FES 65/66 2014/2015 Anthropology and aestheticsRes 65/66 2014/2015 Anthropology and aesthetics Contents 5 EDITORIAL FRANCESCO PELLIZZI Old and new angels—visible/invisible 15. STEPHEN HOUSTON, BARBARA FASH, and DAVID STUART Masterful hands: Morelli and the Maya on the Hieroglyphic Stairway, Copan, Honduras ay MARY WEISMANTEL Encounters with dragons: The stones of Chavin 54 GUILHEM OLIVIER. “Why give birth to enemies?": The warrior aspects of the Aztec goddess Tlazolteott-txcuina 72 ELODIE DUPEY GARCIA The materiality of color in the body ornamentation of Aztec gods 89 CRISTINA CRUZ GONZALEZ Crucifixion piety in New Mexico: On the origins and art of St. Librada tos DUNCAN CALDWELL ‘Anew ordering of Adena tablets based on a deeper reading of the McKensie Tablet 128 Z.S.STROTHER terrifying mimesis: Problems of portraiture and representation in African sculpture (Congo-Kinshasa) 4a WYATT MACGAFFEY Franchising minkisi in Loango: Questions of form and function 150 LISA HOMANN Alluring obscurity: Dancing nocturnal white masks in southwestern Burkina Faso 179 CLEMENTE MARCONI Pausanias and the figural decoration of Greek sacred architecture 194 BISSERA V, PENTCHEVA The aesthetics of landscape and icon at Sinai 202 PAROMA CHATTERJEE The gifts of the Gorgon: A close look at a Byzantine inkpot 228 ACHIMTIMMERMANN Vain labor): Things, strings, and the human condition in the art of Giovanni Baleison2a 259 209 208 316 248 382 364 207 KAREN OVERBEY Seeing through stone: Mater ity and place in a medieval Scottish pendant reliquary JUAN JOSE LAHUERTA ‘The Crucifixions of Velazquez and Zurbarén NOAM ANDREWS The space of knowledge: Artisanal epistemology and Bernard Palissy KATRIN SEYLER Heritage and humility in the Republic of Tools: Understanding the world of thought of early modern craftsmen INES G. ZUPANOV The pulpit trap: Possession and personhood in colonial Goa EDWARD A. VAZQUEZ ‘Antimatter: On the surfaces of Fred Sandback's early sculpture BRET ROTHSTEIN Visual difficulty as a cultural system LECTURES, DOCUMENTS, AND DISCUSSIONS REMO BODE! A constellation of words: Causa, res, pragma, Sache ALESSANDRA RUSSO ‘An artistic humanity: New positions on art and freedom in the context of Iberian 11, 1500-1600 fRIC MICHAUD The potent image MARIA H. LOH “Cross my heart, hope to die, stick a needle in my eye”: Friendship, survival, and the pathos of portraiture ‘ARA H, MERJIAN, ‘An “applied physiology”: Italian modernism, economy of style tzschean philosophy, and the sexual ROBERTO CALASSO The last superstition54 RES 65466. 2014/2015, Figure 1. Representation of Tlazaltet!-wcuina giving binh (Codex Rarbonicus 1991:13). Orawing: Eis Dominguez“Why give birth to enemies?” The warrior aspects of the Aztec goddess Tlazolteotl-Ixcuina GUILHEM OLIVIER Waldeben: ‘Aber, wie sah meine Muster wel aus? Das kann ich nun gar nicht mir denkent Der Rehhindin gleich glinzten gewi® lhe hell schimmernde Augen, Nur noch viel schéner! ‘Da bang se mich geboren, warum aber stab so dat Sterben die Menschenmitter an ihren Séhnen alle dabin? Richard Wagner, Siegfried Although the Franciscan chronicler Fray Toribio {de Benavente, also known as Motolinfa, spoke of Tlazolteotl as the “god of garbage and filth” (1971-307), ‘most sixteenth-century written sources state she was actually a goddess linked to sexual transgressions and the confession of sins, among other things (e.g. Sahagén 1950-1982:1:23-27). In thelr analyses of Tlazolteot in the chronicles, as well as visual representations of her in ‘codices (fig. 1), scholars since the end of the nineteenth Century have noted that she has been confused with Toci, "Our Grandmother” a mother goddess connected with fertility and considered to be the mother of the maize ‘g04." They have also emphasized her Huastec origin and the fact she was the patron goddess of weaving. For the present discussion, ! would like to focus on the goddess’ ‘warrior aspects, which have been pointed out by other authors, but generally asa secondary characteristic. On the basis of features suggesting the double identification ‘of Tlazolteot as both a captor of enemies and a | thank Debra Nag for wanslating this atic, inching he “pots om sient entry sorcerer eerie nasi tlie Domingues for preparing the lation; and Perig Pou and the too anonymous ences who contr buted to honing the itl ‘onion of ie xt 1. “Toes Mus: But what id my mesher ook ie ean imagine ha tll Like the oadeer surely shone hes tous ‘jen ut armor lovely! When she bore me in srw why the ‘Shee? Do all men's mothers efter sons” Wager 198514). 2. Franco del Pao Trncoxo (1898), ard Sle (1983. {1904}, Bd Spene (194), Thelma Sulla (1382, Baty Ar Brown (0984), Michel Gralch (1987), requetine de Durand Fores (1988), {Cecelia len (1994) Suen Math (1995), Ovid Carasea (1990), Paice Gisson 2001), Katarsyna Miksa 200, and Catherine R DiGeare 200%, sactifcial victim, { will also try to explain in a broad, ‘comparative framework the notion in Mexica culture— strange as it may seem to our eyes—that women gave birth to children identified as enemies. Before proceeding with the iconographic analysis, | would like to note that the following discussion is. intended to enrich studies of the Mexican pantheon by using a comparative method that postulates that the gods cannot be understood in isolation. As Jean~ Pierre Vernant has pointed out, “The investigations of historians of religion, such as Georges Dumezil, show that one can understand any religious system, much as a linguistic system, only by studying the respective place (of gods between themselves" (1974:110). Moreover, Iconographic comparisons make it possible not only to establish connections between different deities who shared the same insignia, but also to delve more deeply into the connotations that an iconographic element may have had depending on a particular context. The rich and complex pictographic language used to render the {gods in the codices transmits a wealth of information, ‘hile the written sources shed light only in part of the ancient worldview by providing mythological accounts ‘and descriptions of rituals. Therefore, the search for a system or code—around which warfare, sacrifice, and the filial relationship with enemies revolve—makes it possible to clarify both the conceptions of the gods and the practices of men. As we address the body of evidence, we will stil face mysteries that compel us to look for answers beyond Mesoamerica, a point to which ‘we will rturn later. Let us begin by examining some images of Tlazolteot! in codices and her role in the divinatory calendar that inspired most of the depictions in these manuscripts. Tlazolteot is the patroness ofthe day Ocelot, “Jaguar,” land one of her calendrical names is Ce Cuauhth, “1 Eagle.” She is therefore associated with the two animals that symbolize warrior values in ancient Mexico eler 1963:1:117-118; Caso 1961:92; Spranz 1964:206). In codices, Tlazolteot often appears in an aggressive pose and bearing arms. In the Codex Cospi (1994:26) she appears as part of a series of eleven armed56 RES65/66 20142015 Figure 2. Known as °9 Reed" Tazoltot is armed with 2 Shield, arrows, and 2 spearthrower (Codex Cospi 1994.26) Drawing: Elbis Domingues. deities, labeled with the calendrical name “9 Reed” and holding a shield, arrows, and a spearthrower (fig. 2). ‘Two other representations of Tlazolteot!—identitied respectively by the calendrical names “8 Reed” and “6 Reed’—were rendered in the Codex Borgia (1963248) ina section on the Cihuateteo. Both goddesses wield 2 shield and dars; “8 Reed” is represented beside ‘an individual sacrificed by heart extraction and ‘decapitation, while “6 Reed” appears next to a prisoner with bound hands, suggesting a future sacrificial victim. Seated on a corpse (perhaps a sacrificial victim), Tlazolteot| wields an axe in the Codex Laud (1994:42).* ‘The goddess is armed witha shield and arrows when she appears as patroness of the thiteen-day tecena, which begins with the sign “1 Deer” (Codex Borgia 1963:63). In addition, she grabs the hair of a small nude figure, painted red and with bound arms (ig, 3). The igure i, ‘obviously a captive, in keeping with an iconographic tradition dating back tothe Preclassic period. The gesture ‘of capture that consists of seizing the enemy by the hair also has ancient roots and was widespread throughout ‘Mesoamerica. In the Codex Vaticanus 8 (1902~1903:51), Tlazolteotl, although unarmed, is rendered in this same gesture of capture; moreover, in the center of the 3 Sohagirs norman (1950-1982::74 conn that the thay °9 Reed vhich pare the recena begining with 1 Serpent —wasdedtested 0 Tlzotet anaes rpresertd above the gods in the Codex Feléiy- Mayer 19:26). Figure 3. Armed with a shield and arrows, Tlazoteot grabs the hair of a small captive, represented asa child (Codex Borgia '7963:63). Drawing: Elbis Dominguez. illustration are represented a shield, darts, and banner that form the war glyph, yaoyot! (ig 4). appears that Eduard Seler (in the Codex Vaticanus B 1902-1903:250— 251) was the first to interpret this scene as the capture Of a child by the goddess. Above the small captive there {s, infact, a jewel glyph symbolizing “child.” In fact, according to Nahua thought, giving birth to a newborn was comparable to taking a captive on the battlefield, as Clearly stated by Sahagain’s informants: ‘And when the baby had arrived on earth, then the midwife shouted she gave war cries, which meant thatthe litle ‘woman had fought a goed battle, had become a brave Wario, had taken a captive, had captured a baby ‘Aub in ovatcpac qujz pitznt: nman tzatzi in tc, tdacaoatza, qutozneqy ca ovel aot in ciatzinth, ca ‘enogujchtc, ca llama, ca ocacic in pitzintl..(Sahagin 1950-1982:6:1671. 5. Allexcerpe rm eroardin de Sahagins renin Codex are taken fom the English tarslation by Charles €. Dibble and Anbu] ©. ‘andersonOlivier: “Why give inh to enemies?” 57 Figure 4 Tazolteot captures a ehild next tothe glyph of war, yaoyel (Codex Vaticanus B 1902— 190351), Drawing: Elis Domingues. though Tlazoltet! was represented asa war deity, ‘we shal se that she alo appears, In my opinion, as Scrifcial victim. She often has body paint with white and yellow or white and red stipes (Codex Vaticanus 8 1902-19032, 30,51) ig.) ts probably a form of body painting similar to that ofthe war an hunting god Mixcoal and his belicose siblings the Mimixcoa, who ‘were known in Nahuatl as uavanth, the stiped ones — im other word, sacrificial victims (Sshagn 1950- 1982:2:45, 46,49, 203-204 ig, 5). An interesting — although enigmatic—ariant of the painting of prisoners ‘on the verge of being sacrificed appears inthe historical Section ofthe Codex Tellerano-Remensis (1995:ols. 29v, 4324, 38y, 397 ete). Here the bodes ofthe captives are painted white with smal black dts, In the divinatory Section ofthe same manuscript, Tlazoltet/-ecuina has the same body paint on her limbs {ibid.:fol. 17v), and whats more, her bod fs covered in feathery down, another important symbol of sacrifice ig. 6). Returning to the Mimixcon, they are the prototypes ‘of brave warriors who fed the Sun and Earth with their aptves inthe myth ofthe origin of Sacred Warlare, and also, as we saw earlier, the models of captives and future ‘sacrificial victims (Olivier 2010). Significantly, they ‘often appear nude or with genitals exposed, nudity that | have interpreted as an indication oftheir role as future sacrificial victims (Olivier 2008b:272-273). For example, at Cacatla, a fragmentary figure of an individual is depicted with his phallus exposed and his lower limbs painted with red and blue stripes (Foncerrada de Molina 1993:31) fig. 7). As far as we know, this may be one of the oldest representations of Mimixcoa—one might ‘say his Epiclassic forebear—cleary on the verge of being sacrificed. Other examples at El Tajin and in the Maya atea show the association between nudity and the imminent fate of the sacrificial victim (Kampen 1972:49, fig. 32a; Houston, Stuart, and Taube 2006:202~226). As {or Tlazolteot, her frequent nudity has been interpreted in two ways: on the one hand in relation to her Huastec ‘origin (we will return to this point later) and on the: ‘other in relation to her function as goddess of carnal love (ig. 8). Without denying the relevance of these ‘explanations, the status ofthe sacrificial victim could in some contexts also explain the nudity of Tazolteot,58 RES 65/66 20142015 Figure 5. Mixcoat and the Mimixcoa were known in Nahuat 2s uavantin, “the sviped ones," Le, sacificial victims (Codex Borgia 1963:25), Drawing: Elbis Dominguez. since she was also equated with the Cihuateteo. The Cituateteo were deified women who died in childbirth, conceived as wariors who died in battle or on the sacrificial stone (Codex Borgia 1963:48; Durand-Forest 11988:192-193; Jansen 1998:141; Klein 2001:207-211; DiCesare 2008:81-83). “Another element might reinforce the hypothesis that Tlazolteot! was assimilated with the identity of sacrificial Vietims. She often wears a cotton band around her head and two additional small cotton bands hanging from each ear (igs. 1,3, 4,6). Scholars have often ‘emphasized her origin inthe tropical cotton-producing lands ofthe Huasteca and her roe as patroness of spinning and weaving.” This later hypothesis i based ‘on the presence of spindles in the goddess's headdress (figs 3,6, 8, 14). However, what drew my attention .was the resemblance between these accoutrements and those worn by sacrificial victims in Maya iconography 6 oxox Borla (1963:68); Codex Borbonicus (1991:13, 30; Codex Vaticares 8 (1902~1903.22, 30,51); Codex Telerano-Rerenss (1905: 17 Spranz (1968211215. 7. See fr example Seer (1995:117-118) The seal connotations ofthe actf spinning and weaving have aso been noted Sulvan 1982; Dicesae 2009, Figure 6. With white paint with black hatching on her limbs, ‘Tlazoltet!-ixcuina is surrounded by feather down, another Important sacrificial symbol (Codex Telleriano-Remensis 1995:01. 174). Drawing: Elbis Dominguez. (Gg. 9. tn fact, specialists regard these bands of cotton Cr paper that hang from the ears as @ mark of impending sacrifice for the unfortunate individuals wearing them (Baudez and Mathews 1997:511-512). In this regard, Claude-Frangois Baudez makes a pertinent observation (2004:61) The ears of captives are lft naked after having removed the finery—of jade for the most important individuals—that decorated them; more often, however the ear omament is teplaced by asrp for piece of bark paper or even a cloth ‘erate. which ae often adorned with a wavy line. This is the most visible element of glyph T 570, which is equivalent 10 B'AK or BAK, which means both captive and bone. ‘Therefore, itis simultaneously a sign of eapture and of death This would therefore explain why deities not known to have any connection to weaving also wear ear ornaments of this type: for example, Tlahuizcalpantecuhtl and Mictlantecuhtli, deities associated with warfare, sacrifice, and death (fig. 10)" ‘8, Micrel has coton ear omament inthe Codex Vatcanus ' 1902-1008:20, 21, 22) and Inthe Cedex Cop (1996:9-1) Tahuiralpantecibtl in the Ccex Berbonicv (199112)Olivier Why gve bin to enemies?” 59 Figure 7. Male figure with genitals exposed and with rel and blue striped body paint (Cacaxtla) (fancerrada de Molina 1993:31). Drawing: Elis Domingue. ‘The god Xochipill in his deer manifestation—as sacrificial prey par excellence (Olivier 2010)—also displays this type of ear ornament (Codex Vaticanus B 1902-1903:96). In Mixtec codices, beings also associated with death deities—with a fleshiess jaw and curly hair—wear similar ear ornaments (Codex Vindobonensis 1992:14). The same occurs inthe case of Mixtec goddess 9 Malinali, who is connected with the earth and with death (lbid:15; Furst 1982:214— 221; Pohl 1992:77-82). Finally, in Monument 1 from Uxmal (Yucatén}—identified as the base of a ‘tzompantii skull wall) or as a sepulcher for the burial ofthe fifty two-year century as a year bundle—appear skulls with the same ear ornaments in the form of strips of cotion or paper (Houston, Stuart, and Taube 2006:88). Returning to the Central Mexican pantheon, frost and corn god Itztlacoliuhqui also appears with these ear armaments, probably because he was the son of Toci-Tlazolteotl, and perhaps also because hhe was the first victim of the Sun, who killed him by shooting him with arrows during the first sunrise (Leyenda de los Soles 19922:91, 1992b:169; Mendieta 1980.78; Codex Telleriano- Remensis 1995:fol. 16v; Codex Borbonicus 1991:12). This is not a matter of denying the association between the cotton insignia of é Fa Figure 8 Tlazolteotin the middle of a wooden structure that might allude to arrow sacrifice (Codex Fejrvary-Mayer 1901-1902:32). Drawing? Elbis Dominguez Tlazolteot! and the Huasteca region and the activities ‘of women weavers. This sort of accumulation of ‘meanings is characteristic of Mesoamerican thought, 0 there may well have been a sacrificial dimension to cotton in this case. Its worth adding that a form of Tlazolteot! was present in the Maya area—where the associations between cotton or paper ear ornaments and sacrifice are obvious—as shown by a ceramic piece from Mayapan (Thompson 1957:613-614, 630; Taube 1992:122-124). ‘Turning now to the Huastecs, we find that thelr ‘connection to sacrifice is well documented in the sources. Walter Lehmann (Anales de Cuauhuitlan 1938:77) discussed the Huastec origin of Ixcuina, another name for Tlazolteotl: k means “woman” and ‘culnin “cotton” (Sullivan 1982:12). Infact, Sahagtn's Informants (1950-1982:6:34) stressed the Huastecs’ devotion to Tlazolteol. Its not surprising that this ‘goddess wears typical Huastec insignia, such as the Junar emblem nose ornament known as yacameztif and the shell pectoral (figs. 2, 3,8, 14); similar pectorals. ‘were found in tombs at Vista Hermosa in the Huasteca (Gresser-Péan 2008:196, pl. 42). Furthermore, an account included in the Anales de Cuauhiitan specified the origin of the goddesses called Ixcuiname:60. RES 65/66 20142015 Figure 9. A sacticil victim with cotton o paper strips sear ornaments, on a lintel rom the Usumacina Valley, ‘ight century (Schole and Miller 1986 86). Drawing: bis Domingues, twas the same year that sorcerers arived, the so-called Incuinanme, the female devils. And according othe tories ‘ofthe old people, hich el how they came, they issued foth from Cuextlan, And at so-called Cuextecatlichocayan [Place Where the Cuexteca Weep) they spoke to the captives they had taken in Cuextlan and made them a Promise saying, "We are ging o Tolan now You wi With us, and when we get there, we willie you to make a Celebration for here has never been an arrow shoot. And we are the ones who are going to start iby shooting you. When the captives heard this, they wept they grieved. au no yquac ypan inyn xii oncan agieo yn ttaacatcolo yn mteaya yicvinanme gihua diablome. ‘Auh yn uhea yltal huehuetque contoa yoie huallague ‘uextanpa yn quiaco auh yn ompa mites cuertecal ‘ehoeayan ancan quinnonotzque yrmalhuan quimacique cuextian quinyalyuhtiamachtiue yn quimihurque ‘a ye tut yn tollan amos tech taginque amoca tiuichihuazque es ayayetlacacaliua tehuantin ticpebualttbe tamechmiminazque yo oquicacque yomalhuan niman ye chocague taocoxque) (Anales de Cuaubuitfan 19922"15, 1952b:39-40)? ‘The representation of Tlazolteotl in the middle of ‘8 wooden structure where captives were shot with arrows in a sacrificial rte might be an allusion to this i 9. Wransitin by Jt Blerhost Figur 10. Miclantocunil with cotton ear omaments in the Codex VaticanusB (1902-1903: 20). Drawing: Ebb Dominguez foundational event (Codes Fejérvny-Mayer 1901~ 1902:32) ig, 8). Similarly, Medellin Zeil (1960.70, 75-76, pl 38-40) refered to female statues fom the region of Veracruz as “Xipe lazolteot” Shown fixed to wooden frameworks, they might also be connected to arow sacrifice, dacacalzth ‘The Nahuatl word tohueyo, used to refer to Huastecs, cetymologically means “our offering’ that i, the sacrificial victim—and historical sources often mention the Mexica sacrifice of Huastec captives (Leén-Porilla 1959:111; Launey 1980.2:255). Given that Mxcoatl and the Mimixcoa functioned as prototypes of sacrificial vietims in iconographic and writen sources (Olivier 2010, itis significant that Mixcoatl appears as a Huastec ‘with is phallus exposed inthe Codex Fejérdny- ‘Mayer (1901-1902:26) ig. 11) Infact, ths dey is ‘accompanied by Tlazolteotl on a magnificent carved Shell fom the Huasteca (Beyer 1969:492-494; Sresser éan 2008:405) (ig. 12). Ths goddess, characterized by her face pant, caries arrows and wears a skull helmet, attributes that identify her asa goddess of warfare ‘and death. Furhermore, iis not by chance that the ilustation ofthe festival ofthe wenty-day ventena of ‘Ochpaniztli inthe Codex Borbonicus (199130) shows 1 procession of Huastecs and Mimixcoa, all displaying {enormous phalluses and advancing toward the goddess TociTlazoleat ig. 13) The bellicose connotations of‘Olivier: Why give birth to enemies” 61 Figure 11. sixcoatl appears asa Huastc with genitals displayed in the Codex Féjéeviry-Mayer(1901-1902:26. Drawing: Eis Dominguez this festival are conveyed by the presence of warriors ‘who participate in mock battles and receive gifts from the king.” In addition, it was said that ifthe woman to be sacrificed, who represented the goddess Toci-Tlazolteot!, ‘was sorrowful during this veintena, many warriors would die on the battlefield (Sahagin 1950-1982:2:119-120). The complex symbolism of “sweeping” the definition ‘of the word Ochpanizt has been interpreted by Michel Graulich (1999:89-143) as a general act of purification characteristic of a festival that was orginally the first veintena of the calendar. Brooms are also linked to ‘warfare, expressed through combat with bloodied brooms cartied out during the festival (Sahagin 1950— 11982:2:120-121). In fact, Tlazolteot! is represented riding on a broom in the Codex Fejérvéry-Mayer (1901— 11902:17) as ifa witch from the Old World (fg. 14). ‘description in the Codex Carolino (1967:36) sheds more light on the brooms connotations linked to conflict: In this Jzquzth (broom for sweeping! there fs witcherat or superstition among old women who say it should nat be put inthe house because i Tlazoteuct, gd of anger. And Since the broom raises dust and rubbish, it seemed to them thavif ie were in the house it would sti up competition, 10. Tho war specs ofthe Ochpanat eal have been ighighed by Brown 1988 and DiCeave 2009) Figure 12. Mixcoat! and Tlazokectl on an engraved shell from the Huasteca region (Beyer 1969:472; StesserPéan 2008405), Drawing: Elbe Dominguez, anger, and discord, Needless to say, they also forbade children from playing with This idea evokes one of the titles attributed to Toci- ‘Tlazolteot: “goddess of discord.” Several accounts describing the history of the Mexica migration mention stop they made at Tizatldn, in the territory of the City of Colhuacan, prior to the foundation of Mexico Tenochtitlan. Following the will oftheir patron god, Huitzilopochtl, the Mexicas requested the daughter of62 RES65I66 2014/2015, Figure 13. The representative ofthe goddess TociTlazoleot! during the veintena of Ochpanizti (Codex Borbonicus 199130) Drawing: Elbis Domingue. ‘Achitometl, king of Colhuacan, to become his “wife land mother” (Durén 1995:1:85), The young woman was turned over by her father, who thought she “was going to reign and be like a goddess on earth.” However, the ‘Mexicas sacrificed and flayed the maiden, and a youth donned the skin of the unfortunate young woman. After the sacrifice, the Mexicas invited Achitomet to worship the new goddess. Unaware of what hac happened to his daughter, he sacrificed quails by decapitating them in the deity’ honor and made offerings: ‘As the room was dark he distinguished no one, not even those to whom he made the offerings. Taking in his hand Abrazier wit fire, he theew incense into it fervently and {Grew close tothe figures. Suddenly the room was filled With light fom the fire and fresh incense, and the king Perceived the priest who was seated next tothe idol, ‘ressed in his daughters skin, This was such a frightful sight thatthe king was overcome with horror. He dropped the brazier and rushed out ofthe temple, shouting: "Come here, come, my subjects of Colhuacan! Come avenge the foul deed commited by the Aztecs! They have killed my daughter, they have flayed her and dressed a youth In her skin and have made me worship him! Death and This two-pan role of the king’s daughter was ritually expressed with Toc Tiazolteot| during this veintena. In fact, it was when the sexual union of Toci-Tlazolteot! and Huitzilopochthi 100k place, followed by the birth of the corn god 21. Siniay othe Nahuas rom Naupan(Pebl,*_gvng bith eon st atl between the mother snd death, Thi ead ‘he consideration har bith s analogous 10 agony (Baez Cuber 2005:107-108) 22. David Carrasco (1999:210 rise relevant question the end tis atic onthe serfce of women: it wl ake ture sun fo ‘lanl whether ts male management female powers was primary 2 Satay ake emalecesiwe energy associated with he ea, Parts and ferity and vedic cesta ass, rough ial rnetamompho, to miltary neds, sy, nd purpose” 25. The kinship terms asecated with he members the Mica pantheon mert ald std Regarding vara of ening ‘arate ho appear inthe founding stvies ofthe Meicas—who “ane described s mothers, wives, ses, of dughte’s depending on the source see Giles (1988 50-52) and Klein (194296(Olivier: “Why pve birth to enemies?” 67 Cinteot!.tutlacoliuhqui Geler 1963:1:120-121; Carrasco 11999:208; Graulich 1999:113).*At the same time, it was said that Huitzilopochtl was the son of Toci (Kubler and Gibson 1951:29), which also corresponds to ‘Durdn’s comment cited above. Nonetheless, Sahagin’s informants in their descriptions of the festival of COchpaniati in the Primeros Memoriales, state that Toci was known as Yaocihuatl, “enemy woman’ (Sahagain 199763), while her son Huitzlopochtli was called Yaotzn, “esteemed enemy,” precisely when his birth was reenacted during the veintena of TeotI Eco (Durdn 1995:2:158; Olivier 2003:28-29) In this framework, the name chosen by Sahagins Jnformants is suiking in thei description ofthe ceremony ‘of bapssm; after bathing the newborn, the midwife cried ‘out “If [his narme were] Yaot!fenemy|, the midwife spoke man's talk. She said to him: ‘O Yaotl, © Yaotl, take thy shield, take the spear, the litle shield which is for the sladness of Tonati [the sun’ intlaf2ot, oquchtatoa In ict: qulhvia: fale, lautle xoconcus in mochimal, xoconcy) in tacochul, in tevevel, In avitiloca tonatiuhy” (Sahagin 1950-1982:6:204). Young people, who the [Nahuatl text describes as representatives of warriors who died in combat, also addressed the newborn: © Yeot Ova, thou wl laden Tonatuh, acu “Thou wit provide him dink th wit provide him ering. Thou belongs wt the eagle Wario, withthe clot wari, wit he vale waro, tose who ded in sor tho laden, who ery cut Tanai, ‘ou aus aviv ntnatih.ndatecue, dea, fetlamacaz. itech ipouhay in qual, ocean facaoan. fr aomjeque nevi in oto toa bd). To answer the rhetorical question posed inthe title ofthis article—"Why give birth to enemies®”—first it has been necessary to analyze the wartior aspects of the goddess Toc\-Tlazolteot! that are reflected in her insignia and inthe weapons she holds inthe codices. We also saw that this goddess appears asa sacifi victim, a dimension revealed by the stripes that can cover her extremities, as well as her nudity, both features that Tlazolteot! shares with Mixcoat! and the ‘Mimixcos, prototypes of brave warrior, as well as captives and future sacrificial vitims. The goddess’s ‘colon ear ornaments were also interpreted as sacrificial 24, Furberor tis sald hat he young woman represented ‘ocTizos "hy dor dng row ta the lr Mocs ‘el alep withthe. Be happy shan 1950-1901:2"119) The ng ‘neal nas De petra a Putalapocl 0 eh symbols, based on similar accoutrements worn by Maya ‘captives inthe Classic period. The goddess Huaxtec ‘origin reinforces these sacrificial connotations, because the Huaxtecs wore the Mexicas’ sacrificial victims par ‘excellence, as well a ferilizing beings, who together ‘with the Mimixcoa inseminated the representative of Toci-Tlazolteot! during the Ochpaniatl veintena. The Identification of the captor—the sacrificer—with the Captive or sacrificial victim represents a fundamental point in the present argument. Furthermore, the captive was symbolically transformed into the captors offspring. This demonstrates the special interest of South American ‘materials with regard tothe study of Mesoamerican ‘material. In fact, diverse ethnographic data indicate this double relationship of identification with and filial ties between the sacrificer and his victim; they also reveal how the sacrficer harnesses extraordinary fertility through the act of killing. This comparative framework makes it possible to reveal and to emphasize the fundamental role of warfare and sacrifice in the processes ofthe generation of life in Mesoamerica. 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