected (col. 917.
4-15). He may then be called 'firstbom of the perfect'
because through him humanity is restored to Adam's perfec-
tion and purity of heart (cols. 917. 16-920. 14).
The re-creation began with the apostles, and through
them spread to the living and the dead. They were the first to
receive the Paraclete, the enabler of perfection (cols. 132.
17-136. 16, 229. 13-20), and they became themselves ex-
amples of lowliness and long-suffering (cols. 232. 24-233. 5,
268.3-18,373.3-376.9,624. 12-21,653. 15-18,773. 15-19,
904. 4-9). The author of the Liber graduum argues that the
perfecting of the prophets and other holy ancients depends
on that of the apostles, basing his argument on Hebrews
11 :40: 'And all these, though well attested by their faith, did
not receive what was promised, since God had foreseen
something better for us, that apart from us they should not
be made perfect.' Thus the hopes of the forebears described
in Hebrews 1 1 are fulfilled in Christ, and the reward of hope
is the Paraclete given to the apostles and the perfection
finally granted to the prophets and patriarchs 'before the
eyes of the apostles' (col. 212. 24-5). This recovery includes
Adam, who had been promised perfection even after his fall
(col. 365. 3-6), and who waited along with the just ones for
the coming of Jesus (col. 764. 3-22). All of this is by way
of rewarding those who sought perfection but were 'held
back' by God so that they could serve as agents of judgement
and punishment. However, this perfecting after death was
possible only for those in the special role of God's agent.

After Christ, perfection was possible by living in accordance
with the precepts of perfection as practised by the apostles
(cols. 369. 2-372. 4).
The resonances between the Liber graduum and the Ps.-
Macarian texts are on several levels. First, the intention of
both texts is the same: to show a way to Christian perfection.
Second, each has a distinctive vocabulary used to describe
the presence of sin and the coming of grace. Third, the texts
display interesting parallels in imagery for Church and soul.
Some of these points of vocabulary and imagery will be
addressed in Chapter 5.
THE METHOD
A major part of this study is the comparison of Ps.-Macarian

usage of particular words and themes with the usage of other
writers. The Liber graduum is an obvious text for compara-
tive study on the Syriac side, but a genuine assessment of the
Ps.-Macarian spiritual vocabulary requires a search for par-
allels and differences in the writings of both Greek and
Syriac authors. Obviously one cannot survey the whole of
Greek and Syriac Christian literature in a study of the scope
of the present one. None the less, soundings must be taken
among a variety of authors, ranging from biblical writers to
those who inherited Ps.-Macarius' spiritual vocabulary. For
some texts, adequate indexes are available which make it an
easy matter to check how certain words are used. Other texts
are not so well provided for, and need to be read through
with an eye for the words and images in question. Inevitably
some evidence either escapes the search or lies in texts which
could not be included in the sample. Even so, the texts which
have been surveyed provide at least a tentative basis for
comparison, and the typically considerable divergences
between other Greek Christian texts and the Ps.-Macarian
writings in the usage of key terms suggests that the sample
provides a reliable indication of the distinctiveness of Ps.-
Macarius' work in developing and employing a Greek spiri-
tual vocabulary of immense richness. Texts included in the
survey are marked in the Bibliography with an asterisk.
Additional texts, less comprehensively examined, are noted
where relevant, and included in the Bibliography, but with-
out an asterisk.
Biblical texts have been of premier importance for under-
standing the origins of a particular word or image. Philo's
work is of great significance for the later Greek Christian
usage. The papyri have been consulted for certain words.
The writings of the Apostolic Fathers and the Apologists
begin the post-biblical survey of Christian texts. Major
authors up to 400 are included, with figures such as Clement
and Origen in the third century, and the Cappadocians in the
fourth century, being given particular attention because
of their concern for topics basic to Ps.-Macarius' work. 59
Gregory of Nyssa requires special consideration, because of
his attention to mystical themes and his contacts with Ps.-
Macarian texts (most notable in his reworking of the Epistola
magna for his own De instituto christiano). The survey
concentrates on Gregory's spiritual and mystical works
rather than on his controversial ones. 60 Gregory of Nazian-
zus' Orationes and major theological letters are included.
Basil's works are generally of less importance than those of
the two Gregories for comparison with the Ps.-Macarian
spiritual vocabulary; the significant points of contact have
been well studied by Vincent Desprez, 61 and will be noted
below. The Constitutiones apostolorum are included for the
interesting variety of material contained in that work of
probable Syrian origin. Evagrius of Pontus has been in-
cluded because of his emphasis on progress towards perfec-
tion and a1ra8oa, even though his approach is quite different
from that of Ps.-Macarius. Two later writers heavily
influenced by Ps.-Macarius, Mark the Monk (or 'Mark the
Hermit') and Diadochus of Photike, are of special import-
ance and take their place in this study.
Gnostic texts have not been included in the survey.
A consideration of Gnostic parallels is simply beyond the
scope of the present work. Montanist fragments have been
" Athanasius' works, provided with an excellent index (the Lexicon Athanasia-
num), proved to be of little relevance. The same was true of the Vita Antonii,
whether or not Athanasius actually wrote it.
60 Thus, e.g., the Contra Eunomium is not part of the survey.
61 See 'Les Relations'.
examined because of the pneumatic emphasis of the Monta-

nist movement, but they proved to be of little relevance. The
Apophthegmata patrum, despite their ascetical provenance,
represent quite a different approach and present their own
problems of dating and localization. They have not proved to
be significant for this study. The works of Didymus the
Blind, Nilus of Ancyra, Eusebius of Caesarea, and Cyril of
Jerusalem have not been surveyed. For those writers
excluded from the survey, preliminary soundings indicated
that time and effort were better spent elsewhere.
On the Syriac side, the significant texts are readily appar-
ent. First of course are the Syriac versions of the Old and
New Testaments. These would include the Peshitta, and for
the New Testament, the Old Syriac versions as well. Then
there are the earliest examples of Syriac literature, the Odes
of Solomon and the Acts ofJudas Thomas. Aphrahat' s Demon-
strations are of major importance. It is Ephrem, of course,
who takes pride of place because of his imagistic style. The
survey covers his Syriac hymns, the prose Sermo de domino
nostro, and his Commentary on the Diatessaron. Also included
are some writings attributed to Ephrem, notably the hymns
De epiphania. And, for reasons stated earlier, the Liber
graduum has a special place in this study. The Syriac
versions of the Ps.-Macarian texts have of course been
consulted.
For some words and themes, the comparative study of the
Ps.-Macarian and other texts is of crucial importance. In
other cases, where the Ps.-Macarian usage is distinctive in
nuance or extent rather than in meaning, comparison with
the works of other writers is far less significant and will not
be extensively discussed. Although relatively little scholarly
work has been devoted to the spiritual vocabulary of Ps.-
Macarius, where studies have been made they will be noted
and their results considered. Because each word or theme
has its own contours, and poses its own questions, the
analyses will not be identical in format. The method applied
to each, however, has been uniform throughout the investi-
gation.
The Significance of the Spiritual Vocabulary of

Ps.-Macarius
The three key Greek words and the three metaphors with
Syriac parallels touch on many points raised in the anti-
Messalian lists. Although the Ps.-Macarian spiritual voca-
bulary is interesting in its own right, it naturally takes on
even greater significance against the background of the
Messalian controversy. As was demonstrated above, such
language caught the eye of the contemporaries of Ps.-
Macarius, and the repeated condemnations of 'Messalian'
doctrines home in on the sort of vivid imagery used so
frequently, even reflexively, by Ps.-Macarius. Behind the
derisory appellation "Ev8ovaia,na{ given to the Messalians by
their opponents lay reservations about language as well as
behaviour. To a modern western reader, still conditioned by
the Hellenistic legacy, the language of Ps.-Macarius can
seem excessive, and even paradoxical, when applied to
a1Ta8e,a, freedom from passions, or sublime perfection. But it
is the distinction and the gift of Ps.-Macarius to have
described the Christian's need to 'work the earth of the
heart' in a manner which joins warm affectivity to liberation
from the tyranny of sin.
4
A GREEK VOCABULARY OF
CHRISTIAN EXPERIENCE
A reader of the Ps.-Macarian texts cannot help but be struck

by Ps.-Macarius' repeated insistence that freedom from sin,
the possession of the Holy Spirit, union with Christ, and
other spiritual experiences, are recognized in confidence or
assurance (TTATJpocpop{a}, 1 feeling or sensation (aiaO'T}at~). 2 and
experience (TTEipa}. 3 These terms are often used in combi-
I See e.g. E.M. 3. 2, on perfect release from passions, the receipt of virtues, and
the µ.,-rova{a of the perfect Spirit Ev 1r>..71poef,op{g.; E.M. 3. 12, one comes to 1r>..71poef,op{a
through µ.<-rovala of Spirit; I 22. 2. 9, the Lord comes and dwells ,v 1T<l"?] 6vvaµ.« Kai
1r>..71poef,op{g.; I 51. 7 ( = II I o. 4), one is joined to the Heavenly Bridegroom in all
1r>..71poef,op{a (and cleansing from passions comes by believing, ,v 1r>..71poef,op{g.); II 17.
12, the danger of speaking about perfection and release or a1ra8«a without having
the experience in ,vlpy«a and 1r>..71poef,op{a.
2 See e.g. I 29. 2. 8: one must have Christ dwelling in the soul ,v 1ra"?I alali~a« Kai
,myvwa« Kai 1r>..71poef,op{g.; I 24. 13, the need to pray that the Lord will free one from
sin and come to rule within oneself Ev 1Ta"?] ala8~a« Kai ,v,pydg. 1r>..71poef,op{as; I 46. 1.
1 ( = II 16. 1), God works in the soul ,v 1Ta"?] 6vvaµ.« Kai ala8~a«; I 49. 2. 14 ( = II 4.
12), one sees heavenly delights in 1r<<pa and aia871a,s; 1 51. 5 (= II 10. 2), one has
communion with the Spirit Paraclete in perfection with all aia871a,s and 1r>..71poef,op{a;
II 12. 7, asking if Adam had aia871a,s and communion of Spirit, and the reply that
the Word was all things for him: knowledge, aia871a,s, inheritance, and teaching; 1
30. 5 ( = 11 14. 2), the achievement of what is hoped for is the Lord coming to dwell
within one, in all aia871a,s and ,vlpy«a of the Spirit.
3 See e.g. 1 9. 3. 8 (=II 1. 12), where the goal of unceasing prayer is establishing
the inner self (law iiv8pw1ros) in 1TE<pa and 1r>..71poef,op{a; II 5. 5, the 1TV<vµ.anKo{ have
experience (1r<1r«paalia,) of heavenly glory, which is felt (ala8la8ai) in the fow
iiv8pw1ros (1 48. 2. 3 reads ~lirn8a, for ala8la8a,); I 48. 6. 10 (=II 5. 11), souls receive
now the 1TE<pa of the glory which will later be shared by the body at the resurrection;
1 4. 9. 3 ( = 11 8. 4), one moves in and out of grace, lest the 1r<<pa of perfection lull one
into carelessness; cf. 1 4. 9. 4 ( = I I 8. 5), where it is affirmed that no one has taste or
1r<<pa of the other age or the perfect measure; I 16. 2. 11 ( = II 17. 11 ), only a few can
speak about a1rali«a and perfection from (their own) 1r,,pa; II I 24. 1-2, after
enduring trials one knows by 1r,,pa the benefits of grace and release from evil of
passions; III 28. 2. 3, the 1r<<pa of indwelling of Father and Son in the <aw iiv8pw1ros
makes one worthy of the Bridegroom; I 50. 2. 1, those who are participants in the
heavenly iiv8pw1ros receive knowledge of heavenly mysteries in 1r,,pa and aia871a,s; 1
58. 1. 1, the perfect mystery of Christianity is made known in each soul which
GREEK VOCABULARY OF CHRISTIAN EXPERIENCE 97
nation, and with other words such as evlpy£La and 8vvaµ.,s.
Time after time, Ps.-Macarius underscores a statement
about grace or perfection with a phrase such as ev 1raav
1r>.ripoq,op{q. Kai ala8~a£L. He does not invent these words, but
his use of them is thoroughly innovative. His inspiration is
hard to discover. One sees readily enough what he is doing
with these G_reek words, and even why, but there is no
apparent model in Greek Christian tradition for his ap-
proach. Reaching for language to express vivid experience of
the Spirit, he finds these words, of quite varied background,
and makes them key elements of his spiritual vocabulary.
Ps.-Macarius uses the word 1r>.ripoq,op{a and its related verb,

1r>.ripoq,oplw, throughout his writings. They occur in each of
the collections. The most frequently studied terms in Ps.-
Macarius' vocabulary are 1r>.ripoq,op{a and 1r>.ripoq,oplw; their
prominence in the Ps.-Macarian texts was largely respon-
sible for their meriting an article in the Dictionnaire de
spiritualite. 4 Few earlier writers made much use of the
words, despite the interesting scriptural tradition. Thus they
make a good starting-point for a study of Ps.-Macarius'
distinctive spiritual vocabulary. He has not invented these
words, but has made them (along with aia8ria,s and 1reipa) his
trademarks. His handling of the words illustrates his free but
not unfaithful use of scriptural language. The distinctive use
of 1r>.ripoq,opta and 1r>.ripoq,oplw is readily demonstrated, and
the significance of this usage is worth close study. This
study, however, generates further questions. The survey
begins with the verbal form, for it illustrates the move from
receives rr<ipa of divine energy; I 63. 2. 3, the worthy receive heavenly mysteries in
rr<ipa, whereas the uninitiated know only by faith; I 63. 2. 4, the perception of
heavenly mysteries is by rr<ipa, as one sees with the 'eyes of the soul' (,f,vx,Kai
o,f,Ba>.µal).
• 'Plerophoria', DS 12, cols. 1813-21. Vincent Desprez, the author of the second
part of the article, expanded his work into another article, 'Plerophoria chez le
Pseudo-Macaire'. Desprez's analysis is thorough and clear, and in his schematic
treatment he introduces several important issues which arise from the texts.
98 GREEK VOCABULARY OF CHRISTIAN EXPERIENCE
objective satisfaction to subjective assurance and perfect

fulfilment.
1TATJpO<poplw
The Background
The etymology of the word rr>..TJpocpoplw is readily apparent;
the adjective rr>..fJpTJS, 'full', joined to the verb cpoplw, streng-
thens and enriches the verb, which is itself a frequentative
form of cplpw, 'to bear'. It means 'to fulfil, to satisfy', and,
when applied to cognition or to belief, it denotes conviction.
The entry in Liddell and Scott's Lexicon lists no classical use
of the word other than in an excerpt of Ctesias quoted in
Photius' Bibliotheca, referring to the fulfilment of oaths. 5
The word appears several times in the papyri, where it is
generally used with regard to settlements or pay-offs in legal
and business manners. 6
In the Septuagint, rr>..TJpocpoplw is used once, at Ecclesiastes
8: 11, 'Because there is not quick refutation (a.vT{ppTJais) of
those who do evil, for this reason the heart of the sons of men
is resolved (err>..TJpocpopfJ8TJ) in them to do evil.' A Hebrew
adjective, male', 'full', is translated here by the Greek passive
verb. The biblical author is characterizing a strong disposi-
tion towards unchecked action. In the New Testament,
where the word appears more often, there are two strands of
meaning. 7 The first means 'to bring to completion, to
fruition' (Luke 1: 1) or 'to carry through, to complete', as in
service (2 Tim. 4:5) or preaching (2 Tim. 4:17). The kinship
with 1TATJp6w is plainly evident. The two occurrences of
rr>..TJpocpoplw in the Mandata and Similitudines of Hermas
have this latter sense. 8 In Mandata 9. 2, the Lord will 'fulfil'
the soul's request. In Similitudines 2. 8, the poor 'fill up' or
5 Bibi. 41. 29.

6 See the entries in Moulton and Milligan, Vocabulary, part 6, p. 519 B, and
Preisigke, vol. 2, col. 320.
7 See Kittel, TWNT 6. 307-8.
8 See Bauer, Lexicon, 670 AB.

'complement' the wealth of the rich, while the rich 'fill up' or
'complement' the prayers of the poor. 9
The second manner in which 7TATJpocpopew is used in the
New Testament has a more subjective flavour, and brings
one closer to the Ps.-Macarian usage. In the passive voice,
the verb describes those who have been persuaded or assured
in their belief. Thus Romans 4:21, of Abraham, 'he was fully
convinced (7TATJpocpopTJ8E{,) that what [God] promised he
could do'; this was conviction which flew in the face of every
human probability. And, less dramatically, about fast days,
'let each one be fully convinced (7TATJpocpopEfo8w) in his own
mind' (Rom. 14:5). In Colossians 4: 12, Epaphras is said to
pray, 'so that you stand perfect and fully assured (7T€7TATJpo-
cpopTJµ,evot) in the entire will of God'. Clement writes of the
apostles, 'fully assured (or persuaded, 7TATJpocpopTJ8evTE,)
through the resurrection ... they went out evangelizing with
7TATJpocpop{a of the Holy Spirit' (1 Clem. 42. 3). Ignatius takes
up a similar notion; the prophets, he writes to the Mag-
nesians, were inspired 'so that the disobedient might be
convinced (7TATJpocpopTJ8iJvat) that God is one' (Mag. 8. 2).
The Magnesians themselves were to 'have full assurance
(7T€7TATJpocpopiJa8at) in the birth and the passion and the
resurrection which occurred in the time of the rule of
Pontius Pilate' (Mag.11). He addresses the Philadelphians, a
Church 'with full assurance (7T€7TATJpocpopTJµ,evv) in his resur-
rection in all mercy' (Phil., greeting).
In the Writings of Ps.-Macarius
Ps.-Macarius uses 7TATJpocpopew in both ways described
above. 10 The one occurrence of the verb used as in 2
Timothy, with the sense 'to complete' or 'to carry through',
is I 4. 4 (=I I 40. 6): someone in grace, who has truly prayed,
thinks of the brethren and wants to fulfil (a7T07TA~pwaat) love
9 The translation 'complement' is that of Lake in Apostolic Fathers, vol. 2. 147.
10 He also uses a related verb, eµ:rrA71porf,op<w, in the passive, meaning 'to be
satisfied, to be content', but he does so pejoratively to refer to those who are
satisfied with lesser gifts or outward observances (1 29. 1. 3, 30. 5, 51. 5 (= II 10. 3),
52. 1. 3, 64. 5; III 7. 6. 1; E.M. 3. 14, 5. 3-4, 9. 7, 11. 11). The entry in Lampe's
Lexicon, 456 B, cites only works by Ps.-Macarius; the references given are to the
various opuscula taken from Collection IV, all of which are contained in Collection
I. See Dorries, Symeon, 419-24.
and 'fully discharge' (1rATJpocf,6pTJaai) the word. 11 Otherwise

the meaning in the Ps.-Macarian texts is always 'to assure (or
to persuade) fully/to be fully assured (or persuaded)'.
Because he uses the word in both active and passive voices, it
can function transitively with this meaning. Such usage has
no biblical parallel.
In one extended passage, I 18. 2. 3-6 (= II 9. 3-6), he
associates TTATJpocf,oplw with maTEvw and 1rfons, echoing the
linkage of TTATJpocf,op{a to 1rfons in the Letter to the Hebrews: 12
once David came to believe in God and assured (e-TTATJpocf,6pTJ-
a£v} himself that all God says must come to pass, he was able
to endure every trial (I 18. 2. 3). Similarly, Abraham
endured all of his sufferings, 'having assured himself in faith
(eavTOV T'll 1rfoT£, 7TATJpocf,op~aas}' that God will fulfil
(1r>.TJpwa1:t} his word (I 18. 2. 5); a virtually identical phrase is
used of Noah (I 18. 2. 6). And so the members of the
brotherhood addressed in the Epistola magna are to be in
every way indisputably and unshakably assured (1rmATJpo-
cf,opTJµ,lvo,), as they look towards their hope and goal (E.M.
5. 1).
The only one who can actually grant this full assurance,
insists Ps.-Macarius, is God. Someone who speaks of spiri-
tual matters cannot 'persuade' (1rATJpocf,op£'iv} the mind of a
hearer unless he be guided by heavenly light and wisdom ( I
4. 29. 21 = II 15. 52). The goal of the Christian life is
achieved when one is fully assured (1rATJpocf,op£'iTai} and is
with the Lord in great 'affection' (II 14. 2, 11. 18-19; cf. I 30.
5, p. 3. 23). 13 One must pray that the Lord will grant full
assurance in his mercy (I 30. 7, absent from the parallel II
14. 3), confident that he will grant all such requests, for he
sees how people love one another and rewards them with full
assurance (E.M. 9. 4).
Ps.-Macarius also uses the word in an admonitory man-
ner, warning against those who think that they are satisfied,
but are deceived as they languish in lesser virtues ( I 3 1. 5. 6;
II Earlier in the same passage there is a reference to 'serving' the word: Tov >.6yov
8,a1<ov£iv (I 4. 4), or £ls Tov >.6yov S,a1<ovijaa, (11 40. 6).

12 This association of 1r>.71pocpop{a and faith will be discussed at some length below.
13 The Greek is aTopy~. the love felt among family members, and is also used to
describe the love between God and human beings. See Lampe, Lexicon, 1262 AB.
GREEK VOCABULARY OF CHRISTIAN EXPERIENCE IOI
II 29. 7; III 7. 6. 2 and 4; cf. I 51. 5 (= II 10. 3) with

eµ,rrATJpo<f,op~OTJaav). He speaks of how all heresies put their
faith (rrATJpo<f,opoiwrai) in empty words (111 25. 6. 2), and how
people take confidence from their own thoughts, from exter-
nal observances, or from their own will (E.M. 13. 1, 5, 6, 8).
One should not place one's trust in the Scriptures written in
ink, but in the laws of the Spirit and the heavenly mysteries
written by grace upon the tablets of the heart ( I 32. 8. 4 = II
15. 20). Finally, he refers to those who are satisfied with the
improprieties of the flesh and do not seek to grow in holiness
within (1 40. 1. 8). Ps.-Macarius adheres, then, to the second
and more common Pauline usage of 1TATJpo<f,oplw, with its
subjective sense of confidence, assurance, certainty. He
applies the word both to assured belief while on the way
towards the goal of perfection, and to the divine action which
establishes that perfection.
Ps.-Macarius uses 1TATJpo<f,oplw conventionally. The sub-
stantive rrATJpo<f,opfo, although rare in the tradition, is much
more common than the verb in his writings, and his use of
the word is clearly unconventional.
1TATJpo<f,op{a
The Background
The word rrATJpo<f,op{a lacks any detectable classical lineage;
all of the entries in Liddell and Scott's Lexicon are from the
New Testament. It is found neither in the Septuagint nor in
the works of Philo. The one possible witness in the papyri is
so fragmentary that there is no means of determining how
the word is used, and in any case the reconstruction of the
word itself is open to question. 14 The word rrATJpo<f,op{a occurs
14 The text is PGiss 87 = Kornemann and Meyer, Griechische Papyri, 1 (3).
81-2. One of the Heptakomia papyri, it appears to come from Hermopolis (on the
basis of the address to the Strategos Apollonios) and to date from the early second
century. The relevant lines (25-6) appear thus in the edition, p. 81:
[. · · · · · · · · · · ....•.. T],7v 7r)..71porf,o-
[p,av . ......... ·_. ] E1TL 'TOVTOLS' KaL
The reconstruction is plausible enough, but it would seem that the missing letters
could as easily have been [povaav . ... or [povµ£v71v • •.• or [p71aaaav . ... or [p718oaav,
etc., and thus be the participle of 7r)..71porf,opew rather than the substantive form
7r)..71porf,op{a. Whereas the noun has no other witnesses in the papyri, the verb has
several, usually in a legal context concerning satisfaction of obligations.
four times in the New Testament: twice in the Letter to the

Hebrews (6: 11 and I0:22); 15 once each in I Thessalonians
(1:5) 16 and in the Letter to the Colossians (2:2). 17
It is the New Testament, then, that underlies later Chris-
tian usage of this word. Before the late fourth century,
Christian writers made little use of 'TTATJpocpop{a. The Apo-
stolic Fathers and the Apologists did not use it, nor did
Clement of Alexandria in his major works, except in quo-
tations of Hebrews 6:11 and 10:22. 18 Origen's extant Greek
works produce one occurrence of the word, describing
confidence in Jesus' resurrection. 19 Origen uses TTATJpocpopew a
few times, with the meaning of 'to gain assurance' or 'to be
persuaded'. 20 In the Ps.-Clementine Homilia, TTATJpocpop{a
occurs once, meaning 'assurance' or 'peace of mind'. 21 Atha-
nasius uses the word to mean 'conviction', 'firmness of
faith' .22 The occurrences of TTATJpocpop{a in the Constitutiones
apostolorum are in this line as well. 23 In the Apophthegmata
patrum one sees the emergence of a technical sense of
TTATJpocpop{a and TTATJpocpopew, meaning 'assurance of forgive-
ness' .24
Basil uses both TTATJpocpop{a and 'TTATJpocpopew frequently,
relating them to intense conviction of the divine presence, of
faith, of love. 25 He does not, however, go as far as does Ps.-
Macarius in applying these words to perfection achieved, or
to hope fulfilled; the usage of TTATJpocpop{a (and aia87JaL~),
15 Heh. 6: 11, desiring that one show zeal towards the 1r>..11poq,opla of hope (1rpos -r~v
1rA1Jpotf,op{av njs ,>..1r{llos); 10:22, being in 1r>..11poq,op{a of faith (,v 1rA1Jpoq,op{q. 1rla-r<ws).
16 1 Thess. 1:5: Paul's gospel coming to the Thessalonians not in word alone, but
in power and in spirit and in holy spirit and in abundant 1r>..11poq,op{a (,v llvvaµ.<t Kai ,v
1TV<vµ.a-r, o.y{q, Kai [,v] 1TATJpoq,op{q. 1ToAA?i).
17 Col. 2:2: that love grow to the full richness of the 1r>..11poq,op{a of understanding
(-njs 1TA1Jpoq,op{as -njs avv<a<ws).
18 Str. 2. 22 (p. 188. 8-10) for Heh. 6:11, and 4. 20 (p. 304. 2-5) for Heh. 10:22.
19 Schol. in Cant. 5. 2 (PG 17, col. 273 B).
°
2 Fr. in Jo. 25 (p. 503. 20); Comm. in Mt. 14. 11 (p. 302. 25-6); Hom. in Le. 1
(p. 5. 26); Fr. in Mt. 220. 1 (p. 105. 1).

21 Hom. Clem. 20. 11. 4 (p. 275. 5).
22 The Lexicon Athanasianum has two entries for the noun, twelve for the verb.
23 Const. App. 5. 7. 17 (p. 257. 19), 5. 19. 8 (p. 293. 18), 7. 39. 2 (p. 440. 18), 7. 45.
3 (p. 452. 7), 8. I. 11 (p. 464. 12-13), 8. 10. 3 (p. 488. 12), 8. 15. 2 (p. 518. 21).
24 See e.g. Apollo 2 (PG 65, col. 136) for 1rA1Jpotf,op{a; for 1r>..11poq,oplw see Lot 2
(PG 65, col. 256). For later evolution of the term see Barringer, Ecclesiastical
Penance.
" See Miquel in DS 12, cols. 1815-16, and Desprez, 'Les Relations', 217-19.
comments Vincent Desprez, 'reste done tres sobre chez

Basile' .26 Gregory of Nazianzus rarely uses the words. 27
Gregory of Nyssa's avoidance of TTATJpocpop{a in his De insti-
tuto christiano will be noted below; where he uses TTATJpocf,opta
in other works, it means 'assurance' or 'confidence', 28 and
can even have a negative and entirely unspiritual sense. 29
Gregory's use of the word 1rapp7Ja{a, 'confidence' or 'bold-
ness', which is a major theme in his work, may explain his
avoidance of TTATJpocpop{a. 30 One passage in the first homily De
oratione dominica echoes the TTATJpocpopta of Hebrews 6: 11 and
thus comes closest to the usage of Ps.-Macarius: 'prayer is
converse with God, contemplation of unseen things, TTATJpo-
cf,opta for those who long, equality of honour with the angels,
progress for the good, overthrow for the bad, restoration for
sinners, enjoyment of things present, the substance of things
to come.' 31 Evagrius rarely uses the word; in a discussion of
aKTJO{a, TTATJpocf,op{a refers to temptations towards active work
in the delusion that the monk thereby satisfies or fulfils a
commandment, 32 and in a more positive vein, one who prays
finds 1ro>..>..~ TTATJpocf,op{a, and the angels come and enlighten
such a one about created things. 33 This assurance, however,
belongs to a middle stage in the Evagrian scheme of the
Christian life.
In the Writings of Ps.-Macarius

Because there is little use of TTATJpocf,op{a in Christian writings
after the New Testament, it is not surprising that for this
word the New Testament texts themselves suggest the
contours of the Ps.-Macarian landscape. Where Ps.-Macarius
26 'Les Relations', 218.

27 Miquel, DS 12, col. 1816.
28 Hom. in Cant. 5. 2. 8 (p. 139. 5) and 15. 6. 8 (p. 460. 19); Hom. in I Cor. r5:28,
p. 28. 16-18. So too Amphilochius of Iconium, Or. 3. 5 (p. 91. 140-1).

29 Or. Dom. 5 (col. 1184 B): 'passing satisfaction of the flesh'.
30 See Danielou, Platonisme, 110-23.

31 Col. 1124 B.
32 Sp. mal. 13 (col. 1157 D), verbal and substantive forms.
33 Orat. 80 (col. 1184 D). In Keph. 1. 54, where the Syriac mullaya has been
retroverted into Greek by Frankenberg as TTAT/potf,op{a (p. 93), it is more likely from
the context that the underlying original was 1rA1pwµ.a or 1rA1pwa,s. See also Payne
Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, 2124.
uses TTATJpocf,op{a alone (i.e. without words such as aia87Jats

and 1reipa), he does so in two ways. Sometimes he employs
TTATJpocf,op{a to describe the act of believing or a quality of
faith, emphasizing 'assurance' or 'certainty'. Such passages
echo the use of TTATJpocf,op{a in the Letter to the Hebrews. It is
noteworthy that despite the fondness of Ps.-Macarius for
combining words such as aia87Jats, Svvaµ,is, Evlpyeia, 1reipa,
and 1rA7Jpocf,op{a in various, and often extended, descriptions
of spiritual experience, 1rA7Jpocf,op{a is the only one of these
terms which he ever associates with 1rfons.
As seen from this first perspective, 'confidence' or 'assur-
ance' of faith is a mark of commitment, zeal, endurance. The
Letter to the Hebrews, expressive throughout of the tension
between present faith and future consummation, is the
biblical source, with its poignant definition of faith so
inspiring for Thomas Aquinas, 'faith is the assurance of
things hoped for, the conviction of things not seen' (Heh.
11:1). The two occurrences of TTATJpocf,op{a in the Letter to the
Hebrews must be understood within this broad theme of
faith and fulfilment. In Hebrews 10:22 there is the exhorta-
tion to draw near with true heart in TTATJpocf,op{a of faith, with
heart and body 'sprinkled clean' (RSV) by Christ the High
Priest. The hortatory context makes it clear that the message
comes to those still in via. 'Assurance of faith' makes it
possible to hold fast and to persevere on the way towards the
goal. 34 The TTATJpocf,op{a of faith expresses both certainty and
continuity. 35
But TTATJpocf,op{a in the Letter to the Hebrews can also be an
anticipation of the goal. Here the tension between now and
the time to come is more acute, as the 1rA7Jpocf,op{a of hope
(E>..1r{Sos, Heh. 6: 11) 36 signifies both anticipation of and
participation in the fulfilment of hope. Fullness of faith and
of hope now; fulfilment of faith and of hope to come. The
34 Clement of Alexandria uses this passage to characterize Christian marriage.
See Str. 4. 20 (p. 304. 1-5).

" Thus the translations of Heh. 10:22 by two recent commentators: 'Glaubens-
gewiBheit' (Braun, An die Hebriier, 309) and 'die Unterbrochenheit des Glaubens'
(Michel, Der Brief an die Hebriier, 346).
36 A few MSS read .,,{<rr<ws for ,i\.,,{8os; one reads: -r~v Tril11po,f,op{av -r-ijs Trl<rr<ws -r-ijs
,i\.,,{Bos. See Nestle-Aland'6, 570 and GriiBer, Der Glaube im Hebriierbrief, u5.
ambiguity of Hebrews 6:11 challenged early translators, 37

and puzzles modern commentators who struggle to pin
down the meaning of 'TTAT'Jpocpopfo. 38 It is not simply assur-
ance, it is not only a quality of the present moment; yet it is
not the hoped-for thing itself. A parallel might be sought in
the concept of liturgical anamnesis, where remembrance,
present action, and eschatological expectation lurk within
the single moment.
And so one can begin to see the other way in which Ps.-
Macarius uses TTAT'Jpocpop{a, as a way to characterize the final
state of Christian perfection, thus underscoring the sense of
'fulfilment' or 'fullness'. His fulfilment is not necessarily
eschatological; he admits at least the possibility that in the
present life one can attain 'TTAT'Jpocpop{a through the ascetical
pursuit of perfection. It is this second usage which is
associated with the other key terms from his spiritual voca-
bulary. One detects his awareness that 'TTAT'Jpocpop{a has two
distinct valences: first, as associated with faith and the
Christian struggle (as in the Letter to the Hebrews); second,
as a term descriptive of experienced perfection.
'TTAT'Jpocpopta and Faith, I: Along the Way

The association of TTAT'Jpocpop{a with steadfast faith in the Ps.-
Macarian corpus often has a strong reminiscence of Hebrews
10:22, and other occurrences of this theme may be traceable
to the biblical source. Comparing the struggling Christian to
the blind man and haemorrhaging woman of the gospels,
Ps.-Macarius encourages a bold approach to the Lord in
order to obtain healing from hidden passions. One must
come to the Lord out of free will and with whole-hearted
37 The Peshitta version of the Syriac New Testament illustrates the tension
between assurance and fulfilment, translating the 1rA71pocf,op{a of Heb. 10:22 and 6: 11
by two different words. In Heb. 10:22 the call is for tukliinii d-haymiinutii,
'confidence of faith'. In Heb. 6: 11 1rA71pocf,op{a -r-iis ,;>,,1r{8os is translated sumliiyii (from
mlii, 'to fill, to complete, to perfect') d-sabr(ii), 'completion/fulfilment of hope'. Both
of the other occurrences of 1rA71pocf,op{a in the New Testament are translated in the
Peshitta by pyiisii, 'assurance, persuasion', a loan-word from the Greek 1rEta,s.
" The distinction between 'certainty' and 'fulfilment' has been drawn sharply by
translators and commentators for centuries. See GriiBer's summary in Der Glaube
im Hebriierbrief, 26-7. The Peshitta translation of Heb. 6:11 noted above was not
the only version to opt for 'fulfilment': see Braun, An die Hebriier, 181, on the Latin
and Bohairic versions.
choice, and beseech the Lord 'with TTAT"Jpocpopta of faith' (II

20. 8; cf. the parallel I 12. 2. 6, 'with TTATJpocpop{a and faith',
and the similar, 'in faith and TTATJpocpopta' (H 53. 18)). In II
29. 2 the situation is similar: the Lord tests human will to
identify those who persist in asking and seeking, remaining
to the end in TTATJpocpopta of faith and of zeal (the phrase is
absent in I 31. 1. 3). A similar notion underlies the use of
TTATJpocpopta in I 23. 2. 2, evoking the picture of long-
suffering, but patient, supplicants waiting at the gate of a
king: those who seek from the true king the heavenly gifts of
the Spirit will receive them if they persist in all endurance
(vTTOfWv~) with faith and hope in TTATJpocpop{a. Similarly, I 29.
2. 9, on the need to beseech Christ the King unceasingly 'in
faith and TTATJpocpop{a' that he come and cleanse the heart from
indwelling passions. The Epistola magna, Ps.-Macarius
writes, is based upon the testimony of Scripture, 'unto
assurance (eis TTAT"Jpocpop{av) of undoubted faith (aoiaraKrov
TTforews)' (E.M. 1. 4). 39
On several occasions Ps.-Macarius uses TTAT"Jpo<pop{a in
different ways within a single passage. 40 One of the best
examples is in I 51. 7 (=II 10. 4). After describing the (final)
union of the soul with Christ 'in all TTAT"Jpocpop{a' (ev TTAT"Jpo-
cpop{q, TTaalJ; p. 137, I. 3), he goes on to discuss the extended
preparation for this union as one becomes conformed to the
death of Christ and believes in ultimate release from pas-
sions. The words ev TTAT"Jpo<pop{q, appear again in 11. 6-7, and
are most easily taken to refer to the participle marevovaa
('having believed'). Thus, TTAT"Jpocpop{a would be associated
with believing, as in the other passages described above. One
could regard the difference simply as one of degree: TTAT"Jpo-
cpop{a vs. TTUGT"J TTAT"Jpocpop{a. However, in I. 3 he is using the
sort of stock phrase so frequent in his writings; given his
hesitation to link 7rfons to any 'experiential' word other than
TTAT"Jpocpop{a, it is more probable that here he is, perhaps
39 Cf. I 50. 1. 4 where he writes, 'we receive assurance (1r>.17po,f,op,av) from
examples'. At E.M. 13. 6 he writes of falsely placed 1r>.17po,f,opfo.

•• Desprez, 'Plerophoria chez Pseudo-Macaire', 104-5, mentions the example
quoted here and four similar juxtapositions, but without exploring the matter
further than noting Ps.-Macarius' lack of concern for precise definition.
unconsciously, juxtaposing two quite distinct meanings-or

'potentialities' -of TTATJpocpop{a.
TTATJpocpop{a and Faith, II: The Goal Achieved

Respect for biblical language notwithstanding, Ps.-Macarius
freely adjusts biblical horizons where he deems it necessary.
Although there seems to be a distinction, at least in nuance,
between TTATJpocpop{a of faith and TTATJpocpopta of hope in the
Letter to the Hebrews, Ps.-Macarius is not bound by his
source in this regard. For him, TTATJpocpop{a most often refers
to the experience of achieved perfection. He resolves the
ambiguity of Hebrews 6: 1 1, and can even make Hebrews
10:22 fit. The most substantial quotation of Hebrews 10:22
occurs in I I I 28. 2. 2, and can serve to introduce Ps.-
Macarius' second way of regarding the TTATJpocpop{a of faith.
If, then, you have this treasure in your earthen vessel:
if the one who says, 'out of darkness a light shall shine', shone in
your heart 'towards illumination of the knowledge' of the
Gospel;
if the peace of God reigns in your heart without ceasing;
if with holiness you achieved the peace which you sought;
if Christ made his home in your inner self;
if the Father with his Only-begotten made a dwelling with you;
if by purity of heart you were made worthy of the blessing;
if you became a temple of God and his Spirit dwells in you;
if ev 1TA7Jpocpop{q. 1rla-r€w, you have a heart which was made pure
from evil conscience;
if 'the God of peace' made you completely holy [in] 'entire spirit
and soul and body blamelessly';
if you were a wise virgin having a lamp, and oil in the vessel;
if you know what it means, 'your loins girded and your lamps lit';
if you put on the wedding garment;
if you received the experience (1r€ipav) of all these things through
the activity (ev€pyda,) in [your] heart;
you may worthily be wed to the heavenly Bridegroom, and if not,
even though I remain silent, the stones will cry out. (111 28. 2. 2)
Here '1rATJpocpopta of faith' is the possession of someone
who has reached the goal. Any distinction between the
TTATJpocpop{a 1r{aT€WS of Hebrews 10:22 and the TTATJpocpop{a
eh{8os of Hebrews 6: 11 has disappeared. The TTATJpocpop{a of
faith, linked in Hebrews 10:22 to the heart cleansed from evil

conscience, represents for Ps.-Macarius assurance fulfilled,
taking its place with all of the other images used to convey
Christian perfection. The clean heart of Hebrews 10:22
becomes here the heart of one established in a?Ta8Eia, 41 no
longer simply the pre-condition for drawing near to the
Lord, but a sign of having attained the goal itself. Thus in
E.M. 13. 15 he uses Hebrews 10:22 as one of the proof texts
for his assertion that 'the repose (KaTa?Tavais) of true Chris-
tians is the release from the passions of sin and the fullest and
energizing indwelling of the Holy Spirit in a pure heart.'
The association of ?TA'YJpocf,op{a with the full indwelling of
God in the human heart or soul is the typical Ps.-Macarian
use of this term.
The only occurrence of the phrase ?TA'YJpocf,op{a J}..17{c,os
(Heb. 6: 11) in the extant Ps.-Macarian corpus is in III 25. 6.
3, where it is associated with liberation from passions
through the indwelling of the Lord. 42 Ps.-Macarius de-
scribes in this passage the practice of the virtues so that one
may receive the '?TA'YJpocf,op{a of this hope', which here clearly
means 'fulfilment of hope', worthiness of the indwelling of
the Lord and complete freedom from passions. 43
The other occurrences of ?TA'YJpocf,op{a used to characterize
faith (again recognizing Ps.-Macarius' hesitation to place
?Tfons alongside aiaOriais, c,vvaµ.is, etc.) similarly speak of
fulfilment or consummation rather than steadfast endurance
in the spiritual struggle. In such passages Ps.-Macarius does
not use the biblical ?TA'YJpocf,opta ?TfoTEws, but has other ways of
associating the words. For example, ?TA'YJpocf,op{a denotes
ultimate faith, which is scarcely distinguishable from the
reception of the goal of faith, as with the ?TA'YJpocf,op{a J}..17{c,os
41 See II I 28. 3. 4 and 4. 2 on d1ra.6E1a.
42 The Letter to the Hebrews uses ,>.1r{s with the article; in I II 25. 6. 3, it is
anarthrous. Desprez detects a reminiscence of the phrase o.xp• Ti>.ovs in the words
lws Ti>.ovs of II I 24. 2.
43 Ps.-Macarius was not the only writer to push Hebrews 6: 11 to the end of the
Christian journey. Clement of Alexandria equates the 1r>..,,po,f,op{a ,>.1r1'8os with the
individual's attaining the status of eternal High Priest (cf. Heh. 6:20). This unusual
interpretation, taking the image of Christ as forerunner to mean that his followers,
too, become High Priest, is Clement's only explicit reference to Hebrews 6: 11; see
Str. 2. 22 (p. 188. 8-11). According to the Biblia patristica, Origen does not cite
either Hebrews 6: 11 or 10:22.
of III 25. 6. 3. The soul taken up in the mind to heaven sees
ev
mysteries through faith rraav 1TATJpocf,op{9, (I 50. 2. 2, p. 127.
3). It is faith which leads to possession of and desire for the
heavenly gift ev
1TATJpocf,op{9, (I 49. 6. 9 (= II 4. 27)). The
rrATJpocf,op{a of the Spirit is, in the end, the alternative to being
ruled by the deception of this age in unbelief (I 36. 3. 2, p.
48. 26 (= II 37. 7, p. 268. 88-89)).
1TATJpocf,op{a and Perfection

Generally, however, rrATJpocf,op{a in the wntmgs of Ps.-
Macarius describes not faith, but the experienced reality of
fullness of life in the Holy Spirit. Therefore, 1TATJpocf,op{a is no
longer a quality of belief, but a characterization of one's
whole being when fully possessed by the Spirit. Here Ps.-
Macarius differs from his contemporaries, the Cappadocians
Basil and the two Gregories, who keep rrATJpocf,op{a in its role
of assurance and conviction before the end of the journey.
Gregory of Nyssa's discomfort with Ps.-Macarius' use of
1TATJpocf,op{a in the Epistola magna is evident in the parallel
passages of Gregory's De instituto. Generally Gregory
simply omits the word, or the phrase containing it, 44 except
when it is a direct reference to Scripture. 45 It is Ps.-
Macarius' distinction to set chra8eta alongside terms such as
aia8TJatS, rr£tpa, and 1TATJpocf,op{a, stretching the limits of
language (and of latter-day assumptions) about the spiritual
life. The unusual term rrATJpocf,opta, with its double sense of
fullness and surety, with its tension of expansion and estab-
lishment, is perfectly suited to his purposes. To understand
his most characteristic use of the word, one must start again
with possible biblical antecedents.
The other uses of rrATJpocf,op{a in the New Testament are
of a different kind from those in the Letter to the Hebrews;
one is no longer in that distinctive ambience with its
dramatic tension between promise and achievement. In
Colossians 2:2 rrATJpocf,opta is used with rrAovTos ('rich') to
"' E.M./Instit. 1. 4, 3. 2 and 12 (lnstit. I. 1), 9. 12 and 17. The exception is 3. 12,
I. 208. Staats in Gregor von Nyssa, 37 f., and Desprez in 'Plerophoria chez le Pseudo-
Macaire', 98, both find this passage puzzling, and explain it as a lapse in Gregory's
ordinarily vigilant watch for such language .
., E.M. 2. 2.
I 10 GREEK VOCABULARY OF CHRISTIAN EXPERIENCE
describe 'understanding' (auveaiS'): 'that their hearts may be

encouraged as they are knit together in love, to have all the
riches of assured understanding' (elS' miv 1rAovTOS' TijS' TTATJpo-
cpoptaS' TijS' avveaewS'). The two words combine to form a
tautology for 'fullness, richness' .46 This passage is not cited
in the extant Ps.-Macarian writings. The other biblical
locus, 1 Thessalonians 1:5, provides a starting-off point for
understanding Ps.-Macarius' use of words descriptive of
rich spiritual experience.
Paul writes: 'our gospel came to you not only in word, but
also in power and in holy spirit and in abundant TTATJpocpop{a'
(ev ovva.µ.£L Ka£ EV 7TV€UfLaTL ay{qJ Ka£ [ev] 7TATJpocpop{q. 7TOAAjj). 47
Again, it is difficult to be precise about the meaning of
TTATJpocpop{a; Paul's vivid description calls for a translation
more lively than 'assurance', but the idea of 'certainty' or
'conviction' is surely there. 48 Ps.-Macarius quotes this text
three times. 49 Each time, he alters the original meaning. Paul
is making a statement about the coming of the gospel in
power, holy spirit, and TTATJpocpopta among those to whom it
was preached. In E.M. 2. 2, the context is the Christian's
pursuit of full deliverance from sinful passions, receiving the
adoption of the Spirit 'perfectly and completely (uA.e{wS' Kat
oAoKA1JpWS') towards the hallowing of soul and body in all
TTATJpocpop{a' (E.M. 2. 2, 11. 13-14). The sentence is complex,
especially as it stands in Staats's critical edition. so The ev
1r6.aIJ TTATJpocpop{q. seems to be descriptive of hallowed soul and
body, indicating the condition they will have attained. Ps.-
Macarius mentions 'believing' (mauu£Lv) in this passage, but
TTATJpocpop{a does not seem to be complementing maT£v£Lv.
•• See Lohse, Die Briefe an die Kolosser und an Philemon, 128.

47 Nestle-Aland'6 places the third ov within single square brackets, indicating
doubt about its authenticity (seep. 531). Cf. 1 Car. 2:4: 'my word and my message
were not in persuasive [words] of wisdom, but in demonstration (•v ,hro8.tt«) of
spirit and power'.
•• See the summary in Holtz, Der erste Brief an die Thessalonicher, 47, n. 96,
ranging from 'abundance' to 'certitude'.
•• E.M. 2. 2 (absent in the Syriac version), II 50. 4 (absent in the parallel I 4. 15.
8), and TV h 12. 1.
so Staats: Kat Toii 1rvEUµ.aTOS' 8£ -r~v vlo8Eatav -rEAE{ws Kat c>AoKA~pws Eis d.yr.aaµ.Ov Y,vxijs
Kai awµ.aTos •v 1TO.C1'rJ ,r},,TJpocpop{q. m(J7'£UEW KaTat,wBijvai (p. 92. 13-14). Jaeger: Kai Tov
1TVE1lµ.a-ros TijS' vlo8Ealas rEAElws Kat OAoKA~pws Eis ciy,aoµ.Ov Y,vxijs Kai uWµ,aTOS' Ev 1rcfcrr,
,r},,TJpocpop{q. KaTat,wBijva, (p. 235. 14-16).
GREEK VOCABULARY OF CHRISTIAN EXPERIENCE I I I
Jaeger, following MS A of the Epistola magna, omits m-

arevEiv entirely. Thus. it made sense to at least the copyist of
MS A to refer TTATJpocf,opta to the goal of complete holiness
rather than to faith in the goal. Another tradition, however,
witnessed by MS E, has the word marevw after TTATJpocf,opta. 51
Ps.-Macarius uses the sentence to introduce a quotation of
I Thessalonians 1: 5, which with its association of Svvaµ.,s,
holy spirit, and TTATJpocf,opta as descriptive of the force of
Paul's preaching of the gospel, would indicate that here one
is dealing with an understanding of TTATJPocf>opta quite dif-
ferent from the close connection of TTATJpocf,opta and faith
found in the Letter to the Hebrews. 52 The other two uses of
I Thessalonians 1: 5, discussed below, confirm this indica-
tion.
Before turning to those passages, another point must be
made about E.M. 2. 2. Again Ps.-Macarius shifts the biblical
frame of reference. Paul refers to the effect the gospel has
already had upon those to whom he writes: 'Our gospel did
not come to you in word alone, but in power and in Holy
Spirit and abundant TTATJpocf,opta, as you know what sort of
people we were among you for your sake.' In E.M. 2. 2 the
text reads: 'Our gospel did not come to us in word alone, but
in deed (epy<tJ) and word and in power and in holy spirit and in
much TTATJpocf,opta, as you know.' He then quotes I Thessalo-
nians 5:23, again with some departures from the canonical
text, 'May your entire (oAoKATJpov) spirit and soul and body
be kept blamelessly in the day of our Lord Jesus Christ'
(E.M. 2. 2, 11. 17-19). 53 The result is a three-part structure:
" See the apparatus in Staats's edition, p. 92. 14.

52 Gregory of Nyssa's parallel section in Inst. makes much more explicit a
connection between 1r>,TJpo<f,op{a and faith. The ambiguity of Ps.-Macarius' lines is

dispelled, and the focus shifts from comments about perfection to the cleansing
power of the Spirit. See Staats's edition, p. 93.
" The canonical text reads, ' ... and may your entire spirit and soul and body be
kept blamelessly in the appearing (1rapovata) of our Lord Jesus Christ.' Nestle-
Aland'6 records no significant variants, but when Ps.-Macarius repeats the quo-
tation in E.M. 4. 3, he does so in exactly the same form as in 2. 2. Gregory of Nyssa,
in the parallel passages of Inst. (2. 2 and 4. 3), has his own variant from 1rapova{a, ov
T<p ovoµ.an, in the first, and agrees with Ps.-Macarius against the canonical text in
the second. Both E.M. 2. 2 and 4. 3 are omitted entirely in the Syriac version found
in Aeg h 1. There is no other place in the extant Ps.-Macarian writings where the
the introductory phrase relates TTATJpo</,op{a to perfect adop-

tion and holiness (11. 13-15); finally follows the quotation of
I Thessalonians 1: 5, somewhat modified and truncated
(11. 15-17); then the quotation of I Thessalonians 5: 2 3
(11. 17-19) recapitulates the opening phrase. Ps.-Macarius
has thus transformed Paul's praise for success already
achieved into an exhortation to reach ahead to the goal of full
cleansing from sin. The change from the vµ,iis of the biblical
text to ~µ,iis, a reading found in the preferred MSS of the
Epistola magna and used in the editions of both Jaeger and
Staats, introduces a new distinction between persons in the
text and perhaps underscores the challenge: the effect of the
gospel on those to whom it has come (1 p. pl., ~µ,iis) is
something that those to whom the words are addressed know
(2 p. pl., KaOws otSa'TE, I. 17). The final words, KaOws oiSa'TE,
which Paul uses to introduce his next point, about imitating
good example, are used by Ps.-Macarius to underscore the
statement preceding. The argument might be paraphrased,
'we have experienced this power: you have seen it in us (1
Thess. 1:5): may it be yours as well (1 Thess. 5:23)'. The
gospel makes available the power of the Spirit; the achieve-
ment of 7TATJpo</,op{a, associated with the full possession of the
Spirit and release from sin, stands as a goal to be reached
before the day of the Lord. Chapter 2 of the Epistola magna
continues with a discussion of baptism, which is understood
as the start of spiritual growth, the appaf3wv of Christ's
benefit, the talent to be multiplied (E.M. 2. 3). Between
baptism and TTATJpo</,op{a lies the ascetical struggle.
The two other uses by Ps.-Macarius of I Thessalonians
1: 5 apply parts of that verse to descriptions of the effect of
the Holy Spirit. In II 50. 4 (absent in the parallel I 4. 15. 8),
Ps.-Macarius lifts the words Svvaµ,is and TTATJpo<f,op{a TTo>..>..~
and associates them with the Father's gift of the Holy Spirit
as promised by Christ. In the Arabic TV h 12. 1, he
distinguishes between the written word and the partaking of
the Holy Spirit, emphasizing the latter and supporting the
last part of I Thess. 5:23 appears. The Peshitta agrees with the canonical text,
reading l-met'iteh, 'his coming'. E.M. 4. 3 has been used as one of the proofs for
Gregory's dependence on Ps.-Macarius; see Baker, 'Pseudo-Macarius and Gregory
of Nyssa', 232-3.
GREEK VOCABULARY OF CHRISTIAN EXPERIENCE I 13
distinction with Paul's declaration. 54 What Paul referred to

the gospel, Ps.-Macarius uses to describe the Holy Spirit,
consistent with his typical use of words like M,vaµ,is and
TTATJpoq,op{a. Finally, in what may be an allusion to I Thessa-
lonians 1: 5, he ends I I I 6 with an exhortation to his readers
that they be Christians not in word (alone) but in deed
(Epyq.,-cf. his alteration of the biblical text in E.M. 2. 2) and
power, coming to perfection 'in all TTATJpo<pop{a' (111 6. 4. 4).
The remaining instances of TTATJpoq,opta used without aia-
OTJatS, TTe'ipa, etc., while not directly based upon the biblical
texts, can also suggest how Ps.-Macarius has digested the
scriptural senses of TTATJpo<pop{a, and pushed TTATJpo<popta to-
wards the end of the spiritual journey, beyond its motivating
and sustaining role in the New Testament texts.
Colossians 2:2, even though unquoted, may underlie
several uses of TTATJpoq,opta in the Ps.-Macarian writings. He
uses TTATJpoq,op{a as fullness of understanding or perception to
contrast with the earthly knowledge caught up in external
and transitory matters (1 38. 2. 9, 50. 2. 2 (p. 127. 3); II 49.
1). The word characterizes the extraordinary perception
which sees the true (divine) light (1 44. 2. 3), and is itself an
object of perception by one with an illumined vovs ( I 4. 22
(= II 7. 5)). 55 The experience of TTATJpoq,op{a would indicate
acquisition of grace and heavenly gifts (11 29. 5; absent in I
31. 1. 7). Finally TTATJpo<pop{a characterizes vovs and Aoyiaµ,o{
when they have their converse in heaven ( I 50. 2. 2 (p. 126.
28)).
Ps.-Macarius' application of words from I Thessalonians
1: 5 to describe the gift of the Holy Spirit ( II 50. 4; absent in
I 4. 1 5. 8) is in line with his favoured use of TTATJpo<pop{a in
descriptions of the indwelling activity of God in the soul or
heart. Most often the Holy Spirit is the gift and agent who
establishes the recipient in TTATJpoq,op{a; 56 alternatively, the
54 Note Strothmann's German translation: 'Unsere Botschaft an euch besteht
nicht in Wort allein, vielmehr in der Kraft, im heiligen Geist, und starker
Zuversicht, wie ihr wiBt' (p. 44). Emphasis added.
55 Cf. Const. App. 7. 39. 2 (p. 440. 15-18), which requires that a candidate for
baptism be taught 'yvwa,s concerning the unbegotten God, brlyvwa,s concerning the
only-begotten Son, and "'>.1Jpotf,op{a concerning the Holy Spirit'.
56 I 28. 2. 5, 36. 3. 2 (p. 48. 26) = II 37. 7 (I. 89), 52. I. 3, 52. 2. 4; E.M. 2. 2 (I. 14),
3. 2 and 12.
agents can be Christ, 57 both Christ and the Holy Spirit, 58 or

'God' (E.M. 13. 16). The association of TTATJpo<pop{a with
perfection gathers up the various aspects of the word into a
reality which encompasses fullness, abundance, certitude,
assurance, confidence: that reality is the plenitude of the
Holy Spirit. Thus Ps.-Macarius accomplishes his transfor-
mation of TTATJpo<popta. No longer simply assurance of some-
thing, or a degree of faith, TTATJpo<pop{a has come to describe
the Christian hope itself.
THE LEGACY OF Ps.-MACARIUS: MARK THE MoNK

AND DIADOCHUS
Mark the Monk uses TTATJpo<popew with meanings similar to

those found in the Ps.-Macarian writings, ranging from the
rhetorical assurances of the Disputatio cum causidico, 59 to
discussions of failed or false assurance, 60 to assurance
through faith and works, 61 to the confidence in things to
come granted through baptism. 62 Mark's uses of TTATJpo<pop{a,
though the word occurs less frequently than the verb in his
writings, are equally varied. He questions the basis of his
opponents' assurance of faith, 63 suggests that it is after trial
by deed that one is in a position to receive TTATJpo<pop{a by that
experience (mhfj Tfj TTE{pq.), 64 and describes the hidden pres-
ence of baptismal grace as working ev TTaan 7TATJpo<pop{q. Kat
alaO~aei. 65 This typically Ps.-Macarian phrase is particularly
striking: Mark adopts the Ps.-Macarian vocabulary while
placing it in an explicitly sacramental context. 66 A similar
adaptation can be found in Mark's treatise De baptismo,
57I 2. 12. 17, 51. 7 (p. 137. 3) =II 10. 4 (I. 57); III 27. 5· 3·
58 I12. I. 2 (= II 20. 1).
59 Op. 7. 13, cols. 1089 A, D; 7. 15, cols. 1092 D-1093 A; 7. 20, col. 1100 C.
60 Op. 4, col. 1024 D; Op. 5. 7, col. 1040 B.
61 Op. 2. 85, col. 944 A; 4, col. 1020 D.
62 Op. 4, col. 1009 B.
63 Op. 10. 11, col. 1140A.
" Op. 5. 7, col. 1041 A.

65 Op. 8. 4, col. 1108 D. The attribution of this work to Mark has been
questioned; the occurrence of this distinctive phrase suggests at least a continuity of

style with Mark's works.
66 See Ware, 'Baptism and the Ascetic Life', 446--7, and Hesse, Markos Eremites,
I 16-18.
where he adds to Ephesians 3:14-17 (the prayer that 'Christ

may dwell in your hearts through faith') the same Ps.-
Macarian phrase. 67 The modification of Ephesians 3:14-17
does not appear in exactly this form in the extant Ps.-
Macarian corpus, but there is a parallel in I 36. 3. 1-2, where
the quotation from Ephesians and the phrase Ev 1racrn 1TATJpo-
cpop{q. Kai aiaO~aei are in close proximity. 68 This very text
(logion 36) circulated independently of other Ps.-Macarian
materials, and with an attribution to Mark. The intrusion of
Ps.-Macarian material into the corpus of Mark's works was
not restricted to this text alone. There is certainly a close
affinity of language between Ps.-Macarius and Mark, a
resemblance sufficient to blur attributions of authorship (or
to permit a blurring) in MS collections. 69
Diadochus is heir to Ps.-Macarius in his use of 1TATJpocpop{a,
as will be seen to be the case also with aiaOTJais and 1re,pa. He
uses the verbal form 1TATJpocpopew several times, with mean-
ings ranging from legal satisfaction, 70 to confident assurance
of forgiveness and the resurrection, 71 to descriptions of the
workings of grace and the Holy Spirit. 72 The noun 1r>..71po-
cpop{a occurs nine times in his published works, seven of
those times in the phrases Ev 1racrn aiaO~aei Kat. 1TATJpocpop{q., 73
or €V aiaO~aEL 1ro>..>..n Kat. 1TATJpocpop{q.. 74 Of the two other
instances, one describes Paul's teaching as EK T~S avTov
1TATJpocpop{as, 75 while the other contrasts God's judgement
with the presumptuous attitude of a conscience which main-
tains Ev 1raa'll ... 1TATJpocpop{q. that one is without sin. 76 As for
67 Op. 4, col. 1004 D. Mark changes the vµ.wv of the biblical text to ~µ.wv.
68 The parallel in II 37. 6---7 lacks the adjective 1ro."71.
" See the tables prefaced to Collection I, p. lxxiv, for those passages erroneously
attributed to Mark. The other passage among Mark's works where the phrase Iv
1ro."71 1r>..71pocf,op(g. Ka1 alaB~a« occurs is in the treatise De jejunio, which is now
thought to be by the monk Marcian, about whom little is known. See Ware,
introduction to Marc le moine, pp. xliii-xliv.
°1 Cap. 64 (p. 124. 23).
71 Cap. 100 (p. 162. 4), Ascen. 2 (p. 164. 16), Catech. 4 (p. 180. 25).
72 Cap. 7 (p. 87. 10) and 33 (p. 103. 20). See also Cap. 59 (p. 119. 4) and 85
(1rA71pocpop71-rtKWS, p. 145. 3).

73 Cap. 40 (p. 108. 15), 44 (p. 111. 1-2), 68 (p. 129. 7), 90 (p. 150. 21 and 151.
11-12), 94 (p. 156. 15).

1• Cap. 91 (p. 152. 10), 95 (p. 157. 18).
75 Cap. 90 (p. 151. 19-20).
" Cap. 100 (p. 162. 12).

the relationship between Mark and Diadochus, and the

problem of dating Mark's work, the evidence would indicate
that Mark's access to the Ps.-Macarian material is not
dependent on Diadochus' mediation. This could support an
early fifth-century date for Mark, but of course is not
determinative.
CONCLUSION
Ps.-Macarius' adaptation of the biblical word TTATJpocf,op{a is

distinctive when set against the usage of his literary prede-
cessors. His usage is clearly based upon his meditation of the
occurrences of the word in the New Testament, although he
goes beyond the tradition by ultimately pushing the meaning
of 1r>..7Jpocf,op{a into the realm of perfect fulfilment. Whereas
1rA7Jpocf,op{a had meant assurance and consolation for the
Christian in via, for Ps.-Macarius it typically describes final
achievement. This is not to say that his use of TTATJpocf,opta is
univocal: shades of meaning can be discerned. But the
direction he favours is evident, and culminates in his trade-
mark combination of words for spiritual experience, combi-
nations in which 1rA7Jpocf,op{a plays the leading role. The
attractiveness of his usage to other writers describing the
Christian's progress is evident by its recurrence in the works
of later authors like Diadochus and Mark; the controversial
aspect of his innovative language is illustrated by the appear-
ance of 1rA7Jpocf,opta in John of Damascus' list of 'Messalian'
doctrines. A study of other elements of Ps.-Macarius' spiri-
tual vocabulary reveals that each word has a distinctive
history and range of meanings, but all of them are deployed
by Ps.-Macarius to similar effect. The power behind his
writing and the object of his colourful descriptions are
identical: the rich experience of grace in the Holy Spirit.
aiaOYJaL~ and alaOavoµai
There are biblical antecedents for Ps.-Macarius' application

of 1rA7Jpocf,op{a to spiritual experience. The word aia87JaL~ is
not, however, an important biblical term. Origen, who used
the word extensively, had fairly meagre biblical evidence in

support of his concept of the spiritual senses. Ps.-Macarius
makes little effort to corral biblical support for his own use of
aia87]ats. He uses various conventional (though non-biblical)
meanings of the word, and also extends its range by using it
to denote the actual 'feeling' of grace working in the soul.
The word aia8YJa,s and its verbal form, ala8avoµ,m, func-
tion with a range of related but distinct meanings. The noun
can refer to both a faculty of perception (a 'sense') and to an
experience of perception (a 'sensation'). Furthermore, aia8TJ-
a,s is used of both physical perception and supra-physical
(moral/intellectual/spiritual) perception. 77 Ps.-Macarius'
contribution, not unexpectedly, is on the one hand to col-
lapse these distinctions and, on the other, to push the whole
range of meanings in the direction of intense experience.
THE EARL y BACKGROUND
In Classical and Biblical Texts

In classical usage the full range of meanings for both words
is readily apparent, and need not be reviewed here. 78 Codex
Sinaiticus adds to Song of Songs 5:2 the notation, 'The bride
hears (aia8erm} the bridegroom knocking upon the door'.
The word ala8avoµ,m can also refer to sensation more
broadly, as in the Letter of Jeremiah 23 or 40, asserting Bel's
lack of hearing or any other sense. The intellectual or moral
aspect is evident in Joh 40: 18 (23), 'take notice' or even
'fear'; 4 Maccabees 8:4, 'be pleased or delighted' or 11:7,
'feel' .79 Most common in the Septuagint is the meaning, 'to
understand' (Prov. 17:10, Job 23:5, Isa. 49:26) or 'to realize'
(Wisd. 11:13, Prov. 24:14, Isa. 33:11, Ep. Jer. 19 and 49).
77 Illustrated by the entry for aio8110•~ in Lampe's Lexicon, which has five
divisions: A. sense perception, sensation; B. organ of sense perception, one of the

senses; C. intellectual perception, understanding; D. right reason, good sense; E.
sense (of Scripture) (52 AB). Under 'B' Lampe cites a passage from Ps.-Macarius
which will be discussed below; under 'C' he cites 11 14.2 and quotes from II 37. 7.
There is no entry for alo8cl.voµat.
78 See Kittel, TWNT 1. 186-7 for a useful survey of classical usage.
79 For similar examples of specific physical senses represented by alo8cl.voµa, in
classical literature, see the first group of entries in Liddell and Scott's Lexicon, p. 42
AB.
The word ata07Ja,s is most frequently used for the Hebrew

da 'at, 'knowledge, skill, perception' as in Proverbs 1 :4, 1 :7,
1 :22, etc. 80 The later, more literal, versions use yvwa,s or
eTT{yvwais in these passages. In Exodus 28:3 the Hebrew
IJ,okmah is translated ata07Jais: 'And you shall speak to those
wise in understanding (8ufvoia), whom I have filled [with] a
spirit of afo07Ja,s'.
It can mean 'feeling' or 'sensation' as in Sirach 22:19, 'one
who pricks the heart shows feeling', or more terribly,
Judith's curse upon the nations that would rise up against
Israel, 'they shall weep in pain (ev alaO~aH) for ever' (Jud.
16:17). In I Esdras, the Lord is grieved by the wicked ev
alaO~ae, (1:22 [24]).
The scriptural background in the New Testament is less
complicated. Both verbal and substantive forms appear
only once. In the Gospel of Luke, it is said of Jesus'
second foretelling of the Passion: 'They did not understand
this saying, and it was concealed from them so that they
should not comprehend it (afoOwVTai)' (Luke 9:45). 81 Paul
prays that the love of the Philippians may increase in know-
ledge (emyvwaH) and all insight (7Tl:laTJ alaO~aH, Phil. 1:9). 82
Bauer's Lexicon interprets ata07Jais here as signifying moral
understanding, complementing eTT{yvwa,s, which denotes
intellectual perception: the experiential quality of afo07Jais is
significant. 83 The derived form ala07Jr~pwv appears in the
plural in Hebrews 5:14: 'solid food is for the perfect, those
who by habit have the senses tested (ra ala07Jr~pia yeyvµ,vaa-
80 aio6110,s = da'at: Prov. 1:4,7,22; 2:10; 3:20; 5:2; 10:14; 11:9; 12:1,23; 14:6,18;
15:7,14; 18:15; 19:25; 22:12; 23:12; 24:4. aio6110,s = yadd: Prov. 14:7. The text of
Prov. 2:3 in the LXX has a line not found in the Masoretic text, 'If you call upon
wisdom (oo,f,{av), and give your voice to understanding (ovvtfon), seek insight
(aio6110,v) with a loud voice.' Similarly, there is an additional line in Prov. 8: 10 (11),
so that in parallel strophes are 1rmoda, yvwo,s, and aio6110,s. Origen, like Clement of
Alexandria, for Prov. 2:5 reads aio6110,v Bdav for l1r{yvwow 6,oii (LXX: Kai l1r{yvwo,v
6,oii •vp~ons). See Cels. 1. 48 (p. 98. 11-12), 7. 34 (p. 185. 15-16), Prine. 1. 1. 9 (p.
27. 8), and the discussion below.
81 In the Epistula Barnabae, the only text among the writings of the Apostolic
Fathers which uses alo6&.voµ.a,, the meaning is similar to that of Luke 9:45, 'to
understand'. See Barn. 2. 9, 6. 18, 11. 8, 13. 3.
82 In what is probably an allusion to this text, Ps.-Macarius describes the
Kingdom of God dwelling in the soul <v 1r&.O'll aloB~on Kai <myvwon Ka, 1r>.11po,f,op{q. ( I
29. 2. 8).
83 p. 25 A.
µha) for the discernment of good and evil'. All of these
examples pertain to the more abstract aspect of aia071cn,,
referring to a faculty of perception, and in these instances, to
a supra-physical faculty. 84
In the Writings of Origen

Clement had followed Philo and classical writers in using the
threefold hierarchy of aia071ai,, ,\6yo,, and vou, to describe
human perception, and he used this scheme in his discussion
of the texts from the Book of Proverbs. 85 But it is Origen who
first thoroughly explores the scriptural evidence and pro-
pounds a developed doctrine of the different meanings of
aia071ai, with special attention to the 'spiritual senses'. 86
Other meanings of the noun may be found in his works, but
are not of particular interest here. The influence of his
teaching about the spiritual senses is plainly evident in Ps.-
Macarius' notion of an aia071ai, voepa. The Contra Celsum
offers several sketches of Origen's teaching. 87 Origen's
defence of Christianity against the parodies of Celsus
•• The texts gathered by Moulton and Milligan to illustrate the use of aiall.,,a,s in
the papyri all refer to aiall.,,a,s as a faculty, apparently of sensory perception. The
texts illustrative of the verb show the range of meanings found in the LXX. See
Vocabulary, part 1, p. 14 B. Philo uses aiall.,,a,s with its full range of meanings;
Leisegang's index to Cohn and Wendland's edition (see 7. 64-7, for aiall.,,a,s)
provides an overview of the various meanings of aiall.,,a,s in Philo's works. The
index itself has been superseded by Mayer's Index Philoneus, but Leisegang's
arrangement of the entries by category of usage remains quite helpful. Mayer's
Index simply provides references; the entry for aiall.,,a,s is on p. 10.
85 See e.g. Str. 1. 4 (p. 17. 20-3), 2. 2 (p. 118. 2-4), 2. 4 (p. 119. 20-6), 2. 11 (pp.
139. 12-140. 8), 6. 16 (p. 501. 6--8), 8. 3 (pp. 83. 17-84. 8), 8. 4 (p. 88. 20-30). Cf.
Philo, Congr. 100 (3. 92. 9-15) and Hippolytus, Haer. 7. 21. 1 (p. 287. 3-4).
86 The most thorough study is still that of Karl Rahner, 'Le Debut d'une
doctrine des cinq sens spirituels chez Origene'. See also Louth, Origins, 67-70;
Fraigneau-Julien, Les Sens spirituels, 29-43; now Canevet, 'Sens spirituel', cols.
598-617; Dillon, 'Aisthesis noete', 443-9. .
87 See Cels. 1. 47-8 (pp. 96. 30-100. 11), 6. 73 (pp. 142. 16--143. 20), and
especially 7. 34 (pp. 184. 14-185. 16). The most significant passages about the
spiritual senses in other works of Origen are: Dial. 11-12 (pp. 78. 3-80. 14), 16--22
(pp. 88. 11-100. 3); Prine. 1. 1. 7 (pp. 23. 15-24. 21) and 1. 1. 9 (pp. 26. 15-27. 17),
2. 4. 3 (pp. 130. 3-131. 23) and 2. 9. 4 (pp. 167. 17-168. 11); Hom. in Lev. 3. 7 (pp.
311. 24-312. 24); Hom. in Num. 25. 3-4 (pp. 235. 12-239. 25); Hom. in Ezech. 11. 1
(pp. 423. 22-424. 16); both Hom. in Cant.; Comm. ser. in Mt. 35 (pp. 65. 7-68. 17),
63 (pp. 145. 10-148. 5), 64 (148. 6--151. 18), 66 (pp. 153. 30-157. 18); Hom. in Le.,
Frr. 186 (pp. 305-7) and 192 (pp. 308-9);Jo. 10. 40 (p. 217. 17-218. 21), 13. 24 (p.
247. 22-248. 27), 20. 43 (pp. 386. 3-387. 17).
required a way of explaining those biblical passages which

seem to speak of spiritual matters in a starkly physical
manner. Primarily at stake for Origen was the spiritual
significance of the resurrection of Christ, but the scope of the
argument was much broader, reaching into the interpre-
tation of virtually the whole of scripture. This late work
(c.246) provides a good summary of his earlier occasional
references to a spiritual sense or senses.
Origen teaches that there are five 'spiritual senses' which
are analogous to the physical senses. These spiritual senses
apprehend divine realities. The imperative behind his doc-
trine is threefold. First, there are spiritual matters which are
true and real, but inaccessible to the physical senses. Second,
these realities must somehow be accessible to human beings.
Third, human contact with these divine realities is direct and
immediate, and both the vividness and variety of these
divine encounters is best described with the language used
for vivid physical encounters. The 'spiritual senses' are
Origen's way of explaining how humans encounter God.
When Scripture speaks of seeing, hearing, tasting, smelling,
touching divine things, one must realize that: 'eyes are
spoken of by the divine Scriptures just like bodily eyes, and
also ears and hands and even more surprising than these, a
divine and other sense (aia8TJaL,) alongside the one customar-
ily named by the multitudes'. 88 It is a matter, then, of
transposing perception to a higher level, or more accurately,
to the inner self, the Eaw av8pwrro,, while insisting on vivid
apprehension. 89 Origen sometimes names this faculty the
aia81JaL, 8Eta (also found in the plural 8EiaL ai.aO~aEL,), 90 from
the phrase aia81JaLv 8dav Evp~aEL, found in the version of
Proverbs 2:5 known to Clement and to Origen. 91 Alternat-
" Cels. 7. 34 (pp. 184. 14-185. 16); cf. 1. 48 (pp. 97. 19-100. 11).
89 See Hom. in Le., Fr. 192 (pp. 308-9), on the elevation from earthly to divine
thoughts; on the fow av8pw1ros, the best discussion is in Dial. 11-12 (pp. 78. 3-80.
14) and 16-22 (pp. 88. 11-100. 3). There Origen describes at length the duplication
of the external physical senses within the inner spiritual person.
•• Hom. in Le., Fr. 192 (pp. 308---<)).
91 See Cels. 1. 48 (p. 98. 11-12). As noted above, the LXX reads ,1r{yvwa,v 8,ov.
In Hom. in Le., Fr. 186 (pp. 305-7), Origen distinguishes between the aiafJTJa<v fJdav
of Prov. 2:5 and the (),fa aiafJTJa<s granted even to irrational beings; the latter is
simply a broad description of the various physical senses of sight, hearing, etc. (see
p. 306. 40-6). However, he uses 8,,a, ala871a«s in Fr. 192 (p. 308. 8) to refer to the
ively, Origen writes of the 8efa ala8rJ-r~pia, using Hebrews

5:14 as his basis. 92 The spiritual ala8~aEL,, then, are faculties
of the soul, the fow av8pw1ro,, paralleling the physical senses
of the body. 93 And, like physical senses, they must be
developed and tested. 94 As Origen writes of Solomon in De
principiis 1. 1. 9, 'he knew that there are two kinds of senses
in us, the one kind of senses a mortal one, corruptible,
human; the other kind immortal and intellectual, which he
called "divine" .' 95
spiritual senses. Cf. Jo. 20. 43 (pp. 386. 3-387. 17) and Prine. 1. 1. 9 (p. 27. 8). In
Hom. in Le., Fr. 151 (p. 287. 27), commenting on Luke 9:45, Origen quotes Ps.
110:10 or Prov. 1:7 as ,f,o{Jos Kvp{ou apx~ ala6~a£ws (p. 287.27) whereas the LXX
reads apx~ ao,f,{as ,f,6{3os Kvplou (Ps. 110: 10) and apx~ ao,f,{as ,f,6{3os 6£oti (Prov. 1:7; NB
the variant, Kvplou, in Codex Alexandrinus and the occurrence of aia611a,s two lines
later in the standard text). As far as I know there are no other witnesses to these
readings in Origen's extant works. Ps. 110:10 is quoted in Cadiou's Commentaires
inedits, p. 99. 1, in the LXX form. The Latin versions of various commentaries by
Origen all read 'sapientia' for both Ps. 110:10 and Prov. 1:7. The only witnesses to
aia611a<s in Prov. 1:7 are in the dubious catenae found in PG 17. At cols. 156 B-157
A a distinction is made between fear of the Lord being the beginning of wisdom
(oo,f,{a; cf. col. 165 B for the same text), and piety towards God being the beginning
of aia611a,s, described as the 6£ia aia611a,s of the inner self (as in Cels.). However, this
passage is judged inauthentic by modern editors (CPG 1. 155). A second passage,
from another MS, seems to allude to Prov. 1:7 when it criticizes those without the
o,
fear of God, which constitutes the beginning of aia611a,s: ol µ~ •xovns ,f,offov 6£oti,
T0v 1rowUvTa dpx~v alo8~o£WS &.va,crBTJTOUa, ao</,{as KaL 1ra,8Elas. KaL Eeov(hvoVatv
aµ,f,onpa (164 A, I. 15-B, l. 2; cf. the similar 164 A, II. 8--<)). Hans Urs von Balthasar
has argued for the authenticity of this passage with its two witnesses to the variant
reading for Prov. 1:7 (see the note in CPG 1. 155).
92 See Hom. in Le., Fr. 186, where he uses both TO. 6£ia ala611T~p<a (p. 305.9) and
~v aia611aw 6£{av, as described above. In Dial. 19 (p. 92. 3-4), Origen uses only TO.
6£ia ala611T~p1a; here the discussion is based on Heh. 5: 14, while Prov. 2:5 is never
cited. Cf. the allusion to Heh. 5:14 in Comm. ser. in Mt. 35 (pp. 65. 7-68. 17). In
Dial. 20-1 (p. 96. 25-37), he quotes Jer. 4: 19 with its reference to the ala611T~p,a T'9S
Kapolas. In Cels. he uses only 6£ia aia611a,s, for in this work the argument is based
solely upon the verse from Proverbs: the text from Hebrews does not occur. In Jo.
10. 40, he mentions TO.S KaAovµ£vas 6£{as ala6~a£Ls without explicit reference to
Proverbs (p. 218. 7); in 13. 24, writing of discernment, he refers to Heh. 5:14 (p.
248. 4). In Fr. in Mt. 506 (pp. 208-9) = Comm. ser. in Mt. 66 from the Latin (pp.
153. 30-155. 16), he lines up all three: Prov. 2:5, Jer. 4:19, and Heh. 5:14.
93 Cels. 7. 34 (pp. 184. 14-185. 16), 7. 38 (pp. 188. 11-189. 3). See also the
passages from Dial. and Prine. 1. 1. 7 and 9, as noted above.

•• Hahner, 'Le Debut d'une doctrine', 121-3.
95 'Sciebat namque duo genera esse sensuum in nobis, unum genus sensuum
mortale, corruptibile, humanum, aliud genus immortale et intellectuale, quod nunc

"diuinum" nominauit' (p. 27. 8-11.)
alaOavoµai IN THE WRITINGS OF Ps.-MACARIUS
To understand how Ps.-Macarius uses the noun aiaBTJatS,
one needs first to study the verbal form ala8avoµ,ai. The uses
of ala8avoµ,ai in the Ps.-Macarian corpus are in the line of 'to
be aware' or 'to experience' rather than 'to understand'.
There is a continuum of meanings from intellectual acknow-
ledgement to more intense emotional apprehension. In I I
27. 16 (absent from I 7. 14. 7), Ps.-Macarius writes that
someone who has achieved aya1TTJ is drunk and in another
age, 'as unaware (ovx ala8av6µ,evoc;) of his own nature'. Or, in
111 22. 3. 2, one transformed by grace 'is aware (ala8ea8ai) of
the change, and knows that he does not have the former
mind (vovc;) of the earthly understanding (xoi'Kov cpp6v'T}µ,a)'.
One 'senses' or 'feels' (ala8ea8ai) grace of spiritual progress
(E.M. 13. 16; some MSS omit the awkward xapiv). This is
the cooler end of the spectrum. More typical are comments
about sensing activity within the soul and heart, whether it
be evil (1 20. 1. 4), good (11 49. 1; H 51. 3; III 18. 1. 4
(twice)), or both (11 24. 6; 111 28. 1. 3).
The varying contexts of the verb illustrate its range. One
finds ala8avoµ,ai in each of the following passages: one 'feels'
or 'senses' the battle against evil (111 8. 3. 5); the burden of
sin (itself described as an aia8TJatS) is 'felt' to be lessened
(1 20. 1. 4); one hopes to gain and 'to experience' the grace
of the Spirit and the repose (dva1Tavaic;) of the heavenly gift
(1 31. 1. 7; according to II 29. 5, this is to be done ev
1TATJpocpop{q.); spiritual delights are to be 'experienced' (11 49.
1); the taste and sweetness of God ( I 3 1. 1. 2 ( = I I 29. 1), 49.
2. 11 ( = I I 4. 11)) or the coming age (H 5 1. 3) or eternal life
( I 49. 2. 9 ( = II 4. IO)) are 'enjoyed'. It has taken a number of
different English words to translate the same verb, ala8avo-
µ,ai, and in no case has 'to perceive' been an adequate
translation. Often ala8avoµ,ai and evepyeta are associated (II
24. 6, cf. 16. 1; 111 18. 1. 4 (twice), 28. 1. 3), as frequently
happens with aia8'T}at<; and evepyeia.
The richest lode of words from the family of aia8'T}atc; and
ala8avoµ,ai is in a passage from Collection I ( 1 3 1. 3 and 4). 96
96 r 31. 4. 1-3 is paralleled by II 29. 6, but the text in II 29 lacks the two
occurrences of aia671a,s. Although it is possible that they were added to the text in I
Here Ps.-Macarius turns to scriptural parables which exem-

plify the proper disposition of the soul towards God. After
speaking of the Prodigal Son as a model of full repentance
and self-offering, he reviews the unhappy history of Israel.
The refrain which recurs with increasing frequency
throughout the narrative, which is a lengthy passage of more
than 100 lines, is that Israel (symbolic of the soul) 'did not
appreciate (aia8ov-rai) the benefits (€v£pywiwv)' conferred
upon them by God. Because of their 'insensitive' or 'unap-
preciative' (ava{a871-ros) heart, they did not turn to God, and
so God stripped them, forsook them utterly, and scattered
them among the nations (1 31. 3. 4, cf. 6. 5). Their condition
is described as avaia871a{a, a term also applied to the soul
which does not appreciate the benefits of grace. If someone
remains avafo871-ros to the end, he is condemned because of
his avaia871a{a and ayvo{a (1 31. 3. 7). In this discourse
aia8avoµ,ai describes more than simply being aware or cogni-
zant; the Lord sought not intellectual recognition from
Israel, but deepest conviction and gratitude, enough to
change lives and even the course of a whole people. Ps.-
Macarius applies this most profound 'knowing', which is
inseparable from grateful appreciation of divine grace, to the
life of the Christian. When he writes of aia871ais, then, it is
with such a conception of aia8avoµ,ai.
ataO'YjaL~ IN THE WRITINGS OF Ps.-MACARIUS

This discussion will deal primarily with texts in which
aia871ais. figures alone, without 7TA7Jpocf,opfo, Svvaµ,is, etc.
There is, however, a special relationship between aia871ais
and 7T£tpa which will be discussed in this section. Later,
when phrases which combine the key words are considered,
it will be the common ground of the key terms which will be
of greater importance.
First of all, Ps.-Macarius does not normally use aia871ais
to mean 'a faculty of physical sensation or perception'. 97
3 r. 4 to match the vocabulary of 1 3 r. 3, it is more likely that they were omitted from
the text in 11 29 because the antecedent narrative to which they refer, however
obliquely, is not in II 29.
97 A rare exception is II 25. 9, referring to 17 aia871a,~ -rij~ o,f,£w~.
Instead, he uses for this purpose the word ala8'TJT~pwv, but

always in the plural. The senses of the body are the means by
which evil thoughts find their way into the human person (I
25. 1. 11 and 16), they are the means for satisfying physical
needs (I 25. 1. 15 and 16), and thus one proceeds in this age
'through the ways of the senses' (I 25. 1. 17).
The aia8TJa,s voepa and the Spiritual Senses

Ps.-Macarius follows his literary predecessors in their use of
aia8TJatS to describe a faculty of intellectual or spiritual
perception. For example, he writes of the five 'senses'
(,\oy,KaL ala8~aets, II 4. 7; I 49. 2. 3 omits Aoy,Ka{) of the soul,
comparing them to the five wise virgins of Matthew 25.
Immediately one thinks of Origen's five ala8~ae,s Oe,ai, and
in fact Origen, too, interprets Matthew 25 in terms of the
sensus divinae. 98 Ps.-Macarius lists these senses in one of the
passages (I 49. 2. 3): understanding (auvea,s), knowledge
(yvwa,s), discernment (S,a.Kp,a,s), endurance (v1roµ.ov~), and
mercy (eAeos). 99 This list includes 'faculties' and 'virtues',
intellectual and moral qualities, and points to the ambiguity
of aia8TJais for Ps.-Macarius: its meanings immediately begin
to shade into the subjective and experiential. Seeking to
voice what is beyond both intellect and emotion, he finds
only words of human coinage, some in the hard silver of
'rational discourse', others in the softer gold of the heart;
many others struck from an alloy of the two. The terms
aia8TJa,s and ala8avoµ.ai and their related adjectives are of the
alloy, and though the proportions of 'intellectual' and 'sen-
98 See Comm. ser. in Mt. 63-4 (pp. 145. 10-151. 18).
" Origen writes that the cost of the oil for the virgins' lamps consists of: 'regular
attendance' (wpoa.l'ip{a), 'attention' (wpoao;d), 'love of learning' (q,,>..oµ.a6{a), 'zeal'
(=ou8~). 'love of effort' (q,,>..owov{a, Fr. in ),It. 500 (pp. 204-5), which parallels
Comm. ser. in Mt. 64 (pp. 148. 6-151. 18)). Staats points out the close parallel
between Ps.-Macarius' exegesis of the story of the five wise virgins and that found
in the second-century Epistula apostolorum, which relates them to knowledge,
insight, celibacy, long-suffering, and mercy (without mention of the spiritual
senses). See Gregor von Nyssa, 96 n. What one is left with is a parallel between
Origen and Ps.-Macarius as far as associating the five wise virgins with the five
spiritual senses; and a near parallel between Ps.-Macarius and the Epistula
apostolorum as far as the spiritual significance of the five virgins. In another text,
Ps.-Macarius answers a question about the spiritual meaning of 'five words in
church' from I Cor. 14:19, interpreting the five words to be the virtues of prayer,
iyKpar•m, almsgiving, poverty, and long-suffering (1 36. 4. 1).
sate' or 'emotional' qualities may vary, the hybrid quality

remains.
Although he does not use Proverbs 2:5 as a biblical
foundation for discussing the spiritual senses, Ps.-Macarius
writes of an aia8TJaLs voEpa, which he associates with discern-
ment (i5LaKpLaLs, I 2. 10. 5). The similarity to Origen's
aia8TJaLs 8Eia is striking, although Origen does not appear to
use the term aia8TJaLs voEpa, and Ps.-Macarius never men-
tions an aia8TJaLs 8Eia. Ps.-Macarius cites Proverbs 2:5, the
biblical source of Origen's term, only once, and there one
finds the standard reading from the Septuagint, e1r{yvwaLv
8EOv EvpT/aELs, rather than the Alexandrian reading aia8TJaLv
8E{av EvpT/aELS known to Clement and Origen. 100 Thus Ps.-
Macarius' aia8TJaLS voEpa, while akin to Origen's aia8TJaLs 8Eia,
does not depend on the same biblical foundation. This leaves
open the question of the actual connection between Origen's
concept and that of Ps.-Macarius. Rahner's belief (following
Bousset) that Ps.-Macarius was influenced by Evagrius
Ponticus is improbable. 101 Ps.-Macarius illustrates his teach-
ing with sensual examples: whereas Origen begins with the
physical/sensual language of Scripture and interprets it in a
spiritual sense, Ps.-Macarius begins with a phrase from his
technical spiritual vocabulary and explains it by appeal to
analogies involving the physical senses. The perception he
describes is not coldly rational: a soul with discernment, he
says, knows the difference between the voEpov cf,ws of God and
the false light of Satan immediately, from the voEpa aia8TJaLs,
just as the palate knows the difference between foods which
appear identical to the eye, such as lettuce and bitter herbs,
or wine and vinegar. The richer, more immediate sense, that
of taste, is the analogue to the voEpa aia8TJaLs; the cooler, more
detached perception by sight is the lesser faculty. As the
palate recognizes by taste, so the soul recognizes by its own
VO€pa aia8TJULS and the evlpyELa of whatever it confronts. The
illustration of an 'intellectual' faculty (aia8TJai, voEpa) by a
•00 E.M. 7. 2; the Syriac version in Aeg h 1. 10 faithfully translates the LXX
reading as found in E.M..
101 Bousset, Apophthegmata, 319, and Hahner, 'Le Debut d'une doctrine', 142.
See the discussion below of Evagrius' doctrine of the spiritual senses. In any case,
there are chronological difficulties with arguing dependence on Evagrius.
sensate one may seem odd, but this is precisely what dis-
tinguishes the work of Ps.-Macarius. As he revalues familiar
terms, he intensifies them. He rejects the 'passions' but
writes passionately of the Christian life. And so he can write
that one advances (lit. 'anticipates', 1rp6cf,8avEL) in voEpa aia8TJ-
aL, through gentleness (1 39. 1. 6). It is helpful to remember
that Paul prayed that the love of the Philippians might
abound in knowledge and in all aia8TJaL, (Phil. 1 :9). Perhaps
it is the case that Ps.-Macarius recovers the original vigour-
and ambiguity-of the Pauline use of all of these terms.
Ps.-Macarius, like Origen, turns to Hebrews 5:14. His
concern is the quality of discernment evidenced by those
who are 'spiritual and perfect' (1 59. 1. 2), and naturally
enough the scriptural reference to those whose ala8TJ'T~pLa
have been tested by experience suits his point. 102 Thus in the
Epistola magna he mentions the great effort and 'hidden
pain' required to be able to examine (epEvvav) thoughts and to
exercise the weakened ala8TJ'T~pLa of our souls (E.M. 7. 7). 103
When he uses Hebrews 5:14 he is, appropriately enough,
describing faculties of spiritual perception rather than spiri-
tual experiences themselves. In III 12. 2. 4 the distinction is
neatly drawn: let one not be ignorant of good and evil, like a
child, 'but have perfect knowledge of the two by 1rEipa and
evepyeta and aia8TJaLS and thereby achieve the ala8TJ'T~pLa
yEyvµ,vaaµ,eva of Hebrews 5: 14. In one other passage, he uses
ala8TJ'T~pLa for spiritual faculties without explicitly mention-
ing Hebrews 5: 14, as he describes both the effect of the Fall
on the 'intellectual (voEpwv) and immortal senses' of the soul
and the ultimate healing of those senses through the commu-
nion of the Spirit (1 58. 3. 3).
aia8TjaL, and Knowledge
In several passages Ps.-Macarius uses aia8TJaL, to comple-
ment yvwaL,, e1r£yvwaL,, or a1TOKa),v1/JL,. Here aia8TjaL, is a
faculty of intellectual and spiritual perception, as in Philip-
pians 1:9 or like the ala8TJ'T~pia of Hebrews 5:14. In such
102See the similar reference in II 50. 4.
Gregory of Nyssa in the parallel passage of lnstit. edits and condenses the Ps.-
103
Macarian material so severely that the allusion to Heh. 5:14 virtually disappears.
The key word ala871T~p,a is omitted.
passages one notes the absence of the terms so often linked

elsewhere with aia87JaLS, i.e. 1TA7Jpocf,op{a, 1TEtpa, 8vvaµ.is, evep-
yeia. When aia87JaLS is placed with yvwaLS, e1r{yvwaLS, or
a.1roKaAm/JLs as a complementary faculty, it never appears with
the other terms of spiritual experience. The one occasion
when aia87Jais, e1r{yvwais, and 1rA7Jpocf,op{a are joined together
appears to be an allusion to Philippians 1 :9, and the addition
of 1rA7Jpocf,op{a may be simply for emphasis (I 29. 2. 8). Again,
as was the case in III 12. 2. 4 with respect to ala87JT~pia and
aia87JaLs, there is a clear distinction between aia87Jais used to
describe a faculty, and aia87Jais used to describe the actual
perception or experience. In the first category are those
passages which build upon Philippians 1:9, such as I 5. 2. 7,
where he writes that we are not to know God in word alone,
but to have him in the heart in all aia87Jais and e1r{yvwais. He
goes on in that same passage to criticize those who speak
about the Word of God while being unfamiliar (tevoi) with
action (epyaa{a) and aia87Jais (I 5. 2. 7, p. 78. 12-13). Ps.-
Macarius moves from 'faculty' to 'experience' with utter
insouciance. In an unusual and delightful passage in Collec-
tion III, he describes the way in which grace, as a mother,
leads the soul els aia87Jaiv Kai e1r{yvwaiv of the heavenly Father
(III 27. 4. 30 ): any distinction between 'knowledge' and
'experience', faculty and sensation, disappears. Or, in
another example with a reminiscence of Philippians 1 :9,
speaking of the ways in which one is found pleasing to God,
he mentions those with true knowledge (e1r{yvwais) and
visitation (e1r{aKeipis) and aia87Jais of the Spirit ( I 3 1. 4. 3,
absent in II 29. 6).
This association of aia87Jais with knowledge may hold the
key to interpreting an obscure question about seeing one's
own soul and the complicated reply (I 4. 22 (= II 7. 5)):
Question. Can someone see his own soul through light? For some
disregard (dvaipovai) revelation (a1T0Ka.Avijnv) and say that vision
(opaatv) is through knowledge (yvwa€ws') and perception (arao+
G€WS').
Reply. There is a,a81Jai, and there is vision and there is illumina-
tion (ipwnaµ,6,). The one who has illumination is greater than the
one who has ata81Jat,. For his mind (vovs) was enlightened, so that
he received a certain greater part than the one who has afo8rwis,
since he saw a certain TTATJpocf,opta of visions in himself. Except that
revelation is one thing, and illumination another. Revelation is
higher, because great matters (7rpa.yµ.a-ra) and mysteries of God are
revealed to the soul. (According to the text of I 4. 22)
The aia81Jais in this passage, then, is that associated with
yvwais or E1r{yvwais, as used in Pauline (and pre-Pauline, such
as the Septuagint) texts to mean 'awareness' or 'insight'.
This usage is akin to the traditional conception of aia81Jais as
a faculty of perception. 'Enlightenment' must surely be
higher than this sort of perception, for cf,wnaµ.6s is the light
of Christ or the Spirit, a divine gift, 104 and a1roKa),vi/JLs is
cf,wnaµ.6s invested with especially rich content: the mysteries
of God. Ps.-Macarius' imagery resists systematization, but
there is a vital distinction here. The contrast between
a1r0Ka),vif;is and aia81Jais, then, is between that gift which
comes entirely from God and that faculty which resides in
the human person and is assisted by grace. And so the two
other passages in which aia81Jais and a1r0Ka).vif;is figure
together might be set in this context. For some people, God
works through their long-suffering, and grace comes Ev
ala8~aEL Kat a1roKa>..vipEL: in awareness and in revelation ( I 3 1.
1. 7, absent in parallel I I 29. 5). Similarly, one advances in
aia81Jais and a1r0Ka.Avipis towards perfection ( I 43. 2). In these
texts, aia81Jais is not as much an affirmation of a state or
condition as it is a characterization of a continuing process.
104 Ps.-Macarius uses the image of light and illumination throughout his writings
as a synonym for grace or the divine presence. This is not simply a matter of
enlightened perception, but the light of the Spirit shining 'substantially' ( u1roorn-
-r<Kws) in the soul ( 1 58. 2. 2; cf. 58. 2. 1, u1roo-ra-r,Kov rf,ws). This illumination brings
knowledge ( I 4. 29. 12 ( = II 15. 49), 39. 1. 6) but is itself a far greater gift, being the
real presence of the divine in the soul (1 24. 14, 58. 1. 1). The paragraph after the
question and answer in I 4. 22 refers to &.1r0Ka.>.v,f"s and rf,ws 9,iicav (1 4. 23 (= 11 7.
6 )), which can be identified with ovpa.vwv Ka< 9,iov 1rup ( II 7. 1; I 4. 18. 2 reads vo,pav
for ovp&.v,ov), also described as -rcl av>.ov Ka< 9,iov 1rup (11 25. 9) which cleanses the vous
and produces the rf,w-r,op.as of holy souls (11 25. 10). The significance of rf,wnop.os is
brought home by a passage in I 58. 2. 6-3. 4. The soul receives now the rf,w-r,op.as of
the Spirit, and on the day of resurrection the rf,wnop.os will encompass the body in
its co-glorification with the soul. See also Beyer, 'Die Lichtlehre', 498-510, on the
significance of light in the Ps.-Macarian texts. Beyer concludes: 'er keine genaue
Unterscheidung zwischen ovo{a und aywv 1rv•up.a einerseits und x&.p,s, lluvap.,s und
rf,ws andererseits trifft' (510). Beyer also notes Gregory of Nyssa's modification of
Ps.-Macarian teaching in his editing of E.M. as he wrote Instit.; see Beyer, 500.
aiaOriai, as Spiritual Sensation

Where aiaOriai, occurs in the Ps.-Macarian texts without the
article but with a preposition, usually ev, the distinction
between 'faculty of perception' and 'state or condition' is
most blurred. In II 47. 11, Ps.-Macarius compares the Holy
Spirit to the pillar of fire and of cloud. As the fire and cloud
went before Israel, so the Holy Spirit supports the soul,
warming and guiding it ev alaO~aei, or as the parallel in I 11.
2. 10 reads, it warms and guides ev aiaO~aei T~,
i/Jvx~,. Ps.-
Macarius refers here not so much to a 'faculty' of perception,
but to a 'mode' of acting upon the soul; or, viewed from the
other side, to a mode of being acted upon. The aiaOriai, is the
means by which the soul is so warmed and guided. Similarly,
he writes that heavenly thoughts come and 'energize'
(evepy~awaiv) in the soul, in all aiaOriai, (I 32. 3. 3; omitted in
II 15. 15).
The pairing of aiaOriai, with TTe'ipa in various places in the
Ps.-Macarian corpus helps. one to understand further how
real he conceives this state to be; as will be seen below, Ps.-
Macarius uses TTe'ipa to mean 'experience', both abstract and
concrete. One receives knowledge of heavenly mysteries by
TTE'ipa and aiaOriai, (I 50. 2. 1), and sees the good things of
heaven avTfl 7TE{pg. Kai alaO~aei (I 49. 2. 14 (= II 4. 12), cf. I
15. 1. 2). Origen distinguished between the two ways of
perceiving, but when Ps.-Macarius writes of receiving the
TTe'ipa and aiaOriai, of heavenly food ( I 15. 1. I), it is hard to
press a distinction between TTe'ipa and aiaOriai, . 105 Karl
Rahner described Diadochus' conception of aiaOriai, (which
he learned from the Ps.-Macarian texts) in this manner: 'For
Diadochus, aiaOriai, is more or less an experiential know-
ledge of the indwelling of God in the purified soul, the
knowledge of its good relations with God, the perception of
divine consolation which penetrates the entire person. AiaOri-
ai, virtually becomes the synonym of the word TTATJpocpop{a to
10• Des Places quotes Viller's 'rapprochement' of aiali11a<s and rr£ipa, describing
a,ali11a,s as 'Une faculte Speciale accordee a l'homme pour atteindre Jes realites
immaterielles du monde des a.mes ... Un discernement tres sur qui permet de
gouter, sans crainte d'erreur, la douceur, la bonte, la consolation divines, et qui
s'affine de plus en plus a mesure que l'ame s'eleve.' From Viller's La Spiritualite,
125--6, as quoted in Des Places's edition of Diadochus' Kephalaia gnostica, 36.
which it is so often yoked.' 106 Recognition, perception,

knowledge, experience are inseparable. What Rahner says of
aia8TJaL, and TTATJpotf,op{a applies to aia8TJaL,, TTE'ipa, and similar
terms. When one comes across a phrase like that in I II 12. 2.
4, declaring that good and evil are known by TTe'ipa and by
EvlpyeLa and by a'ta8TJaL,, it is apparent that Ps.-Macarius is
not ascribing such knowledge to three distinct faculties or
modes of apprehension, but using the three words to under-
score a single experience.
Several passages refer to a'ta8TJaL, in an objective manner,
as a perception or sensation itself, something one has or
receives, 'an a'ta8TJaL, of something'. God-loving souls per-
ceive (EmyvwaKovaL) an a'ta8TJaL, of spiritual progress ( I 51. 1
(=II 10. 1), 64. 9), and receive aia8TJaL, of the goodness of
the spirit (I 21. 11, 31. 4. 3; II 12. 7) or of grace (I 31. 6. 3).
God can allow someone to have a 'little experience' (µ.LKpav
aia8TJaLv) of perfection, a kind of foretaste, to keep his
preaching true ( I 1 6. 3. 2, absent in parallel I I 17. 12). As one
journeys on the path of the virtues, sin and the passions
abate, and a sensation of lightness and gentleness is felt (~
aia 8'YJGL, El\a't'pOT'YJTO,
W >\ ,J._
I
KaL 7Tpav7Ta 8ELa, EV
\ •• I > < •
EaVTlJ > 8
aLa I
aVETaL, I 20.
1. 4). The aia8rJaL, described in these passages lies at the
'warmer' end of the spectrum. In another text, found after
the section of I 3 1 discussed above with regard to aia8avoµ.aL,
Ps.-Macarius uses ata8rJaL, in a much more restricted sense,
to mean 'recognition, acknowledgment': this aia8TJaL, of
God's benefits will be demanded of the soul as it was
demanded of the people of Israel ( I 3 1. 4. 2, absent in the
parallel II 29. 6). Appendix 4 illustrates the frequent use of
aia8TJaL, with the preposition Ev, but without the definite
article. It is clear from context, and from the usual linkage of
aia8TJaL, with words such as TTATJpotf,op{a, that it is not a matter
of a 'faculty' so much as of a 'condition' or 'experience'.
When ata8rJaL, is used in combinations such as Ev TTaan
aia8~aEL Kat TTATJpotf,op{i, it brings with it the idea of percep-
tion and awareness, but is clearly pushed in the direction of
experience: 'sense' moves towards 'sensation'. This usage,
without the article and with EV, is unusual. Where it occurs in
106 'Le Debut d'une doctrine', 142.

earlier literature, it denotes intense feeling, as in Judith's

curse (Judith 16:17), the Lord's grief over the wicked (1 Esd.
1 :22 [24]), the believer's growth in love (Phil. 1 :9). When
words such as TTATJpocf,op{a or TTEtpa or evlpyEia are added to
aiaOTJaiS, the experiential aspect is inescapable.
Appendix 4 and the discussion have demonstrated that
Ps.-Macarius uses aiaOTJais exclusively for spiritual percep-
tion or experience. He relegates the faculty of physical
sensation to the word alaOTJT~piov. The term aiaOTJaiS some-
times refers to a faculty or mode of perceiving, but more
often denotes perception or experience itself, or a mode of
being acted upon. The typical use of the word is with the
preposition ev, usually with words like TTATJpocf,op{a and 7TEtpa:
in these cases, perception, experience, sensation are all seen
to come under this one word.
aia817a,s IN OTHER CHRISTIAN TEXTS
A comparison with other Christian writers shows what Ps.-

Macarius has done by applying the word aiaOTJaLs to ex-
perience of the Holy Spirit, grace, divine evlpyELa, etc.
Whereas earlier writers can use aiaOTJais to refer to a spiritual
faculty (analogous to the physical senses), its other meaning
of 'experience or sensation' finds little place when they
discuss progress in the Christian life. Indeed, this kind of
aiaOTJais is something one leaves behind, along with earthly
thoughts and desires. Origen, for all of the occasions when
he uses aiaOTJais to mean 'a faculty of awareness or sensation',
or 'a physical sensation', never employs the word to charac-
terize a spiritual state or condition. 107 Ps.-Macarius' contem-
poraries, the Cappadocian Gregories and Basil, also take a
101 For 'faculty', see e.g.: Hom. inJer. 5. 6 (p. 36. 25-6, on the Good Shepherd
who 'rules me through the senses'); Fr. in Lam. 52 (p. 257. 26), the senses
(aia8~a«s) as gates to the soul; for the need to move from earthly senses to divine
ones,Jo. 1. 8 (p. 14.5-11), 10. 40 (p. 218. 4-8), 20. 43 (p. 386. 23-7). Also see Fr. in
Le. 192 (pp. 308-9) and 202 (p. 314); Comm. in Mt. 15.33 (pp. 447. 24-448. 20). For
aia811a•s as 'awareness' or 'recognition', see Fr. in Le. 127b (p. 280), 151 (p. 287.25),
163 (p. 292), 217 (p. 321). For the need to strip off deceptive aia811a,s in favour of
divine light, see Fr. in Le. 123 (p. 277. 2). For 'sensation' more generally, often
contrasted with intellectual apprehension (v611a,s), or reason (,\oyos), see Fr. in Jer.
18 (p. 206. 26--8); fragment from the Cat. in Jo., p. 500. 11-12; Fr. in Le. 107 (p.
271. 5-6); Fr. in Mt. 390 (p. 166) and 424 (p. 177).
conservative line. For Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus,

aia87Jais is in the first place a faculty of physical awareness or
sensation. Where Basil does use aia87Jais for a moral faculty,
he does not make the transition from 'sense' to 'sensation' .108
Gregory of Nyssa has a rich understanding of the spiritual
senses, and views them as a way of leading the understanding
(8ufvo,a) towards the transcendent and invisible reality. 109
Most frequently, however, he uses aia87Jais to refer to
physical senses or sensations. Like Gregory of Nazianzus, he
distinguishes between matters pertaining to the vous and
those things which derive from the physical senses. 110 The
senses are a source of trouble: the ear, for example, 'opens
the gates to death.' 111
On the moral level, Gregory uses aia87Jais to describe
either the faculty of perception and discrimination, or a
moral realization or experience. 112 Occasionally he will as-
sociate aia87Jais with the divine presence. In the Vita Moysis
Gregory writes of Balak's realization that his magic was to no
avail; he became aware 'of the divine power by perception'
(n7s fJe{as 8vvaµ,ews ev alafJ~aei). 113 But this is a first awareness
of divine power, a power which is itself beyond aia87Jais. So
too the famous passage in Homily 11 of the In Canticum
canticorum, where he states that the Word grants 'a certain
awareness . . . of the coming' (aia87Jaiv µIv nva . . . 'T'YJS
7Tapova{as), yet cannot be apprehended. 114
This partial, fleeting awareness is still several steps
removed from the aia87Jais associated with 7TEtpa and 7TATJpo-
1°' On Basil, see Desprez, 'Les Relations', 218. Basil does use aia971a,s for
spiritual awareness (to Desprez's citations add, e.g., Hom. 13. 2 (cols. 425 D-428
A), but this is not a strong theme. For Gregory of Nazianzus, the sharp distinction
drawn in Or. 38. 11 between vovs and aia971a,s is a good illustration of his stance (col.
321 C).
109 The key texts are in In Cant., especially Homily 1. For a summary of
Gregory's teaching see Danielou, Platonisme, 235-66, and Fraigneau-Julien, Les

Sens spirituels, 44-56.
110 See Or. catech. 6, passim (pp. 28. 12-37. 10); Perf., pp. 190. 19-191. 6; Or.
Dom. 5 (col. 1185 AB); Beat. 2 (col. 1209 A-D).

111 Or. Dom. 4 (col. 1172 B), 5 (col. 1185 C); cf. 3 (col. 1153 D).
112 Or. Dom. 2 (col. 1144 C), 4 (col. 1169 C), 5 (col. 1189 D); Beat. 3 (cols. 1220
D, 1221 B, 1224 C), 4 (col. 1245 A), 7 (col. 1281 C), 8 (col. 1300 A).
113 V.Mos. 1 (p. 32. 8-<J).
114 Hom. in Cant. 11. 5. 2 (p. 324. 10-11). Cf. the reading in Codex Sinaiticus for
Song of Songs 5:2, noted above. 'The bride hears (aia9.-ra,) the bridegroom
knocking upon the door.'
rpop{a by Ps.-Macarius. For Gregory, any genuine apprehen-
sion of the divine involves leaving aia8TJa,, far behind, as he
indicates in Book II of the Vita Moysis: those things which
are received by aia8TJa,, are ultimately unreal, for only the
transcendant being is real. 115 Similarly, one must surpass
knowledge which is e~ ala8-t,aEw, and proceed to the 8Ewp{a
Twv VOTJTWv. 116 To climb the mountain towards true know-
ledge of God requires purification of oneself of a'ta8TJa,, .117 In
the treatise De virginitate he expresses a similar view .118 The
most he will concede is that things known by aia8TJm, can
help lead the 8u1.vom towards the invisible. 119 In the De
instituto, he modifies the parallel passage in Ps.-Macarius'
Epistola magna, adding that the coming of the Holy Spirit to
the soul takes away the aia8TJa,, of present distress. 120 While
admitting the scriptural meaning of a'ta8TJa,, as moral per-
ception, then, Gregory follows other writers in extending the
scope of a'ta8TJa,, beyond physical sensation only with cau-
tion. Given Gregory's apophatic conception of the Christian
journey towards God, this is no surprise.
As one might expect from such a devotee of Origen,
Evagrius outlines a concept of the spiritual senses in his
major treatise, the Kephalaia gnostica. This is a difficult
work, with elusive meanings, and study of it is not made
easier by the lack of a complete text of the original Greek
text. Fortunately one of the two existing Syriac versions,
that discovered and published by Antoine Guillaumont and
denoted in his edition of both versions as S 2 , appears from
comparison with the Greek fragments to be a faithful witness
to the lost original. 121 There are numerous references in the
Kephalaia gnostica to 'the senses' or to 'sensible' things.
Sometimes Evagrius actually uses the phrase 'spiritual
senses', 122 but at other times it is difficult to know if in a
115 V.Mos. 2 (p. 40. 13-17).

116 Ibid. (p. 84. 3-4).
117 Ibid. (p. 84. 17-20); cf. 2 (p. 87. 1-3).
118 See Virg. 4 (p. 275. 12 and 276. 5), 10 (p. 291. 2-3), 11 (p. 293. 20 and 296. 13),
23 (p. 343. 7).

119 Virg. II (p. 291. 15-17).
120 Inst. 9.17.
121 See Guillaumont, Les 'Kephalaia gnostica', 24-31.
122 See the discussion below.
given passage he is referring to physical senses of the body or

to spiritual senses of the vou,. The distinction is made more
complex by the interrelation of the vou, and the physical
senses: the senses of the body provide information to the vou,
for consideration and discernment. The body is the house of
the soul, the senses are the windows through which the vou,
regards the world (4. 68, p. 167). The senses (regse, the
Syriac word used to translate the Greek aia81JT'YJpia) and the
vou, (hawna) share the perception of sensible things (metrag-
gsanyata, translating aia871Ta), but the VOU<; alone can com-
prehend the qualities of 'intelligible' things (metyadd 'an-
yata, translating VOTJTO., 2. 45, p. 79; cf. 6. 56, p. 241).
Elsewhere Evagrius compares and contrasts the vou<; and the
senses, clearly referring in such cases to the physical
senses; 123 he also compares the physical faculty to the aia871-
aL<; of the soul. 124
A similar ambiguity is to be found in Evagrius' Scholia in
Proverbiis, where he is somewhat restricted in his discussion
by the usage in the Septuagint. 125 He follows Philo and
Clement by stating that human beings possess three faculties
(KpLT'YJpLa) of perception (aia871aL<;, .\6yo,, and vou,). 126 The
vou, and the .\6yo, can work through the senses to monitor
sensible things, 127 and one must use the faculty of aia871aL<; to
oppose evil and to recognize good. 128 There is clearly a
hierarchy of faculties; it is, however, difficult at times to
understand the relationship of aia871ai, as 'sense' to aia871aL<;
as critical faculty. In other texts, there is no doubt, for
Evagrius writes of the physical meaning of aia871ai,. He
states that a'ta871aL<; is the beginning of em8vµ,{a, and only that
which is free of aia871aL<; can be free of passions; the passions
work through 'sensations' .129 In the treatise De oratione,
123 Keph 2. 10 (p. 65), 2. 28 (pp. 71-3), 2. 83 (p. 93); 5. 12 (p. 181), 5. 42 (p. 195),
5. 54 (p. 201), 5. 57-9 (pp. 201-3). Cf. Mal. cog. 2 (col. 1201 B) and 23 (col. 1228
AB).
124 Spir. mal. 12 (col. 1157 C).
125 Evagrius does not provide any evidence for the variant reading of Prov. 2:5
found in Clement's and Origen's works.

126 Schol. in Pr. 4 (p. 94). Cf. Philo, Congr. 100 (vol. 3, p. 92. 9-15) and Clement,
Str. 2. 11 (p. 139. 12-16).

127 Schol. in Pr. 5 (pp. 94-6).
'" Ibid. 138 (p. 234).

129 See Pract. 4 (p. 502) and 38 (p. 586); also Mal. cog. 4 (col. 1204 D).
aia871ais is something to be overcome or surpassed. True

prayer means seeing 'the One who is above all thought
(evvo,av} and perception (ai'a871a,v}'; 130 demons create fanta-
sies TTJ ala8~aEL; 131 one is not to desire to see angels, powers,
or Christ ala871Tws . 132 A chapter in the De oratione exhorts,
'Whether you pray with the brothers or alone, strive to pray
not by habit (e8EL), but with feeling (alaB~aEi}.' 133 Because the
contrast here is between cold habit and firm intention, one
need not make too much of Evagrius' association of aia871ais
with prayer, especially when in a later chapter he proclaims,
'Blessed is the vovs which creates perfect avaia871a{a at the
time of prayer' .134
Even where Evagrius refers to the spiritual senses, there is
an important limitation to their scope which sets Evagrius'
teaching apart from that of Ps.-Macarius. In the Kephalaia
gnostica, as in his other writings, Evagrius establishes a
hierarchy of spiritual progress. Details vary from description
to description, but the basic outlines of Evagrius' scheme are
clear. Near the end of the first 'century' of the Kephalaia
gnostica, Evagrius describes spiritual progress as consisting
of five stages (1. 70, p. 51). 135 First, by exercise of the
1TpaKTLK~, or ascetical discipline of the monastic life, one
attains to ami8ELa. This leads to contemplation of the worlds
(8Ewp{a Twv alwvwv}, which in turn leads to seeing incorporeal
beings (aawµ,aTa}, and then to the contemplation of the .\6yo,
of intelligible beings (Twv vo71Twv}. The final, and highest
stage, is knowledge of the Trinity .136 The 'spiritual sense',
130 Orat. 4 (col. II 68 D).

131 Orat. 72 (col. 1I81 D). Cf. 150 (col. 1200 A) on sight as the greatest of the
senses (Twv ala8~a•wv ).
132 Orat. IIS (col. 1192 D).The Messalians were accused of claiming to see
invisible powers ala8TJTWS (T IOa).

133 Orat. 41 (col. 1176 B). Cf. 28 (col. 1173 A), where one is to pray not with
bodily gestures alone, but is to incline the vovs to 'auvala8TJa<S of spiritual prayer';
here one would translate auvala8.,,a,s as 'perception' or 'awareness'.
134 Orat. 120 (col. 1193 B).
m The Greek original of this passage can be found in Pitra, Analecta Sacra, 3.
96.
136 Cf. 1. 27 (p. 29), where he describes the five 8ewpla,: (1) of providence, (2) of
judgement, (3) of corporeal beings, (4) of incorporeal beings, (5) of the Trinity. See
also Guillaumont, Les 'Kephalaia gnostica', 38.
margsanuta ru};anayta ( = afofJYJaLS 8eia 137 ) is associated with

the first stage. The mind (hawna, vovs) needs to have a
'spiritual sense' to discern spiritual things (1. 33, p. 33). This
spiritual sense is 'a1ra8eia of the rational nature', established
by grace (1. 37, p. 35). It follows, then, that the impure vovs
cannot perceive sensible things whether corporeal or incor-
poreal (4- 62, p. 163), and that the pure vovs can only regret
its previous avma871a{a (5. 41, p. 195). 138 Evagrius describes
the five spiritual senses of the vovs, by which it is able to
perceive (margsa, = ala8av6µ,evos?) the things (hulas, from
v>..71, v>..as, lit. 'matters') related to it (2. 35, p. 75). 139 This
perception extends to intelligible things, ra vo71ra. However,
even though the senses of the vovs differ from the physical
senses in being able to perceive intelligible things, this
faculty is not operative at the highest stage of the spiritual
journey, for knowledge of the Trinity is not a kind of Oewp{a
(for Oewp{a implies an object, and the Trinity cannot be
objectified; cf. 4. 77, p. 171, and 4. 87, p. 175). Knowledge of
the Trinity is 'essential knowledge', distinct from both
(physical) sense perception and from Oewp{a: both prelimi-
nary stages are of a completely different order (2. 47, p.
79).140
Evagrius' understanding of aia871ais differs in two funda-
mental ways from that of Ps.-Macarius. First, like other
Greek writers besides Ps.-Macarius, Evagrius uses aia871ais
to refer to physical senses or sensations. Second, working
with an analogy from the physical senses, Evagrius follows
Origen in describing the activities of the spiritual senses. His
distinction, however, is to situate the spiritual senses within
a developed schema of spiritual ascent. The role of the
137 The Syriac version of Keph. contains the phrase margsiinutii rul]iiniiytii at 1. 33
(p. 33), 1. 37 (p. 35), 2. 35 (p. 75). Only the last can be checked in a surviving
fragment of the Greek, which reads (in the plural) o.ra, alaB~aELs (Muyldermans,
Evagriana, 58-<)). Bousset and Rabner followed Frankenberg's retroversions of the
Syriac into Greek, which read m,wµanK~ aia811a•s or 1rvwµanKa1 alaB~aELS. Origen
used the phrases aia811a•s 8.,a and B•fa, alaB~aELs.
IJ8 Greek text of 5. 41 in Hausherr, 'Nouveaux fragments', 231.
139 Greek in Muyldermans, Evagriana, 58-9.
140 Rabner in 'Le Debut d'une doctrine', 137-8, blurs this distinction. His
evidence for the 'vision' of the Trinity (p. 138, nn. 183-4) is based on Franken-
berg's edition of 8' and his retroversion into Greek; a consultation of the better text
of S• shows that Evagrius was in fact more consistent than Rabner thought.
spiritual senses lies towards the beginning of the ascent, and
they give way to other modes of contemplation and know-
ledge. This is quite another itinerary than Ps.-Macarius'
journey to fulfilment ev 7TO.<J'[J aia8~aei Kai 7TATJpoq,op{g..
THE LEGACY OF Ps.-MAcARrns: MARK THE MoNK

AND DIADOCHUS
Mark the Monk employs the phrase ev 7TO.aYJ 7TATJpoq,op{g. Kai

aia8~aei in his treatise De baptismo. 141 He also refers once to
the five senses understood 'intellectually' (voepws). 142 The
presence of this language in his works is noteworthy, but the
instances too few to offer much help for resolving the
relationship between the writings of Ps.-Macarius, Mark,
and Diadochus.
Diadochus' use of aia8r,ais to refer to spiritual experience
in a way similar to Ps.-Macarian usage has been noted
already. In addition, Diadochus frequently uses the concept
of a spiritual sense or senses, 143 and employs Ps.-Macarius'
distinctive phrase aia8r,a,s voepa.. 144 Diadochus writes of an
aia8r,a,s q,va,K~ proper to the soul which became divided
after the Fall into the aia8r,a,s of the voiis (described under
the various names noted above, including aia8r,a,s voepa) and
the aia8~ae,s of the body. The aia8r,a,s of the voiis, receptive
to the guidance of the Holy Spirit, is the means for leading
the soul from multiplicity to unity. 145 Thus Diadochus
141 Op. 4 (col. 1004 D, modifying Eph. 3: 14-17). The phrase also appears in De
jejunio (col. 1108 D), a work now attributed to Marcian, thought to be a monk from
the Syrian desert of Chalcis in the late fourth century (see Ware, Introduction to
Marc le Moine, pp. xliii-xliv). If this identification of Marcian is correct, the use of
Jv 1raar, 1r>.T/pocf,op{q. Ka< alall~a« is interesting indeed as another example of Ps.-
Macarian influence at an early date.
142 Op. 10. 8 (col. 1132 A).
14 , A preliminary survey of the material can be found in Horn, 'Les Sens de
!'esprit'. See also Des Places's introduction to his edition of Diadochus' works, pp.
36--7.
144 He uses various terms for this faculty: vo<pa aio!IT/a,s, Cap. 1 (p. 85. 14), 7 (p.
87. 10); aio!IT/a,s Tijs Kap8tas, Cap. 14 (p. 91. 8), 16 (p. 92. 15), 23 (p. 96. 5), 40 (p.
108. 15), 91 (p. 153. 5-6); TO. . .. ala!IT/~P'a Tijs Kap~tas, Cap. 85 (p. 145. 1-2); ~
aiollT/OtS TijS if,vxiis, Cap. 14 (p. 91. 9); ~ aiollT/OtS TOV 1rv,vµ.aTOS, Cap. 15 (p. 92. 3); ~
aiollT/a,sToiivoii, Cap. 24(p. 96. 12), 3o(p. 100. 15), 32(p. 102. 10-11), 36(p. 105. 8),
61 (p. 120. 20-5), 76 (p. 134. 11), 77 (p. 135. 6), 79 (p. 137. 16), 83 (p. 143. 13).
145 See especially Cap. 1 (p.85.11-15), 7 (p. 87. 10-17), 24-5 (pp. 96. 10"-97. 15),
29-30 (pp. 99. 23-101. 13).

contrasts the five physical senses, dispersed and distracted,

with the unifying tendency of the aia87Jais vo6s or ata87Jais -rov
vov. When writing of the spiritual sense, however, he uses
sensual images, favouring especially the metaphor of taste
(yevais). 146 Of particular significance for this study is his use
of phrases like Jv alalJ~aei and Jv alalJ~aei Kat 7TA7Jpo<popti, 147
which he applies to rich experience of divine realities as a
kind of leitmotif echoing the Ps.-Macarian texts. Diadochus
also links ata87Jais and 7TEtpa, which is another characteristic-
ally Ps.-Macarian device. 148 One can see the various mean-
ings of aia87Jais found in the Ps.-Macarian texts being placed
by Diadochus within a somewhat more (but not perfectly)
coherent framework. 149 The terminology is flexible; as in
Ps.-Macarius, meanings shade into one another. Diadochus
freely passes from the spiritual senses to spiritual sensation
in a manner paralleled by no earlier writer other than Ps.-
Macarius.
CONCLUSION
When he uses the word ata87Jais, Ps.-Macarius works within

a far more substantial tradition than the near-vacuum of
previous usage of TTATJpo<popta. He has before him a range of
meanings for the word, based in classical and biblical usage,
and illustrated by other Christian writers. Here his innova-
tion is to take the less frequent meaning of aia87Jais, as a
spiritual or moral faculty, and a most unusual meaning, as
describing a spiritual or divine experience, and make them
the normative ones in his spiritual vocabulary. The distinc-
tion between these two meanings becomes blurred, as in the
end does the distinction between aia87Jais and TTATJpo<popta,
and as will be seen next, between them and 7TEtpa.
146 e.g. Cap. 30 (p. 100. 15-101. 2).
147 ev
For alall~a«: Cap. 9 (p. 88. 20), 16 (p. 92. 15 and 22), 29 (p. 100. 12), 33 (p.
ev
103. 19), 59 (p. I 19. 13), 69 (p. 129. 10), 88 (p. 148. 6), 89 (p. 149. 9); alall~a« Kai
1r)rripocf,op{q.: Cap. 40 (p. 108. 15), 44 (p. I I I. 1-2), 68 (p. 129. 7), 90 (p. 150. 21 and
151. 11-12), 91 (p. 152. 10), 94 (p. 156. 15), 95 (p. 157. 18).
148 See Cap. 11 (p. 89. 18), 24 (p. 96. 16), 30 (p. 101. 3-4), 32 (p. 102. 10-11), 33
(p. 103. 12-13).

149 See Horn, 'Les Sens de !'esprit'; Rahner, 'Le Debut d'une doctrine', 141-2;
Dorries, 'Diadochus und Symeon', 394-5, 406-10; Des Places, Introduction to

(Euvres spirituelles, 36-7.
TTHpa
For TTATJpocpop{a, the biblical texts are the key to understand-

ing Ps.-Macarius' appropriation of the word. With TTe'ipa, it is
another story. As he does with a'ta8TJais, so in his use of TTe'ipa
Ps.-Macarius takes a word with a rich and diverse non-
biblical tradition, and makes it a distinctive part of his
spiritual vocabulary. As was seen in the preceding section,
Ps.-Macarius recognizes and uses the various meanings of
aia8TJaiS, while favouring the experiential dimension so evi-
dent in phrases such as ev TTaan ala8~aei Kat TTATJpocpop{q..
However, when he adapts TTe'ipa to his purpose, he sets aside
every meaning except that of 'experience'. In classical litera-
ture, TTe'ipa means 'a test, a trial, an ordeal', or less commonly,
'an attempt, an effort'. This pattern is evident in the Septua-
gint and the New Testament as well. Among Christian au-
thors, especially from Origen onwards, the usage broadens,
and TTe'ipa is sometimes used in a very general way to refer to
any kind of 'experience'. Even so, these authors still use the
traditional meanings of TTe'ipa, and the affinity with the idea of
'test' or 'trial' evident in kindred words like TTeipaaµ.6s or
TTeipa,w is not completely obscured. Ps.-Macarius evidences
no such constraints. Once again one sees him sharpening the
tools of his spiritual vocabulary and turning them to his work
of depicting the Christian life as progress hard won through
experience, and revealed in experience. As he does with
7TATJpocpop{a and ata8TJaiS, Ps.-Macarius innovates by using
TTe'ipa to describe the experience of receiving the Spirit into
the soul. This usage is unparalleled in the works of earlier
and contemporary authors.
THE BACKGROUND
In Classical Texts
An examination of the way in which earlier writers use TTe'ipa
and related terms will set Ps.-Macarius' use of TTe'ipa in
higher relief. In both classical and biblical usage, in contrast
to that of the Ps.-Macarian writings, TTe'ipa adheres closely to
related Verbs SUCh as 7T€Lpaw/7T€Lpaoµ.aL and, especially in later
classical and biblical authors, TTetpa{w. 150 In classical texts,

the verbal forms and TTE'ipa usually refer to the actual doing of
something, contrasting implicitly or explicitly with hypothe-
sis or speculation. 151 Thus, TTE'ipa means 'experience', but it is
the experience of action contrasted with inaction, and for a
distinct purpose. 152
When TTE'ipa is used with verbs such as >iaµ,{3avw, EXw,
l3a3wµ,L, and 1Todw, and with a genitive complement, the
meaning is explicitly that of 'test, trial' .153 This is the more
frequent use of TTE'ipa in classical texts.
In the Septuagint
The six occurrences of TTE'ipa in the Septuagint parallel
classical usage in their range. 154 For TTE'ipa used with a verb,
there is Deuteronomy 28:56, describing Israel as a finely
bred woman, so delicate that she would not 'venture to set
the sole of her foot upon the ground because she is so delicate
and tender' (RSV translation of the Hebrew) and yet capable
of deceiving husband and children in order to survive in time
of calamity. The Hebrew nsh, here meaning 'to attempt or
venture', is translated by the Greek 1TE'ipa11 EAa/3E11. In 2
Maccabees 8:9, TTE'ipa is used with EXW to mean 'experienced'.
The word is used with a genitive complement twice in the
Wisdom of Solomon, chapter 18, once as 1TEtpa Oava-rov (v.
150 The discussion of classical usage below is based primarily on the references in
Liddell and Scott, Lexicon, 1354 B, supplemented by the references in TWNT, 6.

23-4, and the entry in Bauer, Lexicon, 640. References are to the Loeb Classical
Library and Oxford editions.
151 The various combinations of 1r<fpa with prepositions, as outlined in the entry
for 1r,fpa in Liddell and Scott's Lexicon, will not be described, as they follow the
categories discussed below.
"' Theocritus, Idyll 15. 62 in the Loeb volume entitled Greek Bucolic Poets, and
Sophocles, Trachiniai, 590---3.
153 See (as noted in Liddell and Scott) for 1r,fpav >.aµ./30.vw, Euripides, quoted in
Plutarch, Fab. 17, and Isocrates, 282 A; for 1r<fpav 8{8wµ.,, Thucydides 1. 138, 6. 11,
etc.; for 1r<fpav 1ro,lw, Thucydides 1. 53, 2. 20, etc. Other examples: Xenophon
advises Cleandros to test the worth (1r,fpav >.a/3,,v) of Dexippos and company, and to
reward each according to merit (Anabasis 6. 6. 33). In the Cyropaedia, Cyrus is
described as testing the draught of a wagon, l>.o.µ.{3av< -rov dywylov 1r,fpav (6. 1. 54).
Or in Thucydides, TO yd.p {3paxV Tt ToVTo 1rciaav Uµ.Wv ExEt T~v /3Ef3alwar.v Kat 1r1:ipav T~S
yvwµ.71s, 'For this small thing is the whole confirmation and trial of your purpose' (1.
140).
154 See Hatch and Redpath, Concordance to the Septuagint, 111 5 C.
20), and once as ~ TTE'ipa 'T~S opy~s (v. 25). In both cases,
'experience' would be the best translation, but it is ex-
perience of a negative kind. For TTE'ipa with prepositions, the
Septuagint's Deuteronomy 33:8 uses ev 1Tdpq. for the Hebrew
massah, paralleling the Hebrew's use of nissfto and massah
with the Greek ov E'TTE{paaav av'Tov ev TTE{pq.. Here TTE'ipa means
'test, trial'. In 4 Maccabees, Antiochus is defeated Kant 'T~v
TTPW'T'YJV TTE'ipav, 'in his first attempt', to force the Jews to eat
unclean foods (8:2). As in classical usage, when TTE'ipa is used
by the translators and authors of the Septuagint, its mean-
ings lie along a continuum which runs from 'experience'
through 'attempt, endeavour' and on to 'test, trial' . 155
The biblical background of the adjective aTTEtpos 156 is
straightforward; the word means 'inexperienced' (LXX
Num. 14:23, Symm. 1 Kgs. 17:39) or 'worthless' (Zech.
11:15, Jer. 2:6; cf. Wis. 13:13). The words EfL'TTEtpos and
EfLTTEtpE'iv appear only in the various versions of Tobit 5, with
regard to Raphael's familiarity with the road to Media
(Tobit 5:5-6, in Codex Sinaiticus 5:4 and 6).
In the Papyri
The non-literary papyri, of course, do not use TTE'ipa with the
religious understanding of divine test or trial. However, the
various phrases used in classical texts to refer to a test or
proof of something or someone can be matched by texts in
the papyri, as can the use of TTE'ipa to refer to experience more
generally. 157 When used by itself, TTE'ipa can distinguish an
actual event or encounter, whether in the past, present, or
155 The many instances of the verbal forms 1r••paoµ.a, and 1rELpa{w in the LXX
display both a general meaning of 'to experience or to attempt' and a more

specifically religious meaning of 'to try or to test', applied both to God's testing
humans and humans testing God. In the TWNT the difference is described as that
between a 'rein profane Gebrauch' and an 'ausgesprochen religioses Verstandnis'
(6. 23-4). This distinction is strongly evident in the LXX, where the verb is almost
always used with the 'religious' sense; in the New Testament (with the exception of
Acts) and in Ps.-Macarius, 1r••pa{w always has the religious sense of testing, trial, or
temptation.
156 Distinguishing here a.1rnpos = 'inexperienced' from a.1rnpos = 'infinite' (from
1r•ipas/1rlpas).
157 For the papyri, see the entries in Moulton and Milligan, Vocabulary, 6. 501;
Preisigke, Wiirterbuch, 2, cols. 282-3 and Suppl. 1, col. 218.

future, and may contrast it with speculation or what might

have been. 158 Used with £K, 1rEfpa means 'from experience' . 159
In the papyri, as in classical texts, 1r£'ipa is often associated
with Aaµ.{3avw, stSwµ.i, and 1TOLEW. With Aaµ.{3avw it can mean
'to receive proof of', 160 or 'to undergo experience of' .161 Two
texts in the papyri use 1rEfpa with stSwµ.i or a1ro8t8wµ.i,
meaning 'to give proof of'; 162 two inscriptions included by
Moulton and Milligan in their entry for 1rEfpa threaten
trouble-makers with the pledge to 'give 1rEfpa' of various
ills. 163 One text uses 1rEfpa in the plural with 1roiew to mean
'cause experiences of' .164
The papyri, then, do not witness to any significant shift in
the meaning or use of 1rEfpa. The broad range of meanings
from 'experience' to 'trial' is plainly evident.
In the Writings of Philo
Philo uses 1rEfpa in all of the ways found in classical litera-
ture.165 Used on its own, 1rEfpa can mean 'effort or at-
tempt', 166 'attack', 167 'test' . 168 Used with Eis or Jv, it takes on
158 See PMasp 67089, III. 7-8, in Maspero, Papyrus grecs, 1. 126; B 1027. 13
(Hermopolis, 4th-5th cent.) = Aegyptische Urkunden, 4. 26; Princeton P 169. 3

(unknown provenance, 5th cent.), 3. 86; PSoc 696. 8 (Nome of Arsinoe, 3rd cent.)=
Papiri greci e latini, 6. 122. A damaged text, POxy 473. 3 (AD 138-60), if in fact it
contained the phrase ,v 11.Cpq. (Preisigke, Worterbuch, 2, col. 283), would be using
the phrase to mean, 'in practice'. Grenfell and Hunt, however, reconstruct the
lacuna ,[v -rf, x]dpq. ( = xpdq.) rather than ,[v -rf, 11],{pq.. See Oxyrhynchus Papyri, 3.
155-6.
159 PMasp 67353. 11 (Antinoe, 12 Nov. 569), Papyrus grecs, 3. 174.
160 POxy 1681. 9-11 (3rd cent. AD) = Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri,
14. 142, ci1rO µ.Epov,; TTELpav Aa~6vras.

161 PCair. Preis. 2. 11-12 (Hermopolis, AD 362), of experiencing demonic
influence, = Preisigke, Griechische Urkunden, 2-3.

162 POxy 1415. 29 (late 3rd cent. AD) = Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri,
12. 56; PSoc 377. 10 (Philadelphia, c.250/249 BC) = Papiri greci e latini, 4. 105.
163 These can be consulted in Dittenberger, Sylloge inscriptionum, 22. 19-21 (1.
22) and 1239. 18-19 (3. 378).

164 B 1027. 11, as cited above for the use of11Efpa in I. 13.
165 See Mayer's Index Philoneus, 228.
166 Somn. 1. 112 (3. 229. 1).

167 Flac. 53 (6. 130. 3), and perhaps Virt. 34 (5. 275. 15), where the sense of 116.aas
ll, 11,{pas Kalidvns seems to lie somewhere between 'made every effort' and
'prepared every assault'. See the note on this phrase in the appendix to vol. 8 of
Colson's Loeb edition, p. 444.
168 Fuga et inv. 149 (3.142. 14).
the meaning of 'experience'. 169 Philo also uses the verbal

phrases common in earlier literature, 1reipav EXW, 1reipav
>..aµ.{3avw, 7TEtpav o{owµ.i. 170 More noteworthy is Philo's asso-
ciation of 1reipa with two verbs of knowing, olaa and yvwp{,w.
In the Legatio ad Gaium, he writes of Petronius, 'And the
powers across the Euphrates feared him, too; for he knew,
not by hearsay alone, but by experience (OVK O.KOll fl,OVOV O.A.A.a
Ka, 1re{n), [that] Babylon and many other [cities] of the
satrapies were held by the Jews.' 171 Philo links 1reipa to
knowledge itself and distinguishes sharply between mere
word or thought on the one hand, and actual knowledge or
experience on the other. These emphases are distinctive, and
both characteristics will lie at the heart of Ps.-Macarius' use
of 1reipa.
In the New Testament

In the New Testament 1reipa is used twice, both times in
Chapter 11 of the Letter to the Hebrews. In both cases the
word is associated with >..aµ.{3avw. In Hebrews 11 :29, it is said
of the Egyptians pursuing the Israelites that they drowned
1reipav >..af36vTe,. The phrase could be translated, 'When the
Egyptians attempted it they drowned'. In Hebrews 11 :36, the
use of 1reipa is quite different. Referring to the forerunners in
the faith, the author writes, ETepoi OE lµ.1raiyµ.wv Ka, µ.aaT{ywv
1reipav EA.a{3ov, 'Others endured [or underwent] mocking and
scourging'. The adjective a1reipo, appears only once in the
New Testament, also in Hebrews, describing those who live
on milk and are 'unskilled in the word of righteousness'
(Heh. 5:13); Eµ.1reipo, does not occur in the New Testament.
In Christian Literature
The sub-apostolic literature yields only one use of 1reipa,
169 <ls: Spee. leg. 2. 203 (5. 137. 3-4), Abr. 209 (4. 46. 20); lv: Spee. leg. 4. 153 (5.
243. 13).
170 1r,,pav •xw = 'have experience of': Leg. ad Gaium 255 (6. 203. 1). 1TEtpav
>.aµ.{3cl.vw = 'have experience of': Spee. leg. r. 106 (5. 27. 8) and Virt. II4 (5. 299.
6-7); = 'to try or determine': Abr.251 (4. 55. 14) and Quod omnis probus 103 (6. 30.
5, quoting Euripides, Fr. 691). 1r<tpav 8t8wµ., = 'give proof of': Jos. 37 (4. 69. 13)
and V.Mos. r. 306 (4. 193. 13).
171 Leg. 216 (6. 195. 29-196. 2); cf. 255 (6. 203. 1) and Quod deterius 131 (r. 287.
24-5).
with the meaning of 'trial' or 'contest'. The text of 2 Clement

20. 2 reads: 8eov 'WVTOS 'TTE'ipav a8>.ovµ,ev Kai yvµ,va,6µ,e8a Tcj, vvv
fJ{c.p, iva Tcj, µeAAovn GT€<pavw8wµ,ev, 'We strive in the contest of
the living God, and are being tested in life now, so that we
might be crowned in [the life] to come.' Among the Apolo-
gists, Justin associates 1Te'ipa with coming to know something
by experience. 172
In the writings of Clement of Alexandria, 1Te'ipa used
without either a preposition or Aaµ,fJa.vw/MSwµ,i can mean
either 'experience' or 'trial' .173 In the Protrepticus he writes,
~ 7rfons elaa.~et, ~ TTE'ipa 8,86.~et, ~ ypacp~ 1Tat8aywy~aet: 'faith
will introduce, experience will teach, Scripture will edu-
cate.'174 With a narrower focus he refers to 'experience of
indulgence' (TTe'ipa T"qS aKpaa{as). 175 When Clement uses TTe'ipa
in the Stromateis, it always means 'trial' .176 With ev, TTe'ipa
means 'experience', as in Philo; 177 with els it means 'proof'; 178
with EK and an article it means 'after the fact'. 179 With
>.aµ,fJa.vw it means 'to undergo', 180 but in contexts which
suggest a close connection to the idea of 'test, trial'. With
i3t8wµ,i the meaning is clearly that of 'to give proof'; Clement
reports that the Stoics do not give Zeno's writings to their
neophytes unless they have first given proof (µ~ ouxi TTe'ipav
8e8wK6ai) that they can philosophize. 181
172 Dial. 132. 2 (p. 254. 15) and 137. 3 (p. 259. 31).
173 See Stiihlin's index in the GCS edition, 4. 634 B.
174 Prot. 9 (p. 65. 20-1). Cf. Paed. I. 6, Tfj rrdp<[- ~ arr«p{a KaTaAv<Ta< (p. 107. 27).
17 ' Prot. 2 (p. 17. 13).
176 See Str. 7. 12 (p. 51. 9 and 57. 19), 7. 13 (p. 58. 14). Str. I. 24 (p. 101. 19--20)
may be taken to mean 'experience', but the context could justify the translation
'trial': µ.<Ta T~v rr<tpav Twv .SoKovvTwv .S«vwv <{,avfj. In any case it is certainly a
'negative' experience.
177 Str. 1. 9 (p. 29.15), of a physician •• 1rdp<[-1roAAwv y.-y.v11µ.lvov, and 7. 12 (p. 54.
16), of the significance of abstaining from pleasures after having tried them, <v rrdp<[-
[~.Sonjs] ym,µ.<vov.
178 Str. 7. 12 (p. 53. 17), of the apostles, who were led <ls rr<<pav Kai µ.apTvpwv
nAELOTTJTOS for the upbuilding of the Churches.

179 Fr. 62 from Str. 7, p. 228. 1-3. The phrase speaks of the wise person who
before trouble comes protects himself, and afterwards (EK Tijs rrdpas) does what is
necessary to recover.
180 Str. 7. 12 (p. 54. 14-15), ,l rr,tpav Aa{3wv 1r6vwv Kai &.Ay1186vwv; rr«paaµ.o{ occurs
in the same sentence, colouring the use of rr.tpa. In Q.d.s. 23. 4 (p. 175. 12-13), the
phrase rr<ipav liava.Tou Aaµ.{3av« could be translated either 'undergoes the test of
death', or less dramatically, 'experiences death'.
181 Str. 5. 9 (p. 365. 10-11).
Origen, in his extant Greek works, uses 1refpa in two ways.
He does use the word to mean 'trial or test', as when he
compares the trials which a Christian must navigate in this
life to the fierce wind and waves of Matthew 14:24. 182 In a
fragment on Luke 4:4, Jesus' first temptation is described as
a 1refpa. 183
Most frequently, however, Origen associates 1refpa with
knowledge or perception. 'Experience', 1refpa, is the means of
verifying a point of information or observation. As in some
of the classical texts, so in Origen's writings, especially the
Contra Celsum, 1refpa contrasts with hearsay or speculation.
He remarks that taste alone cannot prove that bees make
honey; only 1refpa can demonstrate that honey comes from
bees and wine comes from grapevines. 184 What distinguishes
human beings from animals is the ability of humans to know
from experience (1refpa) and reason (.\6yos-). 185 The connec-
tion suggested here between 1refpa and knowledge, reminis-
cent of Philo's usage, will recur in the Ps.-Macarian texts.
The Ps.-Clementine Homilia illustrate the usual range of
meanings. With prepositions 1refpa means 'test' or 'trial' . 186
With Aaµ,{36.vw one finds the contrast between conjecture or
182 Comm. in Mt. 11. 5: ffov>.6µ,vos Tfi 7T<{pq. mhovs lluSMm (p. 41. 27-8); cf. ibid (p.
42. 15-16): 0 8£ Kplvas aVToUs 1rEipav Aa/3Eiv Kvµ.&.Twv Kai Evav-rlov d.vEµ.ov, and I 1.6 (p.
43. 14-15): -roVs SE DxAovs d1roAUaaS', oV Aa{36vras 1rEipav Ws O.a8EvECJTEpovs TTAo{ov Kai
KV/J.ClTwv Kai £vav-r1.ovµ.Evou dvEµ.ou. Rufinus' translation of Comm. in Cant. 2 contains
the following phrase: 'Haec autem patieris, donec rebus ipsis et experimentis
intelligas' (p. 142. 15-16). In Procopius of Gaza's catena on the Song of Songs there
is an apparent witness or at least reminiscence of the Greek original of this passage,
ota 8~ TIS dA1]-r1.s, µ.Exp1.1ra1.8Ev8Eiaa Tij -rrE{pq. 7rp0s -r~v aEav-r'71s ETTia-rEf/,£1.as yvciio1.v (quoted
by Baehrens, who takes the text from PG 17, col. 257 A, in his edition of Rufinus'
translation, p. 142. 28-30).
183 Fr. in Le. 96 (p. 265. 10-11); cf. Hom. in Jerem. 7. 2 (p. 52. 32) and Jo. 20. 10
(p. 339. 5).

184 Cels. 6. 73 (p. 143. 6--13); in the course of his explanation, Origen contrasts the
inadequacy of aia811,ns, meaning 'sense' (of taste), with the certainty of 7T<<pa (II.
24-6). Cf. Cels. 6. 40 (p. 109.8), on those who claim 'from experience' to know that
Christians eat babies; for similar comments, see Cels. 6. 40 (p. 109. 20) and 6. 41 (p.
110. 9). Elsewhere he notes that the demons know Tfi 7Tdpq. that they are subject to
those who witness to the truth (8. 44, p. 258. 29); see Cels. 4. 96 (p. 369. 5-6) on the
ability of pilots of ships to foresee the course of winds based on 'experience' (7r<fpa)
and observation.
185 Cels. 4. 86 (p. 357. 18; cf. I. 22).
186 With -rrp6: Ep. Pet. 1. 2 (p. 1. 6) and 3. 1 (p. 2. 18). With µmi: Hom. Clem. 2.
39. 4 (p. 51. 23) and 20. 8. 5 (p. 273. 18).

possibility and actual experience, 187 and the sense of 'ex-

.
penence . l' or ' ord eal' .188
a tna
Athanasius uses TTE'ipa quite extensively, often contrasting
mere words or thoughts with actual experience. 189 Know-
ledge or proof comes by TTE'ipa. 190 He also uses TTE'ipa to mean
simply 'an experience of something' . 191 These are very much
in the line of traditional usage.
Basil, Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, and
Amphilochius of Iconium use TTE'ipa conventionally, to de-
note ordinary human experiences or, more specifically, un-
pleasant or unfortunate experiences. 192 They also use the
word synonymously with TTELpaaµ.6,. 193 Often, as in earlier
literature, there is a connection between TTE'ipa and learning:
thus Gregory of Nyssa writes of daily experience as a
'teacher' .194 This learning can be of a religious nature,
obtained through persistence in prayer. 195 However, this
extension of TTE'ipa to spiritual or religious experience is
unusual. Amphilochius writes that Jesus instructed Lazarus
to come out of the tomb so that people would know Tfj 1Te{pq,
187 See Hom. Clem. 7. 11. 5 (p. 121. 20-1) and 19. 24. 3 (p. 266. 27).
188 Ibid 9. 19. 3 (p. 139. 21) and 10. 4. 1 (p. 143. 8).
189 e.g. Inc. 28 (col. 144 C), 48 (col. 181 B). Cf. V.Ant. 33 (col. 892 C), whether it
be the work of Athanasius or of another, for a similar point.

19° Fug. 21 (col. 672 A, BC), Ep. Jov. 2 (col. 817 A), H.Ar. 9 (col. 705 A).
191 Of the Enemy's encounter with Christ's humanity: Ep. Aeg. Lib. 2 (col. 541
A). Of Rome's struggle against Christianity: Hist. Ar. 38 (col. 737 B).
192 As, e.g., Gregory of Nyssa, Perf., p. 195.12, of sin; Beat. 1 (col. 1201 C) and
Or. catech. 9 (p. 54. 1) and 32(pp.114.13-115. 1), of death; Beat. 3 (col. 1229 D), of
evil. Gregory uses 1r<ipa several times in Virg., but always in reference to practical
experience in human affairs; he often uses the word to refer to bad or sinful
experience (Virg. 3 (pp. 263. 28-264. 1, 264. 6-7 and 24), 8 (p. 285. 23), 9 (p. 287.
10), 12 (p. 299. 11)). Unfortunately, the word 1r<ipa does not appear in the E.M.,
and thus one cannot compare a parallel text in Gregory's Inst. For Basil, see
Desprez, 'Les Relations', 218. Cf. Amphilochius, Or. 6. 14 (p. 151. 352-3), on 1r,ipa
of death.
193 Basil: Desprez, 'Les Relations', 218, n. 53. Gregory ofNazianzus: see e.g. Or.
40. 30 (col. 401 B).

194 Bapt. dijf., col. 417 D. See also Prof., p. 131. 4; V.Ephr., col. 832 C-D;
V.Macr. p. 371.10-rr; Virg. 3 (pp. 257. 14-15 and 258. 27) and 23 (pp. 335. 6, 335.
12, 335. 20). In the V.Mos. he uses 1r,ipa as does Philo with the sense of 'one knows
from experience' (2, p. 35. 22) or 'by verification' (1, p. 10. 5-10).
"' Or. Dom. 1 (col. 1133 C). Cf. Basil, Hom. exhort. 13. 2 (cols. 425 D-428 A) on
'taste and see'. See Danielou, Platonisme, 132, on Gregory's description of the
educative experience of 'bitterness' in the soul.
that it was the power of Christ's word, not a natural

phenomenon, which raised Lazarus from the dead. 196
Evagrius' works illustrate no departure from conventional
usage. In fact, he makes little use of 1re'ipa, which is perhaps
not surprising, given his distrust of memory and experience.
One exception is a passage in the Syriac version of the
Kephalaia gnostica, which compares knowledge of God to
sleep: words cannot replace the actual experience of sleeping,
for it is by that experience (b-nesyana, = rfJ 1re{pq.) that one
learns about sleep. 197 So with God: when one is in God, what
was taught previously by words is revealed in a 'demonstra-
tion' (ta}J,wzta), received b-nesyana. 198 This passage immedi-
ately follows the sentences on the spiritual senses (1. 33-7,
pp. 33-5). As noted above, Evagrius' remarks about the
spiritual senses pertain to lower stages of contemplative
progress, perhaps indicating that the unusual language of 1.
38 is to be understood similarly.
1TEtpa IN THE WRITINGS OF Ps.-MACARIUS
1re'ipa as Experience
Ps.-Macarius never uses 1re'ipa to mean test or trial, or even
ordeal: 1reipa{w and 1reipaaµ,6s serve in that capacity. He
always uses 1re'ipa to describe the lived reality of divine
knowledge and grace, and he contrasts this experience, the
1re'ipa of grace and perfection, with mere words. Whereas his
predecessors and contemporaries will speak broadly of the
role of experience in the Christian life, they never apply the
word 1re'ipa to the experience of divine action in the soul.
Even in those passages in which Ps.-Macarius speaks most
broadly of 'experience', his horizon is distinctive. He writes
that while it is easy to speak about cha8eia and perfection,
196 Fr. 14 (p. 238. 26--8).
197 Cf. Gnost. 29, where one who has had experience of evil hates it; the Syriac
text has both the verb nasyii(h) and the noun nesyiinii (Frankenberg, 550. 6);
Frankenberg's retroversion into Greek uses 1r•ipa in both cases (p. 551. 5).
198 Keph. 1. 38 (p. 35). In one of the Syriac versions of the Ps.-Macarian texts,
ta}]witii is used to translate 1r•ipa (Sin 12. 3, I. 28). See the section below on the
Syriac versions of 1r>.71pocpop{a, aia671a,s, and 1r•ipa. In Frankenberg's retroversion of
Keph., ta}]witii becomes &.1r68 .. f,s (p. 83).
actually to achieve them ev 1Te{pq. is reserved to the few (I 16.

2. 1 1 ( = II 1 7. 11)). He condemns those who presume to
speak spiritual words without yvwais and TrE'ipa ( I 16. 3. 1). 199
In spiritual affairs as in worldly matters, one learns through
experience and time («5,a 1Te{pas KaL xp6vwv, III 10. I. I and 2),
attaining victory by experience (I 20. 3. 2). The few who are
eµ,TrELpo, in spiritual matters can benefit others by their
experience (Tre'ipa, I 20. 3. 4). Similarly, one should pray to be
perfected in all TrATJpoq,op{a, in deeds as well as in words, for
TrE'ipa is much surer than words alone (III 6. 4. 4).
A study of the adjectives eµ,TrELpos and a1mpos in the Ps.-
Macarian texts illustrates his emphasis on 'experience'.
Ps.-Macarius generally uses eµ,TrELpos in metaphorical
descriptions of the spiritual life. The Lord is compared to a
skilled gardener who knows how to handle different crops ( I
5. 2. 1); elsewhere a similar image is used with different
application (I 5. 2. 11; 46. 1. 5 (= II 16. 3)). The µ,ova{ov-res
are compared to skilled swimmers (oi eµ,TrELpo,}; they go out
naked from the world and dive into the sea of evil to bring
forth pearls for Christ (I 4. 29. 18). 200 The soul in the 'abyss'
of darkness and death is compared to a swimmer; one who is
a1Teipos has no success, whereas the eµ,Treipos knows how to
use the water itself to keep him afloat ( I 5 3. 3. 8 ( = I I 1 1.
12)). Other images used are of someone adept at handling
snake's venom and antidotes (I 2. 12. 1); a skilled assayer
who can distinguish true from false coinage (true µ,ova{ov-res
and Christians from false ones, I 34. 17); the necessity of
having a trained rider train a cavalry horse before battle (II I
8. 3. 4). Speaking directly of spiritual issues, Ps.-Macarius
notes that one who is eµ,Treipos in spiritual affairs can benefit
others with his Tre'ipa ( I 20. 3. 4); all should be eµ,Treipo, in
knowledge of Scripture (I 54. 1. 4); and those who have been
tried (yeyuµ,vaa8ai} in spiritual warfare have become eµ,Treipo,
and are assured of salvation (I 32. 7. 2 (= II 15. 18)).
By contrast, the a1TELpo, are those who are easily deceived
199 The parallel I I 17. 12 reads y,u,ns for yvwa,s and does not have any mention of
1rdpa.
200 The parallel 11 15. 51 reads lµ.1rapa, for lµ.1r<tpo,. Thus 'merchants' or 'traders'
dive naked into the sea to search for pearls, rather than 'the experienced ones' of I 4.
29. 18.
or confused about the workings of sin and grace. They

receive a little grace, think they have arrived at perfection (1
8. 2. 2), and assume that sin is no longer a problem for them
(1 16. 1. 10, 201 3. 4). Those without discernment are a1rEipoi,
and are compared to those in the world who do not know
how to test pearls ( I 32. 4 (=II 15. 15)) or in the example
cited above, to assay coins (1 34. 17). God grants experiences
of both good and evil lest one be a1rEipo, of the difference
between the two (III 12. 2. 4; cf. Heb. 5:13-14).
1rEfpa and Spiritual Knowledge

More numerous than the few instances of 1rEfpa used in a
general way to refer to spiritual experience are the texts in
which Ps.-Macarius associates 1rEfpa either with the acqui-
sition of spiritual knowledge or with the possession of
heavenly glory. It is often difficult to distinguish sharply
between these two emphases, but the difference is roughly
analogous to that between a'ta8'T"Jai, as faculty or as sensation.
One learns or knows spiritual things by experience (<5ui
1rE{pa,, T'{J 1rE{pf!,, etc.), but it can also be said that one can have
(an) experience (1rEfpav Exw/>.aµ,{Javw, etc.) of divine grace.
The many uses of 1rEfpa alongside the other key terms for
spiritual experience all pertain to these two categories.
Idioms used by earlier writers, such as 1rEfpav >.aµ,{Javw, are
restricted by Ps.-Macarius to his special themes. Other
meanings of these idioms, notably that of 'test' or 'trial', are
absent. Because there are so few biblical loci for the word
1rEfpa, even when compared to 7TA'T"Jpocpop{a and a'ta8TJaL,, Ps.-
Macarius is freer to use 1rEfpa purely as a terminus technicus.
The review of the tradition explains not so much the way in
which he can use the word as he does, for he inherits a
tradition in which 1rEfpa can mean 'experience', but rather
highlights the way in which he shapes what he inherits to suit
his particular needs. He describes the spiritual life by
choosing from among the many meanings of terms which are
by no means of his own invention those particular meanings
which can voice his experience.
The association of 1rEfpa with knowledge, yvwai,, 1s a
201 The parallel 11 17. 5 reads ll'i,wTat for o.1mpo,.

central aspect of Ps.-Macarius' teaching. Access to spiritual

knowledge is by 1re'ipa, which Ps.-Macarius considers to be
the point of contact between human perception and the
fullness of divine grace. It is through experience, Ota 1re{pas,
that one receives yvwats of heavenly mysteries, and this
yvwats is the substance of perfection and the goal of freedom
from passions (1 58. 2. 5). One perseveres to the end in order
to receive in 1re'ipa the awareness (e1r{yvwais) of the benefits of
grace and of freedom from passions (111 24. 2). When Ps.-
Macarius writes of 1re'ipa, he is not describing a sensory
apprehension, and in fact he distinguishes external know-
ledge from the 1re'ipa of hidden things (although the external
can, to some extent, lead to the hidden; I 38. 2. 9). Because
the mysteries of God are unutterable and incorruptible they
cannot be fully described or communicated by human
means; made known to worthy souls by 1re'ipa, they are
otherwise hidden behind symbols (1 28. 2. 3). The 1re'ipa of
heavenly mysteries is above one's own knowledge, mind
(voiis), and conscience (avvEL07Jats, I 10. 3. 3). This experience
is granted by divine energy, evlpyELa, which is also referred to
as illumination by heavenly light (1 58. 1. 1; cf. 111 12. 1-4,
16. 3. 1, 28. 2. 3). Only one born of the Holy Spirit can see
the things of the Spirit ev 1rdn yvwaews (111 16. 3. 2), and
when the soul has been made worthy, the Lord makes
mysteries known to the eyes of the soul Tfl 1re{pq. ( I 63. 2. 4). It
is only when the heavenly elKwv of Christ has been formed in
the soul that one can know the goodness of the Lord from
truth by 1re'ipa (111 8. 2. 2).
The time-frame in which Ps.-Macarius sets his use of
1re'ipa as a means of knowing is, as so often in his writings,
difficult to fix. Whereas in certain instances 1re'ipa is clearly
describing the ultimate apprehension of heavenly mysteries,
in other cases 1re'ipa helps one along the way. The distinction
then would be between 'knowing' and 'learning'. The know-
ledge communicated by 1re'ipa is not restricted to divine
mysteries; Ps.-Macarius uses 1re'ipa with reference to discern-
ment of evil, in a manner similar to his use of Otaxpiats. In I
16. 2. 1 (= II 17. 7), he writes that there is a great need for
discernment (oufrptats), for it is through experience (Ota
1re{pas) that one knows how sin and grace work. After
describing the obvious presence of evil in the world, he adds

that those who are sensible (<f,p6viµ,oi) and intelligent (avvero{)
can perceive (vo17aai) through experience (oui 7TE{pas) and
from the evidence of the Scriptures that there is an opposing
evil power which secretly directs human actions (111 25. 1.
2). Those who devote themselves entirely to the Lord and to
battle against the Evil One know the obstacles along the way
avTfl Tfl TTE{pq., 'by the very experience' (1 2. 3. 13).
In one of the most interesting passages in the entire corpus
(111 12. 2. 1-4), Ps.-Macarius answers a fundamental ques-
tion, 'Why, when grace is working in the body (awµ,a), is sin
still active within the same space?' The manner in which Ps.-
Macarius describes the interplay of grace and sin is emi-
nently practical and central to his spiritual teaching. Having
tasted grace, the soul pauses in heavenly repose so that it may
know by TTE'ipa the sweetness of the good. Then, for whatever
reason (even a good one), the vovs is distracted and sin is able
to regain a foothold. The result is suffering, and knowledge
of the bitterness of sin through TTE'ipa of evil. The experience
of bitterness prompts the soul to flee to the consolation and
rest it had known previously. The cycle can repeat itself, the
point being that the soul can become more aware (alaOTJTLKw-
TEpa) and attentive from very experience (avTfl TTE{pq.) of the
two 'natures' of sin and grace (111 12. 2. 2). The term TTE'ipa
occurs seven times in this passage, emphasizing the soul's
actual, vivid encounter with, in turn, grace and sin, so that
finally it has 'perfect knowledge' of both, 7TE{pq. Kai evEpyE{q.
Kai alaOfJaEL. 202 And so one satisfies the dictum of Hebrews
5:14, 'Solid food is for the mature (TEAE{wv), for those who
have had their faculties (alaOTJT'TJpta) trained by habit (ltis) for
discerning good and evil' (111 12. 2. 4).
TTE'ipa as Experience of Spiritual Fulfilment

Ps.-Macarius also uses TTE'ipa in a more direct manner, either
in the accusative or dative, to describe experience of 'another
202 Ps.-Macarius associates TT<ipa with these other terms in a description of perfect
or final knowledge. Whereas each term used singly can be applied to earlier stages of
the spiritual journey, the compound phrase is used to highlight the consummation
of the soul's struggle.
age' (I 4. 9. 4 (= II 8. 5 203 )), of heavenly glory (I 15. 1. 3), of
good things to come (I 20. 3. 1, 39. 1. 8, 49.2.11 (= II 4.11),
63. 2. 3). Souls receive now the 1re'ipa of the eternal benefits of
the Spirit to which they will be joined in glory at the
resurrection of the body (I 48. 6. 10 (= II 5. 11); cf. I 50. 2. 2
in MS X); 1re'ipa is the means of participating in divine
mysteries while in this life, a kind of participation by
anticipation. One who receives experience of all good things
now through evepyeia in the heart will be worthy to wed the
heavenly Bridegroom (II I 28. 2. 3). There are several in-
stances of 1re'ipa joined with aia8YJais in a similar context; one
has 1re'ipa Ka, aia8YJais of spiritual realities ( I 15. 1. 1-2, 49. 2.
14 (= II 4- 12); 50. 2. 1). Twice 1re'ipa and TTAYJpocf,op{a are
paired. In I 9. 3. 8 (=11 1. 12), Ps.-Macarius writes of the
possibility that the eaw av8pw1ros be established now ev 1re{pq.
Ka, TTAYJpocf,op{q.; in I 64. 9 he writes of those who have received
in their heart the taste of grace by airrfl 1re{pq. TTAYJpocf,op{as.
Thus, for Ps.-Macarius, 1re'ipa actually functions much like
the terms with which it is frequently associated, 1rAYJpocf,opfo
and a'ta8YJais, for ultimately all three words describe the sure
apprehension and experience of divine reality by the soul.
This sure apprehension is different from simple 'awareness'
of the working of grace; 1re'ipa, like TTAYJpocf,opfo and a'ta8YJais,
belongs to the consummation of the spiritual quest. Thus
Ps.-Macarius explains why God can hold someone back
from the top degree of perfection; if heavenly marvels were
received now, and one had 1re'ipa of them at all times, then the
service of the word and other duties would be neglected ( I 4.
9· 3 (=II 8. 4) ).
THE LEGACY OF Ps.-MACARIUS: MARK THE MoNK

AND DIADOCHUS
The two authors who so frequently echo the Ps.-Macarian
spiritual vocabulary, Mark the Monk and Diadochus of
Photike, both use 1re'ipa, but in rather different ways. Mark's
usage is the more traditional; he frequently uses the 1re'ipav
203 In 11 8. 5 he postulates such 1r,fpa, while denying that he has ever known
anyone who has had such an experience. Was this a statement made in his own
defence?
>..aµ,fMvw construction, although he applies it to spiritual

experiences. 204 The connection between TT€tpa and trial, or
TT€tpa and bad experience, is evident in some texts. 205 Mark
notes in the Praecepta salutaria that the practice of conti-
nence provides assurance (TTATJpocpop{a) of its merits when one
actually practises it, 206 illustrating the traditional association
of TT€tpa with verification; here TTATJpocpop{a, too, has its less
vivid meaning. When Mark uses the Ps.-Macarian formula
Jv TTaan TTATJpocpop{'l, Kai ala8~a€i, he does not include the word
TT€tpa in the statements.
Diadochus employs TT€tpa most frequently with regard
either to ordinary human knowledge or, more commonly, to
spiritual perception or knowledge. 207 By using phrases such
as TT€tpa ala8~a€wc;, Diadochus denotes aia8TJaic; in action,
using the language of sensory experience to describe the
experiences of the vovc;. 208 But he goes a step further, and
writes of having the love of God Jv TT€LP'l-, or having 'great
experience' of the love of God. 209 Thus too his reference to
'spiritual experience' (~ TTV€vµ,anK~ TT€tpa). 210 One may also
have an experience of abandonment by God for the sake of
spiritual education, 211 and the bitterness of demons can be
'experienced sensibly' (ala8TJTW<; TT€Lpa8rjvai). 212 Despite such
texts, closer to the language of Ps.-Macarius than to that of
any other writer, Diadochus does not include TT€tpa in the
distinctive phrases such as EV TTaan ala8~a€L Kat 7TATJpocpop{'l,.
Although Diadochus goes further than Mark in adopting the
Ps.-Macarian understanding of TT€tpa, like Mark he prunes
the lush phrases so common in Ps.-Macarius' writing. By
doing so he preserves the individual identity of this word: he
does not make TT€tpa equivalent to TTATJpocpop{a and aiBTJaic;.
204 Op. 1. 187 (col. 928 C) and Op. 4 (col. 993 C). Cf. Op. 2. 211 (col. 964 D), T~v
TTEipav KaTiXEI.V.
205 Op. 2. 191 (col. 960 C), Op. 4 (col. 1013 C).
206 Op. 5. 7 (col. 1041 A).
207 Ordinary knowledge: Cap. 30, 31 (p. 101.3-4, 24-5), 38 (p. 107. 2), 53(p.115.
3). Knowledge of divine matters: Cap. 9 (p. 88. 17-18), 11 (p. 89. 18), 30-3 (pp. 100.
15-104. 2), 72 (p. 131. 16, 18), 87 (p. 147. 5-6).
208 Cap. 30-3 (pp. 101. 3-4, 24-5; 102. 10-11; 103. 12-13).
209 Cap. 91 (p. 152. 15).
°
21 Cap. 85 (p. 145. 18-19) and 95 (p. 157. 14).
211 Cap. 87 (p. 147. 3-7).
212 Cap. 33 (p. 103. 20).

CONCLUSION
Once more, Ps.-Macarius has taken an existing Greek word,

with established conventions of usage, and turned it to his
purposes. He set aside many of those conventional patterns,
effectively redefining 1re'ipa by restricting its application.
What for other authors was an occasional use of 1re'ipa by
extension from more typical usage, became for Ps.-Macarius
the norm. The earlier sense of 'test' or 'trial' to be undergone
for a particular reason, whether romance or war or business,
disappears, and the experience itself becomes purpose and
goal. A move in such a direction is hinted at by other writers
as the meaning of 'test' yields to the meaning of 'verification'
or 'experience' as teacher. Ps.-Macarius accelerates and
completes the transition from 1re'ipa as an aspect of human
life to 1re'ipa as expressive of spiritual fulfilment. Such a shift
is by now seen to be a characteristic feature of his spiritual
vocabulary.
Combinations of Terms
With some understanding of Ps.-Macarius' use of TTATJpo-

<pop{a, ai:aOTJat,, and 1re'ipa, one can approach the unusual and
controversial phrases with which he underscores his descrip-
tions of the spiritual life. It has been seen that in Ps.-
Macarius' writings these words describe the experience of
spiritual fulfilment. Each word has its own history and
patterns of usage by previous writers. In each case, Ps.-
Macarius effects at least a redirection, if not a transforma-
tion, of the word's meaning and possible application. He
teases out potential meanings, follows tendencies to the
point of making them conclusions. The endpoint of the
various words is strikingly similar. Despite the different
origins of the terms Ps.-Macarius links in his combinations,
when the words are used together their meanings converge,
and each word is another stroke underneath 'experience'.
The phrases which result, such as lv 1raa'l} TTATJpo<pop{'!, Kai
alaO~aet, bring together the emotional, intellectual, and
spiritual aspects of human life. The language which
expressed this union upset critics (those who compiled the
anti-Messalian lists), and prompted caution even among
those who found his teachings helpful. Gregory of Nyssa did
not use it. In the De instituto, Gregory avoids the phrase ev
1raav 1TA'T'Jpocpop{q. Kat alafJ~afl found in E.M. 9. 12. Other
examples of his hesitation about Ps.-Macarius' use of TTA'T'Jpo-
cpop{a are described earlier in this chapter. In Gregory's other
works, as noted above, there are no parallels to the Ps.-
Macarian usage of TTA'T'Jpocpop{a, afofJTJaiS, or 1rdpa. Mark the
Monk uses the combination phrases twice, with regard to
baptism. 213 Diadochus uses EV 1raav (or 1ro>..>..77) alafJ~afl Kat
TTA'T'Jpocpop{q., but never includes 1re'ipa or other words. 214 Ps.-
Macarius uses over thirty different combinations in his
dozens of uses of such phrases.
When Ps.-Macarius uses TTA'T'Jpocpop{a, aiafJTJatS, 1refpa (and
similar terms) in combination, the phrases range from
simple pairs to long strings (see Appendix 5). These com-
binations can be employed anarthrously in the dative case,
and with or without the article in the accusative. Most
common are phrases governed by a preposition, usually ev.
Sometimes the phrases have a noun complement, usually
1rvevµ,a or some other name for the Holy Spirit, so that Ps.-
Macarius speaks of the Lord dwelling in the soul ev 1raav
aiafJ~aEL Kat evepye{q. TOV 1TVEvµ,aTOS (I 30. 5 (=II 14. 2) ). More
often there is no such complement; the recipient of grace, the
one who has attained perfection, simply exists ev 1raan
TTA'T'Jpocpop{q. Kat aiafJ~aEL (e.g. I 36. 3. 2).
Appendix 5 demonstrates the array of words from which
Ps.-Macarius assembled his phrases. His favourite com-
bination is aiafJTJaiS and TTA'T'Jpocpop{a, used seven times as a pair,
and six more times in combination with other terms. 215 A
close second is Svvaµ,is with TTA'T'Jpocpop{a, five times as a pair
and six times in combination. 216 Third-most frequent is
213 Op. 4 (col. 1004 D) and Op. 8. 4 (col. 1108 D).

21 •Cap. 40 (p. 108. 15), 44 (p. 111. 1-2), 68 (p. 129. 7), 90-1 (pp. 150. 21, 151.
11-12, 152. 10), 94-5 (pp. 156. 15, 157. 18).
215 As a pair: 12. 3. 15, 15. 1. 3, 36. 3. 2 (= II 37. 7), 51. 5 (= II 10. 2), 64. 9; III
25. 6. I (II. 8-9); E.M. 9. 12. With other terms: 11125. 6. I (II. 5-6, a,\1l1«a, lv,py«a);
I 31. 4. 3 (a7TOKO.AVY,<S, l,r{yvwa,s, E7TfoKEY,ts); III 25. 6. 2 (lluvaµ,s); I 24. 13 (lv•py«a
and <i,\111«a); I 29. 2. 8 (l,r{yvwa,s); 1 34. 7 (v,roa-raa,s).
216 As a pair: 1 22. 2. 9, 25. 2. 2 and 3, 58. 2. 4; 11 50. 4. In combination with other
terms: 11125. 6. 2 (afol171a,s); I 16. 2. 6 (= II 17. 9) and 32. 8. 4 (= II 15. 20) (yEtia,s);
I 25. 2. 2 and 3 (<v<py«a); III 6. 4. 4 (lpyov).
Jvlpy£ta and 1TATJpocpopta, three times as a pair and six times in

combination. 217 The other combinations, in decreasing order
of frequency, are: aiaOTJais and lvepyeia six times, twice as a
pair and four times with other terms; 218 aia8TJais and 1Te'ipa
four times as a pair, once with other terms; 219 aiaOTJais and
J7r{yvwais twice as a pair, twice in combination; 220 yvwais and
TTE'ipa three times as a pair. 221
He does make some distinctions in the way he assembles
these phrases; yvwais is used only with aia8TJais and 1Te'ipa,
two terms which have been seen to be closely associated with
knowledge and learning. Although 1TATJpocpop{a is used with
every other term, it never appears with yvwais. The connec-
tion between yvwais and 1Te'ipa is especially apparent,
although the relationship between the two varies from text to
text: in one place they are placed on a par (1 16. 3. 1), in
another one receives knowledge Su1 1Te{pas (1 58. 2. 5), in a
third, one cannot see Jv 1Telpq. yvwaews unless born of the
Holy Spirit (111 16. 3. 2). Phrases constructed with Jv or the
dative do not use yvwais on its own; TTe'ipa, on the other hand,
does take the preposition or function alone as a dative of
instrument or manner. Thus yvwais, although associated
with two of these terms, is not treated equivalently.
Generally, however, there is little discernible significance
to these peculiarities; rather than reveal a careful system,
they demonstrate instead the ultimate destination intended
by Ps.-Macarius for all of these words. Each carries with it a
particular perspective on experience, and in combination
they describe the richness of the spiritual reality to which
they are applied. That reality is a unity, however: the
encounter of the entire human person with the fulfilment of
217 As a pair: I 38. 2. 9 (•v•py~s), 52. 2. 4; II 17. 12 (cf. I 16. 3. 2, •v <py<tJ). In

combination: II I 25. 6. 1 (aioli710,s and a>.~li«a); I 24. 13 (aioli710,s), 9. 3. 4 (d>.~li«a), I
25. 2. 2 and 3 (.Svvaµ,s), 6. 6. I (= II 27. 12) (V1ToOTaots).
218 As a pair: I 2. 10. 5; II 14. 2. In combination: III 12. 2. 4 (1r•fpa); I 24. 13
(1r>.71poq,op{a); I 24. 13 and III 25. 6. 1 (a>.~li«a and 1r>.71poq,opta).

219 As a pair: I 15. 1. 1 and 2, 49. 2. 14 (= II 4. 12), 50. 2. 1. In combination: III
12. 2. 4 (Jvlpy«a).
220 As a pair: I 5. 2. 7; III 27. 4. 3. In combination: I 31. 4. 3 (a1r0Ka.A11,fus,
,1rfoKE!p<S, 1r>.71poq,opta), 29. 2. 8 (1rA71poq,op{a). Of course there is the influence of Phil.

1 :9 (<v ,1r,yvwo« Kai 1r&.crn aloli~o«) to consider.
221 I 16. 3. I, 58. 2. 5; III 16. 3· 2.
divine promise. The use of 'affective' and 'experiential'
words communicates the totality of the encounter.
1TA'YJpo<pop{a, afoO'Y}aLs, and 1r1:fpa in Syriac
METHOD OF APPROACH
Ps.-Macarius' use of these three Greek words remains

puzzling. He certainly does not invent them, although he
uses them distinctively. He works out of previous usage, and
while he certainly goes beyond traditional ways of using the
words, he cannot be accused of abusing his linguistic inheri-
tance. Chapter 5 will describe key images in his works which
are explicable by reference to Syriac texts. But meanwhile,
what of 1TAT'Jpocf,op{a, a'ta8T'JaLr;;, and 111:tpa? Could his use of
these words echo, however faintly, Syriac models? Does his
probing of biblical usage, as with 1TAT'Jpocf,op{a, signify access
to the Semitic substrate of the New Testament itself? Or is
his use of these words simply an example· of creative (and
original) tapping of the resources unique to the Greek
language?
One test will be to determine whether a Syriac vocabulary
may underlie the use of any of these three key words.
Because the three words being studied are Greek, the
method will involve finding texts in Greek containing those
words, and then examining Syriac versions of those texts to
see what a Syriac translator makes of them. If there is a
consistent manner of translating the words, the question of
the direction of influence in the Ps.-Macarian texts would
remain open: if 1TAT'Jpocf,opta, a'ta8TJaLS, and 11efpa translate
readily into Syriac, then their Syriac equivalents could have
translated readily into Greek. If, however, there are several
ways of translating the words into Syriac, it becomes far
more likely that the words are truly rooted in a Greek
linguistic milieu, and require interpretation as well as trans-
lation when being taken over into Syriac. This would mean
that any influence of Syrian Christianity or Syriac language
upon the use of these words would be at most only indirect.
The procedure is simple. The occurrences of 'TTATJpo<f,op{a,

aiaOrwis, and 1reipa in the Greek New Testament suggest
comparison with the Syriac of the Peshitta version. A study
of those passages in the Peshitta will indicate how Syriac
biblical translators regarded these words, and show if there
were standard Syriac equivalents for them. As a parallel test,
the Syriac versions of the Ps.-Macarian texts will be exam-
ined alongside the Greek originals to see how passages in
which the words occur are translated into Syriac. In both
cases one looks for consistency in translation. For the Syriac
versions of the Ps.-Macarian texts, the test for consistency
will be threefold. First, within each of the two Syriac
versions, to determine if each translator had a definite notion
of how 'TTATJpo<f,op{a, aiaOTJatc;, and 1re'ipa might b-e expressed in
Syriac. Second, between the two versions, to see if different
approaches are evident when the work of the translators is
compared. Third, between the Syriac versions of Ps.-Macar-
ius and the Peshitta New Testament to add another check of
translator's technique.
1TATJpo<pop{a
The translator of the Greek New Testament into another
language has a challenge when faced with the word 'TTATJpo-
<f,op{a: not only is it an unusual word, it is an ambiguous one
as well. And so here the translator truly is an expositor, 222 and
the result in the Peshitta is that three different Syriac words
are used to translate this one Greek word. At Colossians 2:2
and I Thessalonians 1: 5, the translator picks up the theme of
confident assurance by using the word pyasa, itself a loan-
word from 1refoic; or 1refoai. For Hebrews 6: 11, the emphasis
falls on fullness, completeness, with sumlaya, derived from
mla, 'to fill'. And at Hebrews 10:22, the stress is once again
on assurance, with tuklana, from the root tkl, 'to trust'. A
comparison with the relevant occurrences of 'TTATJpo<f,opEw
shows a similar tendency towards interpretation: for both
Romans 4:21 and 14:5, a form of srr, 'establish', is used (an
aph'el for 4:21, an ethpa'el for 14:5). At Colossians 4:12,
222 See Brock, 'Aspects of Translation Technique', 69-73.

however, one finds that the Greek 1rE1TATJpocf,opr11.1,evo, becomes
msamlaya, which as with siimlaya in Hebrews 6: 11, derived
from mla.
In the Syriac versions of Ps.-Macarius, there is similar
variation. First, it must be remembered that there are two
distinct, and somewhat overlapping, Syriac translations of
these writings. 223 The more widely diffused, and probably
older, tradition includes a partial version in a MS dated 534
AD. The second tradition, known from only one MS of the
tenth century (Codex Sin. Syr. 14), is based on some of the
same material as the other, but the translation is indepen-
dent. Texts from the first tradition are labelled by the editor,
Werner Strothmann, as 'Al' or 'Aeg' depending on the
attribution to either Macarius the Alexandrian or Macarius
the Egyptian in MS Vat. Syr. 122 (769 AD). Texts from the
second tradition are customarily labelled 'Sin' (for Sinai)
after the MS's provenance.
The first tradition consistently translates TTATJpocf,op{a with
pyasa, so that I 64. 9 (1. 3), av'Tfl 1TE{p9, 7TATJpocf,op{as, becomes
men . . . nesyana ba-pyasa b-pare(h)siya rabta (Al h 3. 9,
1. 159). Two loan-words, from TTEtais and 1rappTJa{a, plus the
intensifying rabta, 'great', are used to translate TTATJpocf,op{a.
The Syriac version of 1. 8 of the Greek in I 64. 9 (Elv
1rATJpocf,op{9,) is simply ba-pyasa sarrira (Al h 3. 9, 1. 174), 'in
certain assurance'. The Sinai MS shows a different ap-
proach. In the portions translated there, TTATJpocf,op{a occurs
twice, once from II 27. 12, Ev 1TATJpocf,op{9,, and once from II 1.
12, Elv 1rE{p9, Kai 1rATJpocf,op{9,. The first is translated b-talJ,wzta,
'in/by a showing forth' or 'in/by a demonstration' (Sin 12. 3,
1. 28), from the root IJ,w', 'to show or demonstrate'. The
second becomes msamlay wa-msaklal sarrzra'zt (Sin 23, 11.
40--1 ), so that 1rEipa and TTATJpocf,op{a are translated by two
virtually equivalent words, msamlay, shaph'el passive parti-
ciple from mla and msaklal, shaph'el passive participle from
kll, 'to complete or perfect', topped off by the adverb
sarrzra'zt, 'surely, steadfastly'. Here one sees the translator's
dilemma most clearly: how to translate two words which in
the Ps.-Macarian texts mean really the same thing, and are
223 See Strothmann, Die syrische Uberlieferung der Schriften des Makarios.
very important? The solution was to take two Syriac words

of equivalent meaning, cast them in an intensive form,
and underscore them with an adverb. The method used in
the 'Al' MSS is literal and safe, whereas the approach of the
Sinai MS is inconsistent but closer to the meaning of the
Greek original. Although the word 1rA7Jpocpopew does not
occur in those portions of the Ps.-Macarian corpus repre-
sented by the Syriac versions, Ef-1,7TA7Jpocpopovµ,evo, does (E.M.
5. 4), and becomes nettkel, ethpe'el imperfect of tkl, 'trust'
(the same root as tuklana in Hebrews 10:22). 224
Given this complex result, it will be helpful to step back
for a moment from the Syriac versions. An earlier part of this
chapter indicated that 1TA7Jpocpop{a derives from 1rA7Jpocpopew,
itself an intensive version of 1TA7Jp6w, 'to fill'. Thus whatever
its specific application in context, the word itself denotes
some kind of 'fullness' or 'being brought to fulfilment'. It
was a natural step to using the verb to refer to the satisfaction
of obligations or debts, and to other sorts of assurance. Thus
the range of meanings in the New Testament, where the
noun 1TA7Jpocpop{a apppears for the first time in regular use
and denotes 'confidence', 'assurance', 'certainty', even 'con-
summation'. The Syriac translations of the New Testament
accurately pick up this range of meanings, using pyasa,
tuklana, sumlaya, to catch the various nuances: confidence,
trust, full completeness. Ps.-Macarius' favoured meaning of
1rA7Jpocpop{a is with the sense of consummation or full posses-
sion, a meaning that is in fact close to the literal sense of the
word even if unusual with respect to other literature. Of the
words used in the Syriac versions of the New Testament and
of the Ps.-Macarian writings, sumlaya is the one which most
closely resembles, in meaning and in etymology, the word
TTATJpocpop{a, especially as it is used by Ps.-Macarius; the other
Syriac words used pick up the notion of assurance or
confidence. It would seem, then, that sumlaya is worth a
224 The Syriac version is very free, and often difficult to relate to the extant Greek
text of the E.M. For example, Aeg h 1. 1, I. 22, has the phrase b-tukliinii saggiii,
which appears to translate Jv 11'<l"7J 1r>.71pocf,op{q.. The roughly corresponding section
in E.M. 1. 1 contains the phrase ••s 1r>.71pocf,op{av a.O,aTa.KTOV 1rlaT<WS. The Syriac text
seems to be quite independent, and may represent either a free translation or a
witness to a different Greek original. Tukliinii is the translation of 1r>.71pocf,op{a in the
Peshitta text of Heb. 10:22.
closer look and a foray into Syriac literature. It may be that

there one will find some help in developing a hermeneutic
for the interpretation of TTA:9pocpop{a and its many nuances.
The first point to note is that sumlaya, like 7TATJpO<pop{a,
derives from a verb which is an intensive form of a fairly
common word. The verb samu from which sumlaya comes is
a shaph'el form of mla, 'to fill'. One can summarize the
analogy between the Greek and Syriac terms with the
following relationships of verbs and nouns: TTATJp6w,
7TA~pwai,; 7TATJpO<pOpEW, 7TATJpocpopta; mla, mulya/malyuta;
samu, sumlaya. In the Syriac versions of the Bible, samu and
sumlaya are used both for words such as TEAELOW, TEAELO,,
TEAe{wai,, and 7TATJp6w, TTATJpocpopEw, TTA~pwµ,a, TTA~pwai,,
TTATJpocpop{a. 225 Distinctions between 'perfection', 'fulfil-
ment', 'full assurance' are blurred in Syriac as they are in
Greek. The Syriac fondness for vivid imagery, discussed in
Chapter 5, suggests that when translating Syriac texts one
should employ words such as 'perfect' and 'perfection' with
care: one must not read into the texts a conception of
immutable, static perfection as found in Greek Christian
texts influenced by classical thought. In the examples which
follow, sumlaya is left untranslated so that one can step back
from the tendency to think 'perfection' rather than 'fullness/
completion'.
The Odes of Solomon, the earliest known Syriac texts,
contain several uses of sumlaya. Typically the word refers to
God the Father, describing either one of God's qualities in
se 226 or God's gift to be shared with others. 227 Ode 23. 4
states: 'Walk in the knowledge of the Lord / And you will
know the grace of the Lord generously / Both for the
exultation and for the sumlaya of his knowledge.' To this one
might compare Colossians 2:2, the prayer that one be
brought to the richness 'of the TTATJpocpop{a of understanding'.
Ps.-Macarius writes: 'in TTATJpocpopta of mind and thoughts,
with the entire intellect (cpp6vTJµ,a) of the soul ... one sees by
225 See Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, cols. 2122-30.

226 Odes 7. 11, p. 34; 17. 7, p. 74; 18. 8, p. 78; 26. 7, p. 104; 36. 2, p. 126; 41. 13,
p. 140.
227 Odes 18. 5, p. 77; 19. 5, p. 81; 23. 4, p. 92; 35. 6, p. 124; 41. 13, p. 140. Cf. 36.
6, p. I 26, with msam[yuta.

faith in all 1rA.rJpoef,op{a' (Ev 1rA.rJpoef,op{q. TOV voos Kai Twv

A.oyiaµ.wv oA.cp ef,pov~µ.an TijS if;vxijs ... Ota 7TLUTEWS KaT07TTEV€£ EV
1raaTJ 1rA.rJpoef,op{q., I 50. 2. 2). Ps.-Macarius' distinctive 'in all
1rA.rJpoef,opta' has an affinity with the odist's praise of God who
is the Most High in all his fullness (b-kuleh sumliiyii, Ode 17.
7) and who has widened, lengthened, and brought know-
ledge 'to all sumliiyii' (Ode 7. 13). The fullness or perfection
characteristic of God is postulated of human beings who
listen to the word and follow the will of the Lord:
(4) For in the will of the Lord is your life,
And his purpose is eternal life,
And your sumlaya is incorruptible.
(5) Become rich in God the Father,
And receive the mind of the Most High:
Be strong, and be delivered in his grace. 228
To this passage one might compare Ode 18. 5, asking that
God will not withhold his sumliiyii from the one who is
praying, and 35. 6, 'And I grew up according to his gift, /
And I rested in his sumliiyii'. 229 Ode 19 describes the milk
mixed by the Holy Spirit from the breast of the Father and
given to the world so that those who received it might be 'in
the sumliiyii of the right hand'. 230
In the Liber graduum, sumliiyii is used only once, alluding
to Ephesians 4:13 (col. 665. 9-10). Verbal forms, however,
occur several times, often in association with gmar or gmi-
rutii, the words used for those who have come to 'perfection'
or 'full growth' as described in the Liber graduum's scheme
of the Christian life. The two words appear as complemen-
tary descriptions of the highest attainments of Christian life.
Those in whom there is but a little of the Holy Spirit are not
yet perfected or fulfilled (iiplii gmirin wa-msamleyn, col. 788.
22-5), whereas those who have received the great gift of the
Paraclete have come to the knowledge of all truth, the
removal of all defects, and by the Paraclete are perfected and
228 Ode 9. 4-5, p. 45. The translation follows Brock in Apocryphal Old Testament,
p. 699, except for 4b, which his translation does not contain.
229 pp. 77 and 124. Translation by Brock, in Apocryphal Old Testament, p. 724.
230 Ode 5, p. 81. Cf. 36. 6, p. 126, '[the Most High] anointed me from his
sumlaya,/ And I became one of those near to him'.

fulfilled (metgmar w-mestamle, col. 789. 15-16). 231 As a

reminder that this 'perfection' is not static and immutable,
one reads in the final memra that those who receive gmzruta
'are fulfilled (mestamleyn) in it, increase in it, and are
glorified in it by the grace of the Lord' (col. 880. 12-15).
Although this is not a static condition, it is the ultimate stage
of the Christian life, as brought out in a passage which uses
both the intensive and simple forms of the verb: 'There is a
gift greater than all gifts which they receive: it is called the
Spirit Paraclete, and in it they are fulfilled (mestamleyn) and
filled (metmleyn) by God, and Christ dwells in them com-
pletely' (col. 72. 9-14).
The fulfilment described in the Liber graduum is explained
as complete fulfilment of the knowledge of the Lord
(col. 505. 7-9), a gift characterized as complete observance of
the commandments (col. 4. 3-4) and an ability to teach
others who have not received the direct gift from God
(col. 377. 20-1 ).
The Syriac word sumlaya and its related verb, samlz, are
used in ways analogous to Ps.-Macarius' use of rrATJpocf>op{a
and 1TATJpocf>opew, but it is impossible to argue definitively that
Ps.-Macarian usage derives from a Syriac model. The in-
novation of Ps.-Macarius, when seen from the Greek side,
was to push the experiential aspect of rrATJpocf>op{a so far that
the word could summarize one's very state of being in the
presence of God. When one tries to understand Ps.-Macar-
ius' use of rrATJpocf>op{a, a word of clearly biblical origin, one
must acknowledge that the New Testament itself has its own
Semitic substrate, and that Ps.-Macarius may well be draw-
ing not only from the New Testament, but also from the
Semitic genius he shared with the writers of the New
Testament. The way in which Ps.-Macarius uses 1TATJpocf>op{a
is not unusual within a Syriac frame of reference, where
metaphors of filling and fulfilment were common (as will be
seen in Chapter 5).
231 Cf. col. 229. 5-7 on the prophets who looked for peace in their day and for the
prospect that they might be 'made mature and fulfilled' (netgamrun w-nestamlun),
and also col. 361. 15-18, on the wholeness of the mature who are 'fulfilled' when
they are 'made mature' (gm"ire msamleyn ... men d-etgmarw).
afo871a,s
The Peshitta New Testament uses two different words to

translate aia871a,s and ala871T~pia. At Philippians 1 :9, where
aia871a,s and e1r{yvwais appear together, the Syriac translation
is sukkal d-rulJ,, 'understanding of the spirit', or 'spiritual
understanding'. The word sukkala is used elsewhere in the
Peshitta New Testament to translate avvrn,s; 232 the addition
of d-rulJ, makes this verse identical to Colossians 1 :9, which in
Greek is avvfoet 1rvevµanKfl, and sets it apart from those other
occurrences. At Hebrews 5:14, ala871T~p,a becomes regsay-
hun, a plural suffixed form of regsa, which is the Syriac word
commonly used to mean 'a sense', as in 'the senses'. Whereas
in Greek aia871a,s can mean both 'sense' and 'sensation', in
Syriac the word rgesta would normally be used to mean
'sensation'. 233 The verb, however, in Syriac (rgas) as in
Greek (ala8avoµai), is ambiguous.
In the Syriac versions of the Ps.-Macarian texts, the
evidence for how the translators worked with aia871a,s is thin.
In the Greek originals underlying the Syriac, aia871ais occurs
twice. The Greek aia871a,v >..af36vT£S ev 1r>..71pocf,op{q, of I 64. 9
becomes nergas b-napsan ba-pyasa sarrira (Al h 3. 9, I. 174),
'we shall feel/perceive within ourselves in certain assurance'.
At Sin 20. 5 (I. 43), translating from I 11. 2. 10 (=II 47. 11),
the Greek refers to the Holy Spirit guiding the people of
Israel ev ala8~aEL Tijs i/Jvxijs, but the Syriac departs consider-
ably from the original, reading: 'and the Holy Spirit is
assuring (msarrar) us of these things: and conducting our
souls to the harbour of his will' (Sin 20. 5, 11. 43-4). The
extant Greek texts offer no clue to this Syriac reading. The
word ala871Tws in II 28. 5 becomes simply d-pagra, 'of the
body', in Aeg h 3. 9 (I. 224). And ala8av6µevos at II 27. 16
becomes margsin, an aph'el plural participle from rgas, at Sin
14. 3 (I. 45).
The Syriac term for 'sense', regsa, with its corresponding
verb, rgas, occur frequently in Aphrahat's Demonstrations
with a meaning parallel to that of the 'spiritual senses' in the
Greek texts. In these instances, regsa is used in the plural and
Col. 1:9 and 2:2; in I Cor. 1:19, "TWV UVVE"TWV is translated d-sakkultane.
232
See Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, cols. 3813-16; cf. J. Payne Smith,
233
Compendious Syriac Dictionary, p. 529. '°

generally in the construct case, with a predicate. A typical
example can be taken from Demonstration 14, where Aphra-
hat describes the wonders of creation:
The wings of the understanding are spread out,
and the wings of thought are unfolded,
and the senses of the intellect (regsay re'yana) are
exploring,
and the eyes of the conscience are contemplating
and the pupils [of its eyes] roam to and fro
so that the investigation may be made known to
sight and to knowledge,
while not comprehending their limits.
Who perceives (arges) the place of knowledge?
And who comprehends the roots of wisdom?
And who understands the place of insight?
It is hidden from all the living
and from the thoughts of all flesh
and it is not sold for gold to any of the stupid;
its treasure is opened and given to those who ask.
(col. 660. 18-661. 2)
When this example is taken with the other occurrences,
one finds mention of the 'spiritual senses of the mind' (regsay
hawna ru}Jane, vol. I, cols. I. 6, 5. 14), 'senses of the mind'
(regsay hawna, vol. I, col. 409. 24), the 'senses of the intel-
lect' (regsay re'yana, vol. I, col. 660. 19-20), 'senses of
thought' (regsay ma}Jsabta, vol. I, col. 661. 5), 'senses of the
intelligence' (regsay tar'tta, vol. I, col. 664. I 5), 'senses of
meditations' (regsay hemsayhon, vol. 2, col. 9. I 1-12),
'senses' (regse, vol. I, cols.605.8 and 661.23; vol. 2, col.
104. 14), the 'eyes of the senses' ('aynay regse, vol. I,
col. 661. 14-15). The words translated here by 'mind', 'intel-
lect', 'thought', 'intelligence', 'meditations' should be
understood as more or less synonymous. In every case
Aphrahat is describing spiritual and intellectual modes of
apprehension: he ne.ver uses regsa with its conventional
meaning of a bodily sense, and in fact always uses the plural
regse, 'senses'. The verb is used to refer to both physical and
intellectual perception.
The author of the Liber graduum writes of the 'organs
within' or the 'organs of the soul' which can be harmed by
sin or by the Evil One so that one is unable to see, hear, or
understand those things which belong to the invisible realm

of truth. The term used most frequently is hadame da-lgaw
(cols. 796. 18, 24; 797. 1) or gawaye (cols. 796. 3, 797. 4),
'organs within' or 'internal organs', contrasting with the
visible organs (hadamaw(h)y dmet}J,zeyn, cols. 793. 25-6,
796. 7). 234 It is clear that the author has in mind faculties of
spiritual perception; in the same passage he uses the phrases
'organs of the soul' (hadame d-napsa, col. 796. 2 I) and, once,
the 'senses of the soul' (regseyh d-napsa, col. 796. 26-7). He
names these organs as inner eyes, ears, and understanding
(col. 793. 21). This distinction between the outer, visible
world and the inner, invisible world is a common theme in
the Liber graduum, as will be seen in Chapter 5. When the
verb rgas is used in the Liber graduum, it always means 'to be
aware of', 'to know'.
Thus even in an initial search, one can find a Syriac
conception of the spiritual senses, but no analogue to Ps.-
Macarius' use of afo817ais as a word for spiritual experience
itself.
7TELpa
As was noted earlier, 1re'ipa occurs only twice in the New
Testament, both times in the Letter to the Hebrews ( 11 :29
and 36). Its meaning of 'trial' or 'test' as in other writings
was assumed in the New Testament by 1reipaaµ,6s. In the
Peshitta translation of the Letter to the Hebrews, it is
recognized that 1re'ipav Aaµ,{36.vw is a figure of speech meaning
to 'undergo', and there is no effort to translate the phrase
literally; the Syriac text supplies other ways of making the
same point. The Syriac translation in the Peshitta New
Testament of 1reipaaµ,6s is always nesyona, from nasi, 'to try,
prove, tempt'.
The translator of Al h 3. 9 (=I 64. 9) and Al ep 9. 2 (=III
28. 2. 3) adopted another word based on nasi, nesyana, which
has a range of meanings similar to that of 1re'ipa: 'experience,
test, trial'. The two words, nesyona and nesyana, have a
relationship roughly analogous to that of 1reipaaµ,6s and 1re'ipa.
234 Ephrem, too, will refer to 'inner senses of thoughts' contrasted with the senses
of the body; see, e.g., H.jid. 4. 6 (p. 11).

The two words share the sense of 'test', with nesyona also
able to mean 'temptation' and nesyana also able to mean
'experience' .235 The first example of 1reipa translated by
nesyana is the case mentioned above, with the Greek being
avTfl 1re{pq. 1r>..ripocpop{as (1 64. 9). The second is the construc-
tion of 1reipa with >..aµ.{3avw: 'if you received 1reipa of all these
things through the Jvepyeta in the heart' (el TOVTWV 7T<LVTWV 8La
Tijs Jv Kapotq. Jvepye{as 1reipav i>..a{3es, III 28. 2. 3). One Syriac
translator has taken the construction to mean 'test', as it
usually does in non-Macarian Greek literature, and has
rewritten the phrase, 'if you have gained all of these things
by labours and by experience of deeds' (en haleyn kulheyn
b-'amle wab-nesyana da-'baae qanya a(n)ty, Al ep 9. 2, 11.
50-1). The translator of the Sinai MS simplifies the phrase,
writing, 'if in all these things you are labouring in your
hearts' en haleyn kulheyn a(n)ton 'amlin b-lebawatkon, Sin
17. 2, 11. 42-3; 1reipa, even in the misunderstood sense of
'trial', has simply disappeared. Both versions fail to grasp the
Ps.-Macarian understanding of 1reipa. As was noted above,
the translator of the Sinai version, when confronted with Jv
1re{pq_ KaL 1TATJpO<pop{q_, produced msam[ay W-msak[a[ sarrzra'zt
(Sin 23. 3 = 11 1. 12). In that case he found equivalent terms
of completion and fulfilment to match the Greek terms
which in Ps.-Macarius' hands had become virtually syn-
onymous.
Conclusion: A Syriac Background for Ps.-Macarian

Usage?
As the survey above indicates, these words posed quite a

challenge to those trying to translate them into Syriac.
Attempts to put them into Syriac by the translators of both
the Peshitta and the Ps.-Macarian texts caused the Greek
words to shatter into a variety of Syriac words, forms, and
meanings. At times the Syriac translators did not perceive
the distinctiveness of Ps.-Macarian use of familiar words. It
235 See Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 2390, and Brockelmann, Lexicon,
p. 433 B.
is clear that these texts were composed in Greek, and that

these words are not of Syriac origin. Syriac literature does
offer parallels to some aspects of the Ps.-Macarian usage of
TTA'YJpo<f,op{a and ata8rJats, but the distinctive Ps.-Macarian use
of ata8rJats to mean 'sensation/experience' and of TTEtpa to
mean 'experience' remains inexplicable on the basis of
appeal to specific Syriac words. Nor has the the way in which
Ps.-Macarius uses these Greek terms been explained by
appeal to earlier (or later) Greek authors.
These words are Ps.-Macarius' trademark; even if his
use of them is unparalleled, they cannot be isolated from the
rest of his vocabulary and the influences evident in other
cases. The characteristics common to all three words are an
emphasis on experience and an association with spiritual
perfection or maturity. Such qualities place these words
alongside the various images described in Chapter 3 which
Ps.-Macarius used to paint the Christian landscape with its
destination, the City of God and the Saints, clearly visible in
the distance. The experiential thrust of the Ps.-Macarian
vocabulary is thoroughly characteristic of Syriac literature.
Given the Syrian geographical roots of the 'Messalian'
movements with which the Ps.-Macarian writings were
associated by early critics as well as by modern scholars, this
kinship is understandable. The search for Syriac inspiration
must look then to images and metaphors rather than to
individual words. If one seeks evidence of the effects of a
broader cultural milieu, surely this investigation is better
done on the level of imagery than of precise one-to-one
correspondence of specific words. This will be the subject of
the next chapter.
5
METAPHORS OF SPIRITUAL
EXPERIENCE IN GREEK AND
SYRIAC
The reader of the Ps.-Macarian texts soon realizes that large

portions of these writings consist of repeated and often
extended plays on various metaphors for the Christian's
experience of sin, grace, and spiritual fulfilment. The
artistry of Ps.-Macarius is twofold: first, his choice of vivid
imagery, and second, his way of applying these images in
unexpected ways. The language which creates this impres-
sive and dynamic vision of Christian life has consistently
attracted readers, but it has also worried ecclesiastical and
theological authorities who found the language at best some-
what crude, and at worst doctrinally unsound. The selection
of some of the basic Ps.-Macarian images for inclusion in the
anti-Messalian lists is one testimony to the distinctiveness of
his language. One is led to wonder if Ps.-Macarius was
theologically ingenuous in using these words and metaphors,
or if he was perhaps deliberately undercutting conventions
of theological discourse. A closer look at some of his key
metaphors will suggest a third possibility.
Viewed from the perspective of his predecessors and
contemporaries among Greek Christian writers, Ps.-Macar-
ius' imagery is indeed quite distinctive, both in inspiration
and in application. However, when one steps across the
linguistic frontier into the world of Syriac literature, much
of what he says about sin, grace, Christ, the Holy Spirit
seems much less remarkable. The inevitable conclusion is
that in the writings of Ps.-Macarius one sees the emergence
into a Greek-speaking environment of language and imagery
rooted in the Semitic earth of Syriac Christianity. It can be
170 METAPHORS OF SPIRITUAL EXPERIENCE
of little surprise that such unusual language would attract

the notice of Ps.-Macarius' contemporaries. In Chapter 3 it
was noted that scholars have detected a Syrian influence
upon Ps.-Macarius, particularly in his use of apocryphal
writings and of certain biblical textual traditions. In this
chapter, three themes found throughout the Ps.-Macarian
texts will be examined with the intention of searching out
their place in Greek and Syriac theological traditions. It will
be seen that the parallels with other Christian writings are
much stronger on the Syriac than on the Greek side, even
though each metaphor has its own background, and each
parallel exhibits its own configuration. Because significant
portions of the Ps.-Macarian spiritual vocabulary can be
located in a Syriac milieu, one is led to suspect that this
experiential approach to the Christian life is heavily coloured
by the poetic and symbolic world of Syrian Christianity.
While not directly solving the mystery of his use of words
such as rrATJporpop{a, aia8TJai,, and rre'tpa, the Syrian back-
ground of other aspects of his spiritual vocabulary may have
helped to inspire his transformation of those Greek words
and others like them.
Metaphors of Mixing and Blending
The most arresting descriptive language in the Ps.-Macarian

texts is what may be called 'mixing' language: graphic
metaphors underscoring the pervasive presence of sin in the
soul or the close union of the soul with God. 1 This material-
istic imagery, based on the verbs Kepavvvµ,, 2 µ{yvvµ,, and
their derivatives, is most famous from its role in the Christo-
logical controversies of the fourth and fifth centuries, when it
came into disfavour and then fell into disuse because of its
limited capacity for representing the union of two natures in
1 For a different approach to this theme, see Dorries, Die Theologie, 237-49.
Dorries's approach is primarily theological, and his study is concerned only with
the Ps.-Macarian texts themselves. He does not examine the vocabulary, its
background, or parallels in other writers.
2 Ps.-Macarius uses the Ktpvcl.w forms for the present and imperfect, as was
standard by his time.

METAPHORS OF SPIRITUAL EXPERIENCE 171
Christ. 3 Mixing language is not biblical in origin. 4 Asso-

ciated primarily with the Stoics, it was used by them as a
technical language to describe the formation and characteris-
tics of physical compounds (the Stoic terminology will be
discussed below). Philo used mixing language extensively,
following very much the classical distinctions even as he
applied such language to moral or theological subjects. 5
Christian writers adopted it for anthropology as well as for
Christology, for both subjects required a technical vocabul-
ary which could be used to describe the close union of
different qualities. Fear that this kind of imagery could be
taken too literally in Christological discussions, or that the
Stoics' distinctions would not be carefully observed, led to
its abandonment in the late fourth and early fifth centuries
despite the use of mixing language by a writer as well
respected as Gregory of Nazianzus. Ps.-Macarius' distinc-
tion is to have made 'mixing' language a central metaphor in
his portrayal of the soul's involvement with both sin and and
the Holy Spirit (or other divine agents), and to have done so
with little apparent interest in nuances of philosophical or
theological vocabulary. 6 On the whole, he was relatively
3 On the role of mixing language in Christology, see Grillmeier, Christ in
Christian Tradition, 1. 129-30, 132, 149, 411, 489, 493, 517; Camelot, 'De
a
Nestorius Eutyches', 220-1; Lebon, 'La Christologie du monophysisme syrien',
442-76, passim.
• The verbs and derived nouns appear in the LXX, but used in mundane ways:
mixing a cup of wine, associating with the Gentiles, etc. The exception is Isa. 19:14,
about the Egyptians, 'the Lord has mingled (lKopaa•v, Hebrew masak, Peshitta
mzag) with them a spirit of dissipation (or 'wandering', m\av~a•ws)'. This would be
an unlikely inspiration for Ps.-Macarius.
5 See e.g. Philo's distinction between the 'unmixed' nature of God's virtues and
the human mix of divine and earthly qualities in Mut. nom. 184 (3. 188. 8-11) and
the similar description of divine and human wisdom in Q. rerum div. 182-4 (3. 42.
5-16). On the a6vo8os Ka< Kpiia,s of the Cherubim, see Cher. 29 (r. 177. 7-9); on the
µ,f,s Ka< KOtvwv{a of God and Moses, see V.Mos. 2. 190 (4. 244. 17-19).
6 On Ps.-Macarius and the Stoics, see Stoffels, Die mystische Theologie Makarius,
57-71, esp. 60-1. Stoffels defends his claims for Stoic influence on Ps.-Macarius in
a reply to Stiglmayr's criticisms of this book; for Stiglmayr's review, see Theolo-
gische Revue 18 (1909), 233-40; for Stoffels's reply, see 'Makarius der Aegypter auf
den Pfaden der Stoa', esp. 90 and 255. The title of this last article summarizes
Stoffels's view; writing before the discovery in 1920 by Villecourt of the affinities
between the anti-Messalian propositions and the Ps.-Macarian texts, Stoffels
assumed that he was studying the work of an Egyptian monk of Scetis. His
historical assumptions made him overstate his case; in fact, Ps.-Macarius rarely
uses Kpaa,s or µ,f,s, preferring verbal forms. One cannot help but agree with
uninterested in anthropology and Christology (at least in the

ways they were treated by other Christian writers); he took
mixing imagery for his own purposes, using it in ways
strikingly different from those of his predecessors or con-
temporaries. Against a backdrop of increasing sensitivity to
the Christological clumsiness of mixing language, it is not
surprising that Ps.-Macarius' penchant for similar termino-
logy applied to the spiritual life aroused suspicions among
his critics. The avoidance of material metaphors in Christo-
logical discussion made their application to other topics
suspect.
THE CLASSICAL BACKGROUND: VOCABULARY
The classical background can be sketched briefly to set out

the various terms which become standard in later uses of
mixing language. The concern of classical physicists was to
distinguish between two kinds of mixture: that of distinct
elements which retained their identities and could be separ-
ated subsequently, and that which produced a compound of
uniform appearance. This second kind of blending might or
might not permit separation of constituent elements. As
these categories of mixture were developed, a specialized,
though not entirely consistent, vocabulary developed along
with them. 7 The word 1rapaOecns referred to simple juxtapo-
sition of elements; an example would be a bushel of various
kinds of grain mixed together. 8 The word µ..f{,s sometimes
served as a catch-all for any kind of mixture or blending
Stiglmayr's balanced approach to the Ps.-Macarian language: 'Die Rede ist, so

diirfen wir auf der einen Seite das bildliche Moment nicht zu sehr pressen und
haben andererseits gar nicht niitig, direkte Bezugnahme aus stoische Quellen zu
unterstellen' (p. 238).
7 For the classical background, see Todd's lucid discussion in Alexander of
Aphrodisias, esp. 49-68. The principal texts, besides Alexander's, are Aristotle's De
generatione et corruptione, Philo's De confusione linguarum, and Stobaeus' Eclogae.
All of these except for Aristotle's are conveniently collected in Amim's Stoicorum
veterum fragmenta (SVF), vol. 2.
8 So Philo, Confus. ling. 184 ( = SVF 2, no. 472, pp. 153-4), Stobaeus, Eclogae 1.
17. 4 (= SVF 2, no. 471, pp. 152-3), and Alexander of Aphrodisias, De mixtione 3
( = SVF 2, no. 473, pp. 154-5), describing Chrysippus' theory. Aristotle used the
word a6v9,a,s for 'juxtaposition' (De gen. et corr. A 10, ed. Joachim, p. 328a, II. 6---15
and p. 328b, 11. 17-20 ).
(Aristotle and Alexander of Aphrodisias), while other

writers used it synonymously with 1rapaOwi, (Philo), and
others used it to denote a thorough blending of dry elements
which retained their own qualities (Stobaeus; an example
given is a heated piece of iron, which consists of a blending of
fire and iron). The word Kpiiai, was the most common term
for the 'complete mutual COeXtension' (<>t' OAWV aVTt1rap€KTa-
at,) of elements which came together to form a compound
while retaining their inherent qualities and allowing for
separation; Stobaeus, presumably following Chrysippus,
used Kpiiai, for mixtures of moist elements. The word
avyxvai, was used for fusion of elements, whereby a new
substance was created by way of the destruction of the
original qualities of the constituent elements. The various
texts agree on the meaning of 1rapaOEat,, Kpiiai,, and avyxvai,;
µ,f6, is the less precise term. The key point, however, is that
only avyxvai, entails the loss of distinction among the
different components. The Christological polemic con-
cerned the distinction between on the one hand µ,fgi, and
Kpiiai,, and on the other hand, avyxvai,. Where the distinc-
tion seemed blurred, controversy followed, and eventually
any 'mixing' language was suspect. Thus the Chalcedonian
definition, declaring the union of divine and human in Christ
to be aavyXVTW,.
IN THE WRITINGS OF Ps.-MACARrus
Ps.-Macarius' use of mixing language must be seen in the

broader context of his insistence on the real union of the soul
with God. Metaphors based on mixing language serve the
same purpose as words such as Koivwvfo, p,ETova{a, avvacpEia,
and other terms used by Ps.-Macarius to describe the
intimate relationship between the believer and Christ or
the Holy Spirit. He relies much more on verbs than on the
descriptive nouns that were used by the Stoics. When using
mixing language to describe the union of the soul with the
Holy Spirit, grace, or the Lord, Ps.-Macarius generally uses
KEpavvvp,t, Or the prefixed forms avaKEpaVVVftt and avyKEpav-
VVftt. The most common is avyKEpavvvµ,i (used more than
thirty times), followed by KEpavvvµ,i (more than twenty
times), and then avaKEpavvvµ., (about a dozen times). There is

no pattern evident in the preference for one form over
another; within a particular text, he often favours one form
and uses it several times in various ways. Style, rather than
any difference in meaning, would appear to be the determin-
ing factor. Appendix 6 illustrates how the various forms are
used for particular themes; the distribution is fairly even,
with a slight preference given to avyKEpavvvµ., when describ-
ing the Lord or grace 'mixed' with the soul, and for KEpavvvµ.,
when referring to the Holy Spirit. However, given his
continual interchanging of terms, especially 'Lord', 'Spirit
of the Lord', 'Spirit of Divinity', 'His Spirit', there is little to
be concluded from the distribution of forms of KEpavvvµ.,
across categories. The important point to note is that in the
great majority of cases mixing language in the Ps.-Macarian
writings has to do with the union of the soul with the Lord,
the Spirit, grace, and other divine realities.
He uses the verbs in both active and passive forms;
generally the active forms are in descriptions of the Incarna-
tion, which is always described as analogous to the human
destiny of becoming one with God. Thus, the Word came to
earth, took an av8pw1ros, and mixed (KEpaaas} it With his OWn
divinity (I 26. 16; cf. 53. 2. 8). 9 Similarly, II 32. 6, the Lord
took earthly flesh and mixed (avvEKEpaaE) it with his divine
spirit, 'so that the earthly could receive the heavenly soul'.
The point of it all is in the next line: 'And whenever your
soul might commune (Koivwv~a77} with the Spirit and the
heavenly Spirit might enter into your soul, then you will be a
perfect (TEAHos} man in God, and an heir and a son' (II 32.
6). 10 Similar passages use passive forms to refer to the
blending of the soul with the Spirit/Holy Spirit,1 1 or with
grace, 12 or with the Lord/Bridegroom, 13 or with divine
' The parallel to I 53. 2. 8 in 11 11. 9 is difficult to follow, and although I 53. 2. 8
is clumsier, its obvious sense follows that of other passages in the Ps.-Macarian
corpus.
IO Cf. I 26. 15; II 44. 1; H 52. 6.
11 See I 7. 15 (=II 27. 17), 9. 2. I ( = II I. 3), 10. 2. 4, I I. 4· 2 ( = II 47. 15), 13. 2. 4
(twice,= II 18. 10), 22. 1. 8, 22. 2. 12, 27. 2. 4, 28. 2. 2; II 12. 17 (twice); H 52. 1; III
3. 3. 2, 3. 4· 2, 15. 5, 16. 3· 5, 19. 2, 20. 2. 3.
12 See II 44. 9; III 16. 6. 2.
13 See I 4. 30. 8, 5. 2. 10, 44. 2. 7, 47. 8, 49. 2. 7-9 and I I, 51. 7 (= II 10. 4); II 12.
15, 25. 5, 34. 3, 46. 6; H 52. 6; III 3. 3. 2, 26. 7. 3. In the parallel to I 49. 2. 7-2, II 4.
power/nature, 14 divine light, 15 glory, 16 the commandment, 17
or the 'prizes' of salvation. 18 Only rarely does Ps.-Macarius
use KEpavvvµ, to describe the presence of sin in the soul; for
this he prefers µ{yvvµ.,. 19
The substantive form Kpaa,s appears only three times,
referring each time to the soul and the Holy Spirit. When
joined, they form a Ko,vwv{a Kai Kpaais Kai avµ.71)wwq ( I 26. I 5);
the soul is destined to become one spirit and one Kpaa,s with
the Lord (1 15. 2. 3 (=II 9. 12); II 46. 3). The form avyKpaa,s
appears once, to describe the soul bereft of the avvacf,Eia of
the Spirit and the avyKpaa,s of the Bridegroom (H 52. 6);
similarly, one is cautioned not to be found naked of the
Ko,vwv{a Kai ci.vaKpaais of the Holy Spirit (1 48. 5. 9 (=II 5.
7) ). In E.M. 12. 2, Ps.-Macarius refers to the avvavaKpaa,s
and avµ.1rapovata of the Holy Spirit. The word avyKp,µa,
often used by other writers to refer to the compound nature
of human beings, occurs three times with that meaning. 20
Appendix 6 reveals that it is µ{yvvµ, which almost always
describes the mixing of sin in the soul. When he uses µ{yvvµ,
and related verbs, Ps.-Macarius prefers the simple form of
the verb (fourteen times), 21 but also uses prefixed forms
(avµµ,yvvµ,, f our times;
I " >
avaµ,yvvµ, 22
an d Emµ,yvvµ,
I >
twice I "
9-11, most of the mixing language applied to the union of God and the soul appears
to have been changed or omitted, whereas purely human metaphors employing
mixing language are untouched. See Schulze, 'Die 4. geistliche Homilie', 91-5, for
possible explanations for the revisions.
14See I 3. 6. 1 and 3, 4. 13. 1 and 3, 29. 2. 2, 32. 8. 7; II 24. 6, 34. 1.
15See I 3. 6. 4, 44. 2. 7.
16 See I 48. 6. 10 (= II 5. 11).
17 See I 3. 5. 8 and 10.
18 See III 1. 2. 1.
19 See I 46. 1. 2 ( = I I 16. 1), where he says that evil and grace are not avvEKpa.617 in
the soul like wine and water (this passage will be discussed below); I 2. 3. 4, death
was mixed (<K<pa.a617) with the fruit from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil;
I 46. 1. 3 (= II 16. 2), the soul is mixed (K,pvo:ra,) with evil.
20 See I 25. 1. 1, 36. 4. 1 (= II 37. 8), E.M. 7. 11.
21 I 2. 5. 3 (sin), 3. 6. 4 (the Lord), 4. 13. 3 (grace), 14. 6 (= II 43. 3, sin), 14. 18
(sin), 21. 6 (sin), 49. 2. 9 (the Lord), 60. 2. 5 (anything other than love for the Lord's
glory), 63. 1. 6 (the Spirit), 63. 4. 5 (the Spirit); II 2. 2 (sin), 41. 1 (sin); III 3. 3. 2
(the Lord), 18. 1. 2 (sin).
22 In one case avaµ.{yvvµ., means 'to mix' (II 4. 10), and the parallel I 49. 2. 9 reads
µ.{yvvTat rather than avaµ.{yvvTat. The other occurrence of avaµ.{yvvµ.,, at I I I. 2. 10

(=I I 47. 11), describes Pharaoh's pursuit of the Israelites, when he was 'already
about to be among them' (~817 87/ µ.,>.>.ovTos avaµ.{yvva6a, atiTois). This latter use is not
included in Appendix 6.
each; KaTaµ,{yvvµ,,, 7Tapaµ,{yvvµ,,, avyKaTaµ,{yvvµ,, once each 23 ).

The verb µ,{yvvµ,, is a cruder and more graphic word than
Kepavvvµ,,; one sees Ps.-Macarius drawing an implicit distinc-
tion between KEpavvvµ,,, meaning 'to blend', and µ,{yvvµ,,,
meaning 'to intermingle or to mix'. Sin, a foreign entity, may
be compounded with the soul, but in a manner permitting
separation. It is not, writes Ps.-Macarius, a µ,,g,, like wine
and water, but like wheat and tares, or like a robber in the
house: the two things remain quite distinct ( 1 46. 1. 2 ( = 11
16. 1)). 24 He often uses µ,{yvvµ,, when referring to evil
thoughts, which are 'mixed in' to the soul, as a kind of
contamination of what is already there (1 32. 8. 10, 7Tapaµ,{-
yvvµ,, ( = II 1 5. 2 5)). 25 The Holy Spirit, however, is joined to
the soul so that they become a Kpiiais in the sublime manner
in which God became human, 'blending' divinity to human-
ity. Here the 'wine and water' simile returns, but now with
Ps.-Macarius' approval: as wine is mixed with water, render-
ing it drinkable, so divinity has mixed (Kepaaaaa) itself to
humanity so that the Lord might 'join to/blend with' his own
Spirit all who so desire (H 52. 6). 26 Implicit is the point that
while the soul and the Holy Spirit are kindred, the soul and
sin are not.
Ps.-Macarius' hesitation to use Kepavvvµ,, to refer to sin and
the soul is stronger than his reluctance to use µ,{yvvµ,, to refer
to the Holy Spirit or the Lord in the soul. So one finds that
the Lord 'mixed' (avµ,µ,{tavra) divinity with humanity (H 51.
1), that the soul is leavened with grace like a loaf in which
leaven is mixed (avµ,µ,,ye,aa, I 5. 4. 3), that those born from
the Spirit are Karaµ,iyevTES into the heavenly Church of the
saints (1 50. 2. 3). The two verbs are used together: the Lord
took a body to embrace so as to be mixed and blended with
(µ,{yvvTai Kat K{pvarai) faithful souls (1 49. 2. 9; cf. the parallel
in II 4. 10). A soul is avyKpaOe,aa Ka, µ,iyefoa to the heavenly
av0pw7Tos and to the Holy Spirit (111 3. 3. 2; cf. H 51. 2). The
23 avµ,µ,{yvvµ,,: I 5. 4. 3; II 24. 2; H 51. land 2. o.vaµ,{yvvµ,,: I l I. 2. 10 (= II 47. 11);
II 4. 10 (cf. I 49. 2. 9, µ,{yvvµ,,). l1r1µ,{yvvµ,1: I 25. I. 13 (twice). Ka-raµ,{yvvµ,,: I 50. 2. 3.
7rapaµ,{yvvµ,,: I 32. 8. 10. avyKa-raµ,{yvvµ,,: I 49. 2. 5 (cf. II 4. 7, ava-rijva,).
24 Cf. the more subtle image of 11 2. 2, where sin and the soul are compared to the
sun and the wind, each preserving its own nature.

25 Cf. I 21. 6, 25. I. 13; II 24. 2; cf. III 18. I. 2. •
26 Cf. I 26. 16, 47. 8, 49. 2. 7-9 and 11, 53. 2. 8; II 32. 6; III 21. r. r.
soul is mixed (Kepaa817) with the heavenly spirit, and becomes
a µ,i[,, Kai Ko,vwvta of the earthly and the heavenly (II I 20. 2.
3); the soul is naked without the µ,i6, Kai Ko,vwv{a of the
heavenly nature (II 32. 6); all pious actions must be 'mixed'
(µ,,x8~) with the fire of the Spirit to season them (1 63. 4. 5,
cf. I 63. 1. 6). Such passages are few in number, however,
compared to the dozens of times Kepavvvµ,, is used in such
descriptions.
Another word which belongs in a discussion of mixing
language is cpvpw, 'to mix, to mingle, to confuse', a word
which was included in John of Damascus' list of Messalian
errors. This is always a negative term for Ps.-Macarius; the
soul is mingled (7TE<pvpµ,ev17v) with the darkness of this age like
silver is mixed (µ,eµ,,KTo) in the earth (1 21. 6), and those who
are 7TE<pvpµ,evo, with the world walk as if in a cloud (1 59. 1. 3).
Similarly, there is caution against the soul if it is mixed
(avµ,cpvpern,) and confused (avyxeiTm) in earthly thoughts ( I
15. 2. 4 (cf. II 9. 12)). 27 Here too one might include cpvpaw,
'to mix' as in 'to knead dough', which Ps.-Macarius uses to
describe Adam as avvecpvpa817 with evil after the old leaven of
darkness, the leaven of the Enemy, entered him (1 4. 30. 6).
Ps.-Macarius also uses avyxva,,, the Stoics' term for a
compound involving the loss of the individual qualities of
component elements. For Ps.-Macarius, however, avyxva,,
means 'confusion', as in turmoil or disturbance. 'Confusion'
is a danger for mind and thoughts (1 29. 1. 3 and 9, 48. 2. 1
( = II 5. 4); II 3 1. 6) and a threat to the soul, should it be
avyKEXVf1,€VTJV (I 50. I. 11). Thus avyxva,, is not for Ps.-
Macarius really a form of mixing language, but rather a
diagnosis of a troubled mind or soul.
Mixing language is also used to describe the presence of
sin, of grace, of Christ, of the Holy Spirit. This metaphor
does not mean simply 'union'; Ps.-Macarius relies on the
sense of 'mingling' to explain how sin coexists with good in
the soul, how grace can be given along the way to perfection,
and finally how Christ becomes present in the soul as he was
in the Incarnation. Ps.-Macarius uses this language freely,
variously, and distinctively. He is not bound to classical (i.e.
27 This is the only occurrence of q,vpw which has parallels in other collections: II
9. 12 reads ava,f,vpTJTat, and MS X reads <p,,f,vp<Ta,.
particularly Stoic) models of usage. Nor, as will be seen,

does he take his lead from Greek Christian tradition.
IN GREEK CHRISTIAN LITERATURE
Where mixing language is used by other Christian writers, it

must be assessed according to some basic criteria. The
starting-point is: to what is such language applied? The most
common applications are to the composition of human
beings, the union of divine and human natures in Christ, and
sexual relations. Far fewer are the instances of mixing
language used to speak of the human soul (other than
Christ's) mingled with either sin or with a divine person,
although it is precisely this kind of mixing language which is
common in the Ps.-Macarian texts (see Appendix 7). Given
the classical background of this terminology, one must be
alert to the ways in which Christian writers respect or depart
from conventional usage. A related question touches on the
actual meaning of the mixing language: is it used to mean
simply 'join, unite', or is the more vivid and literal sense of
'mix or blend', implying interpenetration of elements,
intended? 28 And if the latter, is the language used excep-
tionally, to make a special point, or is it a characteristic part
of an author's spiritual vocabulary?
Mixing language is rarely found in the writings of the
Apostolic Fathers. Ignatius in Smyrneans 3. 2 uses KEpavvvµ.i,
where it has the sense of 'come in contact with', 29 and in
Ephesians 5. 1 he uses avaKEpavvvµ.i to describe those who are
united with their bishop. In the Visiones of Hermas there is a
rebuke for those who carry poison in their hearts and 'mix'
their wisdom there: the metaphor relies on the association of
28 e.g. &.va1«pavvvµ., is frequently used by other writers as a synonym for iv6w. The
passages cited below from Origen's writings are the best example of this. See
Lampe, Lexicon, 105 B, where the meanings of &.vaK£pavvvµ., are given as (1) 'mingle,
blend'; (2) 'make one with, unite'; (3) Christological: until the fifth century freely
used to express relations of deity and humanity in Christ; (4) 'make one with, unite',
as an act of God. A similar range characterizes avyK£pavvvµ., (Lampe, 1270 B-1271
A), while K£pavvvµ., and the various forms of µ.{yvvµ., tend to be used with the more
literal sense.
29 Of the disciples after the Resurrection, touching, and believing that it was
Jesus (Kpa8EvTES Tf, o&.pKt aVToU Kat Tcj> 1rvEVµ.a·n).

avyKepavvvµ.i with the compounding of poisons and medi-

cines. 30 Two other passages in the Mandata use µ.{yvvµ.i to
describe mixed emotions or moral qualities. 31 Among the
Apologists, Athenagoras uses the participle µ.eµ.iyµ.evwv in an
obscure passage which seems to refer to the work of Christ in
creation. 32 Irenaeus provides an early example of mixing
language used to describe the Incarnation: 'his coming
according to the flesh, by which the mixing (commixtio) and
communion of God and man was made according to the
good pleasure of the Father'. 33 Tertullian speaks of the
Incarnate Christ as 'a kind of mixture, as electrum is from
gold and silver'. 34 Although Tertullian insists that both
divinity and humanity preserve their distinctive properties, 35
this kind of language later proved to be highly problematic.
Hippolytus in the Refutatio omnium haeresium refers to
Gnostic use of classical mixing language. 36
Clement of Alexandria is the first Christian author to use
mixing language extensively, and in his works one finds the
range of applications which typifies later writers. For schem-
atic purposes, this range can be described with six categories
(as in Appendix 7): mixing language applied to (1) the
creation and constitution of human beings; (2) the Incarnate
Christ and the union of two natures; (3) the sacraments of
baptism and eucharist; (4) the soul in contact with grace, the
Spirit, or Christ; (5) moral virtues; (6) sin; (7) sexual union.
Other, irrelevant, applications of such language are not
considered in this survey.
A review of Clement's use of mixing language demon-
strates that he uses this vocabulary least frequently in the
ways most prominent in the Ps.-Macarian texts. He does not
30 Vis. 3. 9. 8.
31 Mand. 5. 1. 6, 10. 3. 3·
32 Leg. 10. 2 (p. 324. 30).
33 'Ejus secundum carnem adventum, per quern commixtio et communio Dei et
hominis secundum placitum Patris facta est' (Haer. 4. 20. 4, p. 634. 82-4).
Rousseau's edition has no Greek fragment corresponding to this passage. In his
retroversion, Rousseau translates 'commixtio' as uvyKpau,~ (p. 635. 82).
34 'Mixtura quaedam, ut electrum ex auro et argento' (Prax. 27, p. 281. 10-II).
35 See Prax. 27, pp. 281. 13-282. 25. On Stoicism in the works of Tertullian and
other Latin Christian writers, see Colish, The Stoic Tradition.

36 See e.g. Haer. 5. 19. 15 (p. 191. 77), 5. 21. 8--9 (p. 197. 31-40), 6. 38. 6 (p. 255.
28).
refer to a mingling of sin with the soul. His reference to

being joined with Christ is a statement about cosmic unity,
and may be in fact a quotation from the Gnostic Theodo-
tus. 37 Of the three comments about union with the Spirit,
two are in a discussion of the eucharist, where a parallel is
drawn between the mingling of Logos and Spirit with the
eucharistic elements and the mystical union of the same
Logos and Spirit with the communicant. 38 This leaves one
example, and in this passage it is unlikely that anything other
than 'united' is intended; the Verb is O.VaKEpO.VVVfl,L, which
often has this meaning. 39
Hippolytus in his refutation of the Sethians criticizes their
ideas about the mingling of divine reason or light with
human beings, and relies heavily on classical traditions of
mixing language. 40 He attacks the Valentinians and Carpo-
crates for their inappropriate use of mixing language. 41
Because the mixing language in his writings is so influenced
by classical tradition, and is used only to describe con-
demned ideas, Hippolytus' occasional use of such metaphors
does not contribute much to understanding the Ps.-Macar-
1an usage.
Origen uses mixing language frequently in the ways Clem-
ent did not. Origen writes of 'every opposing power' min-
gled (avaµ.iyvvµ.lv11) with the soul, a condition which he
describes as spiritual adultery. 42 In the Contra Celsum,
commenting on the 'rivers of fire' in Daniel 7: 10, Origen
writes that they are necessary to purge 'the evil mingled
throughout the soul' (T~V oi' OA1JS TijS ipvxijs avaKEKpaµ.EV1JV
KaK{av). 43 When Origen uses mixing language to describe
37 Exe. Thdot. 36. 2 (p. II 8. 24).

38 Paed. 2. 2 (pp. 167. 24-168. 11).
39 Str. 7. 14 (p. 62. 9-12).
40 Haer. 5. 19. 15 (p. 191. 76-7) and 5. 21. 1-9 (pp. 196. 1-197. 38). Cf. 5. 9. 19
(pp. 169. 107-170. 112) and 5. 17. 9-10 (p. 187. 42-50).
41 Haer. 6. 38. 6 (p. 255. 26-9), 7. 32. 8 (p. 316. 38-41).
42 Comm. in Mt. 12.4 (p. 75. 1-5). Cf. the very similar text employing µ,yvvµh11;
these may well be two versions of the same passage (Fr. in Mt. 274 (p. 123. 9-12) ).
43 Cels. 4. 13 (p. 283. 24-6). The other passage about sin mixed with the soul is
from Hom. inJer. 20. 3 (on Jer. 20:7-12), referring to Isa. 19:14, 'the Lord mingled
with them a spirit of dissipation'. Origen emphasizes that the Lord 'mixed' this bad
spirit with them, which means, he claims, that he did not give them the bad spirit
'unmixed'(= stronger, in full force). Seep. 182. 15-19. Here it might be noted that
union with the Holy Spirit or with Christ, he uses avaKepav-

vvµ,i. Effective prayer enables one to be joined (avaKpaOiJvai)
to the Spirit which fills heaven and earth. 44 The Lord,
having made 'both into one' (Eph. 2: 14), enables each soul to
be joined to the Holy Spirit and to become a 1rvevµ,anK6s
among those who have been saved. 45 The most common use
of this language in Origen's writings refers to the soul's
union with Christ. In each case, the verb is avaKepavvvµ,i. He
remarks that when one confesses the Lord, one is 'joined
(avaKLpVaTaL) and united (eVOVTaL) tO the one who is con-
fessed' .46 This pairing of avaKepavvvµ,i and ev6w also occurs in
the Contra Celsum 47 and in the Commentarii in Iohannem, 48
accounting for most of the OCCUrrenCeS Of avaKEpavvvµ,i. 49
Alongside Ps.-Macarius' use of mixing language, Origen's,
although perhaps closest to it of any other writer, appears
tame indeed. Origen's opponent Methodius, although he
occasionally uses mixing language, has nothing comparable
to Origen's descriptions of mystical union. 50
Among the contemporaries of Ps.-Macarius, the two most
notable users of mixing language are Gregory of Nazianzus
and Gregory of Nyssa. Basil was apparently uninterested in
the theological use of mixing language. For Gregory of
Nazianzus, the context is usually Christological, and the
intention is soteriological. God is by nature 'unmixed'
(aµ,iKTos). 51 Human beings are by nature a Kpaais, µ,fgis, or
ava,c£pavvvµ., is used in the Ps.-Clementine Homilia to describe the demons and evil
present in the soul; see Hom. Clem. 9. 9. 2-4 (p. 135. 2-11) and 20. 8 (pp. 272.
27-273. 22).
+< Or. 10. 2 (p. 320. 12-15).
45 Jo. 1. 28 (p. 36. 12-14).
46 Mart. 10 (p. 10. 20-1).

47 Cels. 8. 75 (p. 292. 20-5), where it is a matter of union with the Word of God
and the divine Law. Similar language is used to describe the Incarnation in Cels. 3.
41 (p. 237. 9).
48 19. 4 (p. 303. 1-5).
49 The same emphasis on union is in the Comm. in Mt. 14. 11 (p. 303. 14-16)
where the goal is to be joined (&.va,cpa8,jvm) to the mind of Christ. On Origen's

conception of mystical union, see Volker, Das Vollkommenheitsideal des Origenes,
I 14-16.
so In Symp. he uses avy,c£pavvvµ., once in reference to the Incarnation (3. 5 (p.31.
20)) and once describing the joining of the baptized to wisdom and life (3. 8 (p. 35.
7-8)). In Arbitr. he uses the same verb to describe the creation of human beings (22.
I I (p. 206. 13)).
51 See Or. 39. 13 (col. 349 A), 41. 12 (col. 445 B). Cf. 28. 3 (col. 29 B).
Kpiiµ,a of matter and spirit. 52 The aµ,iKTos Word of God

becomes a µ,,tis or Kpiiais of divine and human in the
Incarnation so that as God participates in human life,
humans can participate in divine life: 'so that taking what is
mine, his own might be given through the new avaxpaais'. 53
Gregory's use of mixing language, although frequent, is
cautious, doubtless because of wariness about Apollinarian-
ism. 54 By insisting on the essential 'unmixedness' of God,
and the essential 'mixedness' of humanity, his use of mixing
language to describe the Incarnation is seen to preserve the
reality of each of the two natures of Christ, divine and
human: Christ is 'the new µ,,tis, God and man, one from
both and through one both' (ev EK aµ,cf,o,v, Ka, 8i' EVOS aµ,cf,6-
upa}. 55 Thus the Incarnation is not the casting of an alloy or
the absorption of one element by another, 56 but the essential
conjunction of divine and human which opens the way to the
participation of all humanity in the divine. Therefore Gre-
gory can write: 'O new µ,,!is! 0 paradoxical Kpiiais! ... The
one who is full is emptied, for he is emptied of his own glory
for a while, so that I might receive from that fullness!' 57
Gregory's awareness of the classical usage of mixing lan-
guage is evident. He can use a word like Kpiiais with ease,
knowing that Kpiiais and µ,,!is do not imply a confusion of
elements. Later writers were not similarly assured. Gregory
does not use mixing language to describe the relationship
between God and human persons other than the incarnate
52 See Or. 2. 29 (col. 437 B), 27. 7 (col. 20 C), 28. 3 (col. 29 B), 28. 22 (cols. 56
A-57 A), 32. 9 (col. 184 C), 38. 11 (col. 321 C).
53 Or. 34. 10 (col. 252 A). Cf. Or. 29. 19 (col. 100 A), 30. 3 (col. 105 CD) and 30. 6
(col. 109 C), 38. 13 (col. 325 B = Or. 45. 9), 39. 13 (col. 349 A), 41. 12 (col. 445 B);
Ep. 101. 21 (p. 44) and 101. 46 (p. 56).
54 Thus his concern in Ep. 101. 36 (p. 52), 102. 9 and 11 (pp. 74 and 76), to refute
assertions that the Word was joined to human flesh, but not to the fullness of
humanity.
55 Or. 2. 23 (col. 432 B).
56 On the Stoic background of Gregory's use of mixing language, see Partmann,
Die gottliche Paidagogia, 111, and Spidlik, Gregoire de Nazianze, 95, n. 82. Spidlik
follows Partmann in concluding, 'Evidemment le mat "melange" peut preter a
confusion. Mais si on Jui laisse la signification qu'il avait chez Jes stoi:ciens, et c'est
ce que fait Gregoire, ii exprime que Jes deux natures du Christ, divine et humaine,
se sent intimement unies, interpenetrees, mais que chacune reste cependant ce
qu'elle est specifiquement' (p. 95).
57 Or. 38. 13 (col. 325 C = Or. 45. 9).
Christ; human access to the divine is based entirely on the
unique mingling of God and humanity in Christ. The Kpii.a,s
occurred at the Incarnation, on behalf of all human beings;
the application of mixing language to each human soul, so
common in the Ps.-Macarian texts, is absent in Gregory's
work.
With Gregory of Nyssa the situation is somewhat more
complex. While sharing Gregory of Nazianzus' primary
concern with using mixing language to describe the compo-
site nature of human beings, or as a way of explaining the
lncarnation, 58 he also hearkens back to Origen's use of such
images to describe the mystical life of the soul. This is
perhaps not surprising given the ascetical and mystical
orientation of much of Gregory of Nyssa's writing, and the
strongly philosophical flavour of those texts. Gregory's
theology of image and likeness, and his other ways of
describing the essential affinity between the human soul and
the divine creator, provide the context for his use of mixing
language. 59 While this is not the place to undertake a
comparison of Gregory of Nyssa's spiritual theology with
Origen's, there are strong similarities in language between
the two, including the occasional use of mixing language.
Both speak of sin being mixed into human nature. Gregory
compares Christ's mingling of divinity with humanity to our
nature mingled with evil; 60 compares the regenerate self at
baptism to unleavened bread, i.e. not mixed with evil; 61
speaks of the purification from inmixed evil still to be
undergone by the unbaptized. 62 The most striking passage
describes evil as a foreign entity 'ingrown' in human nature,
creating an abnormal avvavaKpaa,s whose excision is pain-
ful. 63 In the same chapter Gregory writes that when the
" See Lieske, 'Die Theologie', 317.

59 See Des Places, Syngeneia, 195-202.
•• Or. catech. (ed. Srawley) 16 (p. 71. 7 and 16), •µ.1-uxlJ,fr; 26 (pp. 100. 6 and 101.
2), Ka-raµ.,x9lv-ros, KaTEµ.{x971; cf. Hom. in r Cor. 15. 28, p. 14. 3-13 .
•• V.Mos. 2 (p. 73. 1-3), Ka-raµ.,yvuov.
62 Or. catech. 35 (p. 139. 1), rijs •µ.µ.,x9•{CJ71s . .. KaK{as. Cf. 6 (p. 37. 2-3) and 8
(p. 42. 7-8) where sin in human nature is compared to a mix of oil and water, and to
a noxious agent spoiling honey. In Beat. 6 (col. 1273 A), he discusses the passions
which are mixed (dvaK<Kpa-rm) in human nature from birth.
63 Or. catech. 8 (p. 48. 10).
vessel of the body is dissolved, the evil mixed with it will run
off, and the vessel will be again a1-uyEs of evil. 64 In every case
it is a matter of intermingled sin being eliminated by baptism
or after the dissolution of body and soul at death. These
passages come closest of any fourth-century Greek texts to
Ps.-Macarius' use of mixing language to describe sin in the
soul, but one senses the theologian's care in the use of these
terms: in certain circumstances, mixing language can serve
well, and the reason for its use on those occasions is plain.
This is quite unlike the frequent deployment of 'stock'
metaphors by Ps.-Macarius.
Both Gregory and Ps.-Macarius emphasize the soul's
achieving union with the divine (or 'the Good'), and mixing
language can provide that emphasis. 65 Gregory sometimes
uses the words avaKpaOijvai and ava.Kpaais to describe this
union. Not surprisingly, these words are the same ones he
favours for descriptions of the Incarnation. Three of Greg-
ory's descriptions of being avaKpaOets to the Lord come from
chapter 37 of the Oratio catechetica, which is on the euchar-
ist. The sacramental context lends itself readily to mixing
language, and the close connection with Christological use of
mixing language is readily apparent. By partaking of the
eucharist, one is literally joined to the Lord through the
mingling of eucharistic food with the body. Thus Greg-
ory points out that whereas the soul is avaKpaOefoa to the
Saviour through faith (p. 141. 4), the body requires another
way to obtain µ,eTovata and ava.Kpaais with him (p. 142. 2-3).
After a discussion of the Incarnation, with several uses of
mixing language, Gregory returns to the first point and
concludes that through the eucharist, the Lord is avaKLpvaµ,e-
vos to the bodies of believers (p. 1 52. 3-5). In the first homily
In Canticum canticorum, he says of the marriage in the Song,
'what is understood is the ava.Kpaais of the human soul to the
•• Or. catech. 8 (p. 45. 9).

" Mixing language occurs in E.M. 7. 11, where the word ovyKp,µ.a is used to
describe human nature; the parallel section in Inst. does not contain the word. The
only other occurrence of mixing language in E.M. is in the latter part of the text at
E.M. I 2. 2, which is not paralleled by Inst. The practical nature of the E.M. means
that its language is generally less colourful and varied than that found in the rest of
the Ps.-Macarian corpus.
divine' ,66 explained a few lines later as becoming one spirit
with the Lord 'through the avaxpaais to the one who is
unmixed and impassible' (p. 23. 4-5). 67 A note of caution is
sounded: avaxpaaLS is union, but it is union by a drawing
towards (1rp6s) rather than by a mingling with. Where
Gregory does use Ka-raµ.tyvvµ.i for the union of Holy Spirit
and human nature, in a sermon on the Holy Spirit, he does
so in terms of restoration, using the mixing language in a
manner reminiscent of anthropological commentary about
the composition of human beings. 68 Although throughout
his work Gregory emphasizes the soul's union with God, he
favours words like avvacf,eia, Ko>..Mw, avyyev~s, olKetos, and of
course ivwais/iv6w. All of these are words which describe
union without suggesting intermingling or interpenetration.
Gregory prefers to keep mixing language on an abstract
level, using it to describe the interplay of virtues and human
behaviour, or the nature of the Good itself. In the De
professione Christiana, Gregory explains his teaching about
'imitation' of the divine nature, and thereby clarifies his
attitude towards mixing language: 'But the saying about this
is clear: I do not say that the Gospel commands that the
human be joined (avyKptvea8ai) to the divine as nature to
nature, but that the good energies (evepyetat) are to be
imitated in life as much as possible' (p. 138. 14-18). So too
his remarks about the need to separate from sin and be joined
(avaKpa8ev-ras) to God through obedient submission69 or
purity of life. 70 This union with God on a moral level
demonstrates Gregory's careful use of mixing language.
Applied to the Incarnation or to the eucharist, the intimacy
of blending or mingling is quite appropriate. When speaking
directly of the soul's union with God, Christ, or the Spirit
(apart from passages describing the role of the Incarnation in
such a union), Gregory is more cautious. He distances
66 Hom. I in Cant., p. 22. 19-23. 1.

67 Gregory's follower Amphilochius of Iconium explains the meaning of 'one
spirit' (1 Cor. 6: 17): 'such a one is joined (av£Kpall71) to the divine, has become one
with God, no longer able to be separated' (Haer. 10 (p. 194. 338-9)).
68 Spir., col. 697 B.
69 Hom. in I Cor. r5. 28, p. 25. 1-4.
10 Beat. 6 (col. 1273 B).
himself by emphasizing the analogous nature of such lan-

guage, or by keeping the union on a 'moral' rather than
'natural' level: thus his disclaimer in the De professione.
Evagrius writes in the De oratione of the need to withdraw
from thoughts deriving from concept or 'synthesis' (Kpa-
ais); 71 he also uses Kpaais to describe the body. 72 In the
Practicus he refers to being wholly mixed (avaKpa8e{s) to the
virtues. 73 In the Kephalaia gnostica, he uses some mixing
language; in an obscure passage about the place of human
beings in his cosmic scheme, he writes about the results of a
process of unification or restoration with the word net!J,allat
(1. 8, p. 19). The vovs when 'mixed' (Syr. netmazzag) with
the light of the Trinity will possess the soul like fire
possessing a body (2. 29, p. 73). The Trinity itself, however,
is not actually 'mixed' (Syr. mmazga) with contemplation
(Syr. te'awriyd, the cognate of Oewp{a), for such a connection
is a quality confined to created beings (5. 55, p. 201).
Again one finds that Ps.-Macarius stands out from his
predecessors and contemporaries. Gregory of N azianzus
uses mixing language in the specific context of Christology,
with evident reliance on Stoic tradition. Gregory of Nyssa,
so conscious of the philosophical and theological traditions
he inherits, especially from Origen, uses mixing imagery
within established conventions as he employs his great gift as
a theologian of the soul's journey to God. Appendix 7 makes
plain Ps.-Macarius' distinctive use of metaphors of mixing
or blending for describing the interplay of divine gift and
human response.
Mark the Monk and Diadochus, who followed Ps.-Macar-
ius at least some distance in the use of 7T>.TJpocpopta, ai:a8riais,
7TEtpa, do not make similar use of mixing language. Mark uses
µ,{yvvµ,i7 4 and avyKpaais 75 to describe the blending of moral
qualities. On one occasion he writes of lust and vainglory as
mixed (avµ,µ,iyefoa) with the body. 76 Diadochus refers once to
71 Grat. 61 (col. 1180 C).
72 Grat. 68 (col. 1181 B). The Syriac version of the Gnosticus mentions the
/Jultana ( = Kpaa,s ?) of the passionate and intellectual parts of the soul (eh. 1 3,
p. 546).
73 Prac. 70 (p. 656. 2).
74 Op. 4 (col. 1036 BC).
75 Op. 1. 16 (col. 908 B).
76 Op. 8. 5 (col. 1109 A).

the µ,i(is of the Evil One with the soul, using µ,i(is in the sense
of adulterous union. 77 Eve was able to 'associate' (µ,{(aaa)
Adam with her own fault by the apparent sweetness of the
fruit from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil. 78 The
other occurrences of mixing language in Diadochus' work
are conventional. 79 The hesitation of these two authors to
employ such language can probably be ascribed to the
disputes over Christological vocabulary in the early fifth
century.
THE DISTINCTIVENESS OF Ps.-MACARIAN USAGE
The reader of Ps.-Macarius is then left with a problem to

resolve. Is his extensive use of mixing language in such
distinctive ways to be understood as a break from previous
tradition and thus as a personal innovation? Was he simply
ignorant of the classical background? Or is there an explana-
tion to be found in other strands of his background?
Although mixing language tended in Greek Christian
writers.to remain in the realms of anthropology and Christo-
logy, in the Syriac world its use was broader and not, at least
before the fifth century, so vigorously conditioned by Stoic
natural philosophy. 80 Although the bold and frequent use of
mixing language by Ps.-Macarius may jar the ear accus-
tomed to other Greek authors, if one listens within a Syriac
milieu his language may well sound quite at home. The
Syrian background of the people who attracted the name
'Messalians' is evident from the historical materials; now one
can begin to explore the implications of this background for
language and imagery. Movement of people and their ideas
across linguistic and cultural lines challenges them and their
11 Cap. 33 (p. 103. 16).

78 Cap. 56 (p. 117. 13).
79 Non-theological uses: Cap. 44 (p. 110. 19), 50 (p. 113. 19 and 21); Kpao,s of
soul and body: Cap. 83 (p. 143. 17), Vis.Q. 29 (p. 179. 21); against 'mixing'
(lmµ,yvvvat) our words with those of Scripture: Cap. 68 (p. 128. 15-16); God is not
mixed (avyK<Kpaµivos) with visible things in the universe: Catech. 5 (p. 181. 10).
80 After Ephrem, the influence of Greek thought on Syriac writers became more
pronounced. On the use of mixing language by later Syrian writers dealing with
Greek Christological texts, see the essay by Lebon, 'La Christologie du monophy-
sisme syrien', 442-76, passim.
neighbours to find ways of communicating deeply held

understandings of God, the human person, and human
destiny. This communication, tragically, is often one-sided
or misunderstood. When one examines the spiritual voca-
bulary of Ps.-Macarius, especially the most striking ele-
ments of it, one may well be confronting an example of such
cross-cultural transmission and translation. A look at the
Syriac tradition of mixing language can help equip one for
such an examination.
IN EARLY SYRIAC LITERATURE
It has been seen that Christian authors writing in Greek,

largely influenced by Stoic usage, found mixing language
appropriate for anthropological and, before the fifth century,
for Christological discussions. Some authors, notably Clem-
ent of Alexandria and Origen in the third century, and
Gregory of Nyssa in the fourth, extended the metaphors to
descriptions of the soul's encounter with God. In such cases,
careful avoidance of graphic or 'materialistic' understand-
ings of this language is evident, and one particular word,
avaKepaVVVf-1,L, and its noun avaKpaaL<;, are favoured in descrip-
tions of the union between God and the soul. Ps.-Macarius
stands apart from this cautious approach. He uses a variety
of mixing words, in a variety of ways, and finds mixing
language most helpful for his discussion of the subject for
which his predecessors found such language most problem-
atic: union with God. When one turns to Syriac literature, it
immediately becomes evident that mixing metaphors are
important tools for many authors, especially Ephrem81 and
the anonymous author of the Liber graduum. The range of
topics to which the Syriac mixing words mzag, '/Jlat, 82 and
'rab are applied is wide. In the writings of the early Syriac
authors of particular interest for this study ( those writing
before 400), the influence of Hellenistic Christianity with its
debt to classical philosophy and categories of thinking is less
manifest than in later texts. Although it is no longer possible
to insist upon the absolute 'purity' of early Syriac texts vis-a-
81 See Brock, Luminous Eye, 131. 82 See Brock, Holy Spirit, 7-8 on !Jlat.
vis Hellenistic culture, 83 the prevalence of mixing metaphors
in Syriac texts cannot be attributed to a Stoic vocabulary.
Mixing language is for Syriac writers a native metaphor,
rooted in the vivid Semitic approach to imagery which is so
evident throughout their work. The extent and range of
mixing language in Syriac literature is unmatched by any-
thing in Greek Christian literature, with the exception of the
works of Gregory of Nyssa and Ps.-Macarius. And, upon
closer examination, it becomes clear that it is Ps.-Macarius,
and not Gregory, who would be most at ease among these
Syriac wordsmiths.
Before Ephrem
Two passages in the mysterious but fascinating Odes of
Solomon can introduce Syriac mixing language. These texts
are now generally considered to be the oldest extant Syriac
literature, with a date before 200. 84 The third Ode, on the
lover (=the believer) and the beloved (=the Son of God),
contains the line: '[To him] I have been united (etmazget)
because the lover has found the beloved; because I love that
one who is a Son, I shall be a son. ' 85 Like so many of the most
beautiful passages in the Odes, this one resists dismember-
ment by analysis, but somewhere in the background of this
image is the biblical notion of 'they shall become one flesh'.
The union described, then, is intimate and complete, indeed
so complete that the lover takes on the filial status of the
beloved. In the nineteenth Ode, the well-known description
of the plentiful milk from the breasts of the Father, the literal
sense of mzag is illustrated in the striking (though myster-
ious) lines, 'The Holy Spirit opened her bosom,/ And mixed
(mezgat) the milk from the two breasts of the Father.' 86 The
same word, mzag, serves the odist in both cases.
The Syriac Acts of Judas Thomas, probably of third-
century Mesopotamian origin, 87 contain some examples of
83 For views on this complex and unresolved issue, see Murray, 'Hellenistic-
Jewish Rhetoric', 79-80 and passim; Drijvers, 'Hellenistic and Oriental Origins',
25-6, and 'Facts and Problems', 174; Millar, 'Paul of Samosata', 2-5.
85 Ode 3. 7, p. 18.
86 Ode 19. 4, p. 81; trans. Charlesworth, p. 82.

mixing language, but these are less striking than the 'dwell-
ing language' which will be studied in the next section of this
chapter. The verb }Jlat appears several times with the mean-
ing, 'to unite, to join', as in Judas Thomas' prayer that the
Lord unite (}JZ:ut, imperative) the king to his fold. 88 There is
also marital imagery, as in the Odes, using both }Jlat and
mzag. Mygdonia refuses to sleep with her earthly husband
'because greater than you is my Lord Jesus, with whom I
was united (et}Jaltet)'. 89 In this context one may compare
Judas Thomas' prayer which declares that 'we have left our
family for your sake, that we might be joined (netmzeg) to
your family ... we have left our wives of the flesh and earthly
fruits that we might be joined (net}Jlet) in your union
Cliultanak) of truth.' 90 The parallel drawn between worldly
marriage and being united to the Lord suggests an emphasis
on the intimate and indissoluble nature of this union. Greek
authors use µ.igi, as a word for 'marriage', but do not apply it
mystically. In the Acts, mzag is also used for the re-creation
of human beings in baptism; Judas Thomas praises baptism
as 'mingler (mmazzgat) of soul and body, and establisher of
the new man in the Trinity'. 91 There are also three occur-
rences of mzag or }Jlat in non-theological contexts; 92 it is
noteworthy that the majority of uses of mixing language are
in euchological or similar passages.
Aphrahat does not use mixing language for spiritual or
theological purposes. He uses mzag once, referring to a
'mixed cup'. 93 He uses }Jlat twice to speak of one virtue being
88 Wright, (192]; cf. Klijn, 77 (eh. 25). Cf. (322] and (323]/Klijn, 148 (eh. 156),
'mingle them with Thy sheep', and 'mingle them with Thy number'. The Greek
version uses Ka-r&.µ.n[ov in the first case (p. 140), and forms of <yKa-raµ.{yvuµ., in eh.
156 (pp. 265-6).
89 Wright, (265]/Klijn, 115 (eh. 98). The Greek version simply reads, 'the one
who is with me' (d avv ,µ.oi wv, p. 210).

' 0 Wright, (231]/Klijn, 97 (eh. 61). The Greek version reads Ka-raµ.,yvwµ.£v and
KOLVWV~<JWf.L£V £K£{V'[/ 'Tfj KOLVwv{q. 'Tfj 1rapaµ.6vq, Ka/ O.AT//J.vfj (p. 178).
91 Wright, [301]/Klijn, 135 (eh. 132). The Greek, with a somewhat different
sense, has µ.nyvvov (p. 239).

92 A 'mixed' (mzagta) draught of wine: Wright, (290]/Klijn, 129 (eh. 120), Kpaa,s
in Greek (p. 230). Twice in the Hymn of the Pearl: 'They dealt (}Jlatw) with me
treacherously' (Wright, (275]/Klijn, 122 (v. 32)), Greek aw<µ.£,[av (p. 221); 'I was
mingled (et}Jaltet) with his princes' (Wright, (279]/Klijn, 125 (v. 101)), Greek
Ka'T£f.L£LYVVf.LT/V (p. 224).
93 Vol. 1, col. 268. 3.
joined to another, 94 and comments that one who comes to

baptism is 'joined' to the people of God (me{!Jalat). 95 The
verb 'rab does not occur in Aphrahat's writings. 96
In the Writings of Ephrem and Later Authors

It is no surprise to find that the most extensive and creative
use of mixing language in early Syriac literature is to be
found in the hymns of Ephrem. 97 He uses mixing metaphors
in reference to every aspect of Christian life, particularly the
Incarnation, sacraments, and Christ's relationship with the
believer. He also uses such language to describe the work of
Satan. Appendix 8 indicates the range and frequency of
mixing language in the works of Ephrem which were sur-
veyed for this study. 98
Where Ephrem uses mixing language with a theological
intention, the most frequent application is to the Incarna-
tion, to the union of Father, Son, and Spirit in the Trinity,
or to the bond between Father and Son. However, Ephrem's
use of mixing metaphors for the Incarnation differs in an
important respect from that of the Greek fathers. The Greek
authors reviewed above focus primarily on the actual union
of divinity and humanity, and seek language to elucidate the
mystery. Thus their appeal to Stoic terminology: a vocabul-
ary was at hand which could be used to describe, by analogy,
how two unlike qualities could be combined. Ephrem's
perspective, especially in his hymns, is quite different. His
discussion of the Incarnation is rarely abstract. He does not
postulate 'divinity' and 'humanity' and then explain their
conjunction in Christ. 99 Rather, he approaches the issue like
94 Vol. 1, cols. 12. 20-1 and 33. 3.
95 Vol. 1, col. 528. 13-14.
96 Aphrahat does use another verb from the same root, with an alternative
vocalization ('reb), meaning 'to set' (as in 'the sun sets').

97 For the purposes of this study, the hymns De epiphania are included among the
works of Ephrem, although Beck and others consider the attribution to be incorrect.
The use of mixing (and dwelling) language in these hymns is comparable to that in
the genuine hymns of Ephrem, and these texts are certainly representative of early
Syriac tradition even if they are not Ephrem's own work.
98 Some uses of mixing language in Ephrem's work could be listed under several
headings: his rich metaphors cannot always be reduced to single topics. In

Appendix 8, only the primary theme in each instance has been counted.
99 Although in E.C. 14. 29 (p. 138) he does write of the three 'orders' in the Lord:
the divinity in itself, the divinity and the humanity mingled (/J[ita' 'it), and the
humanity itself.
this: God's intention was 'to show us himself, and to unite

(nmazzeg) his Son with us, and to mix (n!J,allet) his Spirit
with us, and to show his love to us' . 100 Or these lines from the
Contra haereses: 'The Firstborn put on real limbs / and was
mingled (etmazzag) in with humanity. / He gave what
belongs to Him / and took what belongs to us, / so that His
mingling (muzzageh) / might give life to our mortal state.' 101
This perspective is no surprise, given Ephrem's method or
style. He was not a product of the Hellenistic world, and
therefore he was not endeavouring to forge a synthesis of
classical thought and Christian doctrine. He was first and
last a poet, and wonder is the theme foremost in his work.
And so one finds the many examples of his play with
divine names or divine virtues, as he marvels at the conjunc-
tion of diverse qualities in God or in Christ. 102 These
descriptions always use mzag. No need to posit a God who is
aµ.iKTos: Ephrem's God is the grand synthesis. This indicates
another difference between Ephrem's use of mixing lan-
guage and the Greek usage. For Ephrem, the stress falls on
the unity achieved through mixing, rather than upon the
composite nature of a mixture. Thus he uses mixing lan-
guage more freely than the Greek fathers to describe the
union of Father and Son, or among the persons of the
Trinity. 103 Here, too, paradox andjuxtaposition of contraries
occurs: 'One are Father and Son, because their nature is one:
one in one without wandering (paheyn), one in another they
are joined (IJ,li(in), one in one they are distinct (prilin): Praise
to your union (IJ,ultanak)!' 104 And of the Trinity: 'The
100 H.fid. 41. 6 (p. 134).

101 H.c.haer. 32. 9 (p. 129), trans. Brock, Luminous Eye, 13 1. Cf. the similar
passage in H.nat. 21. 12 (p. 107). Other uses of mixing language for the Incarnation:
H.fid. 54. 5 (p. 169); H.eccl. 27. 7 (p. 64), 49. 6 (p. 126); H.nat. 3. 9 (p. 21) and 17
(p. 23), 8. 2 (p. 59), 18. 29 (p. 97), 22. 14 (p. 112); C.Nis. 27. 18 (p. 62), 35. 8 (p. 4);
S.D.N. 3 (p. 3. 23), 5 (p. 5. 6), 34 (p. 32. 10, cf. 32. 14); E.C. 1. 8 (p. 8). See Beck,
Ephriims Trinitiitslehre, 33.
102 In God the Father: H.fid. 55. 12 (p. 173); H.c.haer. 14. 5 (p. 51). Of Christ:
H.eccl. 5. 21 (p. 15); H.nat. 25. 5 (p. 129), cf.27.11 (p. 139); H.virg. 4. 5 (p. 14), 28.
1-2 (p. 101), 30. 1 (p. 109); H.crucif. 1. 2 (p. 42); Hjejun. 3. 1 and 3 (pp. 7-8);
S.D.N. 53 (p. 50. 17); H.c.haer. 3. 8 (p. 12), 51. 6-7 (p. 197).
103 See Beck, Ephriims Trinitiitslehre, 33-49, 86-93.
104 H.fid. 32. 16 (p. IIO). Cf. 40. 2-3 (pp. 130-1), 61. 2 (p. 188), 77. 13, 16, 17
(pp. 235-6); H.c.haer. 3. 8 (p. 12). In a note to H.fid. 32. 16, Edmund Beck notes,
Trinity is mixed (/1lit): separated (mparras), blended (mzzg),

mixed (}Jlit).' 105
Mixing language plays a prominent role in Ephrem's
sacramental imagery. The compactness of the hymnic form
makes it difficult to disentangle the thematic strands of his
work; within a single strophe of a hymn he moves between
the Incarnation, sacraments, and the union of Christ and
believer. This is especially noticeable in the hymns De
Epiphania, where incarnational and baptismal themes are
constantly intertwined, but is also found in hymns which are
more certainly by Ephrem. Divinity has mixed (mezgat) its
leaven with the waters (of the Jordan) so that human bodies
can be joined (m}Jallat) with divinity; divine fire mixes
(mzag) with baptism so that our bodies can be mixed
(etmzegw) with fire and the Holy Spirit. 106 The linguistic and
thematic association of Christ with the oil of baptismal
anointing, msi}Ja and mes}Ja, represents the hidden divinity
mingled (etmzeg) with the visible. 107 The anointing signifies
the sprinkling of life-giving blood, recalling the blood of the
old covenant sprinkled upon the altar, but here the purifica-
tion and blessing is within the body, and the life-giving
blood mixes (mazga) with the conscience. 108 In another
reference to the Old Testament in the eighth hymn De
Epiphania, it is said that God allowed his greatness to come
down and rest upon Moses, and God 'mingled' (mzag) the
splendour of divine glory with Moses' mortality; this was a
prefigurement of baptism. 109 Through anointing the bap-
tized become part of (et}Jallatw) the Lord's family. 110 So too
'Die syrische Wurzel (l]l&) hat zunachst die Bedeutung des griechischen krasis,
bedeutet aber dann eine innigste Vereinigung auch ohne Aufhebung u. Schwa-
chung der lndividualitat der Geeinten.' See CSCO 155/Syr. 74, p. 90, n. 7.
IOl H.fid. 40. 2 (p. 130). Cf. 40. 3-5 (pp. 130-1), 40. 8 (p. 132), 62. 12 (p. 194), 73.
4 (p. 223), 73. 8 (p. 224), 74. 4 (p. 226); H.c.haer. 6. 15 (p. 26).
106 H.epiph. 4. 5 (p. 155); cf. 8. 4 (p. 169) and 8. 6 (p. 170). See also 8. 1 (p. 168), 9.
5 (p. 177); H.fid. 40. 9-10 (the Holy Spirit mixed with the water, p. 132); S.D.N. 55
(Jesus mixes the Holy Spirit into water, p. 51 ). In each instance it is a matter of the
baptismal water being the vehicle of divine life to the baptized Christian.
107 H.epiph. 3. 1 (p. 146).
108 Ibid. 3. I I (p. 148).
109 Ibid. 8. 2 (p. 168).
110 Ibid. 4. 1 (p. 154); cf. 9. 11 (p. 179) on baptism as the descent of light and the
ascent of the understanding (re'yiinii) to heaven so they may be united (netmazgun)

in one love.
the baptismal salt, symbolizing Christ who is the salt from

Mary, which heals when mixed (etmazgat) with water.11 1
Christ's garment is mingled (mz"ig) with the garment of the
baptized. 112 Similar imagery is used for the eucharist, which
is fire and Holy Spirit mixed and received in the hand. 113
The eucharist is the new way for Christ's body to be mixed
(etmzeg) with ours, 114 just as the Last Supper was the
occasion for the blood of the True Lamb to be mixed
(etmzeg) within the disciples. 115 In an attack on the Mani-
chaeans, Ephrem writes that the Lord would not have mixed
(mazzeg) his 'mysteries' with the body if the body were from
evil. 116 There are several references to the Lord's 'mixing'
the cup of his blood (all using mzag), 117 including one
passage describing the mixing of his blood with the 'feasts
and Sabbaths' of the people. 118
Against this background, it may be expected that Ephrem
will speak freely of the mingling of God or Christ or the
Holy Spirit with one who believes. The sacramental ex-
amples are perhaps the most striking, but there are others.
We are exhorted to pray for the Holy Spirit to come down, so
that we can mix it (nmazzgih) within ourselves and so fly to
heaven on its wings; 119 later in the same hymn, the Lord is
asked, 'As you mix (mazzegt) your power in us, mix (mazzeg,
pa'el imperative) your name in our name, so that our name
can become beautiful in your name.' 120 In a play on the
Syriac letter yod, which is the first letter of 'Jesus' and also
the sign for the number 'ten', Ephrem comments, 'Numbers
depend on the perfection [of ten], as all of our minds
(re'yanayn) are united (metmazg"in) in J esus.' 121 The stories of
111 H.epiph. 8. 22 (p. 175). Cf. H.fid. 12. 1 (p.56) on the salt of truth which Christ
mixes with human minds.

112 H.epiph. 4. 2 (p. 154).
113 H.fid. lO. 14 (p. 5 l ).
11 • H.virg. 37. 2 (p. 133).

115 H.azym. 5. 16 (p. 12).
116 H.c.haer. 43. 3 (p. 171).
117 H.eccl. 4. 15 (p. 12), H.nat. 4. 95 (p. 34), H.azym. 2. 7 (p. 4). On Ephrem's
application of mixing language to the eucharist, see Yousif, L'Eucharistie, 209-10.

118 H.azym. 19. 23 and 25 (p. 36).
119 H.eccl. 2r. 1 (p. 46).
120 Ibid. 2r. 4 (p. 47).
121 H.nat. 27. 13 (p. 139).

the gospel are mingled (mmazzagta) with both the divine and
the human. 122
The intensity, or literalness, of the imagery varies. Some
of the uses of }Jlat clearly mean 'to join, to be joined', rather
than 'to mix, to be mixed'. Christ in heaven is still joined
(}]tit) to those on earth, as he joins (}Jalet) them at table; 123 the
Lord is closely bound (/Jttt) to his possessions ( = his
people), so that when they seek him, even if they are far
away, he carries them.12 4 Through baptism Christians are
united (met}Jal{in) to the flock. 125 These passages recall some
of those in the Acts of Judas Thomas mentioned above, as
does a description of the Son of the King who has come and
espoused the Church of the Gentiles, uniting (mazzgah) it
with him, and being united (etmazzag) to it. 126 In other parts
of Ephrem's work, the literal meaning of 'to mix, to be
mixed', especially when he uses mzag, is central to the
metaphor .127 In some cases the literal sense is explicit in the
image, as when Ephrem writes about Cana that the Lord
'mixed (mzag) from his own at the wedding feast; he mixed
(mzag) his wine and gave to drink where he was a guest.' 128
The eucharistic overtone is strong, but the image is anchored
in conventional use of mixing language. Similarly, 'your
compassion, Lord, may temper (npakkah) the cup which my
sins have mixed (mzagw).' 129
More typical are cases in which mixing language refers to
God's love (or other form of presence) involved in human
lives or various events. Here the mixing metaphors explain
122 E.C. l. 8 (p. 8).

123 H.virg. 26. 9 (p. 132).
124 H.fid. 72. 23 (p. 222). Cf. 18. 5 (p. 70), with mzag: 'if the spirit suffers, then it
is entirely sealed with the Father; if the soul suffers, it is entirely united (mz"igii)
with the Son; and if the body confesses and burns, it communes entirely with the
Holy Spirit.'
125 H.epiph. 3. 16 (p. 150). Cf. H.c.haer. 34. 4 (p. 136): to hate Satan is to be
joined (mz"ig) to righteousness.

126 H.resur. 3. 7 (p. 86). Cf. Acts of Judas Thomas, eh. 61 (Wright, [231]/Klijn,
97), and H.fid. 6. 5 (p. 26), where Christ is described as joined (/Jfitii) with the
prophets and united (mz"igii) with the apostles.
127 Note that Ephrem uses mzag when describing the blend or synthesis of
qualities in God or Christ.

128 H.nat. 4. 207 (p. 44).
129 C.Nis. 4. 21 (p. 17).

an unseen but effective presence. Jesus' actions in his earthly

ministry are characterized as 'mixing peace' (mazzeg) in a
stormy sea, 'mixing' (mazzeg) his reason (hawna) in those
who were mad, 'mixing' (nmazzeg) his forgiveness in all
things to heal every pain. 130 The first stanza of the hymn on
the Church included in the collection De paradiso ends,
'Blessed be he whose power came down and was made one
(etmzeg) with his Churches.' 131 In a beautiful passage from
one of the Carmina Nisibena, the nurturing power of God's
love is described in a way which emphasizes its pervasive
quality: 'For it is in our Lord that the root of faith is grafted;
though far off, he is still close to us in the fusion of love
(muzzag l}ubba). Let the roots of our love be bound up in
him: Let the full extent of his compassion be fused (netmaz-
gun) in us.' 132 Elsewhere the Lord's love is described as a
'hidden power' he mixed (mzag) into our weakness, 133 the
love which in the first creation was 'infused (mztg) in
perfection' of the human being. 134 One of the Nisibene
hymns has the refrain, 'Blessed are you who have mixed
(miag) your love in us!' 135 Faith is the medium for the
infusion of divine presence; in the hymns Defide, Ephrem
writes of bringing one's faith to the Son, who mixes it
(mazzgah) with (or in) his substance ("ituta). 136 When the
Lord ate with sinners, his purpose was to mix (nel}lot) his
teaching with the mortal food they shared. 137 Faith is a
'second soul', which with love and wisdom allows one to be
joined (metmzeg) to divinity and fashioned in its image. 138
Like Ps.-Macarius, Ephrem applies mixing language to
130 The first two: H.eccl. 39. 3 (p. 98); the third: E.C. 22. 5 (p. 238). Cf. E.C. 12. 3
(p. 76), the Lord's action (or 'working', 'iibodutii) is mingled (/Jlitii) with every-
thing.
131 In Beck's edition of the H.parad., p. 67. The translation is that of Murray in
Symbols, 106.
m C.Nis. 50. 6 (p. 69), trans. Brock, Harp of the Spirit, 57; cf. 18. 4, as in
Murray, Symbols, 92.
133 H.jejun. 5. 5 (p. 14).
134 C.Nis. 69. 4 (p. 111), trans. Brock, Harp of the Spirit, 77.
"' C.Nis. 18. 4 (p. 48).

136 H.fid. 13. 2 (p. 60).
m S.D.N. 15 (p. 12).

m H.fid. 80. 3 (p. 246). On faith as the 'second soul', cf. H.c.haer. 41. 11 (p. 167).
The Messalians were accused of teaching that it was necessary for one to acquire
another soul (J 16); this accusation is based on a Ps.-Macarian text which refers to
the presence and workings of evil. Satan can mix (memzag)
his thinking into our mind, and his words into our words, 139
and he mixes (IJ,alet) filth in our limpidity. 140 The Evil One
mixed (IJ,lat) his bitterness in sweetness, his darkness in light,
and so on. 141 Our dwelling-place, the body, united (mmaz-
zag) as it is to all evils, none the less remains more desirable
to us than Paradise. 142 Evil mixed (mzag) a cup to show
bitterness to all, 143 and mingled its feasts with those of the
Hebrews. 144 This application of mixing language to evil is
not frequent in Ephrem's hymns, but it does occur, and in
ways similar to other mixing images. In his anti-Manichaean
works, Ephrem vigorously opposes the idea that human
beings have within them a mix (muzzaga) of good and evil;
he sees this dualism as a negation of human free will, and as a
misunderstanding of the true nature of evil. 145 Ephrem's
involvement in controversies with Manichaean elements in
Syriac Christianity may well explain his reluctance to use
mixing language more frequently as a way of describing sin
in the human person. He certainly does not seem to be
uncomfortable with the metaphor itself.
Later Syriac texts continue to illustrate the mystical use of
mixing language. Philoxenos describes perfection as consist-
ing of the health of the soul, when the mind (hawna) is
mingled (etmzeg) with the (Holy) Spirit, and is dead to
human ways. 146 In another text, he comments that after
baptism the water and oil may not remain, but through them
the creation of a new heart, a heavenly vovs in the fow 11.vBpwwos, and a divine soul in
the soul, a body in the body, so that one becomes llm.\ovs (111 10. 3. 4, cf. H 52. 5,
and the discussion above of the anti-Messalian lists).
139 H.fid. 64. 4 (p. 198).
140 H jejun. 1. 9 (p. 3).
141 C.Nis. 30. 8 (p. 70).
142 H.parad. 14. 3 (p. 59).
143 H.parad. 9. 2 (p. 36).
144 H.c.haer. 41. 17 (p. 168).
145 See Martikainen, Das Bose, 38-40 and 50. The most significant texts are in
what Beck refers to as the 'Letter to Hypatios'; the Syriac is in Overbeck, Opera
Selecta, 21-58, and Beck provides a German translation and commentary in
'Ephriiins Brief', 76--120. See especially the Syriac text in Overbeck, pp. 43. 14-17,
49. 17-50.25, 51. 2-5, 53. 10-11. The Manichaean myth to which Ephrem objects is
described by Puech in Le Manicheisme, 77.
146 Letter to Patrikios 16 (p. 760. 15-17).
the Holy Spirit has been mixed (metmzeg) in our souls and
bodies. 147 The Origenist monk Stephen Bar Sudaili (early
sixth century) in The Book of the Holy Hierotheos uses
the verb IJ,bk 148 to describe the eventual 'commingling' of the
perfect mind (hawna) with the Good; here, however, the
emphasis is on absorption or merger, for 'commingling' is a
step beyond unification (IJ,dayuta) and Stephen insists that all
distinctions cease when the final 'commingling' occurs. 149
IN THE LIBER GRADUUM

The m1xmg language of the Liber graduum, though less
extensive than that of Ephrem or of the Ps.-Macarian
writings, is as forceful and interesting. The Liber graduum
poses its own problem of interpretation with the word
'urbana, which is used to describe the presence of sin or the
Spirit in the soul. This key term is derived from the verb
'rab, a mixing verb not used by Ephrem or the other early
writers, but found in the Liber graduum along with its
derived noun.
Vocabulary and Usage

The author of the Liber graduum uses two verbs in mixing
images. One of them, mzag, is familiar from the other Syriac
writers surveyed above. The other, 'rab, is distinctively
associated with the Liber graduum. The verb IJ,lat is used only
once in this text in a relevant manner. As in the Ps.-Macarian
texts, so too in the Liber graduum one finds the choice of
verbs made along negative and positive lines. When the
147 See 'Memra de Philoxene de Mabboug sur )'inhabitation du Saint-Esprit', 46.
148 Not found in Aphrahat's writings, nor in the Liber graduum. The word !,bk
can mean 'confuse', 'confound', which is precisely Stephen Bar Sudaili's intention.
J. Payne Smith in the Compendious Syriac Dictionary (p. 123 B) notes that the word
tends to be used of dry rather than wet substances; in the Thesaurus Syriacus, 1174,
this is explained by reference to the lexica, although the evidence given is itself
somewhat confused.
149 See the edition and translation of Marsh, pp. 11 o*-120*. An example of
Stephen's thought is this passage from the Fourth Discourse: 'Do thou, then, my
son, know that All Things are destined to be commingled in the Father; nothing
perishes and nothing is destroyed, nothing is annihilated; All returns, All is
sanctified, All is made One, All is commingled, and the Word is fulfilled which was
said, "God shall be all and in all"' (p. 133; this is Marsh's translation of p. 120*).
On the place of Stephen's thought on Syrian Origenism and Dionysius the Ps.-
Areopagite, see Blum's 'Vereinigung und Vermischung'.
author writes of sin being mixed with the mind or the self, he
uses the verb mzag. 150 When he writes of the Holy Spirit
being mixed with human beings, he prefers the verb 'rab.
Like the Greek µ,{yvvµ,i, mzag is the more graphic of the two
verbs and suits the stark reality of sin in the human person.
Although mzag appears only four times in the Liber gra-
duum, one could not ask for more vigorous and far-reaching
use of the word. Sin 'was mixed' with human beings by
transgression of the precept (col. 813. 7); sin 'was mixed'
with us from birth (col. 580. 4); the mind is 'mixed' with
Satan (col. 277. 18) and sin is 'mixed' with one's body (col.
816. 11-12). 151 The one occurrence of IJ,lat is in a description
of marriage. 'Evil is mixed (IJ,eltat) in the marriage (sawtii-
putii) of kenutii' (col. 356. 23).
The verb 'rab occurs only twice in the Liber graduum to
describe the union of Holy Spirit with the human person.
The human person is described as a trinity resulting from
the combination of an inner self, an outer self, and the gifts
of the Spirit (col. 792. 20--5). More to the point for present
purposes is the interesting discussion in Memrii 3 on the
greater and lesser gifts. After comparing Martha's gift to
Mary's, the author comments that for those who have not
done [even] one fine thing (IJ,da sappirta), nothing from the
Spirit of the Lord is mingled (et'arrab) with them (cols. 72.
26-73. 6).
The 'urbanii of Sin and the Spirit

Although the Liber graduum does not use the verb 'rab
extensively, the noun 'urbanii plays a key role. The passage
just cited from Memrii 3 on Mary and Martha can introduce
this theme, which is one of the puzzles of the Liber graduum.
In that discussion of relative gifts, the author introduces his
concept of the 'urbiinii of the Spirit, a form of presence of the
Spirit which is less than full possession of it (the portion of
150 This is the verb used in the Peshitta text of Isa. 19: 14. The Peshitta is no more
helpful than the LXX in shedding light on the origins of this language.
151 Pe' al passive participle: cols. 277. 18, 816. 12. Ethpe' el or ethpa' al: cols. 580.
4, 81 3. 7. Cf. the use in col. 856. 4 of msawtap, paulel passive participle from sawtep,
to describe sin's relationship with the body; this word is often used in the Liber
graduum to refer to sexual intercourse (see Memra 15, passim), but can also mean
simply, 'associate'.
Mary and Moses) and which is used to characterize Martha's

portion. Elsewhere the Liber graduum distinguishes the
lesser gift of the 'urbana of the Holy Spirit from the greater
gift of the Spirit Paraclete along the lines of the distinction
between kenuta and gmzruta. One who is married (col. 384.
2-4), who is engaged in corporal ministry (col. 76. 21-3),
who remains in kenuta without seeking gmzruta (col. 373.
21-2), can possess the 'urbana of the Holy Spirit. The
practical difference between the 'urbana of the Spirit on the
one hand, and the Paraclete on the other, is that the 'urbana
being a partial gift of the Spirit, coexists with sin in the
human person. Thus the conflict between the 'urbana of sin
or of Satan (cols. 68. 22, 69. 5) and the 'urbana of the Spirit.
The conception here is strongly physical/material: one can
be 'empty' of the 'urbana (col. 68. 15) or have 'a little 'urbana'
(col. 17. 1-2); one who lacks the requisite good works for the
'urbana can have nothing of the Spirit 'mixed' (et'arrab) with
him (col. 73. 2-7).
The problem is that the word 'urbana appears nowhere in
Syriac literature except in the Liber graduum. It would seem
that 'urbana is derived from 'rab. Thus Kmosko translates
'urbana in his parallel Latin version of the Liber graduum as
'commixtio'. But as he noted in the addenda to his edition of
the Liber graduum, prepared twenty years after the text itself,
the verb 'urbana also means 'to pledge'' so that 'urbana could
mean 'pledge' ('pignus', col. 1163). In fact, the root 'rb can
have four different meanings, of which two are potentially
relevant here. First, when vocalized 'reb, the word means 'to
set', as in 'the sun sets'. This meaning can be placed to the
side. But when vocalized 'rab the verb can mean: ( 1) 'to
sponsor, to pledge'; (2) 'to mix, to mingle'; (3) 'to sift'. The
first two are the ones to examine more closely. Does 'urbana
as a noun derived from the root 'rb, mean 'pledge' or
'commixture/ commingling'?
The Syriac 'rab is the equivalent of the Hebrew 'arab,
from which derives the Hebrew word 'erabon (cf. Gen.
38:17, 18), which the translators of the Septuagint simply
transliterated as appa/3wv. 152 The word is of course most
152 On o.ppaf3wv as loan-word, see Muss-Arnolt, 'On Semitic Words', 120; Lewy,
Die semitischen Fremdwiirter, 120; Schall, Studien, 99.
familiar from the New Testament, where it refers to the
'pledge (or promise) of the Spirit' (2 Cor. 1:22, 5:5; Eph.
1:14). The Peshitta New Testament transliterates the Greek
into Syriac, producing rahbuna. 153 Antoine Guillaumont has
argued that 'urbana is actually an early (pre-Peshitta) Syriac
version of 'erabon, a form later supplanted by rahbuna, which
is transliterated from appaf3wv. 154
As Kmosko remarks, because the form 'urbana is not in
the lexica, 'in determining its significance, one must turn to
etymology and context' (col. 1163). But the lexica should not
be abandoned yet. It is true that Payne Smith's Thesaurus
Syriacus cites only passages from the Liber graduum (attri-
buted to Philoxenos on the basis of a MS title) for 'urbana. 155
Brockelmann has no entry for 'urbana. But lexical evidence
permits the following conclusions. First, if 'urbana is the
equivalent of 'erabon/appa{3wv, the Liber graduum is the only
known text in which this is the case. 156 Second, the Thesaurus
Syriacus includes three nouns deriving from 'rab which
mean 'pledge'. They are: ( 1) 'araba, 'sponsor', of Sirach 29:
14,15 and Hebrews 7:22 (col. 2982, from the Greek lyyvos}
and (2) the similar 'aruba (col. 2984, from Adler's MS
Lexicon); and (3) 'arabuta (col. 2983) of Proverbs 17:18 and
22:26 (from the Hebrew 'rb), and Sirach 29:18 (from the
Greek lyyv7J}. Two words derive from 'rab with the meaning
of 'mix': (1) 'urbana, 'commixtio' (col. 2980) and (2) m'ar-
buta 'commistio, confusio' (col. 2985). Neither of these two
words is common, neither is scriptural, but the first comes
close to 'urbana in form, with the introduction of the letter
waw after the initial guttural.
Now to context. First, a point about what is not there. The
author of the Liber graduum does not appeal to Scripture for
the concept of 'urbana. If he did so, one would expect either
an Old Testament passage referring to 'pledge' (although the
Peshitta Old Testament does not use 'urbana) or a New
153 In the Peshitta of Gen. 38:17-18, the Hebrew 'erab6n is translated by the
Syriac meskana. Rahbuna appears only in the New Testament. The Hexapla reads
rahbuna for Gen. 38:17; see Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 3830.
154 See 'Les Arrhes de !'Esprit dans le Livre des degres', and 'Situation et
signification du Liber graduum', 3 1 3-20.

155 Apart from an irrelevant variant of 'arba, 'poplar or willow' as in Job 40:21.
See Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 2980.

156 Cf. Aphrahat's usage as summarized by Schall. Studien. 08.
Testament passage referring to the appaf3wv. None of the

New Testament texts referring to dppaf3wv is cited in the
Liber graduum, meaning that one cannot verify Guillau-
mont's hypothesis by checking the Liber graduum's version
of those texts. Whereas the Liber graduum's description of
the work of the Paraclete is obviously based on the Johan-
nine promises, the references to the 'urbana have no obvious
biblical source. 157
Second, the role attributed to the 'urbana in the Liber
graduum is that of a good power sent to oppose an evil one.
Some people have no 'urbana of the Spirit, and are con-
demned; others have 'urbana of the Spirit and 'urbana of sin,
coexisting but struggling within one and the same person;
other people have defeated the 'urbana of sin and are
reckoned as kene, 'just ones', and may if they wish advance to
gmzruta. Finally there are those who are filled with the Spirit
every day and every hour, having received the promised
Paraclete. But although there are different levels of progress
or growth, the 'urbana of the Spirit is not depicted as the
first-fruits of something else, but as a gift in its own right. 158
Thus it is comparable to Ps.-Macarius' descriptions of grace
being mingled with the soul to help it towards perfection.
The statements about the 'urbana cited at the start of this
discussion, with their 'material' or 'spatial' tone, and the two
points just made would seem to indicate that 'urbana is
closer to 'rab meaning 'to mix', than to the other meaning of
'to pledge'. It is impossible to conclude further, and Kmosko
rightly cautions against trying to draw too sharp a distinc-
157 Desprez notes Ps.-Macarius' use of the phrase 'the beginning of the sub-
stance' (apx~ Tiis v1roaTaa<ws, Heb. 3: 14) to describe the gift of the Spirit in baptism
( 1 43. 1 ), and suggests that this a parallel to the concept of the appaµwv (z Cor. 1:22
and Eph. 1:14). Ps.-Macarius also uses the concept of the appaµwv. It may be that
the 'ii.rbana is to be similarly understood: as analogous to, but not identical with, the
metaphor of appaµwv. See Desprez, 'Le Bapteme chez le Pseudo-Macaire', 144-5.
158 The Ps.-Macarian texts contain language of the sort one would expect to find
in the Liber graduum if 'ii.rbana meant appaµwv, as in I 43. 3, 'thus we say that in one
who believes, the gift of the Spirit and the appaµwv of the inheritance increase
(ai![wOa,) until one is made perfectly worthy of the entire inheritance (that is of the
Paraclete Spirit of Sonship), advancing (1rpoK61rTwv) and running right through
every virtue and zeal'.
tion. 159 But one can say that the significance of the 'urbana of
the Spirit is the same as that of the presence of sin in the
human person: vivid, real, active. Whether it be 'commix-
ture' or 'pledge' (or both), it is certainly 'presence'. The
evidence would justify including the term among other
forms of mixing language.
CONCLUSION
This brief review of Syriac sources indicates that Syriac

writers use mixing language with a vividness and directness
which sets them quite apart from their Greek-speaking
contemporaries. Among the Greek writers, with the notable
exception of Ps.-Macarius, mixing language tends to be used
as a way of describing contact or association, rather than
'mingling', except when used in specific contexts (such as
anthropology and Christology) where it is used within ac-
cepted philosophical categories. The Syriac writers, free of
such constraints, and writing in a style which favoured
strong imagery, use mixing language much more freely. So
too does Ps.-Macarius.
The Indwelling of Sin and of the Spirit
METAPHORS OF INDWELLING IN THE Ps.-MACARIAN

WRITINGS
An equally common metaphor in the Ps.-Macarian writings

for the presence of sin and the Holy Spirit in the soul is the
image of 'dwelling' or 'indwelling'. 160 This imagery differs
from mixing metaphors in a crucial respect: the scriptural
159 'Advertendum autem est ex mente semitarum antiquorum pignori ('rbwn)
notionem commixtionis inhaerere; pignore nimirum dato bona debitoris et credi-

toris quodammodo commiscentur' (col. 1163).
160 For a brief discussion of this theme within a broader survey of Ps.-Macarius'
understanding of the Christian's communion with the Holy Spirit, see Dorries, Die
Theologie, 207-8.
sources for dwelling language are many and significant. In

the New Testament both sin and the Spirit are described as
'dwelling' in human persons, and the human body is de-
scribed as a 'temple' or 'house' inhabited by the Holy Spirit
or by demons. 161 Ps.-Macarius' use of dwelling language is
distinguished not by innovation, but by his extending the
application and range of such images. As is the case with
mixing language, his use of dwelling metaphors has a literal
quality which sets his work apart from the more cautious
approach of his predecessors and contemporaries. It was
seen earlier that comments about indwelling sin attracted the
attention of the anti-Messalian polemicists. Struggles
against Gnosticism and Manichaeanism after the era of the
New Testament writings made Christian writers hesitant to
use any language that seemed to emphasize a substantial
presence of sin, or to give too much substance to evil.
Dwelling language in the Ps.-Macarian corpus usually de-
scribes the positive side of the Christian life, the divine
presence. But as Appendix 9 indicates, Ps.-Macarius follows
161 The following list contains only the instances of when the words refer to sin,
evil spirits, God, the Holy Spirit/ Spirit/ Spirit of God, Christ, or divine attributes
or virtues dwelling in or among human beings.
olK<w: Rom. 7:17 ('the sin dwelling in me'; some MSS read ,vo,Kovoa), 7:18
('nothing good dwells in me'), 7:20 ('the sin dwelling in me'), 8:9 ('the Spirit of God
dwells in you'), 8: 11 ('if the Spirit of the one who raised Jesus from the dead dwells
in you'); r Cor. 3:16 ('the Spirit of God dwells in you').
,vo,K<w: Rom. 8: 11 ('through his Spirit dwelling in you'); 2 Cor. 6: 16 (in a
quotation of Lev. 26:11, although the LXX lacks this phrase, [God says]: 'I shall
dwell among them . . . '); Col. 3:16 ('may the word of Christ dwell in you
abundantly'); 2 Tim. 1:5 (the faith 'which dwelt first in your grandmother ... and
mother'); r: 14 ('through [the] holy Spirit dwelling in you').
,vo{K71a,s does not occur in the New Testament.
KaTo•K<w: Matt. 12:45/Luke u:26 ('brings with him seven other spirits more
wicked than itself and having entered, they dwell there'); Eph. 3:17 ('may Christ
dwell in your hearts through faith'); Col. r: 19 ('in him all the fullness was pleased to
dwell'), 2:9 ('in him all the fullness of divinity dwells bodily').
KaTo•KTJT11P•ov: Eph. 2:22 ('in whom you too are being built up into a dwelling-place
for God in the Spirit').
avvo•K<w: (appears only at r Pet. 3:7, with reference to how husbands should treat
their wives).
avvo,Kos does not occur in the New Testament.
KaTo,K{,w: Jas. 4:5 (purports to be a quotation, but the source is unknown: ' ...
the Spirit which dwells in us'). Cf. the 'dwelling' language of John 14, the
descriptions of the body or the human person as a 'temple' (r Cor. 3:16, 6:19; 2 Cor.
6: 16). There is also, of course, the theme of God's dwelling among the Israelites; see
Exod. 25:8, 40:34-5, etc.
the New Testament's lead in finding the concept of 'indwell-

ing' to be appropriate for describing the presence and
activity of sin in human beings. Whereas sin was the subject
of a small fraction of the uses of mixing language, a much
larger proportion of the uses of dwelling language pertains to
the workings of evil.
As in the vocabulary of mixing language, so here one finds
several related verbs with different prepositional prefixes.
And again there is some correlation of particular verbs with
particular categories of reference. Thus one sees from
Appendix 9 that in the Ps.-Macarian writings olKew is used
for all topics, evo,Kew has broad usage but often refers to sin
within the soul (although the derived noun, evo{K17cns, never
describes the presence of sin), avvo,Kew and avvo,Kos usually
refer to sin, and KaTo,Kew to the Lord (under various titles).
An examination of the New Testament texts reveals that
olKew is applied to both the evil and the divine, evo,Kew never
refers to sin, 162 KaTo,Kew describes divine realities except in
the Synoptic passage on evil spirits, and avvo,Kew appears
only in a reference to married life (avvo,Kos does not appear in
the New Testament). Whatever reasons Ps.-Macarius may
have for preferring one form to others in specific cases, he
does not draw them from the New Testament, although the
vocabulary of the New Testament doubtless influences his
use of dwelling imagery.
The language of dwelling/indwelling suits Ps.-Macarius'
purposes well. Unlike 'mixing language', this imagery more
readily admits of change and transformation, as one occupy-
ing power in the soul gives way to another. Sin dwells in the
soul, but can be evicted; the Holy Spirit can move in and
take up residence; they can even share the house. The term
oTKos or olK{a ('house', 'dwelling') frequently describes the
body or soul in the Ps.-Macarian texts, 163 as does va6s
162 Although some MSS do read ko,Kovoa at Rom. 7:17; see Nestle-Aland'6,
p. 421.
163 The body: I 29. 2. 5, 7, 9 and 48. 5. 10 (=II 5. 7); II 49. 4; the soul: I 4. 29. 4
(= II 15. 45), 9. 2. 7 (= II r. 7), 18. 6. 9, 53. r. 7, 54. 5. 5; II 28. 1 and 2; III 15. 3, 26.
5. 2; both: II 49. 4; III 16. 4-5; voiJs: I 5. 3. 3.
('temple'). 164 Perhaps this image explains his readiness to use

dwelling language more frequently than mixing language
when referring to sin, and also elucidates his clarification
about mixing language in the passage cited above about
wheat and tares ( I 46. 1. 2 ( = I I 16. 1) ): the point is that sin
can in fact be removed from the soul. Mixing language
makes the job sound much more difficult; it is far easier to
describe the eviction of a usurper than it is to explain how
one unmixes what has been previously compounded. 165 On
the other hand, mixing language is particularly appropriate
for the permanent reality of the Holy Spirit. The Spirit
naturally belongs with the soul, joined to it in the most
intimate manner possible. Sin, however, is an intruder, 'a
thief in the house' (1 4. 29. 10).
Like all of the terms used to describe the presence and
experience of sin in the soul, dwelling language presumes the
effective, if not substantial, reality of evil. 166 The two most
frequent phrases are 'indwelling sin' ( ~ JvoiKovaa aµ,apT{a), 167
echoing Romans 7:17 and 7:20, 168 and 'co-dwelling sin' (~
avvotKOS' . . . aµ,apT{a). 169 However, the range of dwelling
metaphors used for sin is much broader than these two
phrases. The passions, or bad things in general, an evil wind,
the wicked one, the spirit of darkness, the devil, Satan, and
other representations of the reality of sin and evil are all
described as 'dwelling' in the soul or finding a home in the
soul. 170 This tenancy is well established, begun when Adam
164 e.g. 1 40. 1. 13-14, where one is to cast down the idols in the heart. The
significance of the 'temple' image for dwelling language in the Ps.-Macarian texts
will be discussed below in the section on the Liber graduum.
165 However, the images can blur. See II 2. 2-3, where sin is described as
µ.,µ.,yµ.lv-r1 to the soul, sin and soul are compared to the wind and the sun, and it is
said that only God can separate the soul from sin, checking the evil wind which
dwells (TOV ,vo,KovvTa) in soul and body.
166 Ps.-Macarius neatly draws the distinction in 1 46. 1. 10-11 (=II 16. 5-6).
With respect to God, evil is not ,vv1r6UTaTov, but for human beings it is a reality
because it dwells (olK<<v) in the heart and works (<v<py<fv) there.
167 I 30. 4 (= II 14. 1), 38. 1-2, 56. I. 3 (= II 19. 2); II 2. 4; III 26. 3. I (twice).
168 Some MSS of Rom. 7:20 read ,vo<Kovaa, but the standard reading for both
passages is olKollua.
169 I 14. 8 (= II 43. 5), 32. 8. 9 (= II 15. 24); II 45· 2.
170 The evil one: II 2.3;H51. 2; evil: I 46. 1. 11 ( = I I 16. 6); TV h 1. 1; sin: I 18.
5. 1, 20. I. 2, 56. I. 4and 2. 2 (= II 19. 6); II 2. 3; opposing power: I 4. 29. 10; Satan:
1 9. 2. 7; passions: I 9. 2. 3 ( = II 1. 5); bad things: I 29. 2. 8; evil wind: II 2. 2; Spirit
of darkness: I 14. 35 (= 1142. 3); spirits of evil: I 14. 17; the devil: I 7. 16. 3 (= II 27.
19). .,
transgressed the commandment, 171 and continuing ever

since: 'the aforementioned bad things dwell (evoiKei) in every
soul and work (evepyefrai) through the passions of sin in
every [soul] which does not have Christ its King dwelling
(KaTOtKOVVTa) in it in all a'ta071ais and e1dyvwais and 1r>.71po-
cf,op{a' (I 29. 2. 8).
When it comes to dwelling language applied to the other
side of the conflict, it is usually the Lord, often as Bride-
groom or as Master of the household, who comes to dwell in
the soul: 'Woe to the soul whensoever it does not have Christ
its Master dwelling in it, for having been desolate and filled
with the stench of the passions, it becomes a haunt of evil' (II
28. 2; cf. I 29. 2. 6). The Holy Spirit does get mentioned, but
only half as often 172 as the Lord or the Bridegroom. In the
New Testament the proportions are more than reversed. In
the Ps.-Macarian texts, olKlw is used to describe God's
presence within Abraham (<pKEt EVTOS avTOv), 173 and within
the saints in a discussion of how saints can share in one
divine spirit, yet be distinct individuals, 174 but this equation
of indwelling with the inspiration of a biblical figure is
unusual. The recurring image in the Ps.-Macarian writings
of the Lord as Master of the household, or Bridegroom,
largely accounts for this surprising emphasis on the indwell-
ing of the Lord. 175 One can also detect the influence of
the Johannine promises that the Lord will come and make
a dwelling, 176 and of the allusion to Leviticus 26: II in
2 Corinthians 6:16: 'I will dwell in them and will walk in
them' (evoiK~aw EV avTOLS KUL eµ,1rep,1raT~aw). 177 The noun
evo{K71a,s is generally used for the Spirit; it is used also of the
Lord, but never for sin. 178
171 On Adam see, e.g. I 2. 5. 2, 2. 12. 2, 4. 30. 5, 25. 1. 11 and 2. 2, 27. 1. 12, 28. 1.
3-4, 29. 2. 7, 35· I, 42. 2, 50. I. I, 58. I. 4; Ill 25. 2. I.

172 Excluding the phrase ~ evo{K1Ja<s rov 1rv•vµ,aros ay{ov, the proportion drops to
almost one-fourth.
173 1 4. 14. 2 (twice).
174 I 44· 3· 3·
175 See I 4. 29. 4 (= II 15. 45), 18. 4. 1 and 6. 9 (cf. 21. 22, playing off of John
14:23),29. 2.5,40. 1. 1 (cf.John 15:5),54. 5. 5,61. 1. 1 and 13; 1128. 1 and2; III 15.
3, 16. 4. 3.
176 I 2 I. 22, 29. 2. I O, 40. I. I.
177 I 24. 13, 38. I. 3, 54· 2. 4; II 32. 6; III 16. 4· 3·
178 The Spirit: I 25. 2. 5, 26. 11, 40. 3. 4; E.M.9.11, 15, 17, and 13.15; the Lord:
I 27. 1. 9; III 25. 2. 4 and 6. 3.

There is a tension evident in the dwelling metaphors

between the coming of the Lord or of the Spirit to the soul in
aid of the struggle against sin, and their taking possession of
an already purified soul. The difference would be that
between coming to help clean the olKos of the soul, and
moving into an already prepared royal dwelling. Differences
in nuance aside, there is a theological point here, expressed
in one of the questions raised in the text: 'Can [both] sin and
the Holy Spirit dwell (oiKefv) in a human being, and be in
accord (avµ,cpwvefv)?' The answer comes that those who are
not yet perfect experience the conflicting winds of Spirit and
of sin, although the well-prepared oiK{a survives the storms
and eventually enjoys warm summer weather (1 18. 5. 1-2).
The metaphor of 'dwelling' fades and then disappears as the
reply continues, but the point has been made. Thus the Holy
Spirit dwells in the soul according to the measure of the
recipient's faith, and the presence increases with progress
towards the 'fullest indwelling' (77 TTATJpwraTTJ . .. evo{KTJa,s) of
the Holy Spirit (1 25. 2. 5). And so one is to pray that the
Lamb of God, already with the soul 'secretly' and 'partially',
might come openly to dwell in and to walk about in the soul
(1 38. 1. 3; cf. 2 Cor. 6:16 and Lev. 26:11). The goal, as so
often in the Ps.-Macarian texts, is to have the Lord within
, 8'TJUfl Kat\,evepyei9-
, at(]
t h e sou1 EV ' 7TVEvµ,aros
' ( II 14. 2 ) ' EV
, 7Ta(JTJ
'
Svvaµ,ei Kai 7TATJpocpop{9- (1 22. 2. 9), EV 7T0.(JTJ aia8~afl Kai
emyvwafl Kai 7TATJpocpop{9- ( I 29. 2. 8).
Because of the scriptural source of this language, 1t 1s no

surprise to find that other patristic writers use it. Two points
distinguish the Ps.-Macarian usage from that by other
writers: first, the emphasis on indwelling sin in the Ps.-
Macarian texts is much stronger than in the works of other
writers; second, other writers tend to stay closer to the
scriptural texts, and tend not to use dwelling language apart
from commenting on a scriptural text which uses it.
Clement is distinctly uncomfortable with descriptions of
indwelling evil,- and is at pains to ensure that a passage in the
Epistula Barnabae is not to be taken wrongly: 'He says that
sinners carry out activities pertaining to demons, but doesn't

say [that] the spirits themselves dwell in the soul of one who
is without faith.' 179 Such language, he states a few lines
earlier, is characteristic of Valentinus. 180 Origen, who fre-
quently writes of the indwelling by Father and Son (based
on John 14:23) 181 and who returns again and again to 2
Corinthians 6: 16, 182 has little to say about 'indwelling'
evil. 183 Methodius uses the phrases evo,Kovaa aµ,apTta 184 and
, A LI ,
,
€VOLKOVaa €7TWVf1,La.
185
Basil quotes Romans 7:17 in the Moralia and in the
Regulae brevius tractatae, but makes no particular com-
ment.186 In the De Spiritu Sancto he invokes the Pauline
image of the human being as temple of God, 187 and quotes
Romans 8: 11, 188 again without remark. Gregory of Nyssa
writes about the 'crowd of co-dwelling passions' (Twv avvo,-
KovvTwv 1ra8wv), 189 and of the Evil One who 'indwelt' the
serpent in the Garden. 190 In the treatise De virginitate,
Gregory uses dwelling language when referring to the pres-
ence of the immortal Bridegroom, 191 and in the homilies In
179 Str. 2. 20 (p. 176. 11-13), commenting on Barn. 16. 7-9.
180Ibid. (p. 174. 32 ff.). Valentinus refers to the heart and the 'many spirits
indwelling it'; cf. p. 175. 10-11, where Valentinus is quoted, 'the heart ... [is]
unclean, being the dwelling-place (olK71rrjpwv) of many demons'.
181 Or. 20. 2 (p. 344. 24-8); Prine. 1. 2 (pp. 17. 24-18. 2); Hom. in Jos. 24. 3
(pp. 450. 18-451. 11); Cant. 2 (p. 164. 23-165. 18); Jo. as we have it breaks off at
John 13:33. On the indwelling of the Holy Spirit, see Jo. 32. 7 (p. 436. 22).
182 Hom. in Gen. 1. 13 (p. 16. 11-14); Fr. in Mt. 152, II. 5-7 (p. 76); Cant. 2
(p. 164. 26-7); Hom. in Jos. 26. 1 (p. 458. 20-3); cf. Hom. in Le. 21 (p. 131. 9-16);Jo.
13. 24 (p. 248. 1-2).
183 In Prine. 3. 3. 5. 6 (p. 263. 1-8), discussing I Pet. 5:8, he writes about guarding
the heart so that the devil finds no place there, and so that the 'ministri dei', the
ministering spirits, can dwell ('habitare') in the heart. In Fr. in Mt. 160 (p. 79), on
Matt. 8:20, he writes: 'Christ, being holy, rests (&.va1rav ..ra,) in the holy. Wherefore
he says to him: "Demons are resting (&.va1ravoVTa<) in you, that is, the foxes, and I
shall rest (&.va1ravll~aoµa,) not in you, but in the holy."'
184 Res. 2. 4. 8 (p. 337. 16).
185 Res. 2. 6. 6 (p. 340. 12).
186 Mor. 23 (cols. 741 D-744 A), Reg. br. 16 (col. 1093 A). In the treatise De
baptismo he does refer to one 'mastered by indwelling sin' (1J1To -r~s ,vo,Kovaas ...
aµap-rtas, col. 1517 A).
187 Spir. 21 ( = sec. 52, col. 165 C) and 26 ( = sec. 62, col. 184 A).
188 Spir. 24 (= sec. 56, cols. 172 D-173 A).
189 Virg. 4 (pp. 272. 25-273. 1).

190 Bapt. Chr., p. 223. 24.
191 Virg. 3 (p. 264. 12-15), 16 (p. 312. 18-21); cf. 2 (p. 254. 28-255. 3) on the
spiritual indwelling of Christ and the Father.

canticum canticorum he writes of the 'divine indwelling', 192

but these are not common images. In the De instituto, he has
reworked the passages which in Ps.-Macarius' Epistola
magna contain mention of the evo{K'9ais of the Spirit so as to
eliminate such language. 193
Evagrius writes that one who is humble, with an unwrath-
ful soul, becomes a temple of the Holy Spirit; Christ lays
down his head in one of gentle spirit, and the peaceful Sufvoia
becomes a dwelling (µ.ov~) of the Holy Trinity, while foxes
dwell (KaToiKova,v) in the grudgeful soul, and beasts lurk in
the confused heart. 194
Mark the Monk refers several times to the indwelling of
Christ in his treatise De baptismo, and twice mentions the
Holy Spirit. 195 In the De lege spirituali he refers to the
evo{K17ais of Christ, commenting on the verse from the Letter
to the Hebrews about faith being the substance of things
hoped for (Heh. 11:1). 196 Diadochus is clearly aware of the
misunderstandings arising from the application of dwelling
language to evil, for he denies that the vovs is the dwelling
place of both God and the Devil, and wonders what would
make one think that both the Holy Spirit and the Devil could
indwell (evoiKei'v) the vovs. 197 It is grace which dwells
(KaToLKei') in human beings. 198
Despite the scriptural foundation of dwelling language, it
is not a strong theme in Greek Christian texts. Their authors
were perhaps put off by the directness-and implied corpor-
eality-of such language. Syriac writers were not as hesitant.
192 Hom. in Cant. 6 (p. 183. 11-12); cf. 3 (pp. 87. 5-88. 6) and In Psalmos 2. 6 (PG
44, col. 509 C) on the Lord's <vo{KT/OLS in the olKT/T~pwv of the soul.
193 See 9. 11, rijs Ev£pyoVs EvotK~GEWS' Toii 1rveUµ.aTos becomes -r~v Toti 1rvEUµ.a-ros
EvlpyEtav; 9. I 5, T~v EvepyiJ Evo{K71a1.v ToiJ d.ylov 1TVE1lµ.aTOS' is cut; 9. 17, ~ ... TOD dy{ov
1rveUµ.aTOS' ... TTATJpEaT&.TTJ EvolKTJULS' becomes simply ~ x&.ptS' ToV ciy{ov 1rv£1lµ.aTOS'.
194 Sp. mal. 9-10 (cols. 1153 D-1156 A).
195 Op. 4 (cols. 996 C, 1001 B, 1005 B, 1108 B); cols.1008 D and 1009 D speak of
the indwelling of Christ and the Holy Spirit.

196 Op. 1. 25 (col. 908 D).
197 Cap. 82 (p. 142. 1-2), 85-6 (pp. 144. 13-146. 21).
198 Cap. 81 (p. 139. 9).

METAPHORS OF SPIRITUAL EXPERIENCE 21 I
IN EARLY SYRIAC LITERATURE
The Syriac verb used to translate oi.Kew, evoiKew, and

KaTotKew in the Peshitta New Testament is 'mar. 199 This
word does further duty, translating µhw at John 14:10 and
17, and the prepositional phrases ev vµ,'iv at I Corinthians
6:19 and ev avTo'is- at I Peter 1:11.
The Odes of Solomon provide two early examples of
dwelling images, both using 'mar. The odist proclaims in
Ode 10, 'And He has caused to dwell in me (a'mar, aph'el)
His immortal life,/ And permitted me to proclaim the fruit
of His peace.' 200 In Ode 32, he states, 'To the blessed ones
the joy is from their hearts, / And light from Him who dwells
('amar) in them.' 201
The Acts of Judas Thomas illustrate the kind of dwelling
language which is frequently found in Aphrahat's and Eph-
rem's writings. In the Acts, the verbs sra and 'mar are used
to describe the mode of the Spirit's presence with a person or
in a sacramental act. The sense of both verbs is 'to abide' or
'to dwell'' and sra is used twice with 'mar in mutually
reinforcing statements, such as Judas Thomas's prayer 'that
the word of Christ may dwell (tesre) in all of you and abide
(te'mar) with you'. 202 A similar epiclesis is prayed over the
baptismal oil. 203 Usually, however, these epicletic formulae
use sra, often following eta, 'come'' so that the prayer is a
twofold petition asking that the Spirit, or the Lord's power,
come and then remain in the person or sacramental signs. 204
In non-sacramental contexts, where the temple imagery is
199 The witnesses to the Old Syriac text of these passages all support 'mar. See
Kerschensteiner, Das altsyrische Paulustext.

200 Odes 10. 2, trans. Charlesworth, 48.
201 Odes 32. 1, trans. Charlesworth, 118.
202 Wright, [257]/ Klijn, 110 (eh. 88).
203 'Your power come and dwell ... your holiness abide', Wright, [291]/Klijn,
130 (eh. 121).

204 Grace and faith upon people: Wright, [217]/Klijn, 90 (eh. 48). Healing and
mercy upon baptismal water, sken with srii, 'rest upon': [221]/92 (eh. 52). Power of
the blessing and the thanksgiving upon bread: [302]/136 (eh. 133). Lord upon oil,
Holy Spirit upon oil: [323]/149 (eh. 157). Cf. the 'Hymn on the Church', where it is
said that 'on her head dwells (siire) the king', [176]/67 (eh. 6).
foremost and the Lord is asked to come and dwell m

someone, the verb used is 'mar: 'Blessed are the bodies of the
pure, which are worthy to become clean temples in which
the Messiah shall dwell (ne'mar). ' 205
The distinction between the sacramental use of sra and the
non-sacramental use of 'mar, evident already in the Acts of
Judas Thomas, is one which will recur in Ephrem. The
scriptural texts from the New Testament which employ
dwelling language all use 'mar. The verb sra appears in some
Old Testament texts about the Spirit, 206 but is not used in
this manner in the New Testament. The foundational role of
dwelling imagery in Ephrem's work, especially as he uses sra
with a special connection to baptism, points back to the Acts
of Judas Thomas and suggests that a common liturgical or
catechetical source is likely. The paradigmatic character of
Jesus' baptism in the Jordan, more pronounced in Syriac
Christianity than for Greek and Latin Christians, may well
be asserting itself here. 207
Aphrahat uses dwelling language quite extensively, refer-
ring both to sin and, much more frequently, to Christ or the
Spirit. He prefers 'mar, but will use sra when necessary for
variation or contrast. 208 In Demonstration 9 he contrasts the
indwelling of Christ to that of evil and useless thoughts. 209 In
Demonstration 17. 6-7 he has a lengthy explanation of
Leviticus 26: 1 2 and I Corinthian_s 3: 1 6/ 2 Corinthians
6:16. 210 He also frequently refers to Isaiah 66:2 ('in whom
shall I look and dwell [a'mar]: except in [one who is] gentle
20' Wright, [261]/Klijn, 113 (eh. 94), twice. See also [245]/105 (eh. 76), [255]/110
(eh. 86), [256]/110 (eh. 87), [323]/148 (eh. 156).

206 See Num. 11:26; 2 Kgs. 2:15; 2 Chr. 15:1, 20:14; Isa. 11:2; and the useful
catalogue of Syriac verbs used for the action of the Holy Spirit in Brock, Holy
Spirit, 5-8.
207 See the interesting exploration of this theme in G. Winkler's 'Ein bedeut-
samer Zusammenhang'. S. P. Brock has suggested that the use of sra may be based
upon an oral tradition in Syriac Christianity independent of the written Gospels
(Luminous Eye, 165 n. 2).
20• As in vol. 1, cols. 413. 25-416. 4, 428. 22-6, 793. 22-7, and vol. 2, col. 121.
10-17. Here it may be noted that Philoxenos, in his memra on the indwelling of the
Holy Spirit, uses both 'mar and sra in ways similar to those of Aphrahat, although
the Holy Spirit is in each case the subject.
209 Vol. 1, cols. 428. 22-432. 21, passim.
210 Vol. 1, cols. 793. 16-800. 16, passim. Cf. vol. 1, cols. 9. 6, 9. 8-9, 162. 21-2,
292. 18-19, 572. 3-4. ,.

and humble of spirit', Peshitta). 211 He explains Matthew

18:20 ('where two or three ... ') in terms of the indwelling of
Christ. 212 It is Christ who is most frequently the subject of
dwelling language; the opening section of Demonstration 1,
on the house built by faith, describes how one becomes a
worthy dwelling-place for Christ, 213 and has parallels with
themes of building and filling which will be discussed in the
next section. Christ as King inhabits his temple in the
heart, 214 without thereby diminishing his glory. 215 Demon-
stration 6. 11-19, about creation, sin, and baptism, contains
numerous references to the dwelling of Christ in the soul. 216
The distinctive use of sra found in the Acts of Judas Thomas
and in Ephrem's writings is not matched in the Demonstra-
tions. There is, however, an interesting passage in Demon-
stration 6. 13 on the descent of the Holy Spirit; Aphrahat
compares the descent of the Spirit upon Elijah and Elisha
with that upon Jesus in the Jordan. The twofold spirit of
Elijah 'rested upon' (srat) Elisha. 217 Elijah opened the heav-
ens and ascended; John saw the heavens open and the Spirit
of God descend and rest upon (srat) Jesus. 218 Although the
account in the Peshitta version of 2 Kings 2:15 of Elisha's
receiving the spirit of Elijah uses srat, the baptismal scene of
Matthew 3: 16 and parallels do not. This understanding of
the presence of the Spirit in baptism recurs in Ephrem's
work.
Ephrem uses sra far more frequently than 'mar or other
dwelling verbs. In his hymns sra is applied most notably to
the Incarnation, whether the emphasis be on Christ's dwell-
ing in Mary's womb or on his taking possession of a human
body. 219 By the same token, sra appropriately describes the
211 Vol. 1, cols. 304. 17-19, 408. 11-14, 441. 20-21, 829. 13-18; vol. 2, cols. 93.
2-3, 121. 10-17; cf. vol. 1, cols. 413. 25-416. 4.

212 Vol. 1, cols. 160. 20-161. 23.
2 " See vol. 1, cols. 9. 12-13. 25.
214 Vol. 1, col. 121. 10-17; cf. cols. 29. 12-14, 157. 21-6, 252. 9-12, 661. 17-21,
665. 6-<J.
215 Vol. 1, col. 236. 23-7.
216 Vol. 1, cols. 284-312, passim. Cf. col. 404. 8-9.
217 Vol. 1, col. 289. 13.
218 Vol. 1, col. 289. 17-18.

219 H.fid. 10. 7 (p. 50); H.eccl. 15. 2 (p. 37), 36. 2 (p. 90), 36. 6---7 (p. 91), 49. 6 (p.
126); H.nat.,passim; H.epiph. 8. 1 (p. 168); H.virg. 25. 10 (p. 91); H.jejun. 2. 4 (p. 6);
C.Nis. 46. 1 (p. 54), 46. 7 (p. 55); S.D.N. 1 (p. 1. 7), 11 (p. 10); cf. 53 (p. 50. 11-12).
presence of the Lord or the Holy Spirit in those who have

received baptism or eucharist. 220 The baptismal connection
is particularly prominent in the hymns De Epiphania attri-
buted to Ephrem, and appears in conjunction with mixing
language: the Lord or Holy Spirit is mixed with the baptis-
mal water or oil in order to dwell in the newly baptized. 221
Ephrem also uses sra when writing in non-sacramental
contexts of the Lord's dwelling in human beings. This is
often related to the Lord's especially close relationship with
those dedicated to a life of virginity, 222 but also occurs in
more general descriptions of the indwelling of the Lord in
the bodies of believers. 223 Similar expressions refer to the
Holy Spirit's coming to dwell in human beings, 224 and also to
the dwelling of the Trinity within the human person. 225
More typically, however, other words are used for the
presence and action of the Holy Spirit, such as aggen
('overshadow'), ral;'IJ,ep ('hover over'), sken ('settle or rest
upon').226
Ephrem uses 'mar fairly infrequently. The word is some-
times used to describe the indwelling of the Lord in the
Incarnation, 227 the indwelling of the Lord in one who
fasts, 228 or his presence in the stones of church buildings. 229
He uses 'mar of the human soul dwelling in the body. 230 The
Holy Spirit dwelt ('emrat) with lsrael. 231 The derived noun,
220 Baptism: H.epiph. 4. 13 (p. 156), 6. 1-2 (p. 160), 8. 2 (twice, p. 168), 8. 6 (p.
170), 8. 18 (twice, p. 173), 11. 1 (p. 185); H.virg. 1. 2 (p. 1); Hjejun. 7. 5 (p. 19).
Eucharist: H.fid. 10. 8 (p. 50), 10. 12 (p. 51), 19. 3 (p. 72); H.nat. 16. 4 (p. 84);
H.azym. 19. 23 (p. 36); H.c.haer. 42. 9 (p. 170). Both: H.fid. 40. 9 (p. 132).
221 H.epiph. 8. 1-6 (pp. 168-70).
222 H.nat. 12. 4 (p. 72), 17. II (p. 89); H.virg. 5. 13 (p. 20), 25. 10 (p. 91), 44. 20
(p. 149).
223 H.fid. 3. 6 (p. 8), 69. 14 (p. 214); H.epiph. 1. 8 (p. 145); S.D.N. 59 (p. 53). Cf.
Hjejun., Appendix, 3. 4, 6 (p. 39). Cf. E.C. 17. 11 (p. 200) of the Lord dwelling in
the mind (re'yiinii) of Simon.
224 H.fid. 18. 10 (p. 71); H.nat. 5. 10 (p. 47), 6. 13 (p. 53); C.Nis. 47. 8 (twice, p.
59), 47. 9 (p. 60); H.c.haer. 48. 18 (p. 192).

225 H.epiph. 3. 14 (p. 149).
226 e.g. aggen: H.epiph. I. 5 (p. 144), 8. 2 (p. 168), E.C. 1. 8 (p. 6); ralJl,ep:
H.epiph. 8. 15 (p. 172), cf. rul}l}iipii, 6. 1 (p. 160), C.Nis. 28. 9 (p. 64); sken: H.epiph.
6. 2 (p. 160), 6. 16 (p. 162), 9. 1 (p. 176), C.Nis. 70. 20 (p. 115).
227 H.nat. 3. 20 (p. 24), H.virg. 37. 9 (p. 135), H.c.haer. 17. 5 (p. 61), E.C. 1. 25 (p.
22).
228 H.jejun. App. 3. 6 (p. 39).
"' H.c.haer. 42. 9 (p. 170).

23° C.Nis. 47. 2 and 9 (pp. 58 and 60).
211 C.Nis. 67. 16 (p. 107). ~
'umra, occurs as frequently as the verb, and is used in similar

ways.232
Ephrem uses dwelling language to describe the presence
of sin much more frequently than he uses mixing language in
this negative manner (see Appendix 10). The scriptural
references to indwelling sin make this understandable; Eph-
rem does not appear to share the anxieties of Greek Christian
writers about using this biblical motif. Again, it is sra which
he uses most frequently; as noted above, the Syriac versions
of the New Testament passages about indwelling sin all use
'mar. Ephrem writes of the ability of evil or a demon to dwell
(sare) in the soul without being noticed: 'One should not be
disturbed at how stupid one's soul is: evil dwells (sra) within
[the soul] without making its presence felt.' 233 He complains
that sins dwell in him like darkness. 234 His awareness of
biblical applications of dwelling language underlies several
passages. The serpent's evil counsel entered into and dwelt
('mar) in Eve, 235 the swarm of demons dwelt (sraw) in the
Gerasene demoniac, 236 the Lord expelled the sins which
dwelt in Lazarus' soul, 237 death instructed the Evil One to go
and dwell in Judas. 238 Bitterness may now dwell in the
Lord's new vineyard. 239 Ephrem was not oblivious to pos-
sible misinterpretations of dwelling language; in a critique of
Marcion's views, he declares that where sin does dwell, it
°
does not do so in the manner of a soul. 24 Fasting can uproot
a demon dwelling (both sra and 'mar are used) in the body, 241
but outer renewal is not enough. 242
These examples from various Syriac writers illustrate the
range of dwelling language in Syriac texts. Two strands of
usage are evident. First, there are the passages from the New
232 The Incarnation: H.nat. 13.10 (p. 75), H.c.haer. 42. 2, 3 (p. 169). The Lord
dwelling in the 'umrii of the believer's body: H.virg. 1. 2 (p. 1). ·

233 H.fid. 50. 7 (p. 157); cf. 50. 8 (p. 158), 64. 5 (twice, once with diir, p. 199).
234 H.eccl. 13. 7 (p. 32), using the verb diir.
235 H.nat. 17. 6 (p. 88).

236 H.virg. 16. 6 (p. 56), H.par. 5. 7-8 (p. 17).
237 S.D.N. 42 (p. 39).
238 C.Nis. 35. 22 (p. 8).
239 H.c.haer. 39. 11 (p. 160).
'"'" H.c.haer. 48. 18 (p. 192).

241 C.Nis. 47. 9 (p. 60).
242 H.azym. 18. 9 (p. 33).
Testament which use 'mar and are particularly influential on

Aphrahat. Second is the liturgical tradition of sra, perhaps
rooted in texts from the Old Testament which speak of the
Spirit of the Lord 'resting upon' or 'abiding with' a holy
person. This liturgical tradition has ties especially with
baptismal practice in the Syriac-speaking Churches, and
may reflect oral accounts of Jesus' baptism in the Jordan
when the Spirit was seen to descend upon him and abide.
This tradition is readily apparent in the Acts of Judas
Thomas and in Ephrem's poetry.
IN THE LIBER GRADUUM
Vocabulary and Usage

Dwelling language occurs a number of times in the Liber
graduum. When 'mar is used in the Liber graduum, it
generally refers to the prospect of our dwelling in heaven,
although in several places it is used to describe the presence
of sin, the Lord, or the Holy Spirit in the human person. 243
Sra is used twice in the Liber graduum in ways akin to 'mar,
once in a reference to Isaiah 66:2, as God describes the kind
of (human) spirit in which he would dwell, 244 and again in
Memra 12, where it occurs with, and is used as a synony-
mous variation of, 'mar to describe the indwelling of the
Spirit or the Lord in the heart (col. 292. 8-10).
In the Liber graduum, 'mar is used several times to
describe the presence of sin in human beings. Although none
of the five occurrences is a quotation or obvious allusion to
the scriptural passages, the phrase l)(ita d-'amra in four of
them echoes the identical phrase from Romans 7:17 and
20. 245 This indwelling sin, distinguished from the outer sins
243 Sin: cols. 345. 20-1, 436. 26, 437. 20-1, 440. 13-14, 880. 15-16; the Lord
(under various titles) or God: cols. 72. 13, 292. 8-13, 408. 3, 525. II, 544. 10, 617.
16-22, 624. 4, 816. 8; the Holy Spirit: cols. 785. 10-11, 788. 8-17.
244 Col. 13 .24 reads: b-man h 'ii' ar nii w-siirii nii, whereas the Peshitta text reads: b-
man el}or w-'emar. Elsewhere in the Liber graduum, at col. 617. 21-2, the text is
quoted in the form: h 'ii' ar nii beh w-'iimar nii beh.
245 See cols. 345. 20-1, 436. 26, 437. 20-1, 440. 13-14.
of the body, is identified with the evil thoughts which stir up

sin within the heart. 246 The death which dwells in the body is
tied to this hidden sin (col. 880. 15-16).
The Liber graduum has little to say about the 'indwelling'
of the Spirit, preferring to use other images and words for
the Spirit's presence. One of these already encountered is the
concept of the 'urbiinii of the Spirit. Both occasions when the
author does use 'mar to speak of the Holy Spirit occur in
Memrii 28, a discourse on the constituent elements of the
human person. Body and soul (napsii) are the basic created
components; when one is keeping the commandments of the
Creator there is also the 'Holy Spirit of God' dwelling within
(col. 785. 10-12). This gift of the Spirit is called the
mappuliitii, or breath, and its presence makes one truly a
living being, a npes l')ayii (col. 788. 8-9).
More frequent in the Liber graduum than references to an
indwelling of the Holy Spirit are occasions when 'mar is used
to describe the presence of 'God', 'Christ', 'the Lord' within
the human person. None of the texts in the Peshitta New
Testament which use 'mar refers to 'the Lord' dwelling
within the human person. The greatest number refer to the
Spirit. 247 In the Liber graduum, however, dwelling language
is used for 'Christ' and 'the Lord' three times each, and
twice each for 'God' and 'the Spirit' .248 The indwelling of
the Lord within the human person is the consummation of
perfection rather than a feature of movement towards gm"i-
rutii (presence during the ascetical struggle is signified by the
'urbiinii). The idea is like the one so common in the Ps.-
Macarian texts, describing the preparation of a dwelling for
the King or Bridegroom, a worthy habitation for the Lord.
In the scheme set out in the Liber graduum, after achieving
246 See cols. 436. 25-437. 2; cf. cols. 437. 20--2 and 440. 11-14.
247 The Spirit: John 14:17; Rom. 8:9-u; 1 Cor. 3:16, 6:19; 2 Tim. 1:14; Jas. 4:5;
the Spirit of Christ: 1 Pet. 1:u; God: 2 Cor. 6:16; Eph. 2:12; Christ: Eph. 3:17;
Father and Son: John 14:10; the Word: Col. 3:16; divinity in the Incarnation: Col.
1:19, 2:9.
248 Christ: cols. 72. 13, 292. 12-13, 408. 3; the Lord: cols. 292. 8, 544. 10, 816. 8;
God: cols. 617. 16-22, 624. 4; the Spirit: cols. 785. 10--u, 788. 8. Cf. col. 136.
10-13 on the 'dwelling', 'umrii, of the Lord with the perfected human person. The
word 'umrii here, however, may as elsewhere in the Liber graduum be referring more
generally to 'way of life'.
gmiruta, one is filled with the Spirit of Christ, and then

Christ comes and dwells within; when sin has been
uprooted, and one has been filled with the Spirit Paraclete,
the Lord dwells in one 'utterly' (msalmana' it, cols. 69.
24-72. 14; cf. 544. 9-10).
Parallels with Ps.-Macarian Usage

There are two distinctive themes associated with dwelling
language in the Liber graduum. The first is found in Memra
12, 'On the Service of the Church Hidden and Manifest', the
Liber graduum's most frequently cited section. 249 The subject
of the whole of Memra 12 is the relationship between the
visible Church with its altar, baptism, and priesthood insti-
tuted by the Lord, and the invisible Church 'of the heart' (cf.
cols. 261. 17, 293. 26, 296. 5, etc.) which realizes here and
now the Church of heaven: 'we know that the body is a
hidden temple and the heart is a hidden altar for the service
which is in the spirit' (col. 288. 4-5). 250 The biblical text used
in the discussion is I Corinthians 6: 19, 'Do you not know
that your body is a temple of the Holy Spirit which dwells in
you?' 251 The Liber graduum interprets the text in this
fashion, subordinating the visible Church to that hidden
Church within the person:
Not without cause did the Lord and his heralds, the former and the
latter, establish Church and altar and baptism, which can be seen
with the eyes of the body: so that [moving] from these which are
visible, we might be among those in heaven which are invisible to
eyes of flesh; for when our bodies are temples and our hearts altars,
we might go off and enter there, while [still] being in the visible
Church with its priesthood and with its ministry ... Everything
which is in this Church is built in the likeness of that hidden
Church. (cols. 288. 20-289. 2 + col. 289. 12-14)
249 See the translation of Memrii 12 and the discussion, with reference to the Ps.-
Macarian texts, in Murray, Symbols, 262-71.

250 In Memrii 28 one can find discussion of the visible Church with its baptism,
food, altar, and ministry compared to the hidden Church which is in heaven (cols.
797. 1er800. 12).
rn Thus the Peshitta text. The Greek reads, 'which is in you'. Cf. 1 Cor. 3: 16,
'Do you not know that you are a temple of God, and the spirit of God dwells in
you?' There the Peshitta follows the Greek more exactly than in I Cor. 6:19.
,.
A few lines later comes the scriptural connection:

This is the Church in truth, and the blessed mother, which makes
all infants grow, and the body and the heart, in which our Lord
dwells. And because of the Spirit which dwells in it, it is in truth a
temple and altar, because our Lord dwells there, as it is written,
'Your bodies are temples of the Lord, and Christ dwells in your
inner self (b-barnaskon da-lgaw).' 252 (col. 292. 6-13)
Again one notes the emphasis on the indwelling of the Lord
rather than of the Spirit, even to the extent of altering the
scriptural verse.
In his Symbols of Church and Kingdom, Robert Murray
suggests parallels between Memra 12 and certain Ps.-Macar-
ian texts, 253 but when he was writing, Collection I had not
yet been published. His impression of thematic parallels
between the Liber graduum has since been confirmed by the
publication of that collection. Two passages from logion 52
of Collection I contain interesting echoes of Memra 12:
Visible things are the type and shadow of hidden ones: and the
visible temple is [a type] of the temple of the heart, and the priest [is
a type] of the the true priest of the grace of Christ; and all the rest
of the order (aKoAovB{a) of the visible dispensation (olKovoµ.ta) is [a
type] of the logical and hidden matters according to the inner self.
And we receive the manifest dispensation and administration
(8io{K71ais) of the Church as an illustration [of what is] worked
(lv€pyovµ.lv71) in a soul by grace. (r 52. 2. 1)
Ps.-Macarius goes on to describe the canonical essentials for
the celebration of eucharist, and the indispensable character
of each element: if anything is lacking, there can be no
eucharist. Then comes the comparison:
As with the good order (daµ.os) and worship (86!a) of the mystery,
so it is with the Christian: if he has fasting, vigil, psalmody, every
ascesis and every virtue, but the mystical energy of the Spirit is not
accomplished in the altar of the heart by grace in all afo871ais and
spiritual repose, all the carrying out (aKoAov8ta) of ascesis is for
nothing. Those who lack the chief thing, the great joy of the Spirit
252 This is the only occurrence of the biblical text in the L.G.
253 Referring to the soul as church, Murray cites 11 12. 15, 15. 45, 37. 8. See
Symbols, 270, nn. 1-3.
mystically working in the heart by grace, are virtual idlers. (r 52.

2. 3)
Another text, also from Collection I, should be considered

with those from logion 52:
The human body is a temple of God, and if anyone destroys it, the
Lord destroys the one who destroyed it. And the human heart is an
altar (8va,aa-r~piov) of the Holy Spirit, and unless the altar is pure
and holy, [with] desire and hate and wrath and anger outside, the
Lord forsakes the altar and departs. Let us hallow the altar with
the temple of the Lord so that our lamp may shine, and let us go
into his bridal chamber. (r 7. 18. 3)
These passages from Collection I, although brief, have
striking similarities to the images in the Liber graduum. In
each text the body is described as the temple of God or the
Lord, not of the Holy Spirit as in I Corinthians. In each the
heart is described as an altar, and associated with the Holy
Spirit. The Ps.-Macarian texts share with the Liber graduum
a sacramental conception of the indwelling presence of the
Lord in the human person, analogous to the sacramental
economy of the institutional Church. The affinities between
the Greek Ps.-Macarian texts and the Syriac world of the
Liber graduum are striking indeed.
Another Syriac text strengthens the impression of a Syrian
background for the Ps.-Macarian imagery. A text attributed
to Ephrem, but now considered to be by another, unknown,
author, rings the same changes as the texts quoted above.
The text comes from the 'Sermon on Solitaries':
They linger over their [prayer-]service, and rise early for the
service, and day and night all of their work is the service; in the
place of censers, which they do not have, their purification is [from]
reconciliation; in place of a church building, they are temples for
the Holy Spirit; in place of altars are their minds (re'yane); as
offerings they present their prayers, ever-pleasing, to the div-
inity. 254
Earlier in the same memrii is this description:
In the place of the families whom they have left, the angels come
254 Sermones, 4. 27, II. 485-95. I owe these references to the Revd. T. Koonam-
makkal.
down to them; their bodies are temples of the Spirit, and their
minds are churches; and their prayers are a pure censer, and
their tears are fragrant incense; their groans are like an offering;
their chanting is [like] festal hymns. 255
The author praises these ascetics who have renounced exter-
nal supports for the sake of devotion to prayer. The imagery
is close to that of the Liber graduum and the Ps.-Macarian
texts, providing another bit of evidence for the puzzle of the
Syrian Macarius.
A second theme present in the Liber graduum further
demonstrates the Christological focus of dwelling language
in that text. Throughout the memre of the Liber graduum the
author emphasizes the virtue of humility. Aphrahat, too,
returns again and again to the concept of humility, often
associated with dwelling language and the text from Isaiah
66:2. Humility is the central feature of the Liber graduum's
description of progress towards gmiruta, and the supreme
teacher and model is naturally Christ. 256 The close associa-
tion of the example of Christ with the practice of humility
underlies statements like that in Memra 1: 'No one knows
the will of God from the ink [of the Scriptures]: but only the
one who is associated (estawtap) with [God] in spirit. That is,
only if one is gentler and humbler than everyone else; as he
said, "to whom do I give heed, and [in whom] do I dwell
m Sermones, 4. 18-19, II. 95-102.

"' In the Peshitta New Testament, the words ol 1rpa•fs at Matt. 5:5 are translated
as l-makkike, 'the humble'. Such a prominent position for the word commonly used
to mean 'humble' helps to understand the emphasis placed in humility in the L.G.
(and in Aphrahat: note Demonstration 9). This phrase from the beatitude is taken
from Ps. 36(37): 11, which reads ol . .. 1rpa•fs in the LXX. The Peshitta of Ps. 37: 11
reads meskine, 'the poor', a version not taken over by the translator of the New
Testament; the translator was perhaps unaware of the echo of the psalm. Of the four
occurrences of 1rpaik in the Greek New Testament (Matt. 5:5, 11 :29, 21 :5; 1 Pet.
3 :4), all but one are translated as makkik in the Peshitta. The exception is Matt.
11 :29, where both 1rpaGs and -ra1ruv6s occur together. In that instance, 1rpaGs is
translated nil; ('gentle', 'quiet'), which is what one would have expected elsewhere,
and -ra1ruv6s becomes makkik ('humble'). This reading may go back to the Old
Syriac and the Diatessaron, with connections to Syriac baptismal catechesis. See
Winkler, 'Ein bedeutsamer Zusammenhang'. Viiiibus has drawn attention to the
theme of 'rest' (ava1ravo,s) in the Ps.-Macarian texts and its Syriac background
(Legacy of Pseudo-Macarius, 15). In the Peshitta New Testament, -ra1r•wos and
related words are always translated by makkik or by another form from the same
root.
(sare), except in the gentle and humble spirit which keeps my

word?" (cf. Isa. 66:2)' (13. 20-5). 257 The same passage from
Isaiah 66 reappears in Memra 21, where the author weaves
together Psalm 51:17 and Isaiah 66:2: 'My sacrifice, then,
and my appeasement (tar'ut(y)) and my will (.rebyan(y)) and
my rest (nyaQ(y)) is [one who is] gentle (ntQa) and humble
(makkzk) of spirit, to whom I give heed (Qa' ar na beh) and in
whom I dwell ('amar)' (617. 19-22). 258 With this in mind, he
goes on to state shortly thereafter: 'If there be anyone in
whom there is not humility and gentleness (basszmuta), he
does not know the humble, nor does God dwell (' amar) in
him, nor does he apprehend (madrek) truth' (624. 2-4). So
also the line in Memra 16, 'Christ dwells in the humility and
in the love of the humble, and reveals to them his mysteries
(ra 'zawh(y))' (408. 2-3). It should be emphasized that in the
Liber graduum, this is humility achieved and recognized,
rather than a stage in the struggle. As Ps.-Macarius writes of
having the Lord dwelling within one ev 1raan ala8~aei Ka,
1rATJpocf,op{q., so the author of the Liber graduum writes of one
filled with the Spirit Paraclete and indwelt by the Lord. The
striking affinity of the Liber graduum's notion of being 'filled'
and the fullness signified by the word TTATJpocf,op{a will be
treated in the next section.
CONCLUSION
The parallels between the Ps.-Macarian writings, the Liber

graduum, and other Syriac texts are of various kinds. First,
there is the extent of dwelling language. Second is the
emphasis on the indwelling of Christ. Third, there is a
willingness to speak of indwelling evil. Fourth, there are the
thematic parallels between the Ps.-Macarian writings, the
257 The Peshitta text is given in the next note. NB. the substitution of sare for
a'mar.
258 Peshitta Ps. 51:16-17: 'because you are not pleased (ibayt) with sacrifices: nor
are you appeased (etra'it) with burnt offerings: the sacrifices of God are a humble
spirit, a broken heart God does not reject.' Peshitta Isa. 66:2: 'And to whom shall I
give heed and [in whom] shall I dwell (a'mar): except in [one who is] gentle (ni!Ja)
and humble (makkik) of spirit who trembles from my word.' It will be seen how
cleverly the author of the L.G. has taken key words from each, slightly shifted the
meaning of some by using different forms, and created a text suited to his purposes .
..
Liber graduum, and the text attributed to Ephrem about the

'church of the heart'. In each case, Ps.-Macarius' reliance on
images of indwelling is at home among Syriac writers.
Being Filled with the Spirit or with Sin
IN THE WRITINGS OF Ps.-MACARIUS
'Being filled with the Spirit' or 'filled with grace' is one of the
more characteristic Ps.-Macarian themes. It occurs fre-
quently in his discussions of perfection and cl1ra8eia, and has
both linguistic and thematic connections with 1TATJpoq,op{a,
the typical Ps.-Macarian characterization of achieved perfec-
tion. The scriptural background of the image is suggestive,
but here, as elsewhere, Ps.-Macarius considerably streng-
thens and extends the scriptural model. The phrase 'filled
with the Holy Spirit' is common in Luke-Acts, and has some
basis in texts from the Old Testament. 259 Ps.-Macarius'
language of being 'filled with the Spirit' bears little resemb-
lance to Luke's formulaic use of the phrase. Luke uses
1r{µ,1r>..TJ1.u, 1r>..~pTJS, and 1TATJp6w, 260 in various forms, and in that
order of frequency, whereas Ps.-Macarius prefers 1TATJp6w
and lµ,d1r>..TJµ,i. 261 The Ps.-Macarian usage lies much closer to
the language of the Letters to the Ephesians and Colossians.
Passages such as Ephesians 3: 19, 'may you be filled with the
utter fullness of God', and 5: 18, 'be filled with the Spirit',
and Colossians 1 :9, 'that you be filled with the knowledge of
his will', and 2: 10, 'you are fulfilled in him' are echoed and
re-echoed, often in greatly modified form, throughout the
texts. The notion of the 1r>..~pwµ,a of Christ or of God, again
259 See LXX Exod. 31 :3 and 35:31, where God has filled (bbr>.17aa) Bezalel with a
divine spirit of wisdom and other virtues for the work of preparing the sanctuary of
the Temple; also Sir. 48:12, Elisha was filled (LXX: <vnr>.~a817, Aquila: br>.~a817)
with the spirit of Elijah.
260 1rlµ,1r>.111-u: Luke 1:15, 1:41, 1:67; Acts 2:4, 4:8, 4:31, 9:17, 13:9; 1r>.~p17~: Luke
4: 1; Acts 6:3, 6:5, 7:55, 11 :24; 1r>.17povµ,ai: Acts 13:52.

261 One must distinguish the occasions when 1r>.17p6w and related verbs mean
'accomplish, fulfil (=achieve, complete)' from instances when they mean 'fill, fulfil
( = fill up, satisfy)'. It is the latter usage which is discussed here.
characteristic of Ephesians and Colossians, 262 is similarly

important in the Ps.-Macarian writings. And, typically, Ps.-
Macarius develops his own distinctive terms, such as using
the superlative form of 7TATJPTJS, 7TATJpEO-raTos, usually describ-
ing the indwelling of the Spirit, and the word TTATJpwais.
As with the indwelling metaphors, so here too one can be
'filled' with sin or the passions. Alternatives are posed:
occupation by the enemy power, or by the Spirit of God.
The soul without Christ dwelling within is a house filled
( Ef1,7TE7TA7Jaµ,ev7J) with the stench of the passions (II 28. 2; cf. I
29. 2. 6), and a body filled with unseemliness will stand
revealed on the day of judgement (1 58. 3. 2). If the vovs is
distracted from its ascetical task, it becomes filled with sin
(111 12. 2. 1), and those who are filled with the spirit of the
world cannot know the language (yAwaaa) of the Spirit (II I
16. 2. 5). To avoid pride, it is best to say, 'I am entirely filled
with wickedness' (1 8. 3. 4). 263 This kind of language is
similar to that found in numerous places in the Old Testa-
ment, where the human heart is 'full of wickedness' (Eccles.
9:3) or the soul is filled with evils (Ps. 87:4). 264 The only
relevant passage from the New Testament, Romans 1:29,
'filled (7TE7TA7Jpwµ,evovs) with every wickedness, evil, greed',
etc., is quoted only once in the Ps.-Macarian texts, at E.M.
3. 5. One might note the Messalian teaching reported by
Timothy of Constantinople that when the Lord received a
body from Mary, it was filled with_ demons which he
proceeded to cast out as he put on the body (T 7b); the
parallels to this theme in the extant Ps.-Macarian corpus
do not use the word 7TE7TA7Jpwµ,evov, 'filled', as Timothy does,
but refer to a body in which evil spirits were enthroned ( 1 4.
16( = 116.5))andinwhichtheserpentlived(153.2.8(=11
I I. 9) ).
262 1rA~pwµa of God: Eph. 3:19; Col. 1: 19, 2:9; of Christ: John 1 :16; Rom. 15:29;
Eph. 1:23, 4:13.

263 Other examples: I 6. 1, thoughts of wrath fill the heart; I 41. 2, one must
choose whether to be filled (lµ1rA710871vm) with desires, or to be cleansed and no

longer desire; I 64. 8, one should not seek the righteousness of the Pharisees, which
is external, while the interior is full (1rA71p•,) of filth.
264 See also Prov. 1:31, rij, <avTwv &.o,{Jda, 1rA7108~oovTat (cf. 12:21); Job 10:15,
1rA~p71, yap a.Tiµ{a, dµ{; Sir. 1:30, ~ Kap8{a oov 1rA~p71, 86Aov (cf. 19:26); Sir. 23:u,
&.v~p ... 1rA7108~o<Ta, &.voµ.{a,. Cf. Gen. 6: I I and 13, £1TA~o871 ~ YT/ &.8,K{a,.
The most common phrases are those referring to being

filled with the Spirit/Holy Spirit (see Appendix 11). Both
active and passive forms of the verbs are used, with passive
forms predominating because of the emphasis on the soul's
experience of God's action towards it. Being filled with the
Spirit associates Christians with the apostles who received
the Paraclete, 265 describes present experience, 266 and charac-
terizes the future resurrection. 267 'Filling' language is often
associated with 'dwelling language', as the Spirit comes to
fill the dwelling-place of the soul. In these instances, as so
often in the Ps.-Macarian texts, Christ and the Spirit are
closely related; thus one wants to be a KaTOLK'YJT~pwv of Christ
and to be filled with the Holy Spirit (1 56. 1. 1 (= 11 19. 1)).
When the heavenly Bridegroom dwells in the oiKo, of the
body, the soul is always filled with spiritual joy (evcppoavv'YJ)
and heavenly enjoyment (a1T0Aavai,). In that house are stored
the heavenly and light-filled garments of the Spirit, and
there the fragrance of the Holy Spirit is made full (1 29. 2. 5).
The soul is depicted as a treasure house for either Satan or
grace; when put into proper order, it is filled with fragrance
and treasure as the Holy Spirit displaces Satan, dwelling and
resting in the soul (1 7. 16. 4; cf. II 27. 19). Some interesting
parallels with the Liber graduum will be discussed below.
The Ps.-Macarian repertoire of 'filling' imagery contains
two distinctive phrases. One is the superlative form of the
adjective 1TA~p'YJ,, 1TATJpEaTaTo,, mentioned above, which ap-
pears most frequently in the Epistola magna and describes
the presence of the Spirit in the soul. This presence is
generally associated with liberation from the passions, as in
E.M. 13. 1 5, 'The rest of true Christians is the release from
passions of sin and the fullest (1TATJpEaTaTTJ) and effective
indwelling (lvepy~, evo{KrJaL,) of the Holy Spirit in a pure
heart' (cf. I 25. 2. 5). 268 Another passage in the Epistola
magna implies the trading by human beings of the passions
265 II 27. 17.

266 I 7. 16. 4 (= II27. 19), 18. 4· 4, 21. 12, 29. 2. 5, 55· 4. 4, 56. I. 1-4 (= 19. 1-2),
56. 2. 7 (= II 19. 9), 61. I. 10.
267 I 32. I. I (=II 15. 10.).
268 Cf. 1 56. 1. 4 (=II 19. 2), where the Lord is described as freeing the soul from
indwelling evil, and filling (,µ1nµ1r>.wv) one with the Holy Spirit.
for 'the fullest indwelling and imperishable energizing com-

fort (evepy~s 7TapaKATJais) in them of the Holy Spirit [which]
prepares [them] to receive the sufferings of Christ in sweetest
7TATJpocf,opta and great joy, on account of the coming immortal
hope of resurrection' (E.M. 9. 17). 269 This passage is a good
reminder of the consistently Christocentric perspective of
the Ps.-Macarian texts, a perspective which can be obscured
when directing one's attention to specific terms or phrases. It
is the release from the passions through this fullest and
energizing love given by the Spirit that enables Paul to
declare that 'love never fails' (E.M. 3. 13). 270
The second distinctive phrase referring to the Spirit is the
expression, '7r>..17pwais of the Spirit'. The word 7TATJpwais can
mean 'fulfilment', as in I 21. 22, where it is hoped that grace
may 'fulfil (7TATJpwan) the 7TATJpwais of the commandments', 271
but it can also mean 'fullness', as in E.M. 9. 1272 and 13. 1,
where possessing the 7TATJpwais of the Spirit is associated with
release from the passions.
Ps.-Macarius also uses the word 7TATJpwµ,a, a word descrip-
tive of 'Christ' and 'God' in the New Testament, 273 but
extended in the Ps.-Macarian writings to grace, 274 the love of
perfection, 275 and 'the divine Spirit' .276 Although the word
can mean 'fulfilment', in the sense that the 'spiritual law' is
the 7TATJpwµ,a of the 'first law' (1 36. 2. 5-7 ( = I I 37. 4-5) ), Ps.-
Macarius uses it to mean simply 'fullness'. He frequently
cites the scriptural verses, not without some modification, 277
and his own phrases echo the scriptural sense of 'fullness'.
269 The parallel in Inst. departs considerably from the text in the E.M., and reads
'The very grace of the Holy Spirit, having possessed the entire soul and having
filled the dwelling with delight and power, works (1rot<i) in the soul the sufferings of
the Lord, which are sweet, in the hope of things to come, taking away the afoO'la,s of
the coming distress.' Several typically Ps.-Macarian phrases disappear, and another
typical term, afoll'lo,s, is used in a decidedly negative manner.
210 The parallel in Inst. reads simply, 'by the love of the Spirit'.
271 Cf. I 18. 2. 2: the will of God attains its 1rA71pwa,s, and perhaps II 9. 7, one
receives 1rA71pwa,s of the sonship of the Spirit.
272 Gregory of Nyssa replaces 1rA71pwa,s with lvo{KT/a,s in the parallel in Inst.
273 See note 262 above for occurrences in the New Testament.
274 I 18. 2. 7, 19. 3. 3, 20. 1. 5 (twice), 51. 1. 4 ( = 11 10.2), 64. 9.
"'E.M. 3. 13.
276 I 40. 3· 5·
277 Eph. 3:19: I 13. 2. 5 (= II 18. II, changed to '1rA71pwfLaofChrist'); III 21. I. 2
('of Christ'), III 26. 7. 1; E.M. 3. 12. Eph. 4:13b: I 13. 2. 5 (= II 18. u), 38. 2. 6; II
18.11; m 6. 2. 2, 21. 1. 2, 28.4. 4; E.M. 2. 4, 13. 3, 13. 7. Col. 2:9: I 7. 7. i(=n 26.
15), 37. 5.
This fullness is often identified with progress to full stature

(as in Ephesians 4: 13) in descriptions where perfection,
maturity, and filling with divine grace or the Holy Spirit are
all characteristics of the completed spiritual journey.
For Ps.-Macarius, Christian perfection and a1ra8eta are
associated with images of fullness. To come to full measure
in the Christian life is to have complete release from the
passions, and the fullest evo{K7Jai, of the Holy Spirit. 278 The
Saviour wants those 'still in the flesh' to be worthy of a1ra8eta
and to be filled with holiness (I 40. 2. 6). There is a warning
against those who are carefree, and who will neither reach
the perfect measure of a1ra8eta, nor be utterly filled with
grace (11 10. 3). And, of course, there are the many descrip-
tions of someone who has attained maturity or perfection ev
7TATJpO<pop{q..
When compared with other Greek Christian writings, the

Ps.-Macarian texts distinguish themselves more by the fre-
quency and extent of filling language than by the occurrence
of particular images (1rA7Jpocpop{a is a case apart). A glance at
Lampe's Lexicon under the entry 7TATJp6w provides an idea of
the extensive use of filling language by other Greek Christian
writers. The biblical background of many of these images
explains their wide currency. The material and spatial meta-
phors favoured by Ps.-Macarius to describe the workings of
sin and grace are well served by filling language; this strong
manner of describing evil and divine presence, characteristic
of the Semitic anthropology behind the Old and New
Testaments, is to be found in Syriac writers as well.
IN THE LIBER GRADUUM AND THE WRITINGS OF

APHRAHAT
Metaphors of fullness are common in Syriac literature; the

most interesting parallels with Ps.-Macarian usage are found
278 I 25. 2. 5, cf. I 55. 4. 4, 56. I. 3 (=II 19. 2); E.M. 3. 13.
in the Liber graduum and in the writings of Aphrahat. 279 The

author of the Liber graduum frequently employs forms of the
verb mla, 'fill', to describe aspects of Christian life. The
distinction between 'fill', 'fulfil/accomplish', and 'fulfil/com-
plete' is neater in Syriac than in Greek, since different
conjugations tend to be used for the different meanings; the
pe' al or ethpe' el conjugations are used to mean 'fill', the pa' el
or ethpa' al to mean 'fulfil/accomplish', 280 and the shaph' el or
eshtaph' al to mean 'fulfil/ complete'. 281 The biblical evi-
dence in the New Testament follows this pattern, which is
also evident in the Liber graduum. 282 The Liber graduum
speaks of being filled with the Spirit or with the Paraclete;
filled with other good and holy things; filled with sin or
pride; 'fulfilled' with the sense of maturity, adulthood,
completion. Each case in turn has distinctive characteristics,
and patterns of grammatical form and usage can help to sort
out the great range of this one word. The significance of mla
is readily apparent. It is a 'material' term like so many others
in the Liber graduum, but most interestingly it cannot help
but recall the Ps.-Macarian term TTA'Y'Jpocpop{a and other terms
based on TTA'Y'Jp6w. 283
First, there are the more general uses of mla. One can be
279 For material from the Odes of Solomon, see the discussion in Chapter 4 of
Syriac equivalents for 1r>.71po</,opta.

280 And to mean 'fulfil the Scriptures/prophecy' etc.
281 See Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, cols. 2117-24; J. Payne Smith, Com-
pendious Syriac Dictionary, 273 B-274 B.

282 The New Testament passages referring to being 'filled with the Spirit/Holy
Spirit' use the pe' al or ethpe' el (Luke 1: 15, 41, and 67, 4: 1; Acts 2:4, 4:8 and 31, 6:3
and 5, 7:55, 9:17, 13:9 and 52). The exception is Acts 11:24, which uses a passive
shaph' el participle, msamlay. John 1: 14, 'full of grace', is a pe'al passive participle.
In Eph. 3: 19 there is an ethpa' al imperfect form, and in 5: 18 an ethpe' el imperative;
Phil. I: 11 has ape' al passive participle; Col. I :9 is an ethpe' el imperfect, and 2: 10 is
an eshtaph' al participle. This last represents the translator's interpretation of the
Greek original, and is a good illustration of the difference between the ethpe' el
imperfect of Col. 1:9 ('that you may be filled with knowledge of the will of God')
and the eshtaph' al participle of Col. 2: 10 ('and in him you also are fulfilled'). In the
Greek text 1r£1r>.71pwµ,lvo, is used for both.
283 Mla is one of the words used to translate 1r>.71po</,opla/1r>.71po</,oplw in the
Peshitta New Testament; sumlaya, a noun derived from the shaph'el conjugation of
mla, translates 1r>.71po<pop{a in Heb. 6: II; in Col. 4: 12 the Greek 1r£1r>.71po</,op71µ,lvo,
becomes msamlaya, a shaph'el passive participle. As was discussed earlier, in the
Syriac versions of the Ps.-Macarian texts, 1r>.71po<pop{a is not translated by forms of
mla, with the possible exception of a line from 11 1. 12, found in the Syriac Sin 23. 3,
where EV 1T£lpq Kai 1r>.71potpop{q becomes msamlay sarrira' it.
filled with the suffering and love and humility of the Lord
(col. 91 3. 5-6 ), love for all and the mercies of the Lord ( col.
568. 9), grace and righteousness (col. 905. 20, 22), knowledge
(col. 864. 1), every good thing (cols. 140. 10-12, cf. 697. 22).
The verbal form used in each case is the simple pe' al passive
participle or ethpe' el. 284 Conversely, one can be filled with
evil thoughts and words (cols. 488. 2-3, 840. 16, 841. 23),
Satan can fill the heart with bad things (col. 697. 24), the
heart can be filled with sadness (col. 561. 16, 20; cf. John
16:6), the world is full of pride and tumult (col. 621. 18). As
before, in each case it is a pe' al or ethpe' el form. 285
Being 'filled' with the Spirit is a quality of gmzruta, and
one frequently mentioned. The most telling metaphor is at
the beginning of Memra 6 on gmzruta:
Like builders or labourers when they want to build a house, or to
cast a great vessel (ma 'na) in which can be placed the fine posses-
sions of the King: when they have built the house with hewn
stones, and it has been ornamented and every feature has reached
completion, and the windows and doors have been adorned, [the
builders] say to the King: 'Lo, the house is completed (gmir);
consider what you will fill (male) it with.' Then the King begins to
fill (nemleyw(h)y) it with all kinds of good things, day after day.
(col. 140. 2-12)
The house is, of course, the human person brought to
gmzruta, 'completion' or 'maturity'. The King is God, who
fills the mature person with the Spirit. This poetic descrip-
tion can be matched by several more explicit ones; after
gmzruta, one is filled by/from the Spirit of Christ (col. 69.
24), and when filled, Christ comes and 'dwells' (cols. 72. 12,
544. 9-10). Those filled by the gift which is the Paraclete are
thus filled with 'all kinds of good things' (col. 789. 4-8), just
like the King's house; those who have received the Paraclete
are 'full of the Spirit of God all their days and hours' (col. 69.
6-7). The 'vessel' of the soul must be filled with the Spirit of
284 Pe' al passive participle: cols. 568. 9, 697. 22, 905. 20, 913. 5; ethpe' el: col. 905.
22; ethpe'el participle: col. 864. 1.

285 Pe' al perfect: col. 697. 24; pe' al active participle: col. 488. 2; pe' al passive
participle: cols. 621. 18, 840. 16, 841. 23; ethpe'el: col. 561. 20; ethpe'el participle:
col. 561. 16.
God (cols. 788. 25-789. 1). 286 Elsewhere the image shifts,
and becomes more realistic; those not filled by the Lord are,
therefore, not emptied (mestappaq) of sin (cols. 540. 2, 901.
22-3, cf. 16).
One can find similar images in Aphrahat's Demonstrations.
In Demonstration 1, he writes:
When a house [has been built as a] dwelling-place, then one begins
to attend to what is required by the one who is to dwell in the
house. For example: if a king is to dwell in the house, or some
nobleman who is called by the name of king, then the king requires
all of the conveniences of royalty, and all the service which a king's
honour requires. And in a house which is empty of all good things,
a king does not remain (sare) or dwell ('amar) within it: for a king
requires every adornment of a house, so that nothing is lacking in
it. And if anything is lacking there in the house in which the king is
dwelling, the keeper of the house is handed over to death, he who
did not make arrangement for the king. Thus also a person who is a
house and dwelling-place for Christ will see what is good for the
service of Christ who dwells in him, and with which accessories he
will please him. (vol. I, cols. 9. 12-12. 4)
There is also Demonstration 14, about the mind: 'it is a great
temple of its Maker; the King of Heaven enters and dwells
(sare) in it, and [He] exalts the mind to heaven and makes the
thought fly to the place of His holiness, and shows treasure
of all kinds' (vol. 1, col. 661. 17-21).
These images have striking analogues in the Ps.-Macarian
texts. In I 7. 16. 3-4, 287 a text mentioned above, the vov, is
described as a treasure-house or temple alternatively of
Satan or of the Holy Spirit. The passage continues:
Then examine your vov,, brethren: of whom are you associates
(Koivwvo{), of angels or of demons? Of whom are you a temple and
dwelling-place, of God or of the devil? The heart is filled (µ.Eµ.EaTw-
Tai) with what treasure, of grace or of Satan? Just as it is necessary
for a house filled (J.LEJ.LEaTWJ.LEV'I'}) with foul smells and dungheaps to
be cleaned completely and decorated and filled (7rA17pw8fjvai) with
every sweet fragrance and with treasures, so it is necessary for the
286 Other references to being 'filled with the Spirit' are cols. 112. 6--7, 229. 6, 789.
15, 905. 17.

287 I quote this text rather than the slightly different parallel in II 27. 19, which
lacks oiKijaa,.
Holy Spirit rather than Satan to dwell (olK'ijaai) and to rest in the
souls of Christians. (I 7. 16. 4)
One could also compare the text from I 29. 2. 5, also cited
above, where the garments of the Spirit are 'entreasured' in
the house of the body, which is also filled with the fragrance
of the Holy Spirit. The concept of the soul as 'vessel'
(aKeuos), is common in the Ps.-Macarian texts, which is no
surprise given the scriptural background. 288 But one text in
particular, from Collection III, has affinities with images in
the Liber graduum. The passage reads:
The fashioning of a royal vessel is not accomplished all at once, but
several times it is put into the fire, and then it is hammered and
variously decorated, and is then ready as a worthy vessel for
placement on the royal table. In the same manner, the soul having
been variously decorated and tested becomes a worthy vessel of the
Heavenly King. (III 21. 3. r)
In Memra 5 of the Liber graduum there is a description of
one who has come to gmzruta, and received the Paraclete,
with the line, 'and when the vessel is completed ('perfected',
etgmar), and its ornamentation is finished, then one grows
from day to day in love until the day that the Lord wants to
take him to himself' (col. 136. 8-12). These are but strands
of shared imagery, echoes of metaphors: but they are striking
none the less.
The association of 'perfection' with 'maturity', a creative
ambiguity inherent in the word gmzruta, recurs with mla.
The theme of fulfilment and completion is not far removed
from the image of coming to maturity, and indeed one
conjugation of the verb mla, the shaph' el and eshtaph' al, can
mean 'come to full growth, adulthood'. 289 Often the shaph' el
or eshtaph' al is used in the Liber graduum to mean just that,
'coming to full stature', or 'maturity'. At times it is used
without any complement, 290 but one finds it associated with
coming to knowledge (cols. 377. r, 50 5. 8), with the keeping
288 On the use of a1<£vos to refer to human beings, see Rom. 9:21-3, 2 Cor. 4:7, 2
Tim. 2:20-1, 1 Pet. 3:7; on the body as a vessel, see I Thess. 4:4.
289 See Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, cols. 2122-4.
290 Cols.4.7, 101. 1,361. 16,788.25,880. 13. Incol. 168. 18thereisamentionof
'full' stature, which uses a pe' al passive participle.

of the precepts (col. 4. 7), with establishment in kenuta (col.

320. 23) or coming to the 'adult' food of gm'iruta (col. 837. 6 ).
The very similar phrases 'one does not possess an adult mind
until he uproots these defects' (col. 389. 13-14), and 'unless
that great gift comes, they are not fulfilled/fully grown, but
everyone according to his deeds and his gift increases/grows
unto the day of our Lord' (col. 792. 4-7), although employ-
ing pe' al passive participles, would seem to bear such an
interpretation. As with gm'iruta, it can be difficult to deter-
mine exactly whether a phrase means 'filled', or 'fulfilled', or
'adult'. The author is content to leave the ambiguity unre-
solved, and as with 'urbana, perhaps the modern reader
ought to be similarly content.
However, the shaph'el/eshtaph'al form as used in the
Liber graduum has one more distinctive feature. In refer-
ences to the Paraclete, the eshtaph' al is favoured. Thus in
Memra 3, people are described as 'fulfilled' by (mestamleyn
b-) the Paraclete, but 'filled' by/from (metmleyn men) God
(col. 72. 12-13). Similarly, the Patriarchs expected that they
would find rest, be perfected, and be 'filled/fulfilled' by the
Spirit Paraclete (col. 229. 6-7). One is perfected by the
Paraclete, and 'filled/fulfilled' by all kinds of good things
(col. 789. 15-16). In such passages the ambiguity of filled/
fulfilled/ fully grown is most pronounced, but appropriately
so when one is dealing with the very heart of what it means to
have attained to gm'iruta. The only other occurrence of mla
used to refer to the Paraclete describes the filling with the
Spirit Paraclete and the Lord's dwelling in us (col. 544.
9-10). In that case it is an ethpe' el participle underscored by
an adverb based on mla, and the association with 'dwelling'
favours the spatial interpretation, 'filled', rather than the
developmental one, 'fulfilled, adult'.
CONCLUSION
Metaphors based on language expressive of 'filling' or 'fulfil-

ment' are standard features of Ps.-Macarius' spiritual voca-
bulary. These metaphors illustrate once more the graphic,
and even physical, images he favours, and help to situate
his frequent use of the word TTA17po<pop{a. The connection
between these images of being 'filled with the Spirit' and
spiritual perfection is readily evident, and sets the Ps.-
Macarian imagery apart from biblical usage. The thematic
parallels in Aphrahat's Demonstrations I and 14 and, es-
pecially, in the Liber graduum, noteworthy for an emphasis
on fullness and perfect fulfilment, highlight the Semitic
flavour of this 'spatial' imagery, again suggesting that one of
Ps.-Macarius' key themes is most at home in the world of
Syriac Christianity.
The Syrian Face of Ps.-Macarius
The survey in this chapter has provided specific examples of

the influence of Syriac language and imagery upon the Ps.-
Macarian spiritual vocabulary. The parallels between Ps.-
Macarian themes and those in Syriac literature are varied in
kind and extent, illustrating not so much direct borrowing
from specific texts as influence from a shared theological and
linguistic background. This is especially demonstrated by
the thematic parallels between the Ps.-Macarian texts and
the Liber graduum. What all of these images have in common
is a graphic, vivid, and often almost 'material' quality. They
exemplify the same emphasis on experience, of sin or of the
Spirit, as expressed by TTATJpocf,op{a, aia87Jais, and 1reipa. One
cannot help but associate the two groups of distinctive
concepts, seeing in them two expressions of Syrian influence
on Ps.-Macarius. What they share is a grounding in religious
experience; one influence is more direct, being the transla-
tion of imagery, while the other is indirect, representing the
discovery within the Greek language itself of words which
could express that conviction of spiritual fulfilment and rich
experience. To Ps.-Macarius' use of the Gospel of Thomas
and to traces of Syriac readings of scriptural texts in his
works, one can add this evidence which lies even closer to the
heart of his spiritual vision.
6
CONCLUSIONS
Messalian Historiography and the Syrian

Background of Ps.-Macarius
The preceding study has sketched the convergence of

various ways of approaching the causes and early history of
the Messalian controversy. The approaches converge upon
the world of Syriac Christianity. The reinterpretation of the
historical and geographical evidence leaves little doubt about
the origins of the people or movements labelled 'Messalian'
and condemned for doctrinal and behavioural deviations
from orthodox norms. Whoever they were, whatever may
have been the names of their principal teachers, however
they may have lived, the 'Messalians' and the controversy
which followed them were an irruption into the Hellenistic
world of ascetical practices and imagistic language far more
characteristic of Syriac Christianity than of the imperial
Church centred on Constantinople. The charges brought
against them about their way of life are not particularly
unusual; other groups were accused of similar faults. The
doctrinal points made against them, however, are distinctive,
and the various anti-Messalian lists demonstrate a continuity
of issues and, particularly, of language. It has been seen that
this language, used to describe religious experience, itself
points to Syriac Christianity.
The historical evidence, then, firmly places the origins of
the controversy in Syria, more precisely in Mesopotamia;
furthermore, one can distinguish stages in the controversy as
it moves from local consideration in Antioch to the highest
level of ecclesiastical government, an ecumenical council.
Some names occur in accounts of synods and trials, but there
is not perfect agreement among the sources about these
names or the significance to be attached to them, except for
CONCLUSIONS 235
the prominent role of a certain Adelphius in the trial at
Antioch. One infers that these people had some sort of
communal life, placed supreme importance upon pneumatic
experience, and would not desist upon a bishop's request.
Earlier in this study, caution was expressed about assum-
ing an absolute identification between the 'Messalians' and
the community which generated the Ps.-Macarian writings.
Such a link is suggested by the anti-Messalian lists, and it is
an attractive option. None the less, one must be wary of
using the Ps.-Macarian writings as a way back into the
'Messalians'. The present state of the collections, with their
rearrangement of material, and indications of revision of
texts, provides one caution. Furthermore, evidence in the
collections of internal disagreements ('Some say ... But we
say ... ') and the suggestion of modern scholars that the Ps.-
Macarian texts represent a reforming tendency in whatever
ascetical milieu produced them, remind the eager investiga-
tor that under the label 'Messalian' may have come several
groups, sharing the emphasis on religious experience, but
differing among themselves about the role of sacraments,
ecclesiastical structures, hierarchical authority. It is impos-
sible to know if Ps.-Macarius was actually a member of a
targeted 'Messalian' group. The writings probably circu-
lated among various ascetical communities, including the
one from which Valerian of Iconium obtained the Messa-
lians' Asceticon. Gregory of Nyssa's use of the Epistola
magna of Ps.-Macarius is an early indication of such dif-
fusion.
Given these ambiguities and mysteries, the historical
portion of this present study has kept to the task of recon-
structing the history of the Messalian controversy, rather
than of the Messalian movement. Some scholars have
spoken of a 'Messalian tendency' which has appeared and
reappeared in the Christian East, particularly in monastic
circles. Within this vast generalization lies a vein of helpful
insight: the most fruitful line of enquiry sets aside the
question of the historical connection between any actual
'Messalian' group, the anti-Messalian lists, and the Ps.-
Macarian texts, and looks more deeply to what underlies all
three. The consistent aspect is claims of and concern about
CONCLUSIONS
intense spiritual experience, with the correlative appearance

in the anti-Messalian lists and in the Ps.-Macarian writings
of a distinctive spiritual vocabulary. The lists signal official
concern with such language; the Ps.-Macarian writings
provide evidence for the condemned words and images and
for many more besides. Such vocabulary is the accessible
component of any 'Messalian tendency'.
The study of the spiritual vocabulary of Ps.-Macarius has
produced two tentative conclusions. First, the ways in which
Ps.-Macarius uses the key words TTATJpo</,op{a, aialJTJai,, and
TTEipa so frequently throughout the collections are his own.
The words themselves can be found in other Greek texts,
but Ps.-Macarius has adopted, and then adapted, them for
his purposes. No earlier or contemporary Greek Christian
text within the compass of the survey undertaken in this
study provides examples of similar usage, and Gregory of
Nyssa deliberately rejected Ps.-Macarian usage in his De
instituto. One sees how Ps.-Macarius uses these words and
images, and why they work for him, but the inspiration of his
use of such language remains elusive if these words are
isolated from other aspects of his spiritual vocabulary.
The second conclusion drawn about the Ps.-Macarian
language of Christian experience is that at least some of his
principal metaphors or themes are much more readily paral-
leled by Syriac texts than by Greek ones. The parallels are of
various kinds and extents, but the cumulative effect is
persuasive. The poetic, symbolic world of Syriac Christia-
nity somehow came to influence this Christian author writ-
ing in Greek. This conclusion allows one to reconsider the
key words studied in Chapter 4. The attraction of Ps.-
Macarius to vivid 'picture language', an attraction rooted in
his emphasis on deeply felt religious experience, is evident in
his use of rich metaphors. This attraction also explains his
need to find Greek words which could serve the same
purpose. The practical, homiletic, and direct style in which
he writes calls for basic ideas and phrases which can be
repeated again and again to anchor the message in the
reader's mind and heart. In 7TATJpo</,op{a, aialJTJai,, and TTEipa
he has found his preacher's refrain. The ways in which he
uses these words, and others often associated with them
CONCLUSIONS 237
(such as Mvaµ.i, and evepy£La), come from the same generative
experience which made the imagery studied in Chapter 5 so
useful to him. It is inevitable, then, to suspect that his uses of
TTATJpocpop{a, aia8riai,, and TTE'ipa result from an encounter
between a Syriac spiritual vision and the richness of the
Greek language. The legacy of the encounter is a powerful
and haunting transformation of those words.
The mechanism for this Syriac influence is impossible to
identify. As was noted in Chapter 3, there are hints in the
Ps.-Macarian texts of the author's familiarity with Mesopo-
tamian geography as well as with aspects of life in Asia
Minor. Ps.-Macarius may have been bilingual, bringing
Syriac idioms to bear directly on his work, or the influence
may have been less direct, through a teacher or a group of
Christians who themselves had some connection with Syriac
Christianity. The parallels with the Liber graduum, es-
pecially noteworthy for the further evidence they provide of
a Syriac background for Ps.-Macarian images, are not such
as to demonstrate a direct dependence of one upon the other.
There remain profound differences between the two works.
Nevertheless, both texts illustrate how elements of Syrian
asceticism and Syriac idiom can be shaped according to an
author's particular vision while remaining identifiable as
parts of the larger tradition.
This approach to the 'Messalian' problem de-emphasizes
doctrines and looks instead to the language in which the
doctrines are expressed. Such an approach mitigates the
effect of anti-Messalian bias in the history and in the lists of
controverted issues, and points the modern student to the
real significance of the controversy.
The Dangerous Ambiguity of Language
It should be no surprise that vocabulary played a great role

in the Messalian controversy. Scholars of the patristic period
devote a tremendous portion of their attention to the de-
velopment and use of theological vocabulary. They take
their signal from the texts and history they study: the fourth
century illustrates how Christian thinkers had become both
CONCLUSIONS
sophisticated and intractable about the language they used to

describe the mysteries of their faith. With hindsight, modern
students of early controversies realize that many disagree-
ments about language rested upon misunderstanding. Theo-
logians from different parts of the world, formed by different
traditions of usage and with access to different texts, found
their colleagues' use of particular words unfamiliar and often
dangerous. One bishop's oµ.oovaio, or £K Mo cpvaEWV was a
fellow bishop's poison. Had they lived in another age, with
major research libraries, dictionaries, and concordances
available to them, they might have worked it all out. Such is
the task of today's ecumenical dialogue, and of the scholar-
ship upon which it is founded.
Modern readers of the Ps.-Macarian texts find them
warm, persuasive, and inspiring as they describe the labours
of 'working the earth of the heart'. The vocabulary and
images, which may seem unusual at first, soon appear at
home in the colourful world of these writings. But in an age
when issues of theological vocabulary were coming to the
forefront, and when theological appraisal of schools of spiri-
tuality was not as well founded on awareness and apprecia-
tion of different Christian traditions as is the work of today
(at least at its best), the Ps.-Macarian language could appear
dangerous indeed. Every emphasis on direct personal ex-
perience of the Holy Spirit could be seen as a de-emphasis of
sacraments and official ministers. Every use of 'mixing
language' could trouble the minds of theologians striving to
work out the union of divinity and humanity in Christ.
Every mention of indwelling sin could recall battles against
Gnostics and Manichaeans. Every reference to being 'filled
with the Spirit', or 'being fulfilled' or 'perfect', could be seen
as a potential threat to hard-won church order. Ask a
believing Christian without academic theological training to
write a creed: the result is sure to be both deeply moving and
stuffed with formal 'heresy'.
Language can be dangerous either when it is deliberately
intended to shock, or when it is misunderstood. The latter is
apparently the case here, and the misunderstanding arose at
least in part from the unfamiliarity of the language and of its
underlying Christian perspective. The spiritual vocabulary
CONCLUSIONS 239
of Ps.-Macarius is a point on the frontier between the
distinctive worlds of Syriac and Hellenistic Christianity.
The reactions against that spiritual vocabulary signify a
response to the unfamiliar on the part of the anti-Messalian
bishops. They took the unfamiliar language to represent
heretical doctrine; now it can be seen that the language in
fact represents an unfamiliar culture. Unfamiliar to the
Greek-speaking bishops; increasingly unfamiliar even to
bilingual bishops like Flavian of Antioch: the controversy
flared at precisely the time when Syriac Christianity was
taking on more and more Hellenistic vocabulary and ways of
thinking. A man like Flavian, bishop of a town where Greek
was spoken within the walls but Syriac without, would have
set his face firmly towards the Greek world to the north and
west. There may then be a double unfamiliarity: the alien
nature of Syriac imagery for those who knew only Greek; the
increasingly archaic aspect of early Syriac Christianity even
for those who knew both cultures. This suggests that the
problems with the study of the Messalians may have been
there from the start. Even recent scholars have followed their
episcopal predecessors of the fourth and fifth centuries in
taking a Syriac-influenced spiritual vocabulary and reading
it with Greek theological sensibilities.
The Encounter between Two Cultures
The presence in the Ps.-Macarian texts of language and

imagery with a Syriac background, and the controversy over
his spiritual vocabulary, raise a larger issue to which this
study can be only a footnote. It has long been recognized that
Christianity has benefited from the fusion of two cultural
worlds or idioms, the Semitic and the Greek. The traditional
model of the progress of Christianity has recognized the
Semitic origins of the gospel, and then traced the rapid
progress of Hellenization in the interest of the mission to the
Gentiles. The dominance of a Greek-speaking empire in the
Christian East and the rise of Byzantium as a religious centre
created another imperative for Hellenization as councils
were held, creeds composed, and theologies developed in the
CONCLUSIONS
Greek language. The impact of this extraordinary theologi-

cal richness upon the Syriac-speaking Churches of the
Levant, especially after the time of Ephrem, was inevitable
and considerable. This traditional model accounts for much,
but not for everything. Whereas a good deal of interesting
research has been done on the influence of Greek language
and thought on the Syriac East, 1 much less attention has
been given to the reverse influence of Syriac upon Greek. 2
By now the importance of Ephrem's hymnody for the
development of the Byzantine KovTaKiov by Romanos the
Melodist, himself a creative genius who bridged two cul-
tures, is widely acknowledged, but it is still rare to find
studies devoted to other examples of Syriac influence on
Greek language or imagery. In the Ps.-Macarian texts such
examples abound, and this fact makes these writings particu-
larly intriguing for anyone interested in the interplay of
Christian cultural idioms in the early centuries of the
Church. The transmission of spiritual perspectives across
linguistic borders, with all of the fruitfulness and confusion
which can ensue, has become an issue of lively importance
today as the Churches attempt to distinguish the tangled
strands of universal message and particular culture in the
interest of allowing the gospel to be heard anew. The quest
by preachers, writers, and teachers for a language of Chris-
tian experience faithful to the tradition and accessible to the
present age continues. As is so often the case, the Churches
have been there before. As Ps.-Macarius would claim, the
earth of the heart lies ready for the Word which will yield a
hundredfold.
1 Pre-eminently by S. P. Brock. See, e.g., the essays in Syriac Perspectives on
Late Antiquity, especially 'From Antagonism to Assimilation: Syriac Attitudes to

Greek Leaming', 'Greek into Syriac and Syriac into Greek', and 'Some Aspects of
Greek Words in Syriac'.
2 See Brock's 'Maggnanuta: a technical term' for an example; for Ps.-Macarius,
the articles cited in Ch. 3 nn. 46---7 above, on the Syrian influence upon his work.
APPENDIX 1.
Concordance of Anti-Messalian Lists
Theodoret
Historia ecclesiastica 4. 11
Kmosko/Dorries Synopsis* GCS
(column/line) (page/line)
CXCll 4 a 229.7-9
5 b 229.9-12
6 c 229. 14-17
7 d 229. 17-230.2
CXCV 16a l 23 I. 2-3
16b 2 23 I. 3-4
17 3 231. 4-6
18a 4 231. 6-7
18b 5 231. 7-8
CXCVl 18c 6 231.8-10
18d 7 231. 10-1 l
18e 8 23 I. l l
19a 9 231. 12-13
19b 10 231. 13-14
242 APPENDIX I
Haereticarumfabularum compendium 4. 11
Kmosko/Dorries Synopsis PG83
(column/line) (column/line)
CXCVI 2 429 B 13-16
3 2 B 16-C 3
4 3 C3-5
CXCIX 5 4 C5-7
6 5 C7-9
7 6 c 9-12
8-9 7 C 12-D 2
roa 8 D2-4
rob 9 D4-432 Ar
II 10 432 A 1-3
cc 21 a 432 B 7-11
22 b B 11-13
Timothy
De iis qui ... accedunt
Kmosko/Dorries/Synopsis PG86
(column/line) (column/line)
ccxxn 48 B 2-6
2 B 7-11
3 B 12-C 4
4 Cs-8
CCXXV 5 Cg-49 A2
6 49 A 3-7
7 A 8-11
8 A 12-B 2
9 B 3-12
CCXXVI 10 B 13-C 3
II C4-7
12 C8-D3
13 D4-9
14 D 10-52 As
CCXXIX 15 52 A 6-12
16 A 13-B 2
17 B 3-7
18 B 8-13
19 B 14-C 9 .
APPENDIX I 243
John of Damascus
De haeresibus 80
Kmosko/Dorries/Synopsis PG94 PTS 22
(column/line) (column/line) (page/line)

CCXXXllI 729 A7-8 42. 7-8
2 A9-11 9-10
3 A 12-14 I I-12
4 A 15-B 3 13-15
5 84-5 16
6 86-8 17-18
7 8 9-11 19-20
8 732 A 1-3 21-2
9 A4-6 23-4
10 A7-8 43. 25-6
II A9 27
CCXXXIV 12 A 10-13 28-30
13 A 14 31
14 A 15-8 I 32
15 82 33
16 8 3-5 34-5
17 86-8 36-7
18 89-13 38-40
Kmosko/Dorries Synopsis PG94 PTS 22
CCXXXIV- 1-3 a 732 8 14-C I I 41-9

ccxxxvn 4-5 b C 12-D 5 44. 50-4
6 c D 5-733 A 5 54-61
7-8 d A5-82 61-70
9-10 e 8 2-15 70-8
ccxxxviii 11-13a f c 1-8 79-84
13b-15 g C8-D 10 84-95
16 h D 10-736 A 3 95-7
17 A3-5 97-8
18-19 A5-7 46. 99-100
* Synopsis=Appendix 2.
APPENDIX 2.
Synopsis of Anti-Messalian Lists
Theodoret, Historia ecclesiastica Theodoret, H aereticarum

4. 11 (ed. Parmentier, fabularum compendium 4. 11 (PG
pp.229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Names
~ 'TWV MEaaaAiavwv ... aipEaL,. MEaaaAiavo, ... El, 'T~V 'E,\M.oa
Evxfra, ... El, 'T~V 'E,\M.oa <f,wv~v <f,wv~v, 'TOV, Evxfra, a71µalvEL .
. . . 'Ev8ovataa-ra, ... KaAovv-raL ... Messalians ... signifies
... the heresy . . . of the 'Those who Pray' in the Greek
Messalians .... in the Greek language.
language ... 'Those who Pray'
... they are called ... 'Possessed
Ones' ...
Theme I
2. µ6v71v 0€ 'T~V a1rovoa{av EVX~V 2. ~ oJ EVOEAEX~> 1rpoaEVX~, Kat
'TOV oa{µova 'TOV £VOLKOV l[EAaVVELV. 'T~V p£iav -rij, aµap-r{a, 1rp6pptiov
Zealous prayer alone drives dvaamJ, Kat 'TOV Jg apxij,
out the indwelling demon. avyKA71pw8lv-ra 1rov71pov oa{µova
-rij, i/,vxij, l[EAaVVEL.
Continuous prayer both pulls
up the root of sin, root and
branch, and drives out from the
soul the evil demon inhering
from the beginning.
APPENDIX 2 245
Timothy of Constantinople, De John of Damascus, De

iis qui ad ecclesiam ab haereticis haeresibus 80 (ed. Kotter,
accedunt (PG 86, cols. 45-52) pp. 42-6)
MapKtaVLa-ral KaL M£aaa>.,avoi Kai Maaaa>.,avo{, ol Jpµ.TJvrn6µ.£VOL

[Evxfra,] KaL 'Ev8ova,aa-ra, Kai EvxfJ-raL ... EvtpTJµ.'i-rai Kai
Xoprn-ral KaL Aaµ.1r£navoi Kai Map-rvp,avol Kai I:a-rav,avo{.
:48£AtpLaVOL KaL Eva-ra(havo{. Messalians, understood as
Marcianists and Messalians 'Those who Pray' ...
and 'Those who Pray' and Euphemites and Martyrians and
'Possessed Ones' and Choreutai Satanians.
and Lampetians and Adelphians
and Eustathians.
3a. MyovaLV on µ.6vT/ ~ €K'T£V~S

1rpoa£VX~ DLWK£LV 8vva-raL 'TOV'TOV
-rov 8a{µ.ova ·
They say that intense prayer
alone can drive out this demon;
APPENDIX 2
Theodoret, Historia ecclesiastica Theodoret, Haereticarum

4. r r (ed. Parmentier, f abularum compendium 4 .. r r (PG
pp. 229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme I-continued
3. €AK€£JJ yap €KaaTOJJ TWJJ 3 .. €Kl1.UTo/ yap <paaiJJ avfJpumo/
nKToµ,lvwv V,EyEv EK Tov T£KTOiJ,€Vo/ TrapavTlKa aVJJ€'TTEa8ai
7rp07T<J.TOpOS, WU'TTEp T'T}JJ <pvaiJJ, Salµ,ova,
OVTW S7J Kai T'T}JJ TWJJ Saiµ,6vwv They say that a demon
SovAdav· immediately falls upon each
He said that each person who person being born,
is born from the first parent
draws with him, just like his
nature, so also servitude to the
demons.
Kai TOVTOJJ ds TaS O.T6'TTOVS 7rpa!HS

TrapaKiJJELJJ.
and this [demon] incites
towards unseemly deeds.
Theme 2
I. lcf,71 µ71SEµlav µiv EK TOV 8Elov r. TO /J,EJJ {3a.Trnaµ,a cf,aa, µ,718iv
{3aTTTlaµ,aTOS w<p€AHaJJ TOLS dvdv Tovs 7rpoa,6JJTas·
d.!t0vµlvo,s lyylvw8a, •.. They say that baptism does
He said that no benefit not benefit those who approach
follows from holy baptism for it:
those who are worthy.
APPENDIX 2 247

I. Myovaiv OTL EKIJ.UTq! avOpC.:nrq, I. OTL UVVOLKEL Tcj> avOpC.:nrq,

TLKT01-dvq, 7TapavT{Ka Sa{µwv €VV7TOUTIJ.TWS' cl EaTavos Kai KaTa
OVULWfiWS' UVVl1.7TTETaL, €K T~S' 7Tl1.VTa KvpiEVEL avTov.
KaTafi{K'TJS' TOV 'AMµ TOVTOV That Satan co-dwells like a
KEKA.'TJPWf-1-EVOV" person with a human being and
They say that a demon is rules him in every way.
substantially joined immediately 2. OTL O EaTavos Kai ol Sa{µovES'
to each person who is born, this KaTEXOVaL TOV vovv TWV avOpC.:nrwv,
having befallen from the Kai ~ <f,vaLS' TWV avOpC.:nrwv
condemnation of Adam, KOLVWVLK~ €UTL TWV 7TVEVfJ-11.TWV T~S'
7TOV1)p{aS'.
That Satan and demons
possess the mind of people, and
that human nature is in union
with the spirits of evil.
o
3. OTL UVVOLKOVULV EaTavos Kai
TO 7TVEvµa TO ayiov €V Tcj> avOpC.:mq,
Kai OTL ovSJ o[ a7T6aTOAOL KaOapoi
,jaav T~S' lvEpyovµlv17, lvEpyEla,.
That Satan and the Holy
Spirit co-dwell in a person and
that not even the apostles were
pure from the active energy.
Kai on o
OVTOS' Sa{µwv El, T<lS'
aT67Tov, 7Tpa.tEL, KLVEL Tov
av0pw7TOV, OVULWfiWS'
avTcj>aVVTJf-1-f-l-EVOV.
and that this demon incites
the person to unseemly deeds,
remaining with him
substantially.
2. . .. €TL Myovaiv OTL TO ayiov 4a. Kai OTL ovSJ TO fJa.7TTLaµa

{Ja.7Tnaµa ovf>Jv avµ{Ja.AAETaL ElS' TEAELoi' TOV av0pw7TOV
T~V TOV Sa{µovo, TOVTOV S{wtiv· And that not even baptism
... yet they say that holy perfects a person
baptism contributes nothing to
the driving out of this demon:
APPENDIX 2

4. 11 (ed. Parmentier, fabularum compendium 4. 1 1 (PG
pp. 229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 2-continued
[vpov yap o{,crw a.rpaipEfrai 'TWV

d.µ,ap'T'TJfLO.'TWV 'T(L 11p6TEpa, 'T7]V 0£
p{~av ovK EKK61TTEL Tijs d.µ,apTtas·
for after the manner of a
razor it takes away the first
growth of sinful deeds, but does
not cut out the root of sin.
Theme 3
(cf. Theme 1. 2)
4a. 'TOV'TWV 0£ V7TO 'TijS a1rovoatas 4. 'TOV'TOV 0£ ov'TE 'TO {36.1rnaµ,a,
£},aVVOfL€VWV EVXijS , , , OV'TE a.Uo 'TL ovva'Tai TijS if,vxijs
[The demons] are driven away E[EAaaai, a.AAa µ,6v71 Tijs 1rpoawxijs
by zealous prayer ... ~ JvlpyELa.
Neither baptism nor anything
else can free the soul, but only
the energy of prayer.
APPENDIX 2 249

(cf. 4b. ovTE 17 Twv 8E{wv

µ.vaTTJp{wv µ.ETaATJrpLS' Ka8ap{~H T~v
,f,vxfiv ...
nor does the reception of the
divine mysteries cleanse the
soul ... )
ovSJ yap €UTLV LKavov TO ayiov 5. OTL avµ.7Tirf,vpTaL oav8pw7TOS' Tfl
f3a7Tnaµ.a, T<lS' p{~aS' TC.UV aµ.apTLWV aµ.apT{q. Kai fL€T(l TO f3a7Tnaµ.a.
T<lS' avvovaiwµ.iva, apxij(hv TOLS' That a person is compounded
av8pw7TOLS' €KT€fL€LV. with sin even after baptism.
nor is holy baptism enough to
cut out the roots of sins, [the
roots that] have coexisted with
people from the beginning.
6. OTL ov Sia TOV f3a7TTfoµ.aTOS'
Aaµ.f3avH TO arf,8apTOV Kai 8€LOV
lv8vµ.a o maT6S', a.AAa 8,' Evxijs-.
That the faithful person does
not receive the immortal and
divine garment through
baptism, but through prayer.
(cf. 3a) 4c . . . . a.AAa µ.6vTJ 17 7Tap' aVTOLS'

a7Tov8a~oµ.ivTJ EVXTJ·
... but only the zealous
prayer among them.
(cf. Theme 2, 6)
c'. T€paT€VOVTaL yap, WS' XP~ TOVS'

aw8ijvai {3ovAoµ.ivov, €7Ti ToaovTov
7TpOa€vxrn8ai, ov8Jv TO 7Tapa7Tav
€T€pov 8ia7TpaTTOfL£VOVS',
They talk wildly, that it is
necessary for those wishing to
be saved to pray so much, doing
nothing else at all,
250 APPENDIX 2

pp. 229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 3-continued
5. JtdvaL Si </,aat Tov lvotKov
Sa{µova Su:t KopV~TJ, Kai TWV
1rEptTTwµa.Twv Tov 1TTVaµaTo,.
They say that the indwelling
demon exits through running at
the nose and excesses of
spitting.
Theme 4
4b. €7Tt<pOtT(l,V Aot1TOV TO 1ravaytov 9. . .. Kai Tij, yivoµlvri, TOV
1TVEV/J,a . .. 1TVEVµaTO, Jm</,otT~aEw, T~v
and then the all-Holy Spirit araBriaiv Slxw8ai.
visits ... ... and they [claim] to receive
5. alaBTJTW, Kai opaTW, T~V the sensation of the occurrence
olKdav 1rapovatav ariµafvov, of the visitation of the Spirit.
perceptibly and visibly
signifying its very coming,
APPENDIX 2

3b .... oui xpeµ.ipEw, Kai

01T01TTVa€WS TOV [1rpoa£vxoµ.evov],
ef,vyaowoµ.evov TOVTOV TOV oa{µ.ovor;;
ws Ka1TVOV opwµ.evov, ~ wr;; 5ef,£wr;;,
Jv Tcj) €LK1rop€v£8,a, ·
... this demon is made to flee
through the coughing and
spitting of the one praying,
[and] is visible as smoke or as a
serpent in its coming out;
9a. Myovaiv on fJ,€TO. TTJV TOV EWS av Tijr;; µ.Jv o.µ.apTlar;; a,a8wvTa£
oa{µ.ovor;; TOVTOV TOV avvova,wµ.evov Ka8a.1r€p Ka1TVOV nvor;; ~ 1rvpos ~
TOLS av8puJ1TO£S, o,d. Tij, XPEfJ,!p€WS Opa.KOVTOS ~ nvor;; TOWVTOV 8riplov
Kai 01T01TTVa€WS yivoµ.evris Ota Tijr;; 1rpoa€vxijs €[€Aavvoµ.evris
olw[iv ... Kai ala8T}TCJJS o,a TWV 1rpoa€vxwv
They say that after the J[,ovaris . ..
expulsion of the demon which until they feel sin cast out
has coexisted with people has through prayer like some smoke
occurred through coughing and or fire or serpent or some such
spitting ... wild beast, and perceptibly sent
out through prayers ...
3c .... Kai OT£ TOVTOV yivoµ.evov, 7. on 0€L Kai a1ra.8€£aV Aa{3€iv Kai
1rapova{a Aomov TOV o.y{ov f.l,€Tovalav Toii o.yfov 1TV£vµ.aTor;; Jv
1TV€VfJ,aTOS €1Ti TOV 1rpoa€vx6µ.€VOV ala8~a€£ 1TO.aIJ Kai 1TATJpoef,_op{q.
y{v€Tat, ala8TJTWS Toii o.yfov fow8ai.
1TV£vµ.aTor;; Jmef,oiTwVTOS Kai That it is necessary to receive
opwµ.evov. apatheia, and that participation
... and that when this in the Holy Spirit be in all
happens, then the coming of the sensation and assurance.
Holy Spirit occurs to the one
praying, the Holy Spirit visiting
and appearing perceptibly.
252 APPENDIX 2

pp.229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 4-continued
(cf. Theme 6,a) 1TV€V/J,a'TO, aytov
1Tapovatav Tav'T'TJ" imo>.aµ.{3avov'T€,
taking this to be the coming
of the Holy Spirit)
APPENDIX 2 253

c 2 • • • • Tov 1TVEVµ.aTo<; BJ Tov a.ytov

1TaALv T~V Eiao8ov ala87JTW<;
{moSltwvmL Kal cpavEpa.v lv Tfl
,pvxfl £XWULV aia87JaLV T7i, Eia68ov
Tov 1TVEVµ.a TO<; .
. . . and that they perceptibly
receive the entry of the Holy
Spirit and have manifest
sensation in the soul of the
entry of the Spirit.
4. AE')"H on f-A,€Tl1. T~V AE')"Of-A,€V1JV 8. OTL 8€[ T~V ,/Jvx~v TOLaVT1JS

1Tap' €Kdvwv 0.1Ta8£Lav, TOLaVT1JS ala8la8ai T7i<; KOLvwv{a, Tov
aia8aV€TaL ~ ,PVX~ KOLVwv{a<; ovpav{ov VVµ.cp{ov, oia<; aia8av€TaL ~
')"LVOf-A,€V1JS avTfl 1Tapa. TOV ovpavtov yvv~ lv Tfl avvova{q. TOV av8p6s.
vvµ.cpfov, oia<; aia8aV€TaL ~ ')"VV~ €V That it is necessary that the
Tfl avvova{q. TOV dv8p6s. soul feel such communion with
He says that after what is the heavenly Bridegroom as a
called apatheia by them, the woman feels in being with a
soul feels such communion man.
occur to it with the heavenly
Bridegroom as a woman feels in
being with a man. 17. OTL 8vvaT6v, <p7Ja{, 8ltaa8a,
aia87JTW<; T~V v1T6aTaaLV TOV a.ytov
1TVEVµ.aTO<; TOV av8pw1TOV €V 7TClUT)
1TA7Jpocpop{q. Kal 1TC1aT) lvEpyE{q..
That it is possible, they say,
for a person to receive percept-
ibly the substance of the Holy
Spirit in all assurance and all
energy.
254 APPENDIX 2

4. r r (ed. Parmentier, fabularum compendium 4. r r (PG
pp.229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 5
6. Kai T6 T€ awµa TTJ<; TWV TTa8wv
KLV~a€W<; D,€v8€povv Kai T't/V i/Jvxr,v
TTJ<; ETTi T(l X€{pw FJOTTTJ, 7TaVT€Awc;
aTTaAA£tTT€LV
and freeing the body from the
movement of the passions and
completely releasing the soul
from the inclination towards
worse things,
7. we; /J-7JKETL Sda8a, AOLTTOV /J-~T€

V7JaTdac; 7TL€~0VG7J<; TO awµa
8. /J-~T€ S,SaaKaAlac; xaA,vova71c;
Kai {3a{v€LV €i';TaKTa TTaLS€Vova71c;.
so that the body no longer has
need of constraint by fasting
nor of restraint by teaching,
and proceeds [as if] well trained.
APPENDIX 2 255

9c. . .. WS Kai TOil awµarn,

-t,°AEvBEpwµlvov TYJS TWV 7Ta8wv
7TLKpaTE{a, Kai TYJS i/,vxiJ, /J,7/KETL
Dff.KTLKYJS ova71, TYJS €7Ti Ta XE{pw
p07T'TJS" WS Kai T'TJS 'PVXYJ> Kai TOil
awµaTOS €V a.7Ta8dq. Aomov
yivoµlvwv .
. . . as the body is freed from
the bitterness of the passions
and the soul is no longer prone
to the inclination towards worse
things, as both soul and body
then come into apatheia.
9b .... ovKEn DEtTai v71aTE{a,, ~

a)1A7/S 'PVXtKYJS ~ awµanKYJS
€yKpaTE{a, 0 a.v8pw7TOS 7TpOS
7Tat0aywy£av TOil awµaTOS" ci>.).'
OVOE OtOaaKaA{a, T'YJV i/,vx71v
pv8µ,{ova71,·
... no longer is one needful of
fasting or other discipline of
soul or body for the instruction
of the body, nor of teaching for
the training of the soul;
APPENDIX 2

4. I I (ed. Parmentier, fabularum compendium 4. I I (PG
pp. 229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 5-continued
APPENDIX 2 257
16. Myova,v on TO €Klit86vai nva e. ToaouTo, Sl Janv avTwv Tfj,

fovTOV f.LETa T~V AEYOf.L€V7/V a.Aa,avda, & Tv<po,, w, Tov,
a.1ra8Etav El, Tpvq,~v KaL O.KOAaa{av, f.L€Taax6vTa, 1rap' avToi, Sfj8Ev Tfj,
a.vEv8vv6v Jan KaL a.K{vSvvov· w, TOV 1rvEvµaTo, alaB~aEw,
f.LT/Kln v1roKEiµlvov avTov ;xovTo, µaKap{,EaBa, tm' avTwv w, TEAEfov,
Toi, 0.1fT/YDP€Vf.L€VOL, 1ra8w,v KaL 1raa7/, aµapT{a, €AEv8lpov, Kai
a.KoAaaTa{vELV. KpEfrTova, Kai 1rEpd1rHv Kai
They say that giving oneself al/3Ea8ai w, µ~ v1roKHµlvov, €n
to wantonness and KtvSvvo,, ciµapT{a,' a.AAa AOL7rOV
licentiousness after the so-called avEaLV KaL {3pwµa.TWV aSEtaV KaL
apatheia is guiltless and not 1raaav v1rapxHv avToi, Sopv<poptav
dangerous: for one is no longer Kai nµ~v Kai Tpvq,~v, wv 1r0Uoi
oppressed by any passion, but is KaL f.LETa T~V TOLaVTT/V 1rap' avToi,
free to pursue licentiously the µapTvptav Tfj, TEAH6TT/TD, El, Tov,
passions that had been €KTO, OVTa, OlJT€ xp,anavov,
forbidden. 1rpoaayop€VHV d.tiova,v·
alaxpovpy{a,, S,a<f,6po,, Kai
XPT/f.LCJ.TWV KA01rai, Kai 1ropvE{a,,
1rEpL1rEa6vTE, c'l,<f,BT/aav.
Such is the vanity of their
pretence, that those among
them possessing the sensation of
the Spirit are deemed by them
perfect and free from all sin and
better, and they respect and
honour [them] as no longer
burdened with dangers of sin;
but in fact indulgence and
licence of foods, and honour,
respect, and. luxury accrue to
them; many of these after such
witness to perfection among
them are fit to be counted
among those outside who are
not Christian: they were seen to
have fallen into various
unseemly deeds, thefts of
possessions, and lusts.
258 APPENDIX 2

pp. 229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 6
o
9. ov µ,6vov OE TOVTOV TETVX'TJKWS 7. Elm V7TO TOV acf,os
TWV TOV awµ,aTOS cl.,mAActTT€TaL €K{3aKXEVaaVTOS oa{µ,ovos
aKLPTTJ!-'ctTWV, aAAa Kai aacf,ws Ta Jta7TaTTJ8€VTES, 0.7TOKaAvi/m,
µ,lUovTa 7Tpooptj. lwpaK€VaL cf,aa{, Kai Ta la6µ,Eva
Not only is the one involved 7TpoA€yELv €7TLX€LpovaLV' lMyxovTaL
freed from the stirrings of the 0€ OLa TWV 7Tpayµ,aTWV ij,Ev06µ,EVOL,
body, but also he distinctly Having been deceived by the
foresees the things which are to demon which makes them
come frenzied, they say they see
revelations, and they attempt to
foretell the things to come: they
are convicted as frauds by the
facts.
10. Kai T~V TpLaOa T~V 8E{av TOi, 8. {3pEv8vovTaL 0€ Kai TOV 7TaT€pa
dcf,8aAµ,ois 8EwpEi. f3>.i1TELV, Kal -rOv vi6v, KaL 'To 7TaV-
and beholds the divine ay LOV 7TVEVµ,a, Toi, TOV awµ,aTOS
Trinity with the eyes. dcf,8aAµ,ois ...
They claim haughtily to see
the Father and the Son and the
all-Holy Spirit with the eyes of
the body ...
,.
APPENDIX 2 259
1oa. Myovatv on /.LETO. T~V

AEyoµ,lv71v Trap' €Kdvwv U.7Ta8Eiav,
AoLTTov Kai Ta µ,IUovTa 7rpoop<j.v o{
liv8 pw7TOL ovvaVTaL · Kai TO.S
aopa.TOVS Ovvaµ,ELS ala87JTWS
Ka8opwaL.
They say that after what they
call apatheia, then people can
foresee the things to come, and
behold invisible powers
perceptibly.
5. Myovaiv on ~ TTavay{a Kai

~W07TOLOS Kai µ,aKap{a Tpias,
' I I J J I
.;;ns
EaTL TTaar, KnaEL KaT ovaiav
d.8forns, TOLS T'rjS aapKOS o<f,8aAµ,o[s
TTE</>VKE Ka8opaa8ai V7TO TWV El, T~V
Trap' athofs AEyoµ,lv71v lpxoµ,lvwv
U.7Ta8ELav· Kai µ,6vOLS y{vETaL 8EaT~
TOLS TOLOVTOLS av8pw7TOLS, aapKLKWS
V7T' aUTWV opwµ,lv71.
They say that the all-holy and
life-giving and blessed Trinity,
which is by nature invisible to
every creature, can be seen with
the eyes of the flesh by those
who have come into what they
call apatheia: and to such people
alone occurs the vision seen by
them bodily.
260 APPENDIX 2

4. r r (ed. Parmentier, f abularum compendium 4. r r (PG
pp. 229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 6-continued
a. Kai li.Ua 0£ 7To,Ud tpp£v{noa,
lpya 'TDAµ.waL. Kai yap Jga1r{v7J,
7TTJ0WaL, Kai oa{µ.ava,
v1r£p1T£1TTJOTJKiva, v£aVL£VOV'Tat · Kai
-rot, OaK-rv>..a,, -ro -rfj, -ragda,
£7TL'T£AOVUL axfjµ.a, 'TOV, oa{µ.ava,
'T0g£V£LV laxvp,{6µ.£VOL.
And they undertake many
deeds of a fevered brain. For
suddenly they leap up and act
hot-headedly, jumping over
demons, and act as if their
fingers were arrows, contending
that they shoot the demons.
APPENDIX 2

rob. Su~ Kai l[a1rlvT}s 1TTJSwv-r€S,

Sa{µ.ovas i11r€p{Ja{v€LV cf,av-r&.,ov-rai,
Kai -rofs SaK-rv.\ois -ro[€vHv -rovs
Sa{µ.ovas axTJµ.a-r{,ov-rai.
Suddenly leaping up, they
imagine demons to be jumping
about, and with their fingers
they fancy that they shoot the
demons.
I 7. Myovaiv €lS€vai lv 1ro{q. 9. O'TL ol 1rvrnµ.aTLKoi 6pwaiv

Ka-raa-r&.a€L al -rwv T€A€VTT}a&.v-rwv €GW8€V Kai €[W8€v 'T~V aµ.ap-r{av
i/,vxai Ka8rn-r~Kaai · Kai fov-rovs Kai 'T~V xa.ptv €V€pyOVf.L€VTJV Kai
KapSioyvwa-ras </>av-ra.,ov-raL. WG'T€ €V€pyovaav.
€lS€vaL ct.Kpi{Jws Sui a-roxaaµ.wv Kai That the spiritual ones see sin
~Bwv -ras 'TWV d.v8pw1rwv Sia8fo€LS. and grace within and without,
They say that they see in worked upon and working.
what condition are the souls of
the perfected, and they fancy
themselves knowers of hearts, as
if they could see accurately the
dispositions of people through
intentions and manners.
I o.on la-riv d.1r0Ka.Avipis yivoµ.€VTJ
lv alaB~aH Kai i11roa-r&.aH 8€i wfl ws
0
S6yµ.an.
That there is revelation which
occurs in sensation and divine
substance, as by precept.
r 8. O'TL 'TOLS €VXOf.L€VOLS Svva-rai

<pav€pova8ai 6 a-ravpOS €V <pw-ri Kai
KaT(1. TLVa KaLpOV €iJp€8T)VaL
a.v8pw1rov 1rap€a-rw-ra -r<j>
BvataGTTJp{'f' Kai 1rpOGTJV€x8ai av-r<j>
-rpds a.p-rovs Si' l.\atov
7T€<pVpf.L€VOVS.
262 APPENDIX 2

4. 1 I (ed. Parmentier, f abularum compendium 4. 11 (PG
pp.229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 6-continued
a. 'EvBovaiaaTat yap KaAOVVTat, b. Ka, ETEpa O.TTa Opwai

oa{µ.ov6s nvos lvlpyeiav 1rapa1TA7Jalws 1rapa1TATJttas µ.eaTa,
elaoex6µ.evoi Kat 7TVEVJ.LaTOS ayfov OU) o~ Ka, TWV 'EvBovaiaaTWV
1rapovatav TaVTTJV V1TOAaµ.{JavovTES, EUX~Kaaiv ovoµ.a.
They are called 'Possessed And they do some other
Ones', receiving the energy of things equally filled with
some demon and taking this to madness, for which reason they
be the coming of the Holy also had the name of 'Possessed
Spirit. Ones'.
Theme 7
b. oi OE TEAelav T~v v6aov 6. ovTws Jta1raTTJBEvTes oi
elaoeoeyµ.lvoi a.1roaTp'4,ovTai µ.iv TpiaaBAioi lpyov µ.iv OVOEV µ.eTlaai
T~V TWV xeipwv lpyaatav ws (1rvevµ.anKOVS yap €aVTOVS
1rov7Jp{av, ovoµ.a~ovai)
Those who are fully taken Thus deceived, the thrice
into the complete sickness shun unhappy ones undertake no
manual labour as it if were vice, work (for they call themselves
'spiritual ones'),
..
APPENDIX 2

That the cross in light can be

revealed to those who pray, and
that on a certain occasion a man
was found standing at the altar
and three loaves mixed with oil
were brought to him.
r 3. Myova, T~V TWV xeipwv a. in Si a.1roaTplef,ovTai KOL T~v €K

Jpyoalav w, ~Se>.vpa.v TWV xeipwv Jpyoalov w, ov
a.1roaTplef,w8ai. KOL 1rvevµonKov, 1rpl1rovaov xpianovoi,.
€VTev8ev €aVTOVS ovoµatovaiv, ov Yet they shun the work of the
KpLVOVTES SvvoTOV ovSJ SlKoiov, hands as not fit for Christians.
lpyov >.omov ola8TJTOV TOVS
TOWVTOVS Jef,a1rTea80, · d.8eTOVVTES
KOL Jv TOVTC/) T~v TWV a.1roaT6Awv
1ropaSoa,v.
They say that the work of the
hands is to be shunned as
loathsome. And so they call
themselves 'spiritual ones', not
considering it possible or right
for such people as these to
touch perceptible work: they are
repudiating in this the tradition
of the apostles.
APPENDIX 2

4. 11 (ed. Parmentier, Jabularum compendium 4. 1 1 (PG
pp. 229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 7-continued
APPENDIX 2

15. Myovai µ.~ 8i86vai KaTa µ.lpos OE Kai T~V 7T€pt TOVS
l>,€TJ/J.OGVVTJV TOLS 1rpoaai-rovai, 1TTWXOVS a1rav8pw1rtav daayovT€S
/J,~T€ /J.~V X~patS ~ ?,pq,aVOLS, /J.~T€ cf,aaKOVT€S' ws ovxi TOLS OTJµ.oatg.
TOLS €V 8iacf,6pois 1T€pia-raa€aiv ~ 1rpoaai-rovaiv ~ -rafs
).cf,{3T} awµ.a.TWV Ka8€GTWGIV, ~ Ka-raA€AHµ.µ.lvais x~pais ovoi -rofs
ATJGTWV ~ {3ap{3apwv Jmopoµ.afs ~ 8iacf,6pois 1r€pia-raa€ai XPTJaaµ.lvois
nai -roiav-rais avµ.cf,opa[s ~ ).C.:,f3TJ awµ.a-rwv ~ v6aois ~
1T€p!1T€1TTWK6aiv· a).).' aVTOLS mKpo[s 8avHa-ra[s ~ ATJa-rwv ~
chav-ra µ.a>.>.ov 1raplx€iv· 8i6n {3ap{3apwv Jmopoµ.a[s ~ nai
av-rot €laiv WS aATJBws o{ 1TTWXO£ -roiav-rais avµ.cf,opa[s
-rep 1TV€V/J.a'T!. 1T€p!1T€1TTWK6aiv €1TapK€LV apµ.6-r-rov
They say not to give alms to TOVS 01TOTOTTO/J.€VOVS ~ TOVS o>.ws
those who ask, or to widows or aya8o€py€LV apxoµ.lvovs, a>.>.'
orphans, or to those in various avTOLS a.1rav-ra XOPTJY€LV" €aVTOVS
circumstances, either to those yap lcf,aaKOV €lvai TOVS aATJBws
who have maimed bodies, or to 1TTWX€VOVTas -rep 1TV€vµ.an.
those who have encountered Accordingly they are
incursions of robbers or introducing inhumanity towards
barbarians, or to those fallen the poor, asserting that it is
into situations such as these; but hardly fitting for those who
rather they hold on to have undertaken a life of
everything themselves, for they renunciation, or those who have
are truly 'the ones who are poor devoted themselves entirely to
in spirit'. doing good, to give help to
those requesting public
assistance, or to abandoned
widows, or to those needy who
are in various circumstances, or
with maimed bodies or with
illnesses, or with harsh creditors
or with incursions of robbers or
barbarians, or to those who
have fallen into situations such
as these; but they give
everything to themselves: for
they claim themselves to be
those who are truly poor in
spirit.
266 APPENDIX 2

pp.229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 8
(b) V7TV<p aJ a,pos aVTOVS (6) Tfl aJ €VXfl 8~8€v laxoAaK6T€S,
EK8iMvTES Tas Twv dvdpwv T~S ~µ./pas TO 1rAE,aTov
,pavTaatas 1rpotpr,Tdas a1roKaAovai. Ka8Ev8ovaLV.
and giving themselves to but, pretending to be devoted
sleep they call the fantasies of to prayer, they sleep most of the
their dreams prophecies. day.
APPENDIX 2

14. Myovaiv on µ.€-ra -r~v

A€yoµ.lv7Jv Trap' EKdvwv a.TTd.8Hav,
VTTV<p 7TOAAcji EKOL06V'T€<; €aV'TOV<;,
'
'TOV<; Ka'T, €7TL7TVOtav
> I
'TOV""
€V€pyoiiv-roc; av-roic; 7TOVTJPOV
oa{µ.ovo<; y,voµ.lvov<; dv€{povc;, we;
7rporf>TJ-rdac; KTJpv-r-rova,v· KaL
-rav-rac;we; 0.7T() 'TOV ayfov
7TV€V/,La'TO<; €/,L7TV€Va8daa<;
oiod.aKovai maT€V€a8ai ·
lv8ovaiaaµ.ovc; 'TOV'TOV<; ayfovc;
voµ.{(ovT€<; KaL dvoµ.&.(ov-r€<;"
a.TTa-rwvT€<; KaL a.TTa-rwµ.€voi.
They say that after what is
called by them apatheia, they
give themselves over to much
sleep, and the dreams which
occur by the inspiration of the
evil demon energizing them
they herald as prophecies; and
they teach that these things are
to be believed as inspired by the
Holy Spirit. These possessions
they regard and name as holy:
they are deceiving and deceived.
268 APPENDIX 2

pp. 229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 9
c. or 'TTJ, µiv JKKA7Jataa'TLKTJ, OVK
0.1T€a'T7Jaav Koivwv{a,' ovotv OV'T€
clvivavai OV'T€ Aw{3aa8ai cpaaKOV'T€';
o
'T~V 8£tav Tpocp~v, 1r£p, 17,
"o
O£a1T6'T7J, ;cp71 Xpta'T6,· Tpwywv
µov 'T~V aapKa Ka, 1r{vwv µov 'TO
alµa ,~a€'Tat d, 'TOV alwva."
They did not stand apart
from ecclesiastical communion,
[saying that] eating the holy
food, about which the Lord
Christ said, 'the one eating my
flesh and drinking my blood
will live for ever', neither
benefits nor harms.
APPENDIX 2

12. Myova,v T~V TOV ayfov h. €VLOL oi avTwv µ~n Koivwv71aa{

awµaTOS Kal aiµaTOS XpiaTOV TOV 7TOT€ Twv µvaT7Jp{wv >.iyovaiv, ,;l
a?r9fhvov 8rnv ~µwv ay{av µ~ T'T/S 1rapova{as Tov 1rv,;vµaTos
f',ET<1.A7Jipiv, /LTJO€V cl,<f,,;?,.,;,v ~ ala87JTWS a,a8ovTai, y,;voµEVTJS KaT'
f3>.&.1rTHv Tovs &.!{ws ~ &.va!{ws €K€{VTJV T~V wpav.
TOVTWV f',ETaAaµ{3&.vovTas Kal on Some of them say they never
o,a TOVTO µ6vov T'T/S share in the mysteries unless
€KKA7JataaTLK7/S Koivwv{as ovol1roTE they feel the coming of the
OEOV xwp{~rn8a,, &.o,a<f,6pov TOVTOV Spirit perceptibly, occurring at
rvyx&.vovTOS. Kal ovx ws ~W07TOLWV that time. (cf. Theme 2, 4b)
f',€TaAaµ{3&.vova, TOVTWV f',ETa
q,6{3ov Kal 7TfoTEWS, WS 8rnv
aEaapKwµlvov ovTwv TE Kal
'
7TLGT€VOf',€VWV.
They say that the holy
reception of the holy body and
blood of Christ our true God
neither benefits nor harms those
who receive them worthily or
unworthily. And that on
account of this alone it is not
necessary to separate from
eccelsiastical communion,
regarding this as indifferent.
And they do not receive these
things as life-giving, with fear
and faith, as being and believed
to be of God incarnate.
b. TOVTOLS 1rpoa,;T{8,;aav Twv
€KKATJGLWV Kal Twv 8va,aaT7Jp{wv
v1rEpoip{av, ws olov Tovs aaKTJTCtS
€KKA7JaiaanKats µiv µ~ 1rapaµivHv
avv&.!,;a,v, apK€ta8a; 0€ TaLS €V TOLS
€VKT7Jpfo,s aVTWV ,;vxa,s· TOGaVTTJV
yap €AEyov ,;lvai T'T/S 1rpoarnx71s
aVTWV ovvaµ,v, WGT€ aVTOLS T€ Kal
Tots 1rap' avTwv µa87JTrn8,;,a,v
ala87JTWS To 1rv,;vµa TO a'.y,ov
Jm<f,a{vrn8ai.
270 APPENDIX 2

4. r r (ed. Parmentier, fabularum compendium 4. r r (PG
pp. 229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 9-continued
APPENDIX 2 271

Among them they have

contempt for the churches and
the altars, as if it were fitting for
ecclesiastical ascetics not to
attend synaxes, and yet to hold
prayers in their oratories: for
they say that such is the power
of their praying that the Holy
Spirit appears perceptibly to
them and to those instructed by
them.
d. Kai -raVTTJV Elvai -r~v d),:T)Biv~v

xpia-riavwv KOLvwv{av· OV0€ yap lv
-rcji f3a1r-rfoµan -rij, €KKA:T)a{a, ~
-ra,, -rwv KATJpLKWV XELpo-rov{ai,
ayfov 1TV€VfLaTO, 1T<lV'TW!,
fL€TaAaµ.{3av€LV 'TOV, f3a1rn~oµlvov,'
El fL~ Tat, aVTWV 1rpoawxa£,
q,i>.01rvw-rEpov Koivwv~aELEv, Kai
>.a{3€LV av nva KaL Uxa 'TOV
/3a1r-r{aµa-ro, ayfov 1TV€VfLaTO,
, , , , ...
KOLVWVLaV, EL 1rapaµEV€LV av-roi,
lBEA~aELE Kai -ro,,
€KE{vwv
µa87JT€V€a8ai ooyµaaiv, w, KaL
1rpEa/3v-rlpwv nvwv d1r6v-rwv
, ... " , , \ ...
av-roi,' O'TL €V 1TLU'T€L TO 1TVEVµa 'TO
\
a'.yiov oµo>.oyovµEv ;XELV Kai OUK

alaB~aEL, l1rayyd>.aa8ai KaL av-ro,,
oia -rij, avv av-ro,, 1rpoawxij,
fL€Taoo8~arn8ai -rij_, alaB~aEW, 'TOV
1TV€VfLaTO,.
And this is the true
communion of Christians: not
in the Church's baptism, nor by
the ordinations of clerics, do the
baptized fully receive the Holy
Spirit; but one who is diligent
will have communion by their
272 APPENDIX 2

4. 11 (ed. Parmentier, f abularum compendium 4. rr (PG
pp. 229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 9-continued
APPENDIX 2 273

prayers, and will have a certain

and proper communion of the
baptism of Holy Spirit; if
someone wants to remain with
them and to be instructed in
their doctrines, even though
certain presbyters have told
them that we confess to have
the Holy Spirit in faith and not
by sensation, it is proclaimed
that the sensation of the Spirit
is given to them through
praying with them.
g. . .. Ka, TOVS a1To oiacf,6pwv

aµ.apT'TJ/J-0.TWV avTOLS 1Tpoai6vTa<;
H "" I JI
av1,v Kap1Tov nvos µ.ETavoias, av1,v
[1,p/wv av8EVTlas, (lV€V {3a8µ.wv TWV
Tots Kav6ai TOLS EKKA71aiaanKOLS
0i7JyOp€V/J,€VWV TO.X!UTa Ka8a{p1,iv
1TaVTOS aµ.apT~µ.aTOS
E1Tayy/UoVTai, µ.6vov Ei ns TTJV
1T0Av8p6U71Tov avTWV 1Tpoawx71v
1Tap' avTofs µ.EAET~aas µ.6aT7JS
axloios T'TJS EKdvwv Kv{3das
, I (' I "" I
1,y1,v1,To, ws Kai nvas Twv ToiovTwv
1Tpo T'TJS a1TaAAayiJs TWV
aµ.apT7J/J,0.TWV ayHv aVTOVS El,
KA7JpiKWV XHPOTovlas 00A€pws
1T1,{8ovns Tovs EmaK61Tovs
Emn8/vai XEtpas avTOLS Ti, 1Tapd.
Twv voµ.i(oµ.lvwv 1Tap' avTots
aaK7JTWV µ.apTvp{g. 0€Arn(oµ.lvovs.
TOVTO 0€ a1Tovo6.(ovaiv ovx ws TOVS
TWV KA7JptKWV {3a8µ.ovs nµ.lovs
KplvovTES oi y1, Ka, avTwv TWV
E1TiaK61Twv KaTac/,povovvTES, oTav
J8i>.wai, ci>.>.d. OvvaaTElav nvd. Ka,
av8uTlav EaVTOLS
1Tpayµ.aTw6µ.1,vo,.
274 APPENDIX 2

pp.229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme 9-continued
APPENDIX 2 275

... and those who come to

them without any fruit of
repentance from various sins,
without authority of priests,
without the stages which are
prescribed in the ecclesiastical
canons, they promise to take
away every sin immediately,
only if someone undertakes the
prayer which is much spoken of
among them, and thoughtlessly
becomes an initiate of their
trickery. Certain of these before
the release of sins they brought
for the laying on of hands of
clerics, deceptively persuading
the bishops, who were deceived
by the testimony of those
among them thought to be
ascetics, to lay hands upon
them. They pursue this not
because they judge the ranks of
the clergy to be worthy, for they
are contemptuous of their
bishops when they wish, but
they are seeking for themselves
a certain authority and
lawfulness.
276 APPENDIX 2

pp.229-31) 83, cols. 429-32)
Theme IO
d. Kpv1ru.iv Si T~v v6aov 10. 1rp6x£ipoi Si £laiv £l, apv71aiv,
7T£ipwµ,£vo,, Kai P,£TO. lMyxov, KaV {3iaa8waiv, ava8£p,aT£{ovaiv
avaiSw, l!apvovvTai, Kai £V7T£Tw, Tov, TOVTWV n ,\lyovTa,.
' ,
a1TOK7lpVTTOvai \
TOV, ...
TavTa They are quick to deny, and
<f,povovvTa, 0.7T€p EV Tai, if,vxa,, when constrained, they readily
7T£pi<f,lpovai. anathematize the ones saying
Endeavouring to hide the these things.
sickness, even after
condemnation they shamelessly
deny, and they disavow those
who think these things which
they bear in their souls.
APPENDIX 2 277

19. oVToL €pwTWµEvo, 1rEpt TWv J. Ka-raq,povoiiaL 0€ paotws Kai

lotwv av-rwv Ooyµ.a-rwv, ;gapvoL aq,opLaµ.wv. oµ.v6ovaL 0€ a.Sews Kai
y{vov-raL· Kai a.Sews Kai 7rpo86µ.ws €7TLOpKOVaLV, ava8eµ.a-r{,ova{ 'TE
ava8eµ.a-r{,ovaL 7TO.V-ras 'TOVS OV'TW V7TOVAws 'T'YJV aipeaLV av-rwv.
q,povoiiv-ras ~ Kai q,pov~aav-ras· Kai They readily condemn the
oµ.vVOVGLV a.tp6{3ws, WS Ta 'TOLaVTa excommunicated. They freely
o6yµ.a-ra /l,LGOVGL Kai swear and perjure, and emptily
0.7Toa-rpl.q,ov-raL · ws µ.~-re -rfis anathematize their heresy.
€7TLOpKtas µ.~TE 'TOV ava8eµ.aTLaµ.oii
{3Aa.7TTHV AoL7TOV Svvaµ.l.vwv -rovs
µ.e-ra 'T'YJV 0.7T0.8€LaV, WS av-roi
Al.yovaL, 7Tvevµ.aTLKOVS yevoµ.l.vovs·
€7TLOpK€tV 'TE Kai ava8eµ.a-r{,eiv
lav-rovs l-r? aoe{as lx6v-rwv av-rwv
€K -rfis 'TWV OLOaaKa.Awv av-rwv
7Tapao6aews.
These, when asked about
their own teachings, become
deniers; and immediately and
willingly they anathematize all
the ones who think or thought
this way. They swear without
fear that they hate and reject
such beliefs, for after apatheia
neither perjury nor cursing can
harm those who have become,
as they say, 'spiritual ones'.
They have from the tradition of
their teachers that they can
perjure and anathematize
themselves freely.
278 APPENDIX 2
Proper to Timothy's List

6. Myova,v O'Tt Tpd, V1TOaTaaEt,, 1T0Tpos KOL vloii KOL ayfov 1rvdµ.0TOS",
,d, ,.dov v1r6aTOatv avoAVOVTOt KOL /1-€To/3a,\,\ovTOt' KOL O'Tt ~ 8€{0 </,vat,
Tp€7T€TOt KOL /.t€T0/3aAA€TOt €l, 01T€p av Wl,\TJ KOL {3ovA€Tat, i'vo avyKpo8iJ
mi, €0VTTJS" at {ot, ipvxoi,,
They say that three persons, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, are
dissolved and changed into one person, and that the divine nature
alters and changes into whatever it wills and wants, so that it can be
mixed with souls worthy of itself.
(Timothy) (John)
7a. Myovaiv on a1rlpµ.o KOL ,\6yos I 5. on 01rlpµ.o KOL ,\6yos E1TW€V
lvl1r€a€V €l, T~v Mop£av· €l, T~v Mop{ov.
They say that seed and word That seed and word fell into
fell into Mary, Mary.
7b. KOL O'Tt TO awµ.o B avl,\o{3€v ;g OVTTJS" o KVpta,, 8o,µ.6vwv 1}v
1T€1TATJpwµ.lvov, KOL ltlf3o,\€v T<l 8o,µ.6v,o, KOL OVTWS" OVTO lv€0VaOTO,
and that the body which the Lord took from her was full of
demons, and he cast out the demons, and thus put it on.
8. Myova,v O'Tt TOV a.v8pw1rov C>V avl,\o{3Ev lK TTJS" Mop{o, o KVpta,, 7TOTE
µ.iv OVTOV ds 1TV€Vµ.o 1-'-€TE/30AA€V, 7TOTE OE €l, awµ.o · 8,6n OVTO TO awµ.o
TOV Kvpfov a1T€p{ypo1TTOV -ryv, Ko8a1T€p ~ 8€{0 </,vat,.
They say that the man which the Lord took from Mary he
changed into spirit, then into body, for the Lord's body itself was
uncircumscribed, like the divine nature.
11. Myovatv O'Tt ~ i/,vx~ TOV 1Top' OVTOi, 1TV€V/1-0'TtKOV av8pC.:mov, /1-€T<l
T~V A€yoµ.EVTJV 1rop' lK€£vwv a1ra8EtaV, 1-'-€T0/3a,\,\€Tat €l, T~V 8€{ov KOL
aK~pOTOV <pVatV.
They say that among them the soul of the spiritual person, after
what they call apatheia, is changed into the divine and immortal
nature.
18. OVTOt yvvoiKOS" 8,ooaKaAovs TWV Ooyµ.aTWV TTJS" lo{o, atpWEWS"

1rpo{3a,\,\ovTat' ov µ.6vov avopwv <l1TAWS, d,\,\d KOL frplwv 'TOV'TOS" ltapxEtv
l1rtTpi1rovT€S' K€cpo,\~v fovTwv Ta, yvvoiKo, 1roiovµ.Evo,, KOL T~v ovTw,
K€<pOA~V XptaTOV TOV 8€oV ~µ.wv anµ.a~OVT€S".
These people promote women as teachers of the doctrines of
their heresy; they permit these [women) to rule over not only men
but also priests, making women their own head, and dishonouring
the one who is the head, Christ our God.
APPENDIX 2 279
Proper to John's List
I I. on 'TO 7TVP 071µ.,ovpy6v fonv.
That fire is a demiurge.
I 2. O'TL ~ i/Jvx71 ~ 1-'7/ ;xovaa 'TOV Xpta'TOV EV alaB~aEL KaL 7TO.UTJ EVEpyE{g.
olK7l'T~p,6v fonv £p7TE'TWV Kai lo{36Awv 871p{wv, 'TOV'TEUTL 7TO.a71, Tij,
aVTLKELµ.€V7/S OVVO.µ.EWS,
That the soul which does not have Christ in sensation and all
energy is a dwelling place of snakes and wild beasts, that is of every
opposing power.
r 3. O'TL cf,vaEL 'T<l KaKO.,
That bad things are by nature.
14. O'TL KaL 7Tpo 'Tij, 7Tapa{3a.aEWS a7Ta8w, EKOLVWV7IUEV O'Aoaµ. 'Tfl Evg..
That before the transgression Adam had union with Eve without
pass10n.
r 6. O'TL ovo OEL K'T~aaa8ai 'TOV av8pw7TOV i/Jvxa.,, cf,aa{, µ.{av 'T'f/V KOLV7JV
av8pw7TOLS KaL µ.lav 'T'f/V €7Tovpa.vwv.
That there must be two souls created for a person, one which is
common to people, and one which is heavenly.
f. 7ro,\,\a 0€ KaL €'TEpa 7rpo, 'TOLS Elp71µ.lvo,, npa'TEVOV'TaL,w, KaL ya.µ.ov,

lv8foµ.ovs d.oiacf,opw-ra'Ta oiaAVELV aiJ'TOVS KaL 'TOVS 'TWV ya.µ.wv
acf,La'Taµ.lvovs w, aaK7l'T<lS 7TpoaAaµ.{36.vrn8a, KaL µ.aKaptiELv, KaL 7Ta'T€pa,
KaL /L7/'T€pa, 'TEKVO'Tpocf,{a, aµ.EAEi'v 7Td8ova,v, aiJ'TOLS 0€ 7TpoaKoµ.{iELv
7TO.V'Ta Ka'TE7Tl!OOV'TES, oovAovs 0€ 0EU7TO'TWV a7T00LOpa.aKOV'Ta, £'To{µ.ws
7Tapaolxov'Tat ...
And they are involved with many things besides those
mentioned; they dissolve lawful marriages with indifference, and
receive and bless as ascetics those leaving marriages, and they
persuade fathers and mothers to disregard child-rearing, charming
[them so that they] bring everything to them. They readily receive
slaves fleeing from their masters ...
i. E7TL'Tp€7TOVaL oi nvE, aiJTwv Toi', {3ovAoµ.lvo,, a.7TO'T€/LVELV Ta fovTwv

cf,va,Ka µ.6p,a.
Some of them incline towards those who want to cut off their
own physical members.
APPENDIX 3.
Condemned Messalian Propositions and the
Writings of Ps.-Macarius
Timothy, De iis qui ... accedunt

1. See as below for J 1-3.
2. See as below for J 4-6; cf. II 3. 4 on 'root'.
3. 3a as for T 2.
3b as for J c 1 •
3c: cf. I 15. 2. 2, 50. I. 9.
4. See as for J 8.
5. Cf. I 5. 4. 1.
6. Cf. I 5. 4. 2, 37. 5, 49. 2. 7 (=II 4. 9-13).
7. 7a: cf. H 52. 3 and 5.
7b: cf. H 52. 2; I 4. 16 (= II 6. 5), 53· 2. 8 (= II I I. 9).
8. Cf. I 37. 1-2 and 5; cf. v int 21-2.
9. 9a as for 3b, above.
9b - - (cf. H.e. 7-8).
9c: cf. I 34. 10.
10. 1oa: cf. I 33. 3. 3, 36. 1. 1.
10b: - - (cf. Haer. a).
II. Cf. I 2. 12. 15; II 24. 6, 34. 3; III 16. 6. 2.
12. See as for J h.
13. As for Ja; cf. H.e. a, Haer. 6.
14. - - (cf. H.e. b, Haer. 6).
15. As for Ja.
16.
17. Cf. I 39. 2.
18.
19. - - (cf. H.e. d, Haer. 10).
John, De haeresibus, 80
I. Cf. I 4.16 (=11 6.5), 4.29.10 (=11 15.48), 6.2.2-3 (=11
26. 23-4), 33. I. 6 (=II 15. 35), 46. I. 2 (=II 16. 1) and 10-1 I
(=1116.5-6); II 2. 1-2, 2.4-5.
*2. I 7. 16. 3 (=11 27. 19).
APPENDIX 3
3. Cf. 14. 5. 1-2 (=n 40. 7), 6. 2. 2-3 (=n 26. 24), 6. 3. 4, 6. 4. 3
(=II 27.9-10), 7.7.2 (=II 26.15), 7.8.1 (=II 26.18),
16.1.8 (=II 17.4), 16.1.10-11 (=II 17.6-7), 18.3.2,
46. 2. I (=II 16. 6).
4. Cf. I 25. 2. 1-4.
5. Cf. I 4. 30. 6, 25. 2. 3.
6. Cf. I 4. 9. 2 (= II 8. 3), 44. 2. 2; II 12. 6-7; H 52. 7.
7. Cf. I 5 1. 5 and many other passages.
8. Cf. I 2. 11. 1-2, 4. 8 (=II 8. 1), 40. 2. 3, 46. 1.4 (=II 16. 2); II
12. I 5·
9. Cf. I 4. 5. 1 (=II 40. 7), 5. 3. 2-4, 45. 2 (=II 15. 38); II 12. 12;
cf. Gospel of Thomas, logia 3 and 22.
10. Cf. r 4. 22 (=II 7. 5), 17. 1. 2, 43. 2.
11. Cf. I 35.8.9, 46. 1. 1 (=II 16. 1), 53. 1. 1-2 (=II 11. 1); II
25. 9-10.
12. Cf. 1 6. 2.4 (=n 26. 24), 14. 10 (=II 43. 7). 21. 3-4.
13. Cf. I 2.3. 11, 4.29. 12 (=II 15.49), 49.2.2 (=II 4.6); II
26. 22. Cf. Severns, Contra additiones, p. 34. 22-3.
*14. I 7. 2.
15. As for T 7a, above.
*16. H 52.5. Cf. III 10.3.4; I 8.4.1, 32.8.7 (=II 15.22); cf.
Gospel of Thomas, logion 11.
17. Cf. I 52. 2. 4 and many other passages.
*18. 14.9.2(=II8.3).
(a) Cf. I 31. 5. 8-6. 1 (=II 29. 7).
(b)
(c') Cf. I 6. 3. 2 and 5, 14. 10 (= II 43. 7); II 26. 25; III I. 3. 3.
(c2) See as for J 7 above, and I 31. 4. 3 and II 12. 7.
(d) Portions as above for various topics.
(e) On being ·dA€ios, see I 11. 4. 5 (= II 47. 17), 43. 3, 45. 4. I
(= II 15. 41). Liberation from passions, passim.
(f)
(g)
(h) Cf. I 25. 2. 1-4.
(i)
(j) - ( c f . H.e. d, Haer. 10).
Note: Numbers refer to numbering of Timothy and John material in Appendix 2.

Blanks indicate no parallel with Ps.-Macarian texts.
* indicates direct dependence on an extant text of Ps.-Macarius.
APPENDIX 4.
aia81Jais in the Writings of Ps.-Macarius
Without a preposition
= a faculty of perception = perception, impression,
ala817Tfipia sensation
E.M. 7. 7 (Heh. 5: 14) of (spiritual) progress
1 25. 1. 11, 15-17 (of body) l 51. I (=II 10. 1)
158.3.3 l 64. 9
l 59. 1. 2 (Heh. 5:14) of goodness of the Spirit or
~ voepa ara817ais grace
l 2. 10. 5 (twice) 121.11
l 39. I. 6 1 31. 4. 3 (om. II 29. 6)
five AoyiKai ala8fiaeis 131.6.3
l 49· 2. 3 (=II 4· 7)
II 12.7
of good things
1 16. 3. 2 (om. II 17. 12)
l 31. 4. 2 (om. II 29. 6)
of burden of sin
l 20. I. 4
= experience and knowledge = knowledge (used with other

(with 7TEtpa) words)
in the dative Phil. 1:9 (J7r{yvwais)
one sees heavenly good l 5. 2. 7
things, l 49. 2. 14 (=II l 29. 2. 8 (plus 7r,\17poef,opta)
4. 12) (cf. l 31.4.3)
knowledge of heavenly m27.4.3
mysteries, l 50. 2. 1 with 0.7TOKa.Av,fus
one discerns good and evil, l 31. 1. 7 (with Jv; om.
III I 2. 2. 4 (with Jvlpyeia)
II 29. 5)
in the accusative l 43· 2
of spiritual food, with 0.7TOKO.Av,fus, yvwais,
l 15. I. 1-2 opaais, ef,wnaµ,6,
l 4. 22 (=II 7. 5)
APPENDIX 4
With EV
= a condition or mode of being acted upon
afoOTJaLS' alone In trios
I II. 2. 10 (=11 47. 11)
with 8vvaµ.LS' and
1 32. 3. 3 (om. 11 15. 15)
1rA7Jpocpop{a
In pairs III 25. 6. 2
with 1TATJpocpop{a with l1r{yvwai, and
E.M. 9. 12 1rA7Jpocf,op{a
12.3.15 I 29. 2. 8 (cf. Phil. 1:9)
115.1.3 with 1TATJpocpopta and
I 36. 3· 2 (=11 37· 7) v1r6aTaULS'
I 51.5 (=1110.2)
I 34· 7
I 64. 9
(cf. 111 12. 2. 4, know good
III 25. 6. I
and evil mdpq. Kai ivEpytdq.
With ava1TaVULS' Kai alaOfiaH)
I 52. 2. 3
In a quartet
with Suvaµ.,,
II I 6. I With d>.fiOHa, lvlpyHa,
1TATJpocpop{a
with lvlpyHa
I 24. 13
I 30.5 (=1114.2)
III 25. 6. I
with lpyaa{a
I 5. 2. 7
APPENDIX 5.
Pairs and Combinations of Terms
e,,
'Cl
e,,
"§_ ~ ~
.;:; Cl t;; !- t;;
b Cl e,, ~ ,;: 'Cl 'S.
,;: g e,, e,, 0 f
b ;... ,.a b ~ Cl
<:§" ~ b J ,.\. ;:
'~ '.;:, 'a '~ t!. ~ '() ~ '~
Cl
·~ ·"J f
'Cl ~ ~ '.S
"'Ci -~ ~f -~ ·~
t k s ·k
·~
a1a871ai, /2 2/1 1/ 1/1 2/4 2/2 2/ 4/1 7/6 /1
cL\~8Ha /2 13 13
0.7TOKa),vij,i, 2/1 /1 1/1
yevai, /2 /2
yvwai, 1/ 3/
Svvaµi, 1/1 /2 5/1 /1 5/6
' '
EVEpyEta 2/4 13 5/1 2/1 3/6
E7Tiyvwai,
' ' 2/2 /1 /2
lpyaala 2/
lpyov /1 1/2 /1
7TEtpa 4/1 3/ 2/1 2/
,;.
7Ttans 1/
7r).71pocf,opfo 7/6 13 1/1 /2 5/6 3/6 /2 1/2 2/ 1/ /2
v7T6aTaai, /1 /1 /2
Note: The first number is for pairs, the second for combinations.
APPENDIX 6.
Vocabulary of Mixing or Blending 1n the
Writings of Ps.-Macarius (excluding
non-theological uses)
-»
...
·a·;;:
i:S
>,
bi)
...
E- ·;:::
...
II)
c ~
0
0
.s... ...., 0 ·a 0
0. ·;::: ...
0 (/") 0. .,
...0 "'...c ..c:"'u "0- a'fl ~
II)- II)
...c
..c:
·c: ;0
u ...
;::l
"'... ...
- "'uc ... "O
;::l 0 c
<( .Il ...:l i:Q c., ~ i:i3 TOTAL
d.vaK€pa.vvvµ.i
d.vaKipva.w/T)µ.L 6 4
I
K€pavvvµ.i
KLpva.w/T)µ.L 3 9 6 2
'2}
23 67
avyK€pa.vvvµ.i
avyKipva.w/T]µ.L 4 I I 8 4 3 32
d.vaµ.[yvvµ.i
J7nµ.{yvvµ.i 2 2
KaTaµ.[yvvµ.i
µ.[yvvµ.i 4 2 7 14 24
I
7Tapaµ.iyvvµ.i
I
avyKaTaµ.iyvvµ.i
I
avµ.µ.iyvvµ.i 4
KpaaLS 2
d.va.Kpaai,
I
avyKpaai,
avvava.Kpaai,
I
avyKpiµ.a
µ.rg,,
3
n3
3
6
3
3
TOTAL 3 7 2 30 28 13 5 15 103
286 APPENDIX 6
REFERENCES
The code to the left of the entry indicates the category of usage, as
above.
A: Anthropological, to describe human beings.
Inc: Incarnation, the union of human and divine natures m
Christ.
E: Eucharist as blending of divine power or person with bread
and wine.
L: the Lord, the Bridegroom, 'Divinity', etc., united or
blended with the believer.
Sp: The Spirit united or blended with the believer.
Gr: Grace or divine power united or blended with the believer.
V: Virtues or moral qualities united or blended with the
believer.
S: Sin, Satan, passions, etc., united or blended with the
believer.
avaKEpavvvµi KEpavvvµi-COntinued
v 13.5.10 L I 49. 2. 9
Sp 19.2 .. 1=119.2.1(=11 L 1112.15
I. 3) L 11 44. 1
Sp 1 13. 2. 4 (=n 18. 10) L II 46. 6
(twice) Sp H 52. I
Sp I 22. 2. 12 L H 52. 6
Sp I 27. 2. 4 Inc H 52. 6
Sp I 28. 2. 2 Sp H 52. 6
Gr 1 29. 2. 2 Inc H 52. 6
Gr 1 48. 6. 10 (=n 5. 11) Sp III 15. 5
L I 5 I. 7 (=II 10. 4) Sp III 19. 2
Gr II 44. 9 Sp III 20. 2. 3
Gr III 16. 6. 2 L III26.7.3
KEpavvvµi avyKEpavvvµt
S 12.3.4 L 13.6.1
V 13.5.8 V I 4. 27. I (=II 16. 8)
L 1 3. 6. 3 L I 5. 2. 10
L I 4. 13. I E I 7. 15 (=n 27. 17)
Gr 1 4. 13. 3 V I 9. 2. 9 (=II I. 8)
L 1 4. 30. 8 Sp I 10. 2. 4
E I 22. I. 8 Sp 111.4.2(=1147.15)
Sp I 26. 15 Sp 113.2.4(=1118.10)
Inc 1 26. 16 L 132.8.7(=1115.22)
S I 46. I. 3 (=11 16. 2) (twice)
APPENDIX 6
avyK£pO.VVVfJ-L-COntinued µ{yvvµ,-continued
L I 44· 2. 7 Gr I 49. 2. 5 (avyKaTa-)
Gr I 44· 2. 7 (II 4. 7 = avaT71va,)
s I 46. I. 2 (=11 16. 1) L I 49· 2. 9 (II 4. 10 =
L I 47· 8 ava-)
L I 49· 2. 7 (=II 4· 8) Gr I 50. 2. 3 (KaTa-)
L I 49. 2. 8 (=11 4· 9) Sp I 63. I. 6
L I 49. 2. II (om. II 4. 11) Sp 163.4.5
Inc I 53· 2. 8 (=II II. 9) s II 2. 2
Sp II 12. 17 (twice) s II 24.2 (avµ-)
v n 15. 35 (om. I 33. r. 6) s II 41. I (om. I 18. I. 3)
Gr II 24. 6 L H 51. I (auµ-)
L II 25.5 Sp H 51. 2 (avµ-)
Inc II 32. 6 L III 3. 3. 2
Gr II 34. I s 11118.1.2
L II 34· 3 KpaaLS etc.
Gr Ill I. 2. I Sp I 15. 2. 3 (=11 9.12)
Sp III 3. 3. 2 A I 25. I. I (=avyKpLµa)
Sp III 3.4.2 Sp I 26. I 5
Sp III 16.3.5 A I 36.4. I (=11 37.8)
Inc III 21. r. 1 (twice) (avyKpLµa)
'
µ,yvvµ, Sp I 48. 5· 9 (=II 5· 7) (ava-)
s I 2. 5. 3 A E.M. 7. 11 (avyKpLµa)
L I 3· 6. 4 Sp E.M. 12. 2
Gr I 4· I 3· 3 ( avvava.Kpaa,,;)
Gr I 5· 4· 3 (avµ-) L II 46. 3
s I 14. 6 (=11 43· 3) L H 52. 6 (avy-)
s I 14. 18 µig,,
s I 21. 6 s I 46. I. 2 (=11 16. I)
s I 25. r. 13 (J7TL-, twice) ( 'not a µf!,s')
s I 32. 8. 10 (7rapa-) (=II L II 32. 6
15.25) Sp III 20.2.3
APPENDIX 7.
Vocabulary of Mixing or Blending in Greek Christian Writings
>,
Oil i::
<1) ·.::... 0
0 i::
:a-...
0 .Sl
..."':::, ... ... ·a 0 ·a:::,
c..
0
...
oS 8 rn ...._ <1)
<1)
... ...i::oS -~"'... ·.::"'oS <1)
s:... i "' -;
..c:: ...i:: 0 ..c:: u ~ -~ -0 :::,
oS ..c::u
oS ..."' ....
0 ><I
u
...c.."'
i::
...i:: ~u oS :::, ... ..c:: 0
......:::, <1)
i:: µl
..,:: E-< 'c; i:Q c, ; U...:l > ci3 rn
O.VaK£pavvvµ.t Nys
-
0, Naz, c 0, Nys* PsM C,O, C, O*, 0*, PsM 0, Nys
O.VaKtpVO.W/TJ/l-L Nys* PsM* Nys*
K€pO.vvVµ.L C, PsM* Naz, C,PsM PsM C, PsM* PsM* C* O,PsM c
KLpVO.Wf TJ/l-L Nys*
<JVYK£pavvvµ.t C, 0, M, C, M, Naz M PsM C, PsM* PsM* Nys*, PsM
avy1<1pvaw/T}µ.t Nys* Naz*, PsM*
PsM*
dvaµ.lyvvµ., PsM 0, Nys 0
lµ.µ.lyvvµ.1 Nys
KaTaµ.lyvvµ., Nys* Nys
µ.{yvuµ., 0, Naz Naz c PsM PsM PsM* Naz 0, PsM* C*, 0
auyKaTaµ.{yvuµ., Nys
auµ.µ.{yvuµ., PsM PsM PsM Nys PsM
Kpaµ.a Naz* C*
aVO.KpaaLS 0, Nys* Naz Nys PsM Nys
Kpiia,s 0, Naz, Naz c PsM PsM
Nys
avyKptµ.a PsM, Naz
Nys*
avyKpaaLS Naz Nys Naz* PsM c
auvavaKpaais
' Nys* Nys Nys
µ.i~,. Naz, Nys Nys Naz* PsM PsM Nys PsM C, 0*,
M, Nys
/J,LKT6S Naz
C = Clement of Alexandria
O=Origen
M = Methodius
Naz= Gregory of N azianzus
Nys = Gregory of Nyssa
PsM = Ps.-Macarius
* indicates that the author uses the word with some frequency; generally this means more than twice in the texts surveyed.
APPENDIX 8.
Vocabulary of Mixing or Blending in the
Writings of Ephrem (as surveyed)
-~ "' "':::,
-~"' .::
.:: <ii .5 ...
.... v
:::,
<ii:::, il: "'
:::,
c::r ·c"' 0 ..c::
....
c::r en"
v
i::
0
..c::
u
0..
v -~ ..."'
v
>.
"'E
v
"'
E er.,
"Cl i::
.Sl ....
-c,"
i::
·;:
;,a ·a
....
·c
....:::,
.9'
Oil
0
...(.) 00..
"'i:: ·....i::"' i::
"'v...
....
E ·c"'
0
c.,
"'
::0 -~... ..c::
....>.
·a ..."' -~.... ..c::"' -ci'... v" er.,>.
i::
(.)
er., 0...
..c::
.... ..c::
....
i::
.... ·c
-"' "'0.. w:::, ~ c.,"'... :r:0 ...."'
(.)
(.)
0 ..c:: i::
~
0
c., u ~"' E-< i::
~ -t: "' TOTAL
er.,
l}lat 4 3 5 3 6 2 25
l}ii.l{ana 3 4
!Jlita'zt
mzag 2 15 6 8 13 13 7 19 6 3 3 4 100
muzzaga 2 2 6
'rab 0
TOTAL 2 15 l l 13 24 16 7 25 8 3 5 6 136
REFERENCES
above.
G: God's names or qualities as united or blended in God.
Xt: Christ's names or qualities as united or blended in Christ.
F+ S: Father and Son united or blended.
Tr: Trinity as union or blending of Father, Son, and Spirit. ,.
APPENDIX 8 291
Inc: Incarnation, the union of divine and human natures in

Christ.
B: Baptism as divine person or power united or blended with
the act and/or recipient.
E: Eucharist as divine person or power united or blended with
the act and/or recipient.
L: Lord, God, Christ, etc., united or blended with the
believer.
Gr: Grace or divine power or qualities united or blended with
the believer.
Sp: Spirit united or blended with the believer.
Ser: Scriptures as divinity mixed with the words.
A: Anthropological, to describe human beings.
S: Sin, Satan, etc., united or blended with the believer.
mzag H.eccl. -continued

H.fid. Xt 5.21
L 6.5 Sp 21. l
A 10.9 L 21.4 (twice)
E 10. 14 Inc 27.7
L 12. l L 39.3
L 13.2 Inc 49.6
L 18.5 H.nat.
Tr 40. 2 (twice) Inc 3.9
Tr 40. 3 (twice) Inc 3. 17
Tr 40.4 E 4.95
Tr 40.5 L 4.207
Tr 40.8 Inc 8.2
B 40.9 Inc 22. 14
B 40. 10 Xt 25. 5 (twice)
Inc 41. 6 Xt 27. 11 (twice)
Ser 42.3 L 27. 13
F+S 50.2 H.epiph.
Inc 54.5 B 3. l
G 55. 12 B 3· l l
F+S 61. 2 B 4.2
s 64.4 B 4. 5
F+S 77. 13 B 8. l
F+S 77. 16 L 8.2
F+S 77. 17 B 8.4
L 80.3 Sp 8. 4 (twice)
H.eccl. B 8.6
E 4. 15 B 8.22
292 APPENDIX 8
H.epiph. -continued H.c.haer.
B 9· 5 F+S 3.8
B 9. II Tr 6. 15
H.virg. G 14. 5
Xt 4. 5 Inc 32.9
Xt 28. I L 34·4
Xt 28. 2 s 41. 17
Xt 30. I E 43. 3
E 37. 2 Xt 51. 6
L 37. 2 Xt 51. 7
H.azym. E.C.
E 2. 7 Inc 1. 8, p. 8
E 5. 16 L 22.5, p.238
L 19.23
L 19.25 muzzaga
H.crucif. H.fid.
Xt 1. 2 A 1. 8
H.resurr. Tr 62. 12 (twice)
L 3. 7 (twice) C.Nis.
Hjejun. Gr 50. 6
Xt 3. 1 S.D.N.
Xt 3. 3 Inc 34, p. 32
Gr 5. 5 H.c.haer.
H.par. Inc 32.9
S 9.2
S 14. 3 IJlat
Eccl. H.fid.
L L 6.5
C.Nis. F+S 32. 16
Gr 4. 21 F+S 40. 2 (twice)
Gr 18.4 F+S 40.3
Inc 35.8 B 40. 10
Gr 50. 6 (twice) Inc 41. 6
Gr 69. 4 Inc 54. 5
A 69. 14 L 72.23
A 75. 13 Tr 73.4
Tr 73.8
S.D.N.
Tr 74.4
Inc 3, p. 3
Inc 5, p. 5 H.nat.
Xt 53, p. 50 Inc 8.2
B 55, p. 51 Inc 21. 12
APPENDIX 8 293
H.epiph. E.C.
L 3. 16 L 12.3, p.76
B 4. l
IJ,ul(ana
B 4. 5
L 8. l H.fid.
H.virg.
F+S 32. 16
L 26.9 H.nat.
H.jejun. Inc 18.29
s I. 9 C.Nis.
Inc 27. 18
C.Nis.
s 30.8 S.D.N.
A 76.24 Inc 34, p.32
S.D.N. IJlita'it
Gr 15, p. 12 E.C.
Inc 34, p.32 Inc 14. 29, p. 138
APPENDIX 9.
Vocabulary of Indwelling in the Writings of
Ps.-Macarius (excluding non-theological uses)
> I
15
.t:
...
·5.
rJ1
+
"O
...0
....:l
~
<.)
...
«I
c.,
~·
"'i:::0
·;;
0.
i:::"
W
6
TOTAL
28
OtK€W 4 3
EvotKE.w 19 10 10 40
KaTotKEW II 14
avvotKEW 2 3
JvotKTJGtS 3 7 10
GVVOtKOS 3
TOTAL 49 22 4 22
REFERENCES
in Appendix 9.
L: Lord, Bridegroom, Divinity, God, etc., dwelling within
the soul or heart.
Sp: Spirit dwelling within the soul or heart.
L+ Sp: Lord and Spirit dwelling within the soul or heart.
Gr: Grace dwelling within the soul or heart.
S: Sin, Satan, passions, etc., dwelling within the soul or
heart.
APPENDIX 9 295
, I
o,KEW Jvo,Klw-continued
L I 4. 14. 2 s I 29. 2. 8
Sp, S I I 8. 5. I L I 29. 2. 9
L I 18.6.9 L I 29. 2. IO
L I 21. 22 s I 30.4(=II 14. I)
L I 33· I. 3 (=II 15. 33) L I 30. 5 (II 14. 2 =
L I 38. 2. 7 olK71a'[J)
L I 40. I. I s I 38. I. 2
Sp I 40. 2. 4 L I 38. I. 3
L I 40. 2. 5 Sp I 38. 2. 8 (twice)
L I 44· 3· 3 L I 40. I. I
s I 46. I. II (=II 16. 6) Sp I 48. 5· 10 (II 5· 7=
Gr I 50. 4. I olKovaa)
L I 54· 2. 4 Sp I 48. 5. I I (=II 5 · 7)
s I 56. I. 4 (II 19. 2 Sp I 48. 6. 5 (=II 5· 10)
= €VO,KOVUT/S) L I 50. 2. 6
s I 56. 2. 2 (=11 19. 6) Sp I 50. 2. 6
L 161.1.11 L I 52. 2. 6
L 161.1.13 L I 54· 2. 4
Sp II 5· 7 (I 48. 5· IO, s I 56. I. 3 (=11 19. 2)
= €VO,KOVaa) Sp I 58. 2. 6
L II 14. 2 (I 30.5 s II 2. 3
=Jvo,K7JaH) s II 2. 4
L II 28.2 L II 32. 6
s II 45.2 L II 49. 4 (twice)
L II 49· 4 Sp H 53. 18
Gr II 50. I L III 15. 3
Gr II 50. 3 L III 16.4.3
s H 51. 2 s III 26. 3. r (twice)
L H 52. 6 Karo,Klw
Sp III 28.2.2 L I 24. IO
E.vo,KEw L I 29. 2. 6
Sp I 2. 6. 4 L I 29. 2. 7
L I 3· 3· 3 L I 29. 2. 8
L I 3. 5. 2 L I 29. 2. IO
s I 9. 2. 3 L I 30. 4
s I 14. 35 (=II 42. 3) Sp I 38. 2. 8
L I 22. I. I 3 L I 47· 8
L+Sp I 22. 2. 9 L I 54· 2. 4
Sp I 22. 2. 9 s II 2. 3
L I 24. I 3 L II 28. 2
L I 29. 2. 5 (twice) Gr III 16.5.3
APPENDIX 9
Ka TOLKEw-continued lvo{K71a,s-continued
L III22.3.4 Sp E.M. 9. I I
L III 28. 2. 2 Sp E.M. 9. 15
GVVOLKEW
I
Sp E.M. 9. 17
S I 14. 17 Sp E.M. 13. 15
S I 20. I. 2 L III25.2.4
L H 52. 7 L III 25. 6. 3
lvolK71aL<; GVVOLKO<;
Sp I 25. 2. 5 s 1 14. 8 (=n 43. 5)
Sp I 26. I I s I 32. 8. 9 (=II 15. 24)
L I27. 1.9 s II 45. 2
Sp 140.3.4
APPENDIX 10.
Vocabulary of Indwelling in the Writings of
Ephrem (as surveyed)
VJ
:::,
...
VJ .5
·.::
..c:"'u ...>,
·a VJ
:::,
c0 :::,
v ·.::
E-< .5 >,
en
·.::...
"O bi)
c c 0
"' ·.::...
"O -o' c
c
"'...v ...
.!a
s s VJ
0
c., ·s.. 0
c.. ·;;;
>,
.<;::: "'...c ...c..
-~ ...c..
-~ ..c:"'u
en ...0 c"
...
..c: -o'
... >,
...c
..c:
..."'
sra
~"'
2
·§
E-<
2
-"'cu
41
"'
ill
II
"'
ill µl
:::,
6 14
0
....:i
0
::c <
9 8
en"'
13
TOTAL
107
'mar 5 2 2 2 12
'umra 2 3
sken 4 4
aggen 3
ra};};ep 2
ru'11Japa
dar
TOTAL 2 2 49 12 6 18 17 10 16 133
REFERENCES
in Appendix 10.
F+ S: Father dwelling in the Son.
Tr: Trinity as Father, Son, Spirit, dwelling with one another.
Inc: Incarnation of Christ as dwelling in Mary's womb or in a
human body.
B: Baptism as divine person or power dwelling in/upon the act
or recipient.
298 APPENDIX 10
E: Eucharist as divine person or power dwelling in the act or

recipient.
L: Lord dwelling in the believer.
Sp: Spirit dwelling in the believer.
A: Anthropological, describing soul in body, etc.
S: Sin, Satan, etc., dwelling in the human person.
sra H.nat. -continued

H.jid. Inc 8.3
A I. 10 Inc 8. 14
L 3.6 L 12.4
F+S 8. 16 Inc 14. 14
Inc 10.7 Inc 16. 2 (twice)
E 10.8 E 16.4
E 10. 12 Inc 16. I I
Sp 18. 10 L 17. I I
E 19.3 Inc 2 r. 6-8 (twice)
Tr 40.3 Inc 21. I 3
Tr 40.8 Inc 23. 2 (five times)
B/E 40.9 Inc 25. 12 (with 'mar)
s 50.7 Inc 25. 14
s 50.8 Inc 25. 15
s 64. 5 (twice) Inc 28. I
L 69. 14 H.epiph.
H.eccl. L I. 8
A 7.8 Sp 3. 14
Inc 15.2 L 3. 14
Inc 36.2 B 4. 13
Inc 36.6 B 6. I
Inc 32.7 B 6.2
A 38.8 Inc 8. 1 (twice)
Inc 49.6 B 8. 2 (twice)
H.nat. B 8.6
Inc 3.20 B 8. 18 (twice)
Inc 4. 130 B I I. I
L 4. 130 H.virg.
Inc 4. 154 B I. 2
Inc 4. 165 L 5. 13
Inc 4. 174 s 16.6
Inc 4. 195 Inc 25. 10
Sp 5. 10 (twice) L 25. 10
Sp 6. 13 L 44.20
APPENDIX 10 299
H.azym. H.virg.
s 18. 9 Inc 37.9
E 19. 23 H.jejun.
Hjejun. L App. 3. 6 (ma'mra)
Inc 2.4 C.Nis.
B 7.5 A 47.2
L App. 3. 4 s 47. 9 (with sra)
L App. 3. 6 A 47. 9 (ma'mra)
H.par. Sp 67. 16
s 5.7 H.c.haer.
s 5.8 Inc 17. 5 (ma'mra)
A 5. 10 Inc 42.3
C.Nis. L 42.9
s 35.22 E.C.
A 45. 12 Inc 1.25, p.22
Inc 46. 1
Inc 46. 7 'umra
Sp 47. 8 (twice) H.nat.
S 47. 9 (with 'mar) Inc 13. 10
Sp 47. 9 H.virg.
S.D.N. L 1. 2
Inc 1, p. 1 (twice)
H.c.haer.
Inc 11, p. 10 (twice)
Inc 42.2
S 42, p.39
Inc 53, p. 50 sken
L 59, p. 53 H.epiph.
Sp 6. 2
H.c.haer.
Sp 6. 16
F+S 16.26
Sp 9. 1
S 39· I I
E 42. 9 C.Nis.
A 48. 14 (twice) Sp 70. 20
s 48. 18 aggen
Sp 48. 18
H.epiph.
A 52. 13
Sp I. 5
E.C. G 8.2
L 17. 11, p.200
E.C.
'mar Inc I. 8, p. 6
H.nat. ral/l]ep
Inc 3. 20
H.epiph.
s 17. 6
B 8. 15
300 APPENDIX I O
C.Nis. dar
Sp 28. 9 H.eccl.
ruJ,J,apa s 13.7
H.epiph.
Sp 6. 1
APPEND IX 11.
Vocabulary of Filling in the Writings of
Ps.-Macarius
....u "'
Q.)
Q.)
....::l...
....
·.:: ....· >,
.... ·;; "'
·a ·.::"' ·a ...0
i::
.s
..c: ·;;
U)
u :a "'"'
Q.)
~ ·,:i
;, "'0.
<.)
... 0 ... ...;- 0
c.,"'
0 ,::"
; 0
...:i
0
c., c., ci.i TOTAL
1rA7Jp6w*
active (God,
etc., fills)
passive (soul,
2
s 7
~
~
.,
·;::
..c:
~
;, s**
-·1
20
24
etc., is filled) u
0
c.,
.... ....
.o
.0
Jµ.1r[1TATJfU ~M <5.
active 2 :;~ 2
M~ MN
passive 2 2 ..c:: ..c::
0. 0.
t:<lt:<l
..c:...;
0. 0
t:<lU
2 6 } 8
1r>.~pwµ.a 7 1/7 2/2 20
1r>.~p7J, 2 2 s
'TTATJpEGTaT'TJ 4 4
1r>.~pwai, 3 3
TOTAL 16 22 8 6 3 9 64
* excludes 'fulfil commandments', etc.

** not counting the metaphor in I 29. 2. 6.
302 APPENDIX I I
REFERENCES
in Appendix 1 1.
Gr: Grace, divine power, etc., filling the soul or heart; the soul or
heart filled with grace.
Sp: Spirit filling the soul or heart; the soul or heart filled with the
Spirit.
L: Lord, Bridegroom, Christ, etc., filling the soul or heart; the
soul or heart filled with the Lord, Bridegroom, Christ, etc.
G: God or divinity filling the soul or heart; the soul or heart
filled with God or divinity.
V: Virtues or moral qualities filling the soul or heart; the soul or
heart filled with virtues or moral qualities.
S: Sin, Satan, passions, etc., filling the soul or heart; the soul or
heart filled with sin, Satan, or the passions.
TTArJP6w (active voice) TTA'TJpovµ,a,-continued

S l 6. l L IIl2I.I.2
Sp 156.2.7(=II19.9) L III26.7.1
Gr II 14. 3 (om. l 30. 7) lµ,TT{TTA'TJfL'
Gr III 17. 1. 3 Gr l 2. 10. 2
TTA'TJpovµ,ai (passive voice) Gr l 29. 2. 5
Gr l 4. 8 S l 41. 2
Sp 17.16.4(=II27.19) Sp l 56. I. 4 (=II 19.2)
v 17.18.7 Sp 1 61. 1. 10
S 18.3.4 Sp II27.7
Sp l 18.4.4 Sp II27.8
Sp l 21. 12 S II 28. 2
Sp l 29. 2. 5 TTA~pwµ,a
Sp 132.1.1(=II15.10) G 17.7.2(=II26.15)
Gr l 40. 2. 6 L 1 13. 2. 5 (=II 18. II)
Sp 1 55.4.4 Gr l 18. 2. 7
Sp 156.1.1(=II19.1) Gr l 19. 3. 3
S l 58. 3· 2 Gr l 20. 1. 5 (twice)
S E.M. 3. 5 G 1 37. 5
Gr II 10. 3 L 1 38. 2. 6
Gr II 12. 16 Sp l 40. 3. 5
Gr II 16.11 (om. 1 4. 27. 6) Gr 151.1.4(=II10.2)
G II 26. 15 Gr l 64. 9
G II 27. I7 L E.M. 2.4
S IIll2.2.l G E.M. 3. 12
S III 16. 2. 5 Gr E.M. 3. 13
APPENDIX I I 303
7TA~pwµ,a-continued 7TA~p1)s-continued
L E.M. 13. 3 Sp E.M. II. 10
L E.M. 13. 7 7TA1)plararos
L III 6. 2. 2 Sp 125.2.5
L III 21. I. 2 Sp E.M. 3. 13
G III 26.7. I Sp E.M. 9. 17
L III 28. 4. 4 Sp E.M. 13. 15
7TA~p1)S TTA~pwa,s
v 127.1.7 Sp I 18. 2. 7
V I 54· 5· 4 Sp E.M. 9. 1
S I 64. 8 Sp E.M. 13. I
Sp E.M. 4. 1
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Classical texts are not generally listed here; references to them in

the text are to the Loeb and Oxford University Press editions.
PRIMARY SOURCES
Items marked with an asterisk are included in the survey of Greek

and Syriac texts used for Chapters 4 and 5.
Greek
*Acts of Judas Thomas: Greek text, ed. R. A. Lipsius and M.
Bonnet, in Acta apostolorum apocrypha, ii (Leipzig, 1903),
99-288. For Syriac text and English translation, see below.
ALEXANDER OF APHRODISIAS, Alexander of Aphrodisias on Stoic
Physics: A Study of the De mixtione with Preliminary Essays,
Text, Translation and Commentary, ed. R. B. Todd (Philo-
sophia Antigua, 28; Leiden, 1976).
*AMPHILOCHIUS OF lcONIUM, Opera, ed. C. Datema (CCSG 3;
Turnhout, 1978).
Anonymous, La Vied' Alexandre l' acemete, ed. E. de Stoop, in PO
6. 5 (Paris, 1911), 642[1]-704[64].
*APOLOGISTS
Editions:
E. J. Goodspeed (ed.), Die altesten Apologeten (Gottingen,
1914).
(For Theophilus of Antioch) I. C. T. Otto (ed.), Corpus
apologetarum christianorum saeculi secundi, viii (Vienna,
1861, repr. Wiesbaden, 1969), 2-276.
(For Epistula ad Diognetum) K. Lake (ed.), The Apostolic
Fathers, ii (Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge, Mass./
London, 1913), 350-78.
Index:
E. J. Goodspeed, Index apologeticus siue Clavis Iustini martyris
operum aliorumque Apologetarum pristinorum (Leipzig,
1912; repr. 1969).
Apophthegmata patrum
Alphabetical Series in PG 65, cols. 72-440.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anonymous Series, ed. F. Nau, Revue de /'Orient chretien 12

(1907), 43-68, 171-81, 393-404; 13 (1908), 47-57, 266-83; 14
(1909), 357-79; 17 (1912), 204-11, 294-301; 18 (1913),
137-46.
*APOSTOLIC FATHERS
Edition:
K. Lake (ed.), The Apostolic Fathers, 2 vols. (Loeb Classical
Library, Cambridge, Mass./London, 1912-13).
Indices:
E. J. Goodspeed, Index Patristicus siue Clavis patrum apostoli-
corum (Leipzig, 1907; revd. edn., 1960).
H. Kraft. Clavis patrum apostolicorum. Konkordanz zu den
Schriften der apostolischen Vater (Munich, 1963).
ARNIM, H. VON (ed.), Stoicorum veterum fragmenta, ii (Leipzig,
1903).
*ATHANASIUS
Texts in PG 25-8.
Index: G. Miiller, Lexicon Athanasianum (Berlin, 1944-52).
*(?)ATHANASIUS, Vita Antonii in PG 26, cols. 837-976.
BALUZE, E., Conciliorum nova collectio (Paris, 1683).
BASIL OF CAESAREA, *De baptismo in PG 31, cols. 1513-1628.
- - *Homilia exhortatoria ad sanctum baptisma in PG 31,
cols. 424-44 (Hom. IJ).
--*Liber de Spiritu Sancto in PG 32, cols. 68-217.
--*Moralia in PG 31, cols. 692-869.
- - *Regulae brevius tractatae in PG 31, cols. 1052-305.
- - *Sermo asceticus ( = Ascetico magno praemissus or Prologus V)
in PG 31, cols. 881-8 (Ascet. 2).
CALLINICOS, Vita Hypatii, ed. G. J.M. Bartelink (SC 177; Paris,
1971); trans. A.-J. Festugiere: Les Moines d'Orient, ii (Paris,
1961).
*CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA, ed. 0. Stahlin, rev. L. Friichtel and
U. Treu, i-iii, iv(1) (GCS; Berlin, 1972, 1960, 1970, 1980), iv(2)
(GCS; Leipzig, 1936).
*CLEMENT, PSEUDO-, Homilia
Text: Die Pseudoklementinen, i. Homilien, ed. B. Rehm, rev.
J. Irmscher (GCS; Berlin, 1969).
Index: W. Chawner, Index of Noteworthy Words and Phrases
Found in the Clementine Homilies (London, 1893).
*Constitutiones apostolorum, ed. F. X. Funk (Paderborn, 1905).
CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA, Selected Letters, ed. and trans. L. R.
Wickham (Oxford, 1983).
*DIADOCHUS OF PHOTIKE, CEuvres spirituelles, ed. E. des Places (SC
306 BIBLIOGRAPHY
5 bis; Paris, 1976). [Cap.= Capita gnostica; Catech. = Catechesis;

Ascens. = Homilia de ascensione Domini; Vis.= Visio.]
DIDYMUS OF ALEXANDRIA ('the Blind'), De Trinitate in PG 39,
cols. 269-992.
DITTENBERGER, W., Sylloge inscriptionum graecarum, 3rd edn.
(Leipzig, 1920).
EPIPHANIUS OF SALAMIS, Ancoratus, ed. K. Holl, in Epiphanius'
Werke, i (GCS; Leipzig, 1915), 1-149.
--Panarion, ed. K. Holl, in Epiphanius' Werke, i. 150 ff., ii (rev.
J. Dummer, GCS; Berlin, 1980), iii (GCS; Leipzig, 1915-33).
EVAGRIUS OF PONTUS [Note abbreviations of titles]
- - *Capita cognoscitiva (=Appendix to Keph.) [Cap. cogn.].
Greek text: J. Muyldermans, Evagriana. Extrait de la revue Le
Museon, 42, augmente de nouveaux fragments grecs inedits
(Paris, 1931), 38-44.
Syriac version: W. Frankenberg, Euagrius Ponticus (Abhand-
lungen der koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu
Gottingen, Philol.-hist. Klasse, NF 13.2; Berlin, 1912),
422-70.
--*De malignis cogitationibus in PG 79, cols. 1200-33 [Mai.
cog.].
- - *De octo spiritibus malitiae in PG 79, cols. 1145-64 [Sp. mal.].
--*De oratione in PG 79, cols. 1165-1200.
- - *Gnosticus.
Greek fragments: I. Hausherr, 'Nouveaux fragments grecs
d'Evagre le Pontique', OCP 5 (1939), 229-33.
Syriac version: Frankenberg, Euagrius Ponticus, pp. 546-53.
- - *Kephalaia gnostica [Keph.]
Greek fragments:
Hausherr, 'Nouveaux fragments', 229-33.
J. Muyldermans, A travers la tradition manuscrite d'Evagre le
Pontique (Louvain, 1932), 73-4, 85, 89, 93.
- - Evagriana, 52-9.
And as indicated in Guillaumont's edition.
Syriac versions: A. Guillaumont, Les Six Centuries des "Kepha-
laia Gnostica" d' Evagre le Pontique. Edition critique de la
version syriaque commune et edition d'une nouvelle version
syriaque, integrate, avec une double traduction franfaise in PO
28:1 (Paris, 1958).
- - *Practicus, ed. A. and C. Guillaumont, Traite pratique ou le
moine, 2 vols. (SC 170-1; Paris, 1971) [Prac.].
- - *Scholia in Proverbiis, ed. P. Gehin (SC 340; Paris, 1987)
[Schol. in Pr.].
BIBLIOGRAPHY
- - *Sententiae ad monachos, ed. H. Gressmann, Nonnenspiegel

und Monchsspiegel des Euagrios Pontikos (TU 39.4; Leipzig,
1913), 152-65.
- - *Sententiae ad virgines, Gressmann, Nonnenspiegel, 146--5 I.
GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS
Editions:
*Orationes 1-45 in PG 35, cols. 396-1252; 36, cols. 12-664.
*Epistulae 101-2, 202, ed. P. Gallay (SC 208; Paris, 1974).
GREGORY OF NYSSA, *Adversus eos qui baptismum differunt in PG
46, cols. 416-32.
- - *De anima et resurrectione in PG 46, cols. 12-160.
- - *De hominis opificio in PG 44, cols. 125-256.
- - *De instituto christiano, ed. R. Staats, Makarios-Symeon:
Epistola Magna. Eine messalianische Monchsregel und ihre Um-
schrift in Gregors von Nyssa 'De instituto christiano' (Abhandlun-
gen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Philol.-
hist. Klasse, 3rd series, 134; Gottingen, 1984).
- - *De perfectione et qualem oporteat esse Christianum (=De
perfectione christiana ad Olympium monachum), ed. W. Jaeger in
. Leiden Corpus, viii(1). 173-214.
- - *De professione christiana (ad Harmonium), ed. W. Jaeger, in
Leiden Corpus, viii(1). 129-42.
- - *De Spiritu sancto (=In pentecostem) in PG 46, cols. 696-701.
- - *De virginitate, ed. J.P. Cavarnos, in Leiden Corpus, viii(1).
248-343.
- - *De vita Ephraemi Syri in PG 46, cols. 820-49.
--*De vita Macrinae, ed. V. W. Callahan, in Leiden Corpus,
viii( l ). 370-414.
- - *De vita Mosis, ed. H. Murusillo, in Leiden Corpus, vii( 1).
- - *Homiliae in Canticum canticorum, ed. H. Langerbeck, in
Leiden Corpus, vi.
--*Homilia in illud, Quando sibi subjecerit (I Cor. I5:28) (=in
illud: 'Tune et ipse filius' ), ed. J. K. Downing in Leiden Corpus,
iii(2). 1-28.
- - *Homiliae in orationem dominicam in PG 44, cols. 1120-93.
--*Homilia in Ps. 6 in PG 44, cols. 608-16.
- - *In baptismum Christi (=In diem luminum), ed. E. Gebhardt,
in Leiden Corpus, ix. 195-207.
- - *In suam ordinationem (=De deitate adversus Evagrium), ed.
E. Gebhardt, in Leiden Corpus, ix. 331-41.
- - *Oratio catechetica, ed. J. H. Srawley (Cambridge Patristic
Texts 2; Cambridge, 1903; 2nd edn., 1956).
- - *Orationes de beatitudinibus in PG 44, cols. II93-1301.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
HEFELE, K. J., and LECLERQ, H., Histoire des conciles, 11 vols.

(Paris, 1907-52).
*HIPPOLYTUS, Refutatio omnium haeresium, ed. M. Markovich
(PTS 25; Berlin, 1986).
JOHN CHRYSOSTOM [The titles and abbreviations used for the
catecheses are based on those in the Clavis patrum graecorum]
Texts:
*Catechesis ad illuminandos in PG 49, cols. 223-32 (series
prima) [Catech. r].
*Catechesis ad illuminandos (series secunda) in PG 49,
cols. 231-40 [Catech. 2].
*Catecheses ad illuminandos 1-8 (series tertia), ed. A. Wenger
(SC 50; 3rd edn., Paris, 1985) [Catech. 3].
*De baptismo Christi in PG 49, cols. 363-72.
* Homiliae de pentecoste in PG 50, cols. 453-70.
*Homiliae in illud, Habentes eundem Spiritum (2 Cor. 4:I3) in
PG 51, cols. 271-302.
JOHN OF DAMASCUS, Liber de haeresibus, ed. B. Kotter, Die Schrif-
ten des Johannes von Damaskos, iv (PTS 22; Berlin, 1981).
MACARIUS, PsEuoo-
A. Baker, 'Corrections in Macarii Anecdota', JTS 22 (1971),
538-41.
H. Berthold (ed.), Makarios/Symeon: Reden und Briefe. Die
Sammlung I des Vaticanus Graecus 694 (B), 2 vols. (GCS;
Berlin, 1973) [Collection I].
P. Deseille (trans.), Les Homelies spirituelles de Saint Macaire
(Spiritualite orientale 40; Abbaye de Bellefontaine, 1984).
V. Desprez (ed.), Pseudo-Macaire: <Euvres spirituelles, i. Home-
lies propres a la Collection III (SC 275; Paris, 1980) [Collection
III].
H. Dorries, E. Klostermann, and M. Kroeger (edd.), Die 50
geistlichen Homilien des Makarios (PTS 4; Berlin, 1964) [Col-
lection II].
W. Jaeger, Two Rediscovered Works of Ancient Christian Litera-
ture: Gregory of Nyssa and Macarius (Leiden, 1954; repr.
1965).
E. Klostermann and H. Berthold (edd.), Neue Homilien des
Makarius/Symeon I: Aus Typus III (TU 72; Berlin, 1961)
[Collection III].
G. Maloney (trans.), Intoxicated with God: The Fifty Spiritual
Homilies of Macarius (Denville, New Jersey, 1978) [Collection
II].
G. L. Marriott (ed.), Macarii Anecdota: Seven Unpublished
BIBLIOGRAPHY 309
Homilies of Macarius (Harvard Theological Studies 5; Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1918) [Collection H].
A. J. Mason (trans.), Fifty Spiritual Homilies of St. Macarius
(London, 1921; repr. Willits, California, 1974) [Collection II].
R. Staats (ed.), Makarios-Symeon: Epistola Magna. Eine messa-
lianische Mo"nchsregel und ihre Umschrift in Gregors von Nyssa
'De instituto christiano' (Abhandlungen der Akademie der
Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Philol.-hist. Klasse, 3rd series,
134; Gottingen, 1984) [E.M.].
W. Strothmann (ed.), Die syrische Uberlieferung der Schriften des
Makarios, 2 vols. (Gottinger Orientforschungen, I, Syriaca,
21; Wiesbaden, 1981).
--Makarios/Symeon: Das arabische Sondergut (Gottinger
Orientforschungen, I, Syriaca, 11; Wiesbaden, 1975).
--Schriften des Makarios/Symeon unter dem Namen des Eph-
raem (Gottinger Orientforschungen, I, Syriaca, 22; Wiesba-
den, 1981).
- - Textkritische Anmerkungen zu den geistlichen Homilien des
Makarios/Symeon (Gottinger Orientforschungen, I, Syriaca,
23; Wiesbaden, 1981).
MANSI, G. D., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 31
vols. (Florence, 1758-98).
*MARK THE MONK (the Hermit)
Index: Derwas Chitty, MS index (House of SS. Gregory and
Macrina, Oxford).
Text: Opuscula 1-5, 7-8, 10 as in PG 65, cols. 905-1053,
1072-1109, 1117-40. Cf. the French translation by C.-A.
Zirnheld, Marc Le Moine: Traites spirituels et theologiques
(Spiritualite orientale 41; Abbaye de Bellefontaine, 1985).
*METHODIUS, ed. G. N. Bonwetsch (GCS; Leipzig, 1917).
*MoNTANIST ORACLES. P. de Labriolle (ed.), La Crise montaniste
(Paris, 1913), 34-104.
*NEW TESTAMENT
Text: Novum Testamentum Graece, ed. K. Aland, M. Black,
C. M. Martini, B. M. Metzger, A. Wilkgren, and B. Aland;
~6th edn. (Stuttgart, 1979) [Nestle-Aland 26 ].
Concordance: K. Aland, Vollstiindige Konkordanz zum griechi-
schen Neuen Testament, iii (Berlin, 1978), i-ii (Berlin, 1983).
NILUS OF ANCYRA, Ad Magnam de voluntaria paupertate in PG 79,
cols. 968-1060.
*OLD TESTAMENT
Text: Septuaginta, ed. A. Rahlfs; 7th edn. (Stuttgart, 1962).
Concordance: E. Hatch and H. Redpath, A Concordance to the
310 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Septuagint and the Other Greek Versions of the Old Testament

(Including the Apocryphal Books), 3 vols. (Oxford, 1897-1906;
repr. Graz, 1954).
0RIGEN
*Edition: P. Koetschau et al. (edd.), 12 vols. (GCS; Berlin,
1899- ).
Additional texts:
R. Cadiou, Commentaires inedits des psaumes. Etude sur Les
textes d'Origene contenus dans le manuscrit Vindobonensis 8
(Paris, 1936).
J. A. Robinson, The Philocalia of Origen (Cambridge, 1893).
J. Scherer, Entretien d'Origene avec Heraclide (SC 67; Paris,
1960). [Dial.]
PAPYRI
Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Koniglichen Museen zu Berlin
(Berlin, 1895- ).
B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Huri.t (edd.), Oxyrhynchus Papyri
(London, 1898- ).
E. Kornemann and P. M. Meyer (earlier vols. with 0. Eger),
Griechische Papyri im Museum der oberhessischen Geschichts-
vereins zu Giessen (Leipzig et al., 1910-12).
J. Maspero (ed.), Papyrus grecs d'epoque byzantine, in Catalogue
general des antiquites egyptiennes du Musee du Caire (Cairo,
1911-16).
F. Preisigke (ed.), Griechische Urkunden des Aegyptischen
Museums zu Kairo (Strasburg, 1911).
- - and E. KieBling (edd.), Worterbuch der griechischen Papy-
rusurkunden, 4 vols. and supplements (Berlin, Amsterdam,
1924- ).
Societa italiana per la ricerca dei papiri greci e latini in Egitto,
Papiri greci e Latini (Florence, 1912- ).
PAUL EVERGETINOS, .Evvaywy~ TWV 8rncf,86yywv /rr,1-ufrwv KaL o,oaaKa-
.\,wv TWV 8Eo<p6pwv KaL ay{wv 'TraTEpwv, 6th edn., 4 vols. (Athens,
1980-5).
*PHILO
Edition: Philonis Opera, ed. L. Cohn and P. Wendland, 7 vols.
(Berlin, 1896-1926).
Indices:
J. Leisegang, Philonis opera, vii. Index verborum (Berlin,
1926).
Gunther Mayer, Index Philoneus (Berlin, 1974).
PHOTIUS, Bibliotheca, ed. R. Henry, La Bibliotheque de Photius
(Collection Byzantine; Paris, 1959).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 311
PITRA, J.B., Analecta sacra Spicilegio Solesmensi parata, iii (Paris,

1883).
SCHWARTZ, E. (continued by J. STRAUB), Acta conciliorum oecume-
nicorum, 4 vols. (Berlin, 1914- ).
THEODORET OF CYRRHUS, Haereticarum fabularum compendium in
PG 83, cols. 336-556.
--Historia ecclesiastica, ed. L. Parmentier; rev. F. Scheidweiler
(GCS; Berlin, 1954).
--Historia religiosa, ed. P. Canivet and A. Leroy-Molinghen, 2
vols. (SC 234, 257; Paris, 1977, 1979).
TIMOTHY OF CONSTANTINOPLE, De iis qui ad ecclesiam ab haereticis
accedunt (=De receptione haereticorum) in PG 86, cols. 12-68.
Syriac
*Acts of Judas Thomas. Syriac text: W. Wright (ed.), Apocryphal
Acts of the Apostles (London, 1871). Syriac: pp. [172-333].
Eng. trans.: pp. 146-298.
English translation: A. F. J. Klijn, The Acts of Thomas (Supple-
ment to Novum Testamentum 5; Leiden, 1962).
*APHRAHAT, Demonstrationes, ed. J. Parisot, 2 vols., in PO 1-2
(Paris, 1894, 1907).
EPHREM [Abbreviations as in Murray, Symbols of Church and
Kingdom, 366-7]
Hymns (the latter volume in each case is a German translation):
*Carmina Nisibena, ed. E. Beck, 4 vols. (CSCO 218-19,
240-1/Scr. Syri 92-3, 102-3; Louvain, 1961, 1963).
*Contra haereses, ed. E. Beck, 2 vols. (CSCO 169-70/Scr. Syri
76--7; Louvain, 1957).
*De azymis, ed. E. Beck, 2 vols. (CSCO 248-9/Scr. Syri
108-9; Louvain, 1964).
*De crucifixione, published with De azymis.
*De ecclesia, ed. E. Beck, 2 vols. (CSCO 198-9/Scr. Syri 84-5;
Louvain, 1960).
*Defide, ed. E. Beck, 2 vols. (CSCO 154-5/Scr. Syri 73-4;
Louvain, 1955).
*De ieiunio, ed. E. Beck, 2 vols. (CSCO 246-7/Scr.· Syri
106--7; Louvain, 1964).
*De nativitate, ed. E. Beck, 2 vols. (CSCO 186-7/Scr. Syri
82-3; Louvain, 1959).
*De paradiso, ed. E. Beck, 2 vols. (CSCO 174-5/Scr. Syri
78-9; Louvain, 1957).
*De resurrectione, published with De azymis.
312 BIBLIOGRAPHY
EPHREM (cont.)
Hymns (cont.)
*De virginitate, ed. E. Beck, 2 vols. (CSCO 233-4/Scr. Syri
94-5; Louvain, 1962).
Translations of hymns:
S. P. Brock, The Harp of the Spirit, 2nd edn. (Studies Supple-
mentary to Sobornost 4; London, 1983).
A. Riicker, Des heiligen Ephriim des Syrers Hymnen gegen die
Irrlehren, 2 vols. (Bibliothek der Kirchenviiter; Munich,
1928).
Other works or editions:
J. S. Assemani (ed.), Opera Ephraemi, 6 vols. (Rome,
1732-46).
*Commentary on the Diatessaron. Syriac text, ed. L. Leloir,
Commentaire de l' Evangile Concordant: Texte syriaque
(Chester Beatty Monographs 8; Dublin, 1963) [E.C.].
Letter to Hypatios (Anti-Manichaean treatise].
Syriac text: J. J. Overbeck (ed.), S. Ephraemi Syri: Opera
selecta (Oxford, 1865), 21-58.
German translation: E. Beck, 'Ephraems Brief an Hypa-
tios', Oriens Christianus 58 (1974), 76-120.
*Sermo de Domino Nostro, ed. E. Beck, 2 vols. (CSCO 270-1/
Ser. Syri 116-17; Louvain, 1966).
EPHREM, PSEUDO-, *Sermon on Solitaries, ed. E. Beck, Sermones, 4,
2 vols. (CSCO 334-5/Scr. Syri 148-9; Louvain, 1973). Syriac:
vol. 334/148, pp. 16-28. German translation: vol. 335/149,
pp. 21-34.
- - *De Epiphania. Published with Ephrem's De Nativitate.
EVAGRIUS OF PoNTUS. Syriac versions as listed above.
*Liber graduum, ed. Michael Kmosko; Patrologia Syriaca 1. 3
(Paris, 1926 ).
MACARIUS, PSEUDO-. Syriac versions as listed above.
MARUTHA OF MAIPERQAT, The Canons Ascribed to Maruta of
Maipherqat and Related Sources, ed. A. Voobus, 2 vols. (CSCO
439-40/Scr. Syri 191-2; Louvain, 1982).
*NEW TESTAMENT
Texts:
Peshitta: G. H. Gwilliam and J. Gwynn (edd.) (London,
1920).
Old Syriac Gospels: F. C. Burkitt (ed.), Evangelion da-
Mepharreshe (Cambridge, 1904).
Old Syriac Epistles: J. Kerschensteiner (ed.), Das altsyrische
Paulustext (CSCO 315/Subsidia 37; Louvain, 1970).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 313
Concordance:
The Concordance to the Peshitta Version of the Aramaic New
Testament (New Knoxville, Ohio, 1985).
*Odes of Solomon. Syriac text ed. and trans. J. H. Charlesworth
(Oxford, 1973; corrected edn., Texts and Translations 13/
Pseudepigrapha Ser. 7; Missoula, Montana, 1977).
*OLD TESTAMENT
Text:
The Old Testament in Syriac: According to the Peshitta Version
(Leiden, 1972- ). For books not yet published in this
edition, see the edition of S. Lee (London, 1823), repr. by
the United Bible Society, 1979.
Concordances:
N. Sprenger, Konkordanz zum syrischen Psalter ( Gottinger
Orientforschungen, I, Syriaca, 10; Wiesbaden, 1976).
W. Strothmann, K. Johannes, and M. Zumpe, Konkordanz
zum syrischen Bibel. Der Pentateuch (G. 0. F. Syr., 26; 4
vols., Wiesbaden, 1986).
- - - - - - D i e Propheten (G. 0. F. Syr., 25; 4 vols., Wies-
baden, 1984).
PHILOXENOS OF MABBUG
*Letter to Patrikios, ed. R. Lavenant, in PO 30:5, 850-5.
*Sermon on the Indwelling of the Holy Spirit, ed. A. Tanghe,
'Memra de Philoxene de Mabboug sur !'inhabitation du
Saint-Esprit', Le Museon 73 (1960), 39-71.
SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH, Contra additiones Juliani in Severe d' An-
tioche: La Polemique antijulianiste, ed. R. Hespe!, iiA, La Contra
Additiones Juliani (CSCO 295/Scr. Syri 124; Louvain, 1968).
- - Philalethes, ed. R. Hespe!, L' Apologie du Philalethe (CSCO
318/Scr. Syri 136; Louvain, 1971).
STEPHEN BAR SUDAILI, Book of the Holy Hierotheos, ed. and trans.
F. S. Marsh (Text and Translation Society; London, 1927).
THEODORE BAR KoNI, Scholia, ed. A. Scher (Paris, 1910, repr. as
CSCO 69/Scr. Syri 26; Louvain, 1960). French translation:
R. Hespe! and R. Draguet (CSCO 432/Scr. Syri 188; Louvain,
1981-2).
Latin
Codex Theodosianus. Theodosiani libri xvi cum Constitutionibus
Sirmondianis et Leges novellae ad Theodosianum pertinentes, ed.
T. Mommsen and P. M. Meyer, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1905).
314 BIBLIOGRAPHY
IRENAEUS, Adversus haereses, ed. A. Rousseau et al. (Book 1, SC

263-4, Book 2, SC 293-4, Book 3, SC 210-11, Book 4, SC 100,
Book 5, SC 152-3; Paris, 1965-82).
JEROME, Commentarii in leremiam, ed. S. Reiter (CSEL 59;
Vienna, 1913).
--Dialogus adversus Pelagianos in PL 23, cols. 495-590 (1845);
cols. 517-618 (1883).
--Epistolae, iii, ed. I. Hilberg (CSEL 56; Vienna, 1918).
TERTULLIAN, Adversus Praxeam, ed. A. Kroymann (CSEL 47;
Vienna, 1906).
SECONDARY SOURCES
ADONTZ, N., Armenia in the Period of Justinian: The Political
Conditions Based on the Naxarar System, trans. and rev. N.
Garsoi:an (Lisbon, 1970).
AvETA, M., 'Ad instar angelorum: Per un'analisi storico-religiosa
dell'antropologia del Liber graduum', Cristianesimo nella storia, 8
(1987), 481-500.
BAKER, A., 'The "Gospel of Thomas" and the Syriac "Liber
Graduum" ', New Testament Studies 12 (1965-6), 49-55.
--'Pseudo-Macarius and the Gospel of Thomas', VChr 18
(1964), 215-25.
--'Pseudo-Macarius and Gregory of Nyssa', VChr 20 (1966),
227-34.
- - 'The Significance of the New Testament Text of the Syriac
Liber Graduum' (Studia Evangelica 5/TU 103; Berlin, 1968),
171-5.
- - 'Syriac and the Scriptural Quotations of Pseudo-Macarius',
JTS 20 (1969), 133-49.
BARONIUS, C., Annales ecclesiastici, 12 vols. (Rome, 1593-1607).
BARRINGER, R., 'Ecclesiastical Penance in the Church of Con-
stantinople: A Study of the Hagiographical Evidence to
A.D. 983', D.Phil. thesis, Oxford, 1979.
BAUER, W., Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other
Early Christian Literature, trans. W. Arndt and F. W. Gingrich
(Chicago, 1979).
BECK, E., Ephrams Trinitatslehre (CSCO 425/Subs. 62; Louvain,
1981).
--'Ephraems Brief an Hypatios', Oriens Christianus 58 (1974),
76-120.
BERTHOLD, H., 'Friihe christliche Literatur als Quelle fiir Sozial-
BIBLIOGRAPHY 315
geschichte' in Das Korpus der griechischen christlichen Schrift-
steller. Historie, Gegenwart, Zukunft, ed. J. Irmscher and K.
Treu (TU 120; Berlin, 1977), 43-63.
- - 'Die Urspriinglichkeit literarischer Einheiten im Corpus
Macarianum', Uberlieferungsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen (TU
125; Berlin, 1981), 61-76.
BEYER, H. V., 'Die Lichtlehre der Monche des vierzehnten und
des vierten Jahrhunderts, erortert am Beispiel des Gregorios
Sina1tes, des Evagrios Pontikos und des Ps.-Makarios/Symeon',
XVI Internationaler Byzantinistenkongress, Akten r:2. Jahrbuch
der o"sterreichischen Byzantinistik 31.1 (1981), 473-512.
BIANCHI, U ., 'La Tradition de l' Enkrateia: Motivations ontologi-
ques et protologiques' in Bianchi, La tradizione dell' Enkrateia,
293-315.
--(ed.), La tradizione dell'Enkrateia: Atti del Colloquio Inter-
nazionale, Milano, 20-23 aprile, r982 (Rome, 1985).
Biblia patristica, sponsored by the Centre d' Analyse et de Docu-
mentation Patristiques, 4 vols. (Paris, 1975- ).
BLUM, G. G., 'Vereinigung und Vermischung: Zwei Grundmotive
christlich-orientalischer Mystik', Oriens Christianus 63 ( 1979),
41-60.
BousSET, W., Apophthegmata: Studien zur Geschichte des altesten
Mo"nchtums (Tiibingen, 1923).
BRAUN, H., An die Hebraer (Handbuch zum Neuen Testament 14;
Tiibingen, 1984).
BROCK, S. P., 'Aspects of Translation Technique in Antiquity',
Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, xx (Durham, NC, 1978),
69-87; repr., with same pagination, in Syriac Perspectives on
Late Antiquity (London, 1984).
- - 'From Antagonism to Assimilation: Syriac Attitudes to
Greek Learning' in East of Byzantium: Syria and Armenia in
the Formative Period, ed. N. Garsoi:an, T. Mathews, and
R. Thompson (Dumbarton Oaks Symposium, 1980; Wash-
ington, 1982), 17-34, repr., with same pagination, in Syriac
Perspectives on Late Antiquity.
- - 'Greek into Syriac and Syriac into Greek', Journal of the
Syriac Academy (Baghdad) 3 (1977), 1-17, reprinted, with same
pagination, in Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity.
- - The Holy Spirit in the Syrian Baptismal Tradition (Syrian
Churches Series 9; Poona/Kerala, 1979).
--The Luminous Eye: The Spiritual World Vision of St Ephrem
(Placid Lectures 6; Rome/Kerala, 1985).
- - 'Maggnanuta: A Technical Term in East Syrian Spirituality
BIBLIOGRAPHY
and its Background' {to appear in the Festschrift for Antoine

Guillaumont).
BROCK, S. P., 'Passover, Annunciation and Epiclesis: Some Remarks
on the Term aggen in the Syriac Versions of Lk. 1:35', Novum
Testamentum 24 (1982), 222-33.
- - 'Some aspects of Greek Words in Syriac' in Synkretismus im
syrisch-persischen Kulturgebiet, ed. A. Dietrich (Abhandlungen
der Akad. der Wissenschaft in Gottingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 3rd
series, 96; Gottingen, 1975), 80--108; repr., with same pagina-
tion, in Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity.
BROCKELMANN, C., Lexicon Syriacum, 2nd edn. (Halle, 1928).
CAMELOT, T., 'De Nestorius a Eutyches: L'Opposition de deux
christologies' in Grillmeier and Bacht, Das Konzil von Chalke-
don, I. 213-42.
CANEVET, M., 'Sens spirituel', DS 14 (1989), cols. 598-617.
CANIVET, P., 'Theodoret et le Messalianisme', Revue Mabillon 51
(1961), 26-34.
CHESNUT, G. F., 'The Date of Composition of Theodoret's Church
History', VChr 35 (1981), 245-52.
CHITTY, D., The Desert a City (Oxford, 1966; repr. Crestwood,
New York).
COLISH, M. L., The Stoic Tradition from Antiquity to the Early
Middle Ages, ii (Leiden, 1985).
DANIELOU, J., 'Gregoire de Nysse et le Messalianisme', Recherches
de science religieuse 48 (1960), 119-34.
- - Platonisme et theologie mystique: Essai sur la doctrine spirituelle
de Saint Gregoire de Nysse (Paris, 1944).
DARROUZES, J., 'Notes sur les Homelies du Pseudo-Macaire', Le
Museon 67 (1954), 297-309.
DAVIDS, E. A., Das Bild vom neuen Menschen. Ein Beitrag zum
Verstandnis des Corpus Macarianum (Salzburger patristische
Studien, 2; Salzburg and Munich, 1968).
- - 'Eine Illustration zur Textiiberlieferung des Corpus Macari-
anum', Byzantinische Zeitschrift 61 (1968), 10--18.
DES PLACES, E., Syngeneia: La Parente de l'homme avec Dieu
d' Homere a la patristique (Etudes et commentaires 51; Paris,
1964).
DESPREZ, V., 'Le Bapteme chez le Pseudo-Macaire', Ecclesia Orans
5 (1988), 121-55.
- - 'Plerophoria chez le Pseudo-Macaire: Plenitude et certitude
... en pays grec', Collectanea Cisterciensia 46 (1984), 89-11 I.
- - 'Le Pseudo-Macaire' in Commandements du Seigneur et libe-
ration evangelique, 175-200, ed. J. Gribomont (Studia Ansel-
miana 70; Rome, 1970).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
- - 'Pseudo-Macaire: L' Arne et l'Eglise', addendum to 'Le

Pseudo-Macaire', in Commandements du Seigneur et liberation
evangelique, 201-7.
- - 'Pseudo-Macaire (Symeon)' in DS 10, cols. 20--42.
- - 'Les Relations entre le Pseudo-Macaire et Saint Basile',
addendum to 'Le Pseudo-Macaire', in Commandements du Seig-
neur et liberation evangelique, 209-2 I.
DEVREESE, R., Le Patriarcat d' Antioche, depuis la paix de l' Eglise
jusqu'a la conquete arabe (Paris, 1945).
DIEKAMP, F., 'Der Monch und Presbyter Georgios, ein unbe-
kannter Schriftsteller des 7. J ahrhunderts', Byzantinische Zeit-
schrift 9 (1900), 14-51.
DILLON, JOHN M., 'Aisthesis noete: A Doctrine of Spiritual Senses
in Origen and in Plotinus' in Hellenica et Judaica: Hommage a
Valentin Nikiprowetzky, ed. A. Caquot, M. Hades-Lebel and J.
Riaud (Louvain/Paris, 1986), 443-55.
DORRIES, H., 'Diadochos und Symeon: Das Verhaltnis der K£c/,a-
.\a,a yvwanKa zum Messalianismus' in Wort und Stunde, i
(Gottingen, 1966), 352-422.
- - 'Die Messalianer im Zeugnis ihrer Bestreiter: Zurn Problem
des Enthusiasinus in der spatantiken R~ichskirche', Saeculum 21
(1970), 213-27.
--Die Theologie des Makarios-Symeon (Abhandlungen der
Akad. der Wissenschaft in Gottingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 3rd
series, 103; Gottingen, 1978).
- - Symeon von Mesopotamien. Die Uberlieferung der messaliani-
schen 'Makarios'-Schriften (TU 55; Leipzig, 1941).
- - 'Urteil und Verurteilung: Kirche und Messalianer: Zurn
Umgang der Alten Kirche mit Haretikern', Zeitschrift fiir
Neuentestamentliche Wissenschaft 55 (1964), 78-94, repr. in Wort
und Stunde, i. 334-5 1.
DRAGUET, R., Julien d'Halicarnasse et sa controverse avec Severe
d' Antioche sur l'incorruptibilite du corps du Christ, Diss. ad
gradum magistri, Series II. 12 (Louvain, 1924).
DRIJVERS, H., 'Hellenistic and Oriental Origins' in The Byzantine
Saint: University of Birmingham I 4th Spring Symposium of
Byzantine Studies, ed. S. Hackel (Studies Supplementary to
Sobornost 5; London, 1981), 25-33; reprinted in East of Antioch:
Studies in Early Syriac Christianity (London, 1984).
FESTUGIERE, A.-J., Antioche paienne et chretienne; Libanius, Chry-
sostome et Les moines de Syrie (Bibliotheque des Ecoles fran~ais
d'Athenes et de Rome 194; Paris, 1959).
- - Ephese et Chalcedoine: Actes des conciles (Paris, 1982).
FICKER, G., Amphilochiana, i (Leipzig, 1906).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
FOLLIET, G., 'Des moines euchites a Carthage' (Studia Patristica

2/TU 64; Berlin, 1957), 386-99.
FRAIGNEAU-}ULIEN, B., Les Sens spirituels et la vision de Dieu selon
Symeon le nouveau theologien (Theologie historique 67; Paris,
1985).
GEERARD, M., Clavis patrum graecorum, 5 vols. (Turnhout,
1974-87).
COUILLARD, J., 'L'Heresie dans !'empire byzantin des origines au
XII• siecle' in Travaux et memoires, i (Centre de Recherche
d'Histoire et de Civilisation Byzantines; Paris, 1976), 299-324;
repr., with same pagination, in La Vie religieuse a Byzance
(London, 1981).
GRASSER, E., Der Glaube im Hebraerbrief (Marburger theologische
Studien 2; Marburg, 1965).
GRIBOMONT, J., 'Le Dossier des origines du Messalianisme' in
Epektasis: MelangesJ. Danielou, ed. J. Fontaine and C. Kannen-
giesser (Paris, 1972), 611-25.
- - 'Le Monachisme au IV• siecle en Asie Mineure: De Gangres
au Messalianisme' (Studia Patristica 2/TU 64; Berlin, 1957),
400-15; reprinted in Saint Basile: Evangile et Eglise, i (Spiritua-
lite Orientale 36; Abbaye de Bellefontaine, 1984), 26-41.
- - 'Le Monachisme au sein de l'Eglise en Syrie et en Cappa-
doce', Studia Monastica 7 (1965), 7-24; repr. in Saint Basile,
3-20.
- - 'Saint Basile et le monachisme enthousiaste', Irenikon 53
(1980), 123-44; reprinted in Saint Basile, 43-64.
GRILLMEIER, A., Christ in Christian Tradition, i: From the Apostolic
Age to Chalcedon (AD 451), rev. edn. (London, 1975).
--and BACHT, H., Das Konzil von Chalkedon: Geschichte und
Gegenwart, 3 vols. (Wiirzburg, 1951).
GurLLAUMONT, A., 'Les Arrhes de !'Esprit dans le Livre des degres'
in Memorial Mgr Gabriel Khouri-Sarkis (Louvain, 1969),
107-13.
- - 'Christianisme et gnoses dans !'Orient preislamique',
Annuaire du College de France (1984-5), 491-7.
- - Les 'Kephalaia gnostica' d' Evagre le Pontique et l' histoire de
l'origenisme chez les Grecs et chez les Syriens (Patristica Sorbo-
nensia 5; Paris, 1962).
- - 'Liber Graduum' in DS 9, cols. 749-54.
- - 'Messalianisme' in DS 9, cols. 1074-83.
- - 'Situation et signification du "Liber Graduum" dans la
spiritualite syriaque' in Symposium Syriacum I972 (OCA 197;
Rome, 1974), 311-22.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 319
- - 'Le Temoignage de Babai le Grand sur les Messaliens' in
Symposium Syriacum I976 (OCA 205; Rome, 1978), 257-65.
HAUSHERR, I., 'L'Erreur fondamentale et la logique du Messalia-
nisme', OCP 1 (1935), 328-60.
HEFELE, J., and LECLERCQ, H., Histoire des conciles, 11 vols. (Paris,
1907-52).
HESSE, 0., 'Markos Eremites und Symeon von Mesopotamien:
Untersuchung und Vergleich ihrer Lehren zur Taufe und zur
Askese' (Diss. Gottingen, 1973).
HOLL, K., Amphilochius von Ikonium in seinem Verhaltnis zu den
grossen Kappadoziern (Tiibingen, 1904).
HOLTZ, T., Der erste Brief an die Thessalonicher (Evangelisch-
Katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 13; Zurich
and Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1986).
HONIG MANN, E., 'Sam us of Seleucia in Isauria (about 390-400 AD)'
in Patristic Studies (Studi e testi 173; Rome, 1953), 43-6.
HORN, G., 'Sens de l'esprit d'apres Diadoque de Photice', RAM 8
(1927), 402-19.
HOBSCHMANN, H., 'Die altarmenischen Ortsnamen. Mit Beitragen
zur historischen Topographie Armeniens', Indogermanische
Forschungen 16 (1904), 197-490 (repr. Amsterdam, 1969).
KEMMER, A., 'Gregor von Nyssa und Ps.-Makarius. Der Messalia-
nismus im Lichte ostlichen Herzenmystik' in Antonius Magnus
Eremita, 356-I956 (Studia Anselmiana 38; Rome, 1956),
268-82.
KITTLE, G., et al., Theologisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament,
9 vols. (Stuttgart, 1933-73, and supplements).
KLIJN, A. F. J., 'Some Remarks on the Quotations of the Gospels
in Gregory of Nyssa's De instituto christiano and Macarius'
Epistula Magna', VChr 19 (1965), 164-8.
LAMPE, G. W. H., et al., A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford, 1961).
LEBON, J., 'La Christologie du monophysisme syrien' in Grill-
meier and Bacht, Das Konzil von Chalkedon, 1. 425-580.
LE NAIN DE TILLEMONT, L. S., Memoires, pour servir a l'histoire
ecclesiastique des six premiers siecles, 16 vols. (Paris, 1701-12;
repr. Venice, 1732).
LE QurnN, M., Oriens Christianus, 3 vols. (Paris, 1740).
LEWY, H., Die semitischen Fremdworter im Griechischen (Berlin,
1895).
LIDDELL, H. G., and SCOTT, R., A Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edn.
by H. S. Jones and R. McKenzie (Oxford, 1940).
LIESKE, A., 'Die Theologie der Christusmystik Gregor von Nyssa',
ZKT 70 (1948), 49-93, 129-68, 315-40.
320 BIBLIOGRAPHY
LOHSE, E., Die Briefe an die Kolosser und an Philemon (Kritisch-

Exegetischer Kommentar iiber das Neuen Testament 9:2; Gott-
ingen, 1968).
LOUTH, A., The Origins of the Christian Mystical Tradition from
Plato to Denys (Oxford, 1981).
MANANDIAN, H. A., The Trade and Cities of Armenia in Relation to
Ancient World Trade, trans. from 2nd rev. edn. by Nina Gar-
soian (Lisbon, 1965).
MARTIKAINEN, J., 'Das Bose in den Schriften des Syrers Ephraem,
im Stufenbuch und im Corpus Macarianum' in Strothmann,
Makarios-Symposium iiber das Bose, 36-46.
- - Das Bose und der Teufel in der Theologie Ephraems des Syrers
(Publications of the Research Institute of the Abo Akademi
Foundation 32; Abo, 1978).
MEYENDORFF, J., 'Messalianism or Anti-Messalianism? A Fresh
Look at the "Macarian" Problem' in Kyriakon, Festchrift J.
Quasten, ed. P. Granfield and J. A. Jungmann (Munster, 1970),
2. 585-90.
- - 'St Basil, Messalianism and Byzantine Christianity', St Vla-
dimir's Seminary Quarterly 24 (1980), 219-34.
MICHEL, 0., Der Brief an die Hebriier, 13th edn. (Kritisch-
Exegetischer Kommentar iiber das Neuen Testament 13; Gott-
ingen, 1975).
MILLAR, F., 'Paul of Samosata, Zenobia and Aurelian: The
Church, Local Culture and Political Allegiance in Third-Cen-
tury Syria', Journal of Roman Studies 61 (1971), 1-17.
MIQUEL, P., 'L' Appel a !'experience chez quelques auteurs de la
Philocalie', lrenikon 40 (1967), 354-76.
- - 'Les Caracteres de l'experience spirituelle selon le Pseudo-
Macaire', lrenikon 39 (1966), 497-513.
--and DESPREZ, v., 'Plerophoria', DS 12, cols. 1813-21.
MOULTON, J. H., and MILLIGAN, G., Vocabulary of the Greek New
Testament, 8 parts (London, 1914-29).
MURRAY, R., Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early
Syriac Tradition (Cambridge, 1975; repr. with corrections,
1977).
Muss-ARNOLT, W., 'On Semitic Words in Greek and Latin',
Transactions of the American Philological Association 23 (1892),
35-156.
PARSONS, F. J ., 'The Nature of the Gospel Quotations in the Syriac
Liber Graduum', Diss. Birmingham, 1968.
PAULY, A. F. VON, Real-Encyclopiidie der classischen Alterthumswis-
senschaft, rev. ed. G. Wissowa et al., 33 vols. (Stuttgart,
1893-1972; supplements, 1903- ).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 321
PAYNE SMITH, J., Compendious Syriac Dictionary (Oxford, 1903).

PAYNE SMITH, R., Thesaurus Syriacus, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1879,
1901); supplement by J.P. Margoliouth [J. Payne Smith]
(Oxford, 1927).
PEETERS, P., Le Trefonds oriental de l'hagiographie byzantine (Stu-
dia Hagiographica 26; Brussels, 1950).
PoRTMANN, F. X., Die gi:ittliche Paidagogia bei Gregor van Nazianz
(Kirchengeschichtliche Quellen und Studien 3; St Ottilien,
1954).
PuECH, H. C., Le Manicheisme: Sonfondateur; sa doctrine (Musee
Guimet Bibliotheque de Diffusion 56; Paris, 1949).
QuASTEN, J., Patrology, 4 vols. (Utrecht/ Antwerp/Westminster,
Maryland, 1950--86).
QuISPEL, G., M akarius, das Thomasevangelium und das Lied van der
Perie (Supplement to Novum Testamentum 15; Leiden, 1967).
- - 'The Study of Encratism: An Historical Survey' in Bianchi,
La tradizione dell' Enkrateia, 35-81.
--'The Syrian Thomas and the Syrian Macarius', VChr 18
(1964), 226-35.
RAl;IMANI, I. E., Studia Syriaca, 4 (Sharfa, 1909).
RAHNER, K., 'Ein messalianisches Fragment iiber die Taufe', ZKT
61 (1937), 258-71.
- - 'Le Debut d'une doctrine des cinq sens spirituels chez
Origene', RAM 13 (1932), l 13-45.
SCHALL, A., Studien iiber griechische Fremdworter im Syrischen
(Darmstadt, 1960).
SCHAMP, J ., Photios: Historien des lettres: La Bibliotheque et ses
notices biographiques (Bibliotheque de la Faculte de Philosophie
et Lettres de l'Universite de Liege 248; Paris, 1987).
SCHULZE, U., 'Die 4. geistliche Homilie des Makarios/Symeon.
Gedanken zur Textiiberlieferung' in Strothmann, Makarios-
Symposium iiber das Bose, 85-98.
SEGAL, J.B., Edessa: 'The Blessed City' (Oxford, 1970).
SPIDLIK, T.' Gregoire de N azianze: Introduction a l' etude de sa
doctrine spirituelle (OCA 189; Rome, 1971).
STAATS, R., 'Die Asketen aus Mesopotamien in der Rede des
Gregor von Nyssa In suam ordinationem', VChr 21 (1967),
165-79.
- - 'Die basilianische Verherrlichung des Heiligen Geistes auf
dem Konzil zu Konstantinopel 381', Kerygma und Dogma 25
(1979), 232-53.
- - 'Basilius als lebende Monchsregel in Gregors von Nyssa De
virginitate', VChr 39 (1985), 228-55.
- - 'Beobachtungen zur Definition und zur Chronologie des
322 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Messalianismus', Jahrbuch der osterreichischen Byzantinistik

32.4 (1982), 235-44.
--Gregor von Nyssa und die Messalianer (PTS 8; Berlin, 1968).
- - 'Messalianforschung und Ostkirchenkunde' in Strothmann,
Makarios-Symposium ii.her das Biise, 47-71.
- - 'Messalianism and Anti-Messalianism in Gregory of Nyssa's
De Virginitate', Patristic and Byzantine Review 2 (1983), 27-44.
- - 'Photios and the Synodicon of Orthodoxy', Patristic and
Byzantine Review 2 (1983), 162-73.
STIGLMAYR, J., Sachliches und Sprachliches bei Makarius von
Agypten (lnnsbruck/Feldkirch, 1912).
- - Review of Stoffels, Die mystische Theologie, Theologische
Revue 28 (1909), 233-40.
STOFFELS, J., Die mystische Theologie Makarius des Aegypters und
die ersten Unsatze christlicher Mystik (Bonn, 1908).
- - 'Makarius der Aegypter auf den Pfaden der Stoa', Theolo-
gische Quartalschrift 92 (1910), 88-105, 243-65.
STROTHMANN, WERNER, 'Die arabische Makariustradition' (Diss.
Gottingen, 1931).
- - 'Makarios und die Makariosschriften in der syrischen Litera-
tur', Oriens Christianus 54 (1970), 96-105.
--(ed.), Makarios-Symposium iiber das Bose (Gottinger Orient-
forschungen, I, Syriaca, 24; Wiesbaden, 1983).
TrLLEMONT: see Le Nain de Tillemont.
TREADGOLD, W. T., The Nature of the Bibliotheca of Photius
(Dumbarton Oaks Studies 18; Washington, 1980).
VAILHE, S., 'Acemetes' in Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie
ecclesiastiques, i. cols. 274-82 (Paris, 1912).
VrLLECOURT, L., 'La Date et l'origine des "Homelies spirituelles"
attribuees a Macaire' in Comptes rendus de l' Academie des Inscrip-
tions et Belles-Lettres (Paris, 1920), 250-8.
VOLKER, W., Gregor von Nyssa als Mystiker (Wiesbaden, 1955).
V66sus, A., A History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, 2 vols.
(CSCO 184, 197, 500/Subs. 14, 17, 81; Louvain, 1958, 1960,
1988).
- - 'Liber Graduum: Some Aspects of its Significance for the
History of Early Syrian Asceticism' in Charisteria lohanni Kopp
(Papers of the Estonian Theological Society in Exile, 7; Stock-
holm, 1954), 108-28.
- - On the Historical Importance of the Legacy of Pseudo-Macar-
ius. New Observations about its Syriac Provenance (Papers of the
Estonian Theological Society in Exile, 23; Stockholm, 1972).
WARE, K. T., 'The Sacrament of Baptism and the Ascetic Life in
BIBLIOGRAPHY 323
the Teaching of Mark the Monk' (Studio Patristica 10/TU 107;
Berlin, 1970), 441-52.
- - Introduction to Zirnheld, Marc le moine.
WINKLER, G., 'Ein bedeutsamer Zusammenhang zwischen der
Erkenntnis und Ruhe in Mt 11, 27-29 und dem Ruhen des
Geistes auf Jesus am Jordan. Eine Analyse zur Geist-Christolo-
gie in syrischen und armenischen Quellen', Le Museon 96
(1983), 267-326.
YousIF, P., L'Eucharistie chez saint Ephrem de Nisibe (OCA 224;
Rome, 1984).
INDEX OF GREEK WORDS
Words are listed in lexical form. This index includes text and Appendices
4-11; for Appendix 2, see references to words discussed in Chapter 2.
aya1r1J Son., 81, 122n. avaKEpaVVV/J,L 173-88, 285, 286,

ayLOv 1TVEV/J,a 128 n., 210 n. 288
a.yiaa,..,&s I 10 n. aVaKpaaLS 175, 285, 287, 289
ayvo{a 123 aVa/J,<YVV/J,L 175, 285, 287, 288
a8tK<a 224 n. ava1ravais 122, 221 n., 283
alJMw 144 ava1ravw 209 n.
alalJaVO/J,aL 60-I, 63-4, 96 n., ava</,vpw 177 n.
I 16-38, 154-67 avlJpw1ros 77, 96n., 12on., 152,
aialJ')aLS II, 61-2, 64, 67-8, 75, 174, 176, 197 n.
83, 86, 96 n., 109, I 14-38, avo,..,,a 224 n.
145n., 147n., 151-67, 170, avn1rapEKTaaLS 173
186, 207-8, 219, 222, 226 n., a1ralJeia 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 56, 61,
233, 236, 282-3, 284 62, 63, 65, 66, 68, 77 n., 79,
aialJTJGLS IJei:a 118-20, 125, 136 Son., 81, 84, 95, 96n., 108n.,
aialJTJGLS VOEpa I 19, 124-6, 137 109, 135, 136, 147, 223, 227
aialJ1Jais vo6s 138 a1ralJ~s 77 n., 79 n.
atalJ')aLS T'l)S O,PEWS I 23 n. a1ralJws 61 n., 67
aialJ')aLS TOIJ voiJ 1 38 a1TEtpfo 143 n., 144 n.
aialJTJGLS </,vaLK~ 137 a.1reipos 141, 143, 148, 149 n.
alalJTJT6s I 34 a1r68eitis I 10 n., 147 n.
alalJTJT~ptov I I 8, I 2 I, I 24, 126, a1ro8{8W/J,L I 42
131, 134, 137n., 151, 164, a1rolJe6w 78
282 avtavw 8 I, 202 n.
alalJTJTLK6s 1 5 1 a1TOKaAviµis 126, 127, 128 n.,
alalJTJT6s 63 155 n., 156 n., 282, 284
alalJTJTWS 60, 62-4, 135, 164 d1roKaT&.<TTaatS' 77
aKO~ 143 a1r6>.avais 22 5
aKO</J,TJTOS 48 n. apET~ 66n.
aKoAovlJ {a 2 I 9 appaµwv 112, 200-2
aKpaa{a 144 apx~ 121 n., 202 n.
aAyTJ8wv 144 n. aaeµeia 224 n.
aA~IJeta I 55 n., I 56 n., 283, 284 aGVYXVTWS 173
aA1)1Jtv6s I 90 n. aaW/J,aTOS I 35
&.,..,apTTJ/J,a 60 n. an,..,,a 224 n.
O./J,apT<a 206, 209 a.iiAos 128 n.
d,..,iyes 184 avtTJaLS 81, 82 n.
0./J,LKTOS 181, 192
avaialJ')a{a 123, 135, 136 µto. 144
ava<alJTJTOS I 2 3 µM1rw 61
y£va,, 138, 148 n., 155, 284 lvlpy£La 59, 60, 61, 67, 68, 96n.,
y.\waaa 224 97, 122, 125, 126, 131, 150,
yvwa,, I 13 n., I 18, 124, 126-7, 151, 152, 155 n., 156, 167,
148-50, 156, 282, 284 185, 208, 210 n., 237, 282,
ypa,f,~ 144 283, 284
yvµ.va.,w 126, 144, 148 lv£pylw 59, 75, 81, 129, 206n.,
207, 210 n., 219
ll£w6, 144 n. lv8ova,aaµ.6, 63
ll71µ.,ovpy6, 66 n. 'Ev8ova,aaTa{ 16, 28 n., 48, 62, 95
ll,aKOV£W IOO n. £VVOta 135
llLa.KpLGLS I 24, I 50 £VOLK£W 205-I I, 294, 295
ll,&.vo,a I 18, 132, 210 lvo{KTJGLS 205-10, 225, 226 n., 227,
ll,aTv1rwais 77 294, 296
ll,lla.aKw 144, 145 n. £VOLKOS 59
ll{llwµ., 140, 142-4 iv6w 178n., 181, 185
llLO{KT}GLS 2 I 9 lvv1r6a'Ta'TOS 59 n., 75, 206 n.
, ,
1lL1TAoiJs I 97 n. £VV1TOG'Ta'TWS 59, 75 n.
ll6.\os 2 24 n. lvwa,, 185
ll6[a 219 ;g,, IS I
llvvaµ.,, 75, 96 n., 97, 102 n., I 12, lfov8£v£w 121 n.
128n., 132, 155, 156n., 208, EmyLVwaKw I 30
237, 283, 284 l1r{yvwa,, 96 n., I 13 n., I 18,
120 n., 125, 126, 150, 155 n.,
lyyvos 201 156, 164, 207, 208, 282, 283,
iyKaTaµ.{yvvµ., I 90 n. 284
lyKpa.T£La 22, I 24 n. lm8vµ.fo I 34, 209
Wos 135 imµ.{yvvµ., 175, 285, 287, 288
£lKOVLK6, 8 I i1rfoK£ip,, 127, 155 n., 156 n.
£lKWV 150 im,f,o,Ta.w 60, 6 I n.
£laa.yw 144 lm,f,o{'TT}GLS 60
£,aollos 61 i1rovpa.vLO, 82
£KK61T'TW 60 lpyaa{a 127, 283, 284
EK'T£/J,VW 60 lpyov 63, I I I, I 13, 155 n., 284
£K'T£V~S 60 £vy£v£La 77 n.
l.\rns 124 £v£pyrn{a 123
l.\1r{, 102 n., 104 n., 105 n., 108 n. £v,f, 71 µ.ta 19
£/J,1Tflp£w I 4 I Ev,f,71µ.,-ra, 19 n.
lµ.1r£Lpos 141, 143, 148 d,f,poavv71 225
lµ.1ropos 148 n. Evx6µ.£vo, 19, 23
E/J,1T£pL1Ta'T£W 207 Evxfra, 40, 41, 48
lµ.1r{1rATJµ.• 223, 224, 225 n., 301, lxw 140, 143 n., 149
302
lµ.1rATJpo,f,oploµ.a, 99 n., 160
€/J,1TV£W 63
Eµ.,Pvpw I I7 n.
ivll£A£X~• 60 8&.vaTOS 144 n.
lv£py6s I 56 n., 210 n., 223 n., 225, 8£io, 66 n., 121, 128 n., 132,
226 136 n.
li£ii<6s 62, 78, 128 n. MapTvp,avo{ 19
Ilia,, 20 fLapTvpLOV 144 Il.
li£afL6S 20 Maaaail.,avo{ 19, 22
li£wpiw 61 fLEVW 211
li£wp{a 39, 135 n., 136, 186 Mrnail.,avo{ 19 n.
li£wpfo 'TWV alwvwv 1 3 5 Mrnaail.,avo{ 19 n.
li£wp{a Twv vo71Twv 13 3, 13 5 fL£aT6w 230
liva,aaT~pLOv 220 fL£-ra{J6.il.il.w 66 n.
fL£Tovafo 61, 96n., 173, 184
l8,wT71s 149 n. fLETpov 82 n.
fL{YVVfLL 170--88, 199, 206 n., 285,
KaK{a 183 n. 287, 289
Kap8{a 137n., 167, 224n. fLLK'T6S 289
Kap8LOyVWU'T7/S 62 ,.,,.g,,
172-88, 285, 287, 289
KaTafL{yvvfLL 175-6, 190 n., 285, fLLa£py{a 5 In.
287, 288 fLOVO.'W 148
KaTag,6w 110 n. fLOV~ 210
KaTo.1rava,s 81
KaTO.aTaa,s 66 n., 77 va6s 205
KaTEXW 153 n. vo£p6s 75, 124, 125, 126, 128n.,
Ka'TOLKEW 205-11, 294, 295-6 137, 282
Ka'TOLK7l'T~pLOV 204 n., 225 vo£pws 137
Ka'TOLK{'w 204 n. v671a,s 131 n.
K£pO.VVVfLL 170--88, 28 5, 286, 288 vo71T6s 28 n., 134, 136
K£<po.il.a,a 5 5 VOfLOlirn{a 20
KLpvo.w 170 n. voiis 77, 113, 119, 122, 127,
Ko,v6w 67 128n., 132, 134, 135n., 136,
Ko,vwviw 174, 190 n. 137, 150, 151, 153, 162, 186,
KOLVwvfo 61, 171 n., 173, 175-6, 197 n., 205 n., 210, 224, 230
19on.
KOLVWVLK~ 59
Ko,vwv6s 230
KoA>..6.w 185 olK£LOS 185
KOV'TO.KLOV 240 olKiw 205-11, 230 n., 231, 294,
K6afLOS 219 295
KpO.fLa I 82, 289 olK71T~pLOv 67, 209 n., 21 on.
KpO.aLS 173-88, 193 Il., 285, 287, olKfo 205, 208
289 OlKOVOfL{a 49, 219
KPLT~pLOv 134 o(KOS 205, 208, 225
KvpLOs 121 n. oi\.6Ki\.71pos 11 I
oi\.oKi\.~pWS 110
il.afLfJ6.vw 140, 142-4, 145 n., 149, OfLOOVULOS 2 3 8
I 5 3, 164, 167 ovofLa 11 o n.
il.oy,K6s 124, 282 opaa,s 282
il.oy,afl,6, I 13, 162 ovpo.VLOS 128 n.
il.6yos 1oon., 119, 131 n., 134, 145 ovafo 35 n., 67 n., 128 n.
ova,w8ws 59
MapKLav,aTa{ 54-5 o<f,liail.,.,,6s 97 n.
1ra!Jo, 209 1rv£vµ.anK6, 28n., 62, 63, 65, 81,

1ra18aywylw I 44 96n., 136n., 164, 181
1ra18£{a 118 n., 121 n. 1T01£W 140, 142-4, 226 Il.
1TaVTOKpO.TWp I 9 1r6vo, 144n.
1rapaµiyvvµ.1 175, 285, 287 1T paKTIK~ I J 5
1rapaµ.ovo, I 90 Il. 1rpaaaw 55
1rapa!Jrn1, I 72 1rpaU, 221 n.
1rapo.KA71ai, 226 1rpoK01T~ 8 I, 82 n.
1rapaxwp£w 82 1rpoK61TTW 81' 202 n.
1rapova{a 60, 64, 68, I 10 n., 132 1rp6pp,,o, 60
1T£{!Jw I 58 1rpoa£8pta 124 n.
1T£ipa I I' 80, 86, 96 n., 109, I 14, 1rpoaox~ I 24 n.
115, 126, 129, 131, 132, 138, 1rp6aw1rov 75, 89 n.
139-57, 166-7, 170, 186, 1rp6T£po, 60
228 n., 233, 236, 282, 283, 1rpo<f,IJ6.vw I 26
284 1rvp 128 n.
1T£1pa,w 139, 140, 147
1r£1paaµ.6, 139, 144n., 146, 147, ;,t,a 60
166
1T£1paw 96 n., 139, 141 a&.pg 178 n.
1T£fo1, 105 n., I 58 .Ea,-av,avo{ 19
1rlpa, 141 n. <1K£VO!, 23 I
1r{µ.1r>..71µ., 223, 224 n. <1KtpTO.W I 6 Il.
1rfon, 100, 102 n., 104 n., 110 n., ao<f,{a I I 8 n.
144, 160 n., 162, 284 <11TOVfi~ I 24 Il.
1r>..6.v71a1, 171 n. <1T£<pav6w I 44
1r>..~p71, 223, 224, 225, 301, 303 (lTOpy~ 100 Il.
1TA7Jp£<1TO.TO!, 208, 210 Il., 224, avyy£v~, I 8 5
225, JOI, JOJ avyKaTaµ.{yvvµ., 175, 285, 287, 289
1r>..71po<f,oplw 98-101, 114, 228n. <1VYK£p0.VVV/J,I 65, 173-88, 285,
1r>..71po<f,op71T1Kw, I I 5 n. 286-7, 289
1r>..71po<pop{a I I, 5 I n., 61, 68, 75, avyKpaai, 175, 186, 285, 287, 289
83-4, 86, 96-116, I 18 n., 122, avyKptµ.a 175, 184n., 285, 287,
129-33, 136 n., 147 n., 149, 289
I 52-67, I 70, I 86, 207, 208, avyxlw 177
222, 223, 226, 227, 228, 232, avyxvat, I 7 J, I 77
233, 236, 282, 283, 284 avµ.µ.£Ta{36.>..>..w 65 n.
1r>..71p6w 83, 160, 161, 223, 224, avµ.µ.{yvvµ.1 175, 176, 190 n., 285,
226, 227, 228, 230, 301, 302 287, 289
1r>..~pwµ.a 82, 103 n., 161, 223, avµ.1rapova{a I 7 5
224 n., 226, JO I, J02-J avµ.1rAoK~ 175
1r>..~pwa1, 103 n., 161, 224, 226, avµ.<f,vpw 59, 177
JOI, JOJ avµ.<pwvlw 208
1rAOVTO!, I 09 avvafo!J71a1, I 35 n.
1rv£vµ.a 75 n., 102 n., 110 n., avvavo.Kpaa,, 175, 183, 285, 287,
137n., 155, 178n., 207n., 289
208, 21on. avva<p£1a 173, 175, 185
auv£{8'f/GLS I 50 v1roµ.v~anKov 35 n.
avv£aLS 1020., 110, 1180., 124, V1TOfLOV~ I 24
164 v1r6aTaGLS 61, 62, 68, 75 Il., I 55 Il.,
GUV£T6S I 5 I 156 n., 202 n., 284
avv8rn,s 172 n. v1roaTanK6, 75, 128 n.
auvfoT'f/fLL 176 n. V1roa-raTiKWs 128 n.
avvo8os I 7 I n.
GUVOLK£W 59, 75 Il., 205-10, 294, <J,,Aoµ.6.8,a 124 n.
296 <J,,Ao1rovta I 24 n.
GVVOLKOS 205-10, 294, 296 <J,6{Jos 121 n.
auvoua{a 61 </,pov'f/µ.a I 22, 1 6 I
auvoua,6w 59 </,p6v,µ.os I 5 I
awµ.a IIOn., 151 </,upa.w 177
</,vpw 177
Ta1T£Lv6s 221 n. </,va,s 59, 66 n., 67, 78, 238
T£11£Los 28 n., 61, 68, 81, 82, 151, </,ws I 25, I28 n.
161, 174 </,wnaµ.6, I 27, I 28 n., 282
T£11£L6T'f/S 6 I, I 44 Il.
T£11£L6w 60, 161
uAdws 83, 110 xa.p,s 122, 128 n., 210 n.
T£11£{wa,s 161 X£Lpo8rn{a 64 n.
,-[Aos 108 n. X£LPOTov{a 64
xp,anav6s 63, 64
uio8rn{a I 10 n.
Vll'f/ 136 i/,ux~ 110 n., 137 n., 162, 164, 180
v1roµ.v~µ.a 28, 32, 33, 34, 35 i/,UXLK6, 97 Il.
INDEX OF SYRIAC WORDS
This index includes text and Appendices 8 and 10.
'abodiita I 96 n. kenii 202

'adrek 222 ken ii ta 88, 9 I, I 99, 200, 232
aggen 214, 297, 299 ktiibii 88
'amlii 167 ktisii 40 n.
'ariibii 201 kyiinii 67 n.
'ariibiitii 201
'arbii 201 n. lebii 167
'iiriibii 201
'aynii 165 maJ:i.sabtii 165
makkikii 221 n., 222
'biidii 167 inakkikiitii 88
barnasa 2 I 9 malyiitii 161
bassimiitii 222 mii'nii 229
mappiiJ:i.itii 217
dii'es ion. 'mar 203 n., 211-17, 222, 230,
diir 215 n., 297, 300 297, 299
dayriiyii 39 m' arbiitii 201
marditii 88, 89
gmar 162, 163 n., 229, 231 margsaniita I 36
gmirii 163 n. marges 136, 164
gmiriitii 88, 90, 91, 162, 200, 202, masqiitii 88
217, 218, 221, 229, 231, 232 memrii 87, 88
mesJ:i.ii 193
hadiimii 166 meskiinii 201 n.
J:i.iir 215n., 222 meskJ:i.iinii 39
J:i.asiisiita 39 meskinii 221 n.
hawnii 134, 136, 165, 196, 197 mestappaq 230
haymiiniitii 105 n. metlta I I I n.
J:i.bk 198 metraggsanyata I 34
Q.dayiita I 98 metyadd' iinyiitii 134
hemsii 165 mlii 105 n., 158-63, 228, 231, 232
J:i.lat 186, 188-99, 290, 292-3 mpares 193
J:i.litii'it 191 n., 290, 293 msaklal 159, 167
Q.f!ta 2 I 7 m~allyane I 5
J:i.ubbii 88, 196 msaJmana'it 2 I 8
hula I 36 msamlay 159, 167
J:i.iiltiinii 186 n., 190, 192, 290, 293 msamlyiitii 161 n.
Q.W I 59 msawtap 199 n.
ms!Q.ii 193
1Q.idiiyiitii 32 mulliiyii 103 n.
!tuta I 06 miilyii 161
INDEX OF SYRIAC WORDS 331
muzzaga I 92, I 96, 290, 292 riil;i.a 164
mzag 171 n., 186, 188-99, 290, riil;i.ana 62 n., 165
291-2 rul;i.anayta I 36
mzagta 190 n. rul;i.l;i.apa 214n., 297, 300
napsa 164, 166, 217 sabra 105 n.

nasi 147 n., 166 saggia 160 n.
nesyana 147, 159, 166, 167 sakkuJtana I 64 Il.
nesyona 166 samli 161, 163
n'il;la 221 n., 222 Sapplrta I 99
npes Qaya 2 I 7 sarar 158, 164
nyal;i.a 222 sarrira I 59, I 64
sarrira'it 159, 167, 228n.
pagra 164 sawtapiita 89 n., 199
pakah 195 sawtep 89 n., 199 n., 221
pare(h)siya I 59 ~ba 222 n.
pha 192 ~ebyana 222
plwyn' 35 n. sken 21 I Il., 214, 297, 299
pras 192 ~la 15
pwlyn' 35 n. sra 211-17, 221 n., 222, 230, 297,
pyasa 105 n., 158, 159, 160, 164 298-9
sukkala 164
sumJaya 105 Il., I 58-63, 228 Il.
'rab 188, 198-203, 290 tal;i.wita 147, 159

raba 159 tar'ita 165
rahbiina 201 tar'iita 222
ral;i.l;i.ep 214, 297, 299-300 te'awriya' I 86
ra'i 222 n. tkl 158, 160
ra'za 222 tiiklana 105 n., 158, 160
'rbwn 203 n.
rda 88 'iimra 215, 216n., 297, 299
'reb 191 n., 200 'iiraba 201
reggta 88, 89 n. 'iirbana 89, 198-203, 232
regsa 134, 164, 165 'iisiya 67 n.
re'yana 165, 193 n., 194, 214 n.,
220 zallel ion., 15, 17n.
rgas I 64, I 66 zar'a 89 n.
rgesta 164 ziiwaga 89 n.
INDEX OF HEBREW WORDS
'arab 200
da'at II 8
'erabon 200---1
bokmah 118
mala' 98
masak 171 n.
massah 141
nsh 141
yada' 118 n.
GENERAL INDEX
Acts of Judas Thomas 94, 189--90, Arians, Arianism 15n., 17, 18n.,
21 I 27,47
Adam 67, 76-8, 79 n., 82, 87-8, Aristotle 172 n., 173
90, 91, 96n., 177, 187, 206, Armenia 12, 25, 30, 36-8
207n. Arndt, Johann 5
Adelphius of Mesopotamia 24, Arnim, H. von 172 n.
27, 28n., 29n., 4on., 42, 45, Arnold, Gottfried 5
53, 57, 61 n., 65 n., 235 Asia Minor 3, 18, 25, 30, 36-8,
Adontz, N. 30 n. 42,45, 50,71, 237
Aerius 18 n. Assemani, J. S. 17 n.
Aetians 15 n., 17 Athanasius 1, 93 n., 102, 146
Alexander of Aphrodisias 172 n., Athenagoras 179
173 Atticus of Constantinople 29,
Alexander the Akoimetos 45-6, 43-4
48n. Audianae 15 n., 17-18, 27
Amphilochius of Iconium 25-36, Augustine 24 n.
43 n., 55, 103 n., 146, 185 n. Aveta, M. 87 n.
Amphilochius of Side 30 n.,
43-52 Baehrens, W.A. 145 n.
angels 20 n. Baker, A. 62 n., 73 n., 84 n.,
Anomians 18 n. I I I n.
Antidikomariamitans 18 n. Balthasar, H. Urs von 121 n.
Antioch 12, 21, 23-38, 40, 43, Baluze, E. 25 n.
61 n., 70 n., 234 baptism 89, 114, 179, 183, 190-1,
Synod of 25-38 193, 195, 198, 202 n., 211-14,
Antony the Great 39, 40 n., 76 216, 218, 221 n.
apatheia, see liberation from Bardai~an 15 n., 17 n.
passions and from sin Baronius, C. 25 n.
see also Index of Greek Words, Barringer, R. 102 n.
0.1Ta.lJ£La Bartelink, G. J. M. 46 n., 48 n.
Aphrahat 13, 62 n., 69, 87, 94, Basil of Caesarea 1, 46, 63, 74,
164-5, 190, 191 n., 198 n., 93, 102-3, 109, 131-2, 146,
201 n., 211-13, 212 n., 221, 181, 209
227-33 Bauer, W. 98 n., 118, 140 n.
Apollinarianism 18 n., 182 Beck, E. 6 n., 16 n., 17 n., 191 n.,
Apollo 51 n. 192n., 196n., 197n.
Apologists 93, 102 Berinianus (Verinianus) of
Apophthegmata patrum 83, 94, Perge 44
102 Berthold, H. 72 n., 85 n.
Apostles 91 Beyer, H. V. 128 n.
Apostolic Fathers 93, 102 Bianchi, U. 77 n.
334 GENERAL INDEX
Bizos of Seleucia 25 n., 30, 37 196 n., 199, 205, 207-8,

Blum, G. G. 198 n. 210--12, 214-20, 222, 224,
body 195 n., 197, 199, 204-6, 225 n., 226 n., 229-32
213-15, 217-18, 220, 224, 231 as Son 195 n., 196, 209, 217 n.
as a temple 204n., 206n., 213, Chrysippus 172 n., 173
218-20, 223 n., 230 Church 1-69, 176, 196, 211 n.,
Borboreans 15 n., 18 n. 218-20, 223, 228, 235, 238
Bousset, W. 125, 136 n. Clement of Alexandria 41, 79 n.,
Braun, H. 104n., 105 n. 93, 102, 104 n., 108 n., 118 n.,
bridal imagery 85 119, 125, 134, 144, 179-80,
see also Christ, as Bridegroom 188, 208-9
Brock, S. P. 77 n., 78 n., 85 n., Clement of Rome 99
87n., 158n., 162n., 188n., (Ps.-) Clementine Homilia 102
192 n., 196 n., 212 n., 240 n. Cohn, L. 119 n.
Brockelmann, C. 16 n., 167 n., Colish, M. L. 179 n.
201 Colson, F. H. 142 n.
Byzantium 239 Commandments 80, 87, 89, 90 n.,
175, 217, 226
Cadiou, R. 1z1 n. Constantinople 25, 45-6, 234
Calamon (Egypt) 50 Council of (381) 35 n
Callinicos 46 n., 48 n. Synod of (426) 24, 33, 42-7,
Calosyrius of Arsinoe 50 55, 57
Camelot, T. 171 n. Constitutiones Apostolorum 93, 102
Canevet, M. I 19 n. Chalcedon, Council of 51 n., 173
Canivet, P. 74 n. creation 196, 213
Carpocrates 180 new creation 77, 91
Cathari 15 n., 17 Ctesias 98
Celestius 48 Ctesiphon 41 n.
Chalcedon: Cyril of Alexandria 42, 44, 47-52,
Council of (451) 35 n., 44 n., 54-5
173 Cyril of Jerusalem 94
Anti-Council of (43 1) 48 Cyrus 140 n.
Chalcis (Syria) 137 n.
Charlesworth, J. H. 189n., 211 n. Dadisho 5
Chesnut, G. F. 27 n. Dadoes 28 n., 3 I
Chitty, D. 51 n. Danielou, J. 15 n., 103 n., 132 n.,
Christ 77, 82, 84, 87-8, 90--2, 96, 146 n.
106-7, 108 n., 111 n., 146 n., Darrouzes, J. 54 n.
169, 171, 173, 177-9, 181-2, death 175 n., 217
185, 187 n., 191-5, 203, De instituto christiano, see Gregory
204n., 207, 209n., 210--13, of Nyssa
216, 221-3, 225-6, 229-30, demons 209 n., 215, 224
238 Deseille, P. 72 n.
as Bridegroom 65, 75, 84, 96 n., Des Places, E. 129n., 137n.,
107, 152, 174-5, 207, 209, 138n., 183n.
217, 225 Desprez, V. 54 n., 58 n., 59 n.,
as King 213, 217 66 n., 70 n., 71 n., 72 n., 73 n.,
as Lord 173-6, 181, 190, 194, 74n., 8on., 85n., 93, 98n.,
GENERAL INDEX 335
102 n., 103, 106 n., 108 n., 87, 94, 166 n., 187 n., 188,
109 n., 132 n., 146 n., 202 n. 191-8, 211-16, 220, 223, 240
de Stoop, E. 46 n. Epiphanius of Salamis 4, 14, 16,
Devil (Enemy, Evil One) 151, 17 n., 18 n., 19 n., 20-5, 42 n.,
177, 206 n., 209 n. 43, 52, 56,64
see also Satan Epistula Barnabae 208
Devreesse, R. 35 n. Eucharist 29 n., 179-80, 184-5,
Dexianus, 25 n. 194, 214, 219
Diadochus of Photike S, 14, 93, Euchites (term for
115-16, 129, 137-8, 152-3, Messalians) 21 n., 46-7,
155, 186-7, 210 49-51
Diatessaron 84, 22 1 n. Euphemites (term for
Didymus the Blind 94 Messalians) 18 n., 19
Diekamp, F. 50 n. Euphrates 46
Dillon, J.M. 119n. Euprepius of Paltus 35, 52
Dimoiritai 18 n. Euripides 140 n., 143 n.
Dionysius the Eusebius of Caesarea 94
Ps.-Areopagite 198 n. Eustathius of Edessa 31, 33
Dittenberger, W. 142 n. Eustathius of Sebaste 23 n.
divinization 75, 78 Eutyches 50 n.
Dorries, H. 9, 12 n., 14 n., 17 n., Evagrius of Pontus 40-2, 79,
23 n., 25, 33-4, 38, 44n., 54, 8on., 93, 103, 125, 133,
57, 58 n., 59 n., 66 n., 67 n., 134n., 136n., 147, 186, 210
70 n., 71 n., 72 n., 73 n., 74 n., Eve 215
99n., 138n., 17on., 203n. see also Adam
Draguet, R. 34 n., 35 n., 40 n. evil 96 n., 175 n., 184, 187, 197,
dress 24 n. 215, 222, 224, 225 n.
Drijvers, H. 189 n. experience 145-57, 233, 235-6,
dwelling, indwelling, metaphors 238
of 80, 84, 96 n., 106-8,
I 18 n., 163, 203-23, 294-300 faith 100 n., 104, I I In., 196, 208,
211n.,213
fasting 24n., 215, 219
Father, God the 192 n., 195 n.,
earth of the heart 9, 240 209, 217
Edessa 27, 29 n., 36, 39, 40, 87 n. Festugiere, A.-J. 35 n., 46 n., 49 n.
Egypt 39, 50 Ficker, G. 30 n., 38, 43 n.
Elijah 213, 223 n. filling, metaphors of 301-3
Elisha 213, 223 n. fire 193-4
Enaton, monastery of 5 1 Flavian of Antioch 24, 25 n., 27,
Enthusiasts (term for 29 n., 32 n., 35 n., 37 n., 39,
Messalians) 28, 40 n., 47 52, SS, 57, 61 n., 70 n., 239
Ephesus: Fraigneau-Julien, B. 119n.,
First Council of (431) 3, 13, 132 n.
16 n., 25 n., 30, 33, 42, 44-5, Frankenberg, W. 103n., 136n.,
47-52, 54-5, 57, 64 147 n.
Second Council of (449) 50 n. fulfillment 105 n., 151-2, 154,
Ephrem 13-18, 25, 69, 73, 78n., 161' 169
336 GENERAL INDEX
Gangra, Council of (c.340-41) 23 Holy Spirit, see Spirit

Gentiles 239 Honigmann, E. 24 n., 34 n.
glory 175, 213 Horn, G. 137 n., 138 n.
Gnostics, Gnosticism 15 n., 76, Hiibschmann, H. 30 n.
93, 179, 204, 238 humility 88, 221, 229
Gospel of Thomas 84, 233 Hunt, A. S. 142 n.
Gouillard, J. 18 n. Hypatios 46, 48 n.
grace 96n., 151, 169, 173-5, 177,
179, 202, 210, 21 In., 219, lconium (Lycaonia) 25 n., 26,
223, 225-'7, 229-30 39-40
GriiBer, E. 104 n., 105 n. Ignatius of Antioch 99, 178
Gregory of Nazianzus 93, 103, image 77, 183, 196
131-2, 146, 171, 181-3, 186 Incarnation 66, 174, 177, 179,
Gregory of Nyssa (includes De 181 n., 182, 184-5, 191,
instituto christiano) 5, 13-14, 192n., 213-14, 215n., 217n.
25 n., 37 n., 63 n., 70-2, 74, indwelling, see dwelling
75 n., 84n., 93, 103, 109, lrenaeus 179
111 n., 126n., 128n., 131-3, Isaac of Nineveh 5
146, 155, 183-6, 188, 209-10, Isauria 25 n., 30, 37-8
225, 226 n., 235-6 Isocrates 140 n.
Grenfell, B. P. 142 n. Israel 214
Gribomont, J. 1 n., Jn., 12 n.,
17 n., 19 n., 23 n., 26 n., 33 n.,
Jaeger, W. 33 n., 70 n., 85 n.,
35 n., 42 n., 45 n., 58 n.
IIOn., III
Grillmeier, A. 171 n.
Janin, R. 46 n.
Guillaumont, A. Jn., 62 n., 84 n.,
Jerome 41-2
86 n., 87 n., 133, 135 n.,
201-2 John Chrysostom 25 n.
John Kolobos 5 1
Hatch, E. 140 n. John of Antioch 48, 49 n.
Hausherr, I. 8 n., 136 n. John of Dalyatha 5
heart 197n., 204n., 206n., John of Damascus 6 n., 8, 14 n.,
209n., 210-11, 213, 216, 20 n., 33, 52-68, 75 n., 76,
218-19, 222 n., 223-4, 229, I 16, 177, 2IJ
Joseph Hazzaya 5
238
heaven 218 Jovinian 27, 41
heavenly city 89, 90 n. Judas 215
Judas Thomas, see Acts of Judas
Hefele, J. 24 n., 30 n.
Thomas
Henry, R. 29 n., 44 n., 65 n.
Julian of Halicarnassus 34
Hermas 28 n., 31, 98-9, 178-9
Julian Saba 39, 40 n.
Hermopolis (Egypt) 101 n.
Justin Martyr 144
Hespe!, R. 35 n., 40 n.
Hesse, 0. 114n.
Hesychasts 4 Kerschensteiner, J. 211 n.
Hexapla 201 n. Kittel, G. 98 n., 117 n.
Hippolytus 119 n., 179-80 Klijn, A. F. J. 84n.
Holl, K. 19 n., JO n., 37-8 Klostermann, E. 72 n.
Holtz, T. 110 n. Kmosko, M. 12 n., 15 n., 17 n.,
GENERAL INDEX 337
26 n., 39 n., 40 n., 41 n., 45 n., Macarius the Alexandrian 71,
49 n., 58 n., 86 n., 87, 200-2 159
knowledge 96 n., 126-9, 143, 145, Macarius the Egyptian (the Great)
147, 149-51, 153 n., 163, 4, 40 n., 51 n., 71, 85 n., 159
175 n., 223, 228 n., 229, 231 Macarius, Ps.- , writings 4-11,
Kollyridians 18 n. 28 n., 53-240
Koonammakkal, T. 220 n. Arabic versions 71 n., 73
Kornemann, E. 101 n. Greek collections 71-3
Syriac versions 71 n., 73-4, 94,
157-67
Lake, K. 99 n. Maiperqat 25 n., 30, 37
Lampe, G. W. H. 64 n., 99 n., Maloney, G. 72 n.
1oon., 117n., 178n., 227 Manandian, H. A. 30 n.
Lampetius 30 Mani 15 n., 21, 23
Laranda (Lycaonia) 44 n. Manichaeans,
Lavenant, R. 39 n. Manichaeanism 21 n., 41, 47,
Law 90 76, 197 n., 204, 238
Lazarus 215 Mansi, G. D. 24 n., 30 n., 44 n.
Lebon, J. 171 n., 187 n. Marcellians 18 n.
Leclercq, H. 24 n., 30 n. Marcian, emperor (450-7) 21 n.
Leisegang, J. 119n. Marcian the Money-Changer 54
Le Nain de Tillemont, L. S. 36-8 Marcian the Monk 115 n., 137
Le Quien, M. 25 n., 35 n., 43 n., Marcion 15 n., 215
44n., son. Mark the Monk S, 14, 93,
Leto"is of Melitene 27-9, 31, 114-16, 137, 152-3, 155, 186,
32 n., 55 210
Lewy, H. 200 n. marriage 23 n., 104 n., 199-200,
Liber graduum 5, 12 n., 13, 20 n., 205
63 n., 69, 79, 84-92, 162-3, Marriott, G. L. 73 n.
165-6, 198-203, 206 n., Marsh, F. S. 198 n.
216-23, 225, 227-33, 237 Martikainen, J. 197 n.
liberation from passions and from Martyrians 18 n., 19
sin 41-2, 78-83, 96, 225 Martyropolis (Maiperqat in
see also Index of Greek words, Armenia) 30, 37
d.1r&.8£La Marutha of Maiperqat 15 n.,
Liddell, H. G. 98, 101, 117n., 25 n., 30, 33 n., 37
14on. Mary 66, 213, 224
Lieske, A. 182 n. Mason, A. J. 72 n.
light 128n., 131n., 175, 193n., Masoretic text 1 18 n.
197, 21 I Massalianos (variant of
Lohse, E. 110 n. Messalians) 41 n.
Longin us 5 1 n. Maximus 25 n.
Louth, A. 1 19 n. Mayer, G. 119n., 142n.
love 88, 193 n., 196, 222, 226, 229 Meletius of Antioch 35, 37
Lucius of the Enaton 50, s I n. Melitene 27
Lycaonia 26, 28, 30, 36--7, 40, 42, Memnon of Ephesus 48
44n., 47-8 Mesopotamia 3, 12, 21, 22, 25,
Lycia 48 36,71, 234, 237
GENERAL INDEX
Messalians: original sin 89

Asceticon of the Messalians 13, Osrhoene 12, 3 1
33,42,48, 235 Overbeck, J. J. 197 n.
definition of the term 3
history of the controversy 2-69, Paltus (Syria) 35 n.
234-40 Pamphylia 12, 24-5, 28-30, 36-7,
lists of doctrines ascribed 42-4,47,49, 52
to 4-8, 33-4, 52-69, 81, 155, papyri 93, 98, IOI' I 19 n., 141-2
169, 197 n., 234, 236, 241-81 Paraclete 96 n., 162-3, 200, 202,
Syrian background 9-11, 218, 222, 225, 228-9, 231-2
234-40 Paradise 77, 197
Messiah 212 Parmentier, L. 26 n.
Methodius of Olympus 181, 209 passions 76, 96 n., 183 n., 206,
Meyendorff, J. 58 n. 209, 224-5, 227
Meyer, P. M. 101 n. Patricius 39
Michel, 0. 104 n. Paul Evergetinos 51 n.
Millar, F. 189 n. Paulinians 15 n., 18 n.
Milligan, G. 98 n., 119 n., 141 n., Paulinus of Antioch 35 n.
142 Payne Smith, J. 164 n., 198 n.,
mind 181 n., 198, 214n. 228 n.
Miquel, P. 85 n., 102 n., 103 n. Payne Smith, R. 16 n., 35 n.,
mixing, blending, metaphors 103 n., 161 n., 164 n., 167 n.,
of 65, 75, 78, 89, 170-203, 201, 201 n., 228n., 231 n.
285-93 Pelagius 48
Montanists 93-4 perfection 79n., 81, 88-91, 96n.,
Moulton, J. H. 98 n., 119 n., 105, 114, 147, 152, 161, 168,
141 n., 142 196, 198, 202, 208, 217, 223,
Murray, R. 2 n., 8 n., 33 n., 77 n., 226-7, 231, 233, 238
85 n., 87 n., 189 n., 196 n., Perge 44n.
218 n., 219 Persian Empire 87 n.
Muss-Arnolt, W. 200 n. Peshitta 94, 105 n., 111 n., 158,
Muyldermans, J. 136n. 160, 164, 166, 199 n., 201,
213, 216n., 217, 218n.,
221 n., 222 n., 228 n.
Nazirite 21
Philo 85, 93, 101, 119, 134,
Neon (of Sillyum?) 44 142-4, 146n., 171, 172n.,
Neophytos the Peloponnesian 53
173
Nilus of Ancyra 24 n., 45, 94 Philocalia 4
Nisibis 15 n. Philoxenos of Mabboug 4, 39-40,
42, 51, 197-8, 201, 212n.
Odes of Solomon, 94, 161, 228 n. Photinians 15 n., 17, 18 n.
Old Syriac version of the New Photius of Constantinople 4,
Testament 84, 94, 221 n. 25-6, 29-38, 43-4, 65 n., 98
Origen 41, 93, 102, 108n., 116, Pieria 25 n., 30, 37
118 n., 119-21, 124-6, 129, Pitra, J.B. 135 n.
131, 133, 134n., 136 n., 139, Plutarch 140 n.
145, 178n., 180-1, 183, 186, Pneumatomachoi 18 n.
188, 198 n., 209 Portmann, F. X. 182 n.
GENERAL INDEX 339
prayer 15-17, 19-21, 24, 35, Seleucia (lsauria) 25 n., 37
45-6, 50-1, 59-60, 64, 68, Seleucia (Pieria) 25 n., 37
96n., 220 sense, senses r 16-38, 145 n., 164,
Preisigke, F. 98 n., 142 n. 166 n.
priesthood 218-19 Septuagint 98, ror, r 19 n., 141 n.,
Priscillian 4 r 171 n., 199 n.
Procopius of Gaza 145 n. Severus of Antioch 4, 21 n., 26 n.,
prophets 91 34-6, 52-3, 55-7, 60 n., 67 n.
Puech, H. C. 197 n. Shepherd, see Hermas
Side (Pamphylia) 24-38, 40, 43,
Quispe!, G. ro n., 67 n., 84 n., 44
88 n. Synod of 24-38, 40, 43
Sillyum (Pamphylia) 44 n.
Quq, Quqites 15 n.
Silvanos 5 r n.
Sin 74-81, 87-92, 107, 151, 169,
Ral).mani, I. E. 34 n. 171, 175 n., 176-8, 180, 183,
Rahner, K. 75 n., r 19 n., 121 n., 198-200, 202-g, 212-13,
125, l29, 136n., 138 n. 215-18, 224-5, 227-8, 233,
Redpath, H. A. 140 n. 238
resurrection 96n., 128n., 152, Sinai 39
178 n., 226 Sisinnius of Constantinople 29,
Romanos the Melodist 240
44
Rousseau, A. 179 n. Sophocles 140 n.
Rucker, A. 16 n., 17 n. Souphanene (Armenia) 30
Rufinus of Aquilea 25 n., 145 n. Spidlik, T. r 82 n.
Rufus of Thessalonica 48 Spirit 27, 56, 60-1, 63-6, 74-8,
79n., 80-4, 86, 88-g, 91, 96,
Sabas (Messalian at IOI, 107-15, 126, 128 n.,
Antioch) 28n.,31 129-31, 137, 150, 152, 155,
Sabbas of Paltus 35 n. 164, 169, 171, 173-7, 179-81,
Sabellians, Sabellianism 15n., 17, 185,189, 191-5, 197-214,
65 216-20, 222-33, 238
Saccophores 2 r, 23 spiritual sense, senses r r g-2 r,
Sames of Seleucia 24 n., 25 n., 30, 124-6, 132-3,137-8, 147, 165
34 n., 37 Staats, R. 3 n., 6 n., 8 n., ro, r 3,
Satan 75 n., 191, 195 n., 197, 199, 17 n., 25 n., 33 n., 37 n., 38 n.,
200, 206, 225, 229-31 63 n., 70 n., 71 n., 72 n.,
Satanians 18 n., 19 109n., IIO-II, 124n.
Sauvet, P. 26 n. Stahlin, 0. 144 n.
Schall, A. 201 n. Stephen Bar Sudaili 198
Schamp, J. 26 n., 30 n. Stiglmayr, J. 85 n., 171 n.
Scher, A. 40 n. Stobaeus 172 n., 173
Schulze, U. 175 n. Stoffels J. 171 n.
Schwartz, E. 16 n., 47 n., 48 n., Stoics, Stoicism 79n., 144, 171,
49n. 173, 177-8, 179n., 182n.,
Scott, R. 98, ror, r 17 n., 140 n. 186-9, 191
Second Council of Ephesus, 50 n. Strothmann, W. 72 n., 73 n.,
Segal, J.B. 15 n. 113n., 159
340 GENERAL INDEX
Symeon of Mesopotamia 28 n., Valentinus, Valentinians 15 n.,

31, 70 180, 209
Syria 18, 28, 36, 37 n., 42, 46, Valerian of Iconium 44n., 47,
48 n., 71, 234 48 n., 54-5, 235
Verinianus (Berianianus) of
Tertullian 179 Perge 44n.
Theocritus 140 n. Villecourt, L. 7 n., 54, 59 n., 87,
Theodore Bar Koni 40 n. 171 n.
Theodore of the Enaton 5 1 Viller, M. 129 n.
Theodoret 4, 7, 13 n., 15 n., 16, virginity 214
20 n., 21 n., 25-9, 30 n., 33, Vita Antonii 76, 93 n.
34 n., 37 n., 40 n., 42, 45 n., Volker, W. 75 n.
46, 48, 52-64 Vi:iobus, A. 7 n., 15 n., 33 n.,
Theodotus of Antioch 44, 55 77 n., 85 n., 86 n., 87 n.,
Theodotus (the Gnostic) 180 221 n.
Thomas Aquinas 104
Thucydides 140 n. Ware, K. T. vii, 51 n., 114n.,
Timothy of Alexandria 26 n. 115 n., 137 n.
Timothy of Constantinople 7, Wendland, P. 119 n.
16 n., 33, 52-68, 224 Wesley, J. 5, 72n.
Treadgold, W. T. 29 n. Wickham, L. R. 50 n.
Trinity 135, 136n., 186, 190-3, Winkler, G. vii, 212 n., 221 n.
210, 214 wisdom 181 n., 196, 223 n.
Word of God 181 n., 182 n.,
Vailhe, S. 46 n. 217 n., 240
Valens 27
Valentinian I 27 Xenophon 140 n.

Working The Earth of The Heart The Messalian Controversy in History Texts and Language To AD 431 PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Working The Earth of The Heart The Messalian Controversy in History Texts and Language To AD 431 PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

OXFORD THEOLOGICAL MONOGRAPHS

THE PRINCIPAL OF RESERVE IN THE WRITINGS OF

THE COSMIC CHRIST IN ORIGEN AND

THE HIDDEN GOD

PROTESTANT REFORMERS IN ELIZABETHAN

THE COMMUNION OF SAINTS

PROBABILITY AND THEISTIC EXPLANATION

VERBAL ASPECT IN NEW TESTAMENT GREEK

THE LORDSHIP OF CHRIST

COLUMBA STEWART, OSB

Oxford is a trade mark of Oxford University Press

Published in the United States

© Columba Andrew Stewart r99r

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

This book was made possible by the support of my monastic

Saint John's Abbey C.S.

1. Introduction and Method I

The Ascetical Crucible of Controversy

Full references to works cited in the notes m.ay be found in the

INTRODUCTION AND METHOD

The Ascetical Crucible of Controversy

Because the gospel speaks both individually to the heart

siecle', 'Saint Basile et le monachisme enthousiaste'.

celibacy a condition for baptism was mitigated, and a less

The Messalian Controversy

The historian's appraisal of such conflicts, difficult in any

3 The best overviews of the difficulties are provided in Guillaumont's 'Messalia-

nisme', Gribomont's 'Le Dossier', and Staats's 'Messalianerforschung'. Other

reconfiguration of evidence will inevitably lead to reappraisal

The evidence for the Messalian controversy is of three kinds,

METHOD AND PITFALLS

With these three kinds of evidence available, an appropriate

descriptive or illustrative imagery. Even a cursory reading of

'ununterbrochene Folge messalianischer Phanomene in der byzantinischen Kir-

way of measuring their 'Messalian' content. 7 However, to

'L'Erreur fondamentale'. A succinct statement of the unnecessary anxiety which

The key role of spiritual vocabulary in the controversy

the Syriac background of elements of the Ps.-Macarian

'0 'Messalianerforschung', 53; see the similar point of Quispe! in Makarius, 4.

cannot limit the enquiry. The anti-Messalian lists are the

THE MESSALIAN CONTROVERSY:

The history of the Messalian controversy up to 43 1 can be

comprehensive examination of the evidence was by Kmosko in his edition of the

'Le Dossier des origines du Messalianisme'; and Staats, 'Beobachtungen zur

Others may have made use of similar themes and vocabu-

Phase 1: The Emergence of the Messalians

The first three surviving references to the Messalians are: a

Ephrem's mention of the Messalians comes in the alphabetic

the next stanza and do not refer to the Messalians.

the derived forms. 8 The ethpa'al form of zll, used by

clerics with Messalian connections; 15 or it could be that he

Epiphanius of Salamis' listing of the Messalians in chapter

the Semi-Arians, the Pneumatomachoi, the followers of Aerius (not to be confused

20 The variation in spelling between Maaaa>.,avo{ (Epiphanius) and Mwa>.iavo{/

Mwaa>.,avo{ is discussed by Gribomont in 'Le Dossier', 620-1.

and anarchical and deceived, utterly without the support of

more than evasiveness on the part of 'Messalians' under interrogation. From

receiving sickness of mind from there [Mesopotamia], and

Epiphanius' remarks about the recent appearance of the

24 Gribomont's count in 'Le Dossier', 613, appears to follow that of Dorries in

which will recur in later attacks on Messalian conduct. In the

Phase 2: The Synod of Antioch