‘Macmillan History of Europe Published Early Metical Europe 300-1000 Roger Collins Sintecath Century Europe 1500-1600 Richard Mackenney Seentcn Contry Europe 1598-1700 “Thomas Munck Eighcth Century Europe 1700-1789 Jeremy Black Fortheoming ‘Metical Enrpe 1000-1250 Randall Rogers Ninetoth Centary Europe 1789-1914 Alan Shed Macmillan History of Europe Early Medieval Europe 300-1000 Roger Collins M MACMILLAN(© Roger Cao 1991 sige Neri iin Nem in m re et eee eee SCHTALreci or vce ey ei a mesons, Sune Pab y NACMILLAN EDUCATION LTD “Heme, Bats, Hanpsive RGR 2XS Conga nd repens ‘Sephari “Typeset by Poste Gaps, Warminster, Ws stdin Get Bina ‘Big ad Sone Li Waren ‘ish ey Calon a Pb Dat Coline, oer Eyed Eup 30-1000 (cnan Mary of e Contents Chronology of main events, 238-1000 xt Introduction ih 1 Problem-solving emperors 1 A aypamie age, 235-2851 ‘The reign of Dioledan, 285-3058 2 The age of Constantine 16 Imperial vals, 305-312 16 "The emperor and his new religion 17 Constantine's hers, 324-350 24 3 Frontier wars and civil wars, 350-395 30 Imperial defence, 350-361 30 Reactionary rebel: the emperor Julian, 361-363 Intemal conflicts, 363-395 40 4 The battle of Adrianople and the sack of Rome 45 ‘The coming ofthe Huns 45 ‘The Visgoths and the Empire, 376-395 48 Silicho or Honoris? The confit of two strategies, 395-410 ST 5 A divided city: the Christian Church, 300-460 58 Christianity and he Empire $8 ‘The primacy of Peter 6+ ‘The rise of monasticism 70 6 The disappearance of an army 75 Shrinking the western Empire, 410-454 75 ‘An age of miltary dictators, 435-480 81 ‘The fall of Rome? 90 7 The new kingdoms 94 War lords and kings 94 ‘Theodere andthe Ostrogothi kingdom in Italy Clovis 104 35 »vi Contents 8 The twilight of the West, 518-568 109 Prelude: Constaninople and Rome 109 Justinian [and Aen, 527-533. 113 "The Ualian war, 535-553 121 9 Constantinople, Persia and the Arabs 127 ‘The Roman Empire and an 127 Islam and the Arb conquests 135 10 Decadent and do-nothing kings 144 Visigothic Spain, ¢ 580-711 44 “Merovingian Gaul, c.SH1-687 151 M1 The remaking of Britain 162 Entrepreneurial ruler, 410-597 162 Christian kingdoms, 508-683 168 "The Mercian hegemony, 633-874 174 12 The Lombard achievement, ¢. 40-712 183 ‘The acquis of Ia, 540-572 183 ules nd kings, 572-584 18 "The Kingdom of the Lombards, 4-712 194 13 The sundering of Fast and West 204 Survival of eltral unity 204 Teonocatm: divisions in the East 208 Rome between Constantinople and Francia 213, 14 Monks and missionaries 219 Western monasticism: Augustine to Gregory the Great 220 ‘The making ofthe Ish Church 224 Spreading the word 233 15 ‘Towards a new western Empire, 714-800 245 Charles ‘the Hammer’ 245 Pippin ihe Short 253 Charles “the Great” 260 16 The new Constantine _ 272 ‘The meaning of Empire 272 ‘The machinery of government 278, The ideological programme 280 17 “The dissension of kings’ 287 Chvooiclers in an age of war 287 Contents si ‘The reign of Lous the Pious, 814-840 290 Kings and emperors in the West, 840-911 301 18 “The desolation of the pagans’ 313. ‘Traders and riders 313 ‘The Vikings and Francia 319 The Vikings and the Ango-Savon kingdoms 326 Conversion and expansion 332 19 Towards the millennium 337 Italy and Germany, 875961, 337 Rome and Constantinople, 961-1022 47 Renaissance and nostalgia 352 Abbreviations 356 Notes 357 Bibliography 425 Index 436For Anna, Eleanor, Gemma, Rachel and StephanieChronology of main events, 238-1000saan es sy Oe 5-949 reno mor pm 19 ‘meng tooo po ee oN fan ea at co oem SEE sane wast man eit peor nS sy 0 rene se 83) CE step peo wpa 952 sing ry qe esc) 992 pov M.D HE Lunde oe 22-192 aN Pa ON som ae "go =seg rare op ps ey a a9 sl Panes GE gy HRN HBA E=OHH nk une pos 999 oor er 69 en, aso Sri ey oma 09 sunny monn 2098 song see sae 965 yey po 1906s A penn Oe peur 8 8 es eos ogo a OF onhens dan a po 2a, {omy 0 PH HN OS srry sum sds, gees ae mm SSeS se pe Oe > sont EN 6s open yeas og-£25 amu wos seas syoaea w aman, wz seo te-Hlb pes ea some apne ort Byers sy yous es Sang a “Hoo wan =a won (Genny) 9o1BEz “S29 UAH 0 SUEDroms opto pa 08 saopten pm se cmon ese sora we zu sy ziessimey, sayy — Woh UNE ‘at pry ce presse "Ran a a0 9 set bo, seven od 2 soy aren oy Do pmapiy 1 ao ESL ‘ARV aL erry 7 9 Se emer ran amon ee a seu 20 5) ya. puis 4099 rd eR (pons) oot-REz “U2K9 WEL Jo BOqOUOIEDsey Joes 46-46 “oon ep mete eS sues 7 angus 6 pon pepe 2 9 mg wos 09. wom 6 Bay ory oe 216-988 nwo ra sen sg Sey wands some ouea mao 0 zt snes ODOT S66 PERPALIPHENED OK PEA AU mn pote ens wo pes 086 apis el, sora. vaso gg > Ugh 9 86 Satrcoa ey wags soneapamsorais — SEMOPPTISHO em gun. won 26 oan aye en 686 neo te peat " renege in he sp ti 8 pce 8 56 A Sa ON sone erent (pomime) ggt-99z "WU=N2 WEE Jo BopouEIIPreface [At an early stage in thinking about the question of is contents it ‘became clea th this was doomed tobe a book that nobody could ike, cor atleast that if some ofits readers were pleased with some of, none fof them would possibly enjoy all oft. There ae to many variables in the topics, themes, events and personalities that hae to be considered for inclusion in a work of this (rlave!) brevity that has to concern itself with so extended a chronological period. It became ineressngly vious that he real decisions tobe made were those concerning what ‘was to be omitted, and for an author temperamentally inclined to Squeezing limited and fragmentary evidence a fara twill extend, if rot beyond, this hasbeen particularly hard task. ‘Wholesale omissions andthe reduction of complicated and nuanced arguments to bald assertions are bound to disatisfy the discerning reader (as much asthe author In consequence what is attempted here fast bes personal approach hit may at dmes sem wrong headed in is concentration on same subjects to the exclusion of ethers or its ‘occasional descent into detailed argument that stems out of proportion tothe scale ofthe rest ofthe book, Ia that sense I can only al back on the defence ofa great, if idiosyncratic, ninth century bishop, that was recently echoed bya much revered Master: Sei quod sem. emay seem strange to those unfamlar with these centuries that such an apology is necessary, and that a period of such apparent remoteness and obscurity should not manage to encompass iself toully in a book of even half the length of this one. Only brief sequainance, however, will eveal how substantial isthe corpus of ‘evidence relating to this time, and how numerous and varied the problems involved in interpreting it. Moreover, the proper under- Sanding ofthis period involves the historian in moving his gaze on ‘ecasion from the western fringes of Tran to Teland snd irom Eiopia tnd the edge of the Sahara to the steppes of Cena Asa. Such ‘readth of geographical and chronologies! vision seems to be Tess necessary ~ or less demanded ~ in later periods In tying to present, even in outline, this series of interrelated lopment, it was clearly necessary to push the chronological ints ‘ofthis book back woah eater period than those ofthe beginning ofthe ‘Suh century, which was where it had frst been intended to place them. So mach of what was to make up the famework of ideas andsav Prue instrations which shaped subsequent centuries originated im the fourth century that would have been perverse to tart any later than & 500, and indeed, alackof Late Roman background has often led to ‘mistaken and misleading intpretations of Early Medieval Fistor. In tur, the decision to start with the fourth century prompted atleast Some preliminary investigation of the third Doutiless such «proces could be indefinitely prolonged recesing ‘ever further back in tine but there i + certain rightness about Sommencing such study as ths inthe mid-third century, when so ‘many ofthe principal ideas and instiwions of Antiquity were under- joing transformation, This period, however litle studied and poorly locurented, represents the fist formative stage of the major changes that were to fellow, and itis here that his enquiry begins. ‘Where to end was to some extent predetermined by the structure of the serie in which this volume isto appea, but the disintegration of| the Frankish successor empire in the late ninth and early tenth centuries again makes for something of a natural break, at Feast in Some aspects ofthe history of medieval Europe. Extending the suney ‘Sahay Taher than [might have ied, the symbolic date of the year 1000 makes an aesthetically pleasing i intellectually not entirely ‘ashing terminal point To a cerain exten, then, this book could fave been given such + subtle ay “From Constantine the Great t0 Charles the Simple? In practice, weatment of the tenth century ‘offered ere i less full than for some earier period, largely because 2 umber othe major themes that have dei origin inthis, stil relatively Tine studied, time are best considered in the wider context of thei development inthe eleventh and twelfth centuries “Other topics that might have merited inclusion have been omitted pany due to personal syle and inclination on the part ofthe author ha par duet the fact thatthe lack of ther general surveys ofthis period necessiated the provision of 2 substantial narrative outline of Evens, taken together with anahsis of and comment on the major Sources of evidence. In consequence there may be less economic history tobe found in this book than some readers might lik. This is Cndtioned om the author's part by a disk for generalisation based fn an insffciency of evidence, and this is one of several areas for ‘which the Early Middle Ages are poorly equipped in tems of the Tra of source materia eis relatively easy to ereate general models fn the bass of limited evidence, but these tend all to0 often in such ‘Gtcumstanes to rest on afro assumptions as to how societies and their economies should work Such determinism should be resisted. It {salso preferable o ask questions of evidence that ts particular nature fis two aruwer rather than ones thatthe historian fees he ought ose “The ist victims ofthis bok — paradoxically, even before it was ever Preise 0 ‘commissioned ~ were the successive fst year history students in the Univesity of Liverpool, to whom between the years 1974 and 1980 cements of it were expounded inthe form of lectures on this pried. “The most recent guinea pigs to have suffered in its genesis ar those former student atthe Royal School, Bath, to whom ts dedicated. | fam very grateful to them for their enthusiasm inthe discussion of a ‘ange of fsues and topes that ae considered inthe chapters below |My especial thanks must goto lan Wood, who read al ofthe first draft ‘of this book, and whose comments and suggestions omit enabled me to {void many erors. The greatest deb of although, is that to my wife Jadith MeClure, with wham so much of tha been shared in lof the ‘Phases just mentioned and whose role ini i rly omnipresent. Bath Rowen COUN September 1990Introduction When Gibbon surveyed the centuries of desin’ inthe history ofthe Roman empire and is Byzantine sucessr he allowed himself to start with litle mild Utopanism. OF the Antonine period he commented {hat Ia man were called upon to fix the period in the history ofthe worl during which the condition ofthe human race was most happy tnd prosperous, he woul, without estaton, name that which elapsed fromthe death of Domitian to the acesson of Commodus’ (ie. AD 96-181). Few might nowadays ask themselves such 2 question, let lone come wp with response that equates ‘the world exclusively with {he Mediterranean and the human race’ with 2 small economic and sacial elite. However, forall of his enthusiasm for second century Rome, some of which was intended as ini criticism of aspects of his own society af which he disapproved, it was not about this period that Gibon intended to wie Periods of tranquility, social harmony and economic stability donot make very good history ~ even if we now would detect more confit land change inthe second century than was apparent wo Gibbon. The turbulent centuries that were to follow pase more interesting histrio- ‘graphical problems, not least because they encompassed the most Important developmen inthe history ofthe Near East, the Meiter~ ranean and Wester Europe, between the formation of the Roman Empire the ist cenary cand the discovery ofthe New Word in the laefifienth ab. Even thenmmuchofthe way thatthe society and economy of the Americas were to be developed and exploited was diecty ‘onditioned by a body of idea and through the means of institons that had come into being in the period ofthe Late Roman Empire. In general the centuries covered by this book constitute a period of the grestest significance for the fiture development, not only of Enrope, but also inthe longer term of much ese ofthe world. They sy, east, the establishment of Christianity asthe majority religion fof the Roman Empire, and widh it an indissluble fusing of Judaco-Christian and Romano-Greck thought. Apert from the first brief period ofthe founding ofthe religion in the ime of the Early Roman Empire, there was to be no time in the whole subsequent history ofthe Christian Church so fertile in the development of is dstinctne ideas and practices asthe "Patste Age’, lasing from oughly the mid-fourth century to the erly sithsii Induction “The writing of uch men as Athanasius, Basil, Gregory of Nazian- us, Gregory of Nyosa, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine and thir im- mediate successors provided the iatllectal framework of Christian thinking not only throughout dhe rest of the Middle Ages, but aso for the Reformation and more recent centuries. The distinctive Christian femmphasis on Virginity and the exraordinary ideological and insitu- tional strutures of monasticism were likewise the products of these Centuries, They alo saw the challenge to and mexican of the RRomano- Christin tradition wih the nse to dominance of Islam over the whole of the Near Fast and the southern Mediterranean, The tdect relevance of this formative period of Islamic thought and institutions 10 the modem society ofthese regions and to various Contemporary polical and economic issues hardly needs underlining. inthe Wert the Roman Empire dissolved itself a unitary politcal centty in the fith century, but it intellectual and material cultural Icgacy continued to direct the fragmentary sucessor states tat came into being init rin. Especially troe was this of that extraordinary instraton the Papacy, whose own distinctive view of ts nature and [purpore was formed in this time, together with many of the instiu- onal features that would enable it t play so dominant a roe in ‘Western Europe for centuries to come. As a corollary to this, the most substantial and sil unhealed, eft in Christendom, that beween the Eatin and Greek Churches, ame into being inthe later part of the period "This itself was not uninluenced by politcal changes in the West, withthe emergence ofthe short-lived Franish empire ofthe Caro~ Tinglans, which in ts terstoral expansion both northwards. and ‘eastwars further extended the areas of influence ofthe intellectual Caltre and some ofthe material cvsation of Late Ansguty. This fst sel-conseious effort to revive a western Empire was itself to set precedents forthe future, which even now in a period of renewed iprstions towards European wnity can make themselves fet or, i night be fier to say, are wale for contemporary politcal manip- lation. "To retur, however 1 the perspective of the historian, it was pethaps easier for Gibbon in an age of eelaive tranquility (0 ake a roads if hardly dispassionate, view ofthis sequence of evens. His Spproach toi though, was conditioned by a desire to criticise certain ‘Clements in the society of his own day that he found reprehensible, ‘noably its penchant for apparently poindess was of conquest and the ‘Continuing strength of elements of unreason, above all in religion. At the same time mich more radical ergo, symbolised by the French Revolution, was to lead directly tothe subversion of much ofthe social fonder of Europe and, perhaps paradosically, tothe proliferation of Slgresive warfare on an almost unprecedented scale, together with Inraduction is the emergence of ideologies far more menacing to Liberal individual- ism and reason than the placid religiosity ofthe eightenth centr Flamboyant despots of the succeeding period, fom Napoleon to Hitler, sso turned to the Roman imperal past and its atempted revival under Charlemagne for some of te imagery and the framework of ideas needed to shape and manifest thei regimes ‘The revival of scholarly interest in the periods of Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages can, as moch 2s the historiography of any petod, partake ofthe quality of mere antiquaianism. However, the ‘ature ofits subject mater, the scale and significance of so many ofits ‘rents, and the intelectual force of the thought of many of is freatest writers should miliate against this. History should. not ‘ecessarily be expected to teach lessons, and eerainly snot cyclical, but the study ofthese apparently remote centuries i as conducive as any tothe questioning of received value systems, the evaluation of ‘dogma and the formulation of principles to guide the conduct of states and individuals i complex times.1 Problem-solving emperors A dynamic age: the Roman Empire, 235-285 Inthe third century the Roman Empire finally came of age. Problems that had been developing for decades or had even been inherent within ins structures from is inception manifested themselves so strongly that they had at las to be confonted and resolved. The solutions may not have proved permanent ones, but atleast the process of looking for them was eatharic. Although the Roman world is often porrayed 2s ‘only emerging from the period of politcal and economic problems that ‘marke so mich of the century in the righ of Diocletian (284305), i js worth noting how some ofthe solutions he was to advance had been prefigued inthe reigns of a number of his predecessors ‘When the former practorian prefect Philip seized power from the still adolescent emperor Gordian II in 244, many ofthe elements that ‘would go to make up what ig fien called “he ensis of the third {century were clearly present! Inthe East the newly emerged but [tquarin- minded power of Sassanian Persia was seeing not only t0 regain terres lost 19 Rome earlier inthe century by its Parthian predecessor, but was also making a cli to recover all the lands once brwned by the Achaemenid Persian Empite, which had been over- thrown by Alexander the Great (c 330 Dc) but whose hei it elaimed 19 be: On the Danube and Rhine frontiers pressure was mounting from various Germanic peoples, themsshessbjec to forces agey beyond the Ken ofthe few Roman authors ofthis period whose historical works fe nown fous. Similar movements of un-Romanised populations twere eroding the Empire's hold on pars of is testy in North Aca, ‘Within the frontiers problems no less threatening were mounting. For reasons that are sill largely opaque the economy of the Empire ‘vas overheating, prives were spiraling and the only remedy adopted by the central government, that of reducing the purity of dhe ser in the ‘coinage, only added the inflationary spl. The impact ofthis onthe lmy, towards whose needs what passed for economic policy In the Roman world was alway directed, added othe political pressures on ready overburdened emperors. The surreptitious foundation of the imperial system bythe consiu- Vinal son ofthe fst of rulers, Augustus 27 ~AD 14), taking 12 Bary medical Eurpe 300-1000 con a life tenure of a wide range of magistacies and religious and Imitary ofces, had effectively concentrated power and central {ecson-making throughout the Empice in the hands of one ind ‘idual The weakness of such system was that twas ony as ecient ‘the manin whose contra it i. The personal incompetence of many ‘tthe st emperors was masked by the limited nature ofthe problems they had to face, As these mounted the latitude that could be allowed for the eccentricities, lack of ably, or sheer youth of emperors who Inherited their power and the burdens of ofice, merely by virue of family relationship. became Increasingly sight? However, dynastic Succession and even quite a measure of mediocrity could be put up ‘thin pevids in which the emperors didnot have to establish thei ‘redibiity as military leaders. From an emperor having tobe able o prove himself as a com- smander in the eld twas but a shor step wa successful commander in the feld becoming thereby 2 contender forthe imperial office. Dynastic sentiment could cary some weight. The achievements and ‘popularity with ther soles of Sepsanius Severus (193-211) and his Fon Caracalla 211-17) paved the way forthe acceptance by the troops fof ther disney less than competent relatives Elgabalus 218-22) Sind his cousin Severus Alexander (222-38), Te former was able to {ve himself upto life of total hedonism in Rome and the later to Endure a long subjection to the dominance of his grandmother and ‘mother without to0 much stain eing put onthe imperial ofce by hele ack of ability. However, when afer several peaceful years 2 ‘German threat manifested itself on the Rhine front, Severus ‘Mexander was quickly eliminated by his own solders and the ist of a feries of professional military emperors emerged in the person of Maximin 1 "This proved unpalatable to the aristocracy. It is not that they were unused fo power being transfered by decision ofthe army. This had happened in 8-9, in 193-7 and in 217-18. What had changed was the hind of man who commanded the armies, and therefore the kind of| person who would be chosen by the oops as their emperor. By fadidons stretching back ino the time of the Roman Republic the Folding of mor mutary commands had been a senatorial prerogative. Effecive as many of them had proved individually, such amateurism became less tolerable asthe threats tothe integrity of the Roman ffonders grew in intensiy, and the Empire became increasingly defensive in its stance. The time when office and postions of power hnad been monopolized by a senatorial aristocracy of exclusively urban Roman origin was long past and emperors and senators were taken from the upper classes of «number of major provinces, notably Spain nd Africa but in Maximin Ta man of much lower social oii, fom a ‘much more backward province, had been selected by the army. Proble-salsing omperons 3 Indeed, he is portayed by the contemporary Greck historian Heradian as coming "rom one of the semicbarbarous tribes of the inter of Thrace’! This became embroidered inthe peculiar fourth ‘century Latin compilation known 38 the Sailor Hiria August, 3 et imperial biographies supposedly writen by a variety of authors at the beginning of the century hut most probably the work of a single writer working towards the end of it For this author Maimin had been a complete outsider, the product ofthe mariage ofa Goth and an Alan, coming from lands beyond the Empire, adjacent to and no par of Thrace “Although some historians have, unaccountably, preferred to belive the more piaresque fourth century account of his ergins, even the sersion of Herodian is hardly fre fom prejudice, Masimin may have Tucked the sophistication or the cultural atainments of some of his predecessors, and his pursuit ofthe revenues needed o pay his armies ‘may have deepened the antipathy between emperor and Senate, but he was an effecuve miltary commander. ‘This, however, made him ‘vulnerable when the threat on the fontes temporary iessened. An "unsuccessful revolt Aca in 238 provided the tspiration fora more serious rebellion instigated by the Senate, and the emperor was ‘murdered by his own men when bogged down ina protracted seige of ‘Aquileia in northern Tay "The choice of and also the fate ofthe nex rulers highlights anothes problem that had dogged the imperial system from atleast the murder Of Caligula in ADT. This was the power of the Praetorian Guard, te elite force, generally stoned in Rome, that provided the imperial bodyguard. Corl ofthis body of troops, normally dangerously close to the emperor's person, was vested in one or two Praetorian Prefect, ‘who, when the emperor was personally weak or incapable, were able ‘exercise a controling iafuence onthe regime. "The reign of the child emperor Gordian lil (238-4) proves the point. He had heen selected by the Senate fo argely symbolic reasons In that he was the grandson of the elderly proconsul whose short-lived revolt in Africa had initiated the senatorial resistance that brought Shout the fll of Maximin. Two imperil co-regents who had been ‘sppointedeffeeively 10 Keep the throne warm for the boy were ‘murdered within months by the Practorian Guard, whose Pefect then ‘became the power behiad the regime. In that he made the young ‘emperor his son-in-law he had no need t0 contemplate dynastic change, However, afer his death his successor prefered t0 take an ‘aly opportunity to eliminate Gordian and replace him as emperor. "The events of 38 and 244 demonstrated the fragt ofthe imperial ‘fice. The also coincided withthe beginnings of the serious military ‘heats fom the Persians and on the Danube frontier. 1 was in the ‘middle of a campaign agsinst the Sassanians that Philp removed4 Bary medical Europe 300-1000 Gordian I In his own fie-year reign, which ako saw the milleniary telebraton of the foundation of the city of Rome, she German pressure on the Danube frontier led to some successil campaigning {nthe region on the emperors partin 246. However, in 248/9 a major incursion into the eater Balkans on the part ofthe Goths, Vandals, ‘Carp and hers led chaos, The reo ofthe legions nth area was ‘suppressed, but only to have the victorious general responsible pro- Claimed emperor by bis own oops. When he led them ino Tay they ‘overwhelmed the army loyal to Philp t Verona.” “The death in bale, or more probably atthe hands oftheir own sldiers, of Philip I and his son and co-aler Philp Ul left the throne vacant for the rebel Deus. He, however, was faced with the problems that had timately led to his predecesor's dowafll. The spiraling ination and the intensified level of mltary activity had led the sate ico having to raise more and more money to pay the troops. The massive costs incurred in the celehaton of the millenium of Rome had added a further shorterm element. Substantial increases in {taxation inthe later part of Philip's reign proved counterproductive, in that they Ted to revolts. Additionally, the immediate mltary threat ‘esuling from the Gothic presence inthe Balkan provinces required Seton, which was to prove fatal to the new imperial regime. In 251, [ier some inal sucess, Decus and his eldest son were killed in a ‘isatous batt withthe Goths.* The following two decades represent the heart of the period of crisis. They commenced with atime of poical instability resuing from the upheavals of 249-51, Trebonianus Galls, the general who teticuted the remnants ofthe Roman amy from the Balkans after the ‘death of Decis, was able to make himself emperor, but as his egime ‘vas the product of defeat and compromise it remained vulnerable. A far from conclusive victory over the Goths in 253 by one of his generals, called Aenslisn, led to the later being proclaimed emperor by his army. When Aemilian invaded lly, Gal's men would not fight and instead killed him and his co-rulcr Volsian. However, the ‘carefully timed arrival in Ralyof the Galle armies, supposed to be ‘coming to ad the now defunct Gall, led in turn to Aen being ile by his own troops after a eign of less than four months. The ‘commander ofthe Gali forces, Valerian, was accepted as emperor, tnd ‘with his son Gallienus a8 co-tuler, he was able to enjoy Seven-year respite from similar threats, For him disaster was to take nother form.” “The Persian threat, put in abeyance by the treaty made by Philp in 244, reasserted ell In 260 the Roman emperor Valerian (253-60), thie campaign the Fas, was raped bya Sassnian amy and taken into captivity, in which he died.” In the aftermath power in ‘Swia, Mesopotamia and eventually Egypt passed ito the hands ofthe Problem-sosng emperors 5 indigenous rulers of Palmyra. In the Balkans following the disaster of 251, no effective campaigning was undertaken to expel the Gah and their alles fom the regions they had occupied for the next swenty “Miliary problems onthe Rhine frontier also reasserted themselves in this period, after aime of relative trnguilty. In 259 Franks and ther westerm Germanic groups breached the frontier and ravaged their way across Gaul and into Spain unopposed. Inthe immediate aftermath one of the military commanders in Gaul, Cassve Latinas Pastumus, was proclaimed emperor by his raop. He killed the son of the then’ co-emperor ‘Gallenes (253-68) in Cologne and made himself master of Gaul, Bra and pars of Spin. His rule lasted unit ‘he was murdered by some of his own men in 268. He had two _sictsors, who kept his so-called “Gallic empire’ in being unt 273." Tn this same period the debasement of the coinage finally reached ‘the point at which the precious metal content of the supposedly ser coins known 25 anfoinan was no higher than S percent. The coins themselves were effectively made of oronze, and they had tobe dipped ina bath ofsiver to gie them a thin coating before they were fasted [Noone seems to have been fooled, nd the enormous sizeof some of| ‘the hoards of coin ofthis perio testifies nt only tothe instability hat led to their being hidden ~ and never recovered ~ but also to the ‘massive prodvcton of the coins necessitated bythe dwindling of thelr ‘commercial value." ‘While cumulatively all ofthese problems, to which could be added references to plague and famine, seem to 4d up to 4 picture of plea, economic and to some extent social chaor of "he Yeats of | ‘Anarchy’ s they have been called, the impresion i par deceptive “Many ofthe aeas of the Empire were in practice litle aflected by {hese difficulties. For example, berseen the conclusion of Septimus Severus’ campaign against the Caledoians in 210/11 and the revolt ‘of Carausus in 286 Britain seems to have been perfec tranquil Similar, only afew parts of Spain were touched by Frankish and also some Berber rede in the middle of the century. Egypt suiflered no enteral threats, nor did most parts of Asia Minor. In provincia and local terms, moreover, the eeation of "break-away" ‘eimes such as that ofthe Gallic emperors Postumus, Victorins and ‘Teticus, was an exsenally healthy sign. When the administration of the legitimate emperor was incapable, for whatever reasons, of defend ing a province or a group of them the creation of locally based imperial reine ensured both better protection and also the exclusive sdrection of resources to the needs of the region. In these respects, When the western half ofthe Empire disintegrated inthe ith century “would an enced fom head of eapnses tris that can be Seen inthe third,(6 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 Certainly, whats very marked isthe rapidity ofthe recovery from the period of military disaster and defeat: Despite ruling during the ‘ery epkentre ofthe period of ris the emperor Gallienus was abe (0 “Survive for hffeen years the longest reign between those of Severus [Alexander (222-38) and Diocletian (284-305). Anough this ssl ‘controversial, i has been argued that the cavalry army that he insituted in the 2608 in northern Italy was the precedent for the ‘mobile field armies that were to become the standard form of imperial ‘efence from the early fourth century onwards.” Unfortunately, the tarly death of one of his sons and the kil ofthe other by Postumas Ted to there being no clear answer wo the queston of imperial succession. This may have contributed tothe conspiracy of a group of| his leading generals, who arranged his murder. ‘What follows was & period ofthe rule ofa succession of soldiers of reat competence but of relatively low social origins. They were very Similar in these respects to Maximin but whereas he had stood out as fn unusual type of emperor inthe ist half of the century, Claud I (68-70), Aurelian (270-5), Tacitus (275-6), Probus (376-82) and Carus (262-3) represent an unbroken line of such provincial career soldiers." Unlike Philip 1, Decius, Gallus and Valerian, they were not ‘Senators and did no belong tothe culinated upper class world ofthe ‘ity of Rome. They were onthe other hand, amazingly succesful Tn a bie righ, erminated by ines, Claudius I disposed of the Fothie menace inthe Balkans, expelling them from imperial teritory Aurelian put an end to the independent Gallic empire in 273, even allowing ts let incumbent to retire to his estates in tal, and followed this_up by re-establishing Roman contol in the East. This was facilitated by te recent demise ofthe highly suecessfl Sassasan shah SShapur 1 Q41-72) and an ensuing period of internal disorder in Persia By the ime of Crus 282-3) it was possible forthe Romans to tke the offensive, and this emperor Iunched an ivasin that reached far asthe Persian capital of Ciesiphon before he himself was, spparenty, killed by lightning. ‘Aurelian was able to increase the iver content in the coinage, and atthe same time gave up the pretence of rerauing it by abolishing the residual bronze coin denominations that had exted alongside it Further economic recovery ws gradual, and it must be admitted that the actual causes of it were probably as opaque to the rulers ofthe Enmpire at this time as they are to modern historians "The one area in which these emperors dil not effect radical change in relation to pre-existing problems was that of intemal politcal Stability and the vulnerability of the holders of the imperial office. By Suceumbing to diseare Claudius I was one of only to emperors inthe ours of the entire century to die of natural eauses. The tendency in the army to favour hereditary succession, if only for reasons of Problem solving empers 7 selfinerest, manifested ite both om his death and on tha of Tacitus in 276. On both occasions units of the army proclaimed the ate cemperor’s brother. Neither, however, was ale to call on enough Suppor to fae the challenge ofthe candidate chosen by other units of ‘he army. In 270 Quins, proclaimed in northern Kaly,lsted ony Seventeen day, In 276 Florian, the brother of Tacitus, was st up by ‘Asia Minor, but was opposed by Probus, the choice ofthe amy in Egypt. Rater than face a wat, his own men killed him at ‘Tarsus after a rei of three months." ‘As well a disputed sucessions, the period was still marked by. ‘occasional military revolts. Probus (276-82) was faced by two: one in Gaul and the other in Syria in 281. Iris probable also that his ‘successor Carus, Practran Prefect nd commander ofthe amy inthe Balkans, was in revolt against him in 282, when he was kled by his ‘own men near Sirmium. Although i is recorded thatthe troops did this because he had transferred chem 10 the digging of drainage ditches, itis perhaps more probable that the murder of Prebus eprsents something ofa repay ofthe evens of 276 and tat he was liled because his owm men were unviling to support him agunst Carus.” One of the other Tew pieces of information that we have concerning Probus is that he may be considered the founder of the ‘Bulgarian wine industry he is recorded to have had the province of “Moesa heavily planted with ines! ® ‘The basic problem remained the need fo the emperor tobe in more than one place at the same time, a eastin periods of mltary crisis. He had o command his forces in person, bu if more than one frontier Was ‘threatened orifamiatre of internal and external threats needed to be ‘countered, control over significant body of troops had tobe delegated toa subordinate general. Success onthe pat ofthis man, o even ust the prospect of the cash payment traditionally given ‘out on the ‘occasion ofa change ithe holder ofthe imperil ofc, could ead his amry to proclaim him emperor. Adminedl, this seems only to have been done if there was «good chance tht wider backing fr the rebel would be found amongst oxher miliary commands, I this was not forthcoming, nd the rebel forces looked asi they were not geting 8 broader basis of support for their candidat, they tended to murder him and revert 10 their previous allegiance Even with this relative ‘safety mechanism’, sich revolts and contested sucessions. were Fequent inthe period 268-85 “The emperor who first red to potan end to thi instability himself achieved power inthe same way, Carus was the only one ofthe mltary “emperors ofthis period to attempt both to preempt the problem of his ‘own succession and to resolve the difficulty of needing an inperal presence in more than one lcatio simultaneously. On his accession Ihe mominated his two sons tothe rank of Caesar, or junior emperor8 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 When he undertook his Persian campaign in 283 he promoted the clder of them, Carinus, to the superior rank of Augustus or full Emperor, lenving hit in charge of the West. The younger son, the (Caesar Numerian, accompanied him. On Carus's death in Persia his army then elevated Numerian tothe rank of Augustus. Inthe course of| the army’s withdrawal across Asia Minor in she winter of 284 the new emperor was secretiy murdered. One of the generals, Diocletian, ‘blamed the Praetorian Prefect, killed him and had himself procaimed fmperor by the troops. In the ensuing civil war aginst Carns, Dioctetian suffered an inal defeat, but che western emperor was ‘murdered by some of his own ofcers, Diocletian was accepted a ole ruler without further opposition.” ‘The reign of Diocletian, 285-305 Diocletian’ speciation ofthe scale ofthe problems facing the holder ofthe imperial office and the need forthe emperor tobe abe to deal personally with any lage veale dificuly that required 2 military Solution was both acute and remarlable. None of his immediate predecessors, apart from Caras, had even faced up tothe isue let lone attempted to solve i. The kind of dyrasic solution adopted by Gras, follwing esrier precedents, was only asstrongas the emperors children were competent and poplar. Diocletan's answer was both more daring and potentially moe risky, butt could prove to be both immediate and effective, This was to select one of his generals and promote him tothe rank of imperial colleague, with specalresponsi- Pili for pariular part ofthe Empire In 285 he nominated Masimian as his eo-rler, at fist in the junior rank of Caesar, In Apri 286 Masinian was furer advanced t0 the Senior rank of Augustus and equal colleague of Diocletian, who tntrted him with the oversight ofthe West, while he returned tothe East" This could have led to el war, had Masimian wished to try to make himself soe ruler, but he seems to have had no such ambitions, tnd was kept busy with a series of miliary problems in the West, Fanging fom Frankish and Saxon seborne rang in the Channel toa Inajor Berber incursion ito the Roman provinces of North Ais. Although probably not orginally envisaged in 286, Diocletian’ poi- tical solution was taken a stage further in 293, In that yea, with the Consent of Masimian, he nominated two Caesar, Galerius and ‘Constntvs, one forthe East and one for the West. These ‘wo ‘peated under the authority ofthe senior emperor in their half ofthe Empire, and with paricuat oversight of a group of provinces. To further cement the loyalty ofthe imperial quartet each ofthe Caesary ‘marred the daughter of the senior emperor of his hao the Empire. In 308 the two senior emperors abdiated in Favour of their Caesars Probem-sokingemperrs 9 snd new junio emperors were appointed to bring the peril col {90 the numberof four once ore et "The new tetarcic (efor ruler) sytem didnot lina the ity of military revolt ceramide extent to which 2 rebel genera ina parte province could threaten the sab of icing ren 280 Caran, mmo Chae! ‘ fe was proclaimed emperor ty the amy a Briain, ba although his egme led for even ears didnot extend is power teyond the island, spar ftom holding Boulogne and some thee Iocan onthe north Gale coast, He himelf was murdered by his finance minister Allectus in 293, and the lar was led when the ‘Caesar Constantius invaded Britain in 296," It was principally the Aicuy of shiping an army across the Channel that allowed this ‘ebal regime to st 0 long prior tempt at invasion in 289 had teen abandoned when the perl eet was dexoyed nator. On the oher hand a rv in Eaypt in 296 under Domus Domitanus ‘was suppressed within eight months.®> “Te mendon of the ul developed etrarhic system wa to present the four emperors as working togter inthe cosex harmony and concord. Although there was a distinction in ats berncen the two Sor op dh parte there ons an authors were equal and interchangeable. The ideology was repre- Seated ina bon allby he cliination of clement of indvieay in rare fh er. Tn ee ci enpray nly the insriptios indicate which ofthe rulers i being porsayed “The sls way fam io mit bt the ndvdal ret re ven identical features." The quintessential imperial image of this period inaybe found inthe thee-dimensonl porphyry sculpts othe our fmperor, no embeded in the val ofthe Church of San Marcon Venice. Groved in pats, withthe senior emperor in each case hoki am rnd these of nr, en ag ‘identical in their military costume and in their physiognomy.?* ‘They form a team, an inde uni, and are ot four separable individuals. an In the oficial erry depictions ofthe imperial regime the same imagery may ao be fond. In 21 inthe panes or pee a pase Emer Maman Ms ry Oat er Sus imagines the etd exclaiming a he} saw the two emperors together in Mian: ‘Do you see Dilan? Do you see Manian ‘Thee they both are! They are together! How they sin ui! How the al togeter in coneorl™™ This ates rom the period before te tstenson of he numbers inthe ‘clege of emperor rm woo four Sch hat nay he sd ect of Mian, ast to del adequacy with al ofthe problems beseting the Westin the later 2805" : Peet10 Early metical Europe 300-1000 ‘As well as this fundamental change i the imperial ofc, Dicetan sought to restructure the administration ofthe Empire. A reonganisi- tion of provincial Boundercsinreased the number and reduced the ‘Sze of such units. At the same me civil and military authority wihin the provinces was generally divided and pall hierarchies created writin both divisions. The smaller provinces were themselves then {rouped int larger nis, called dioceses, and these were placed under the direction of 4 new clase of offical called Vir, or Deputy Praetorian Prefect, This process was continued wnder Diocletian's trentual successor Constantine I (305-37), who by disbanding the Praetorian cohors in 312 finaly turned the Praetorian Prefecture into an essentially civilian and administrative office. Later in his reign he increased the number of Preecsffom two to four and ted hem to regional prefectres rather than beng inked to the persons ofthe emperors Th the reorganisation ofthe army as well as the restructuring of the administration its equally oF more dificult separate the reforms of Diocletian from those of Constantine. Certainly, bythe late's death in 337 an entirely new organisation had been introduced, whereby the ‘rmy was divided into two pes of unit. On the one and there were the Liten,gursison groop stationed on the fonirs and intended to provide the fist line of defence against incursions, and om the other there were the Comat, oF units ofthe mobile field armies that tvere deployed well behind the frontiers and which moved rapialy to ‘Courter specific threats that were beyand the eapaciy ofthe Liman The parison forces were less wel armed, equipped and trained and ‘were expected to have only Fmited mobil. The field armies, onthe ‘other hand, contsined much larger proportions of cavalry than had triste under the early Empire, when this am had been considered inferior and is units had been composed exclusively of the second clase Auxiliaries. The army reforms of Diocletian and Constantine Inarked a change in imperial strategy in favour of what known as "Defence in Depth. The frontiers became more intensively defended by the locaton of gatizons and the construction of more numerous and more complex fortifications, but once this outer shell had been [penetrated the protection ofthe provinces depended onthe eapaciy of the field armies to concentrate and move to meet the threat. This ‘system had certain disadvantages, and the redeployment ffl armies to partipte in the numerous cil wary within the Empire ia the fourth century could leave the frontier provinces open to sustained penetration and destrction when the Linitene failed to prevent hostile incursions. However, the roots of the change, as with many of the features ofthe reign of Diocletian, can be traced back wo eater Stages in the thd century in this cae tothe reign of Gallienus (253 Problem-soking emperors V1 68), whose cavalry ay in northern aly ion senate precursor of the Comte sche tea canbe er Dinan the mesure 3c wok to ca the tnlatonary pice spiral within the apie However, economic hey wate ndedevcloped inthe Antes ‘Worl as was technology, and the emperor's soe Concern ws he cost af supe for Ns amy. Te apron othe problem eas ites Dut ‘kimstely ineffectual tok the form of an edt on prices, sued i the year 30, This stilted the mau price tha could be charged for along Us of spect ems, mos of Which ot sures nee of ect imporance othe army The penal for charging mean the decreed prices was executon, In practic hisses fo have had limited ec, in that it inored the baie mechan of suply and demand. Hoarding and Mack market ating became preferable eras to sling on the open markt at goncrment-et price devel The eit hada be repeated. More cflectve eres ches of reforms ofthe coinage in 296 that rittoduced brome denmina- ton and set new rao of value between bons, iver and gat. Ths took up and etended the revaluation enavelybepun unde Aurelian 5) In generat could be sd thatthe whole srs ofthe changes induced around the tam ofthe sentry by Diocletian en y CConsantne was aimed atthe producion ofa more regimented ant ‘gid sce. Laws that reid sons to fallow inthe prtesons of thee aes, laws that fed prices, laws that essed tact hierarchy in the cil and mtary adninstston, and laws tat forbade an increasing rage of opinions and prate all here ‘terms of the kind of social ideals that underlie them.’ This was not inwtaquston ofthe wll of an india ruler or even of alge of Emperors. Many af he element can be detected carer in he tid znuy in les developed and cberen frm, andthe wenformain that nas wrought win the Empire atthe end oft mus rele the {Zowth of the pubic accep of so many ofthe rues That were Ser neat orate. in this sense the culmination of occasional persecution of the CGrisians in the couse othe third entry inthe wad Gren Penccutn ital by Diacesan in 303 hardly surpsing. This vas both more thorough loa and yea than an hing at had fone before i and atthe sane ime developed tendencies within oman society that had been manifesting themes fora century ot more. Lewing sie the rather nebulous, Neroianpesecuon, Even so, his supremacy was not secure. By the ate 460s Leo was creating a counterweight to the frees controlled by Aspar by recruit 3g Iarians, mountain dwellers from central Asia Mino. He marved is davghter to one oftheir leaders called Tarasicodisea who, con= ‘venienily for all, changed his name to Zzno. By 471 Leo was srong Enough to stze and execute Aspar and his eldest son, who had been “Master ofthe Soldiers inthe Eastern Provinces The limitations on Aspat's power and his ulimate fare contrast markealy with the hold ‘over a succession of emperors that was exctised by the principal miltary commander inthe Westin the 460s, «general called Rice. His rise o power was the product of the period of confusion that followed the killings of Aesus and then of Valentinian Ill, and was marked by dramatic changes in several ares of west policy. These were inated by the events of 455. Having arranged the death of Valentinian IL, Petronius Maximus was ale o secure his own proclamation as emperor on the following ‘ay, and he tied hs family to that of his predecesor by himself ‘marrying his predecessor's widow and uniting his son Palladivs with the former emperors daughter. This, however, broke one af he terms ofthe treaty made n 442 between Valentinian Il andthe Vandal king GGaiseric, which had included the betrothal of the former's daughter Etadcia wo the laters son Huneric, Thu in 455 Gaiteric was not only84 Barly medio Europe 300-1000 ‘The disappearance of on army 85 able wo elim thatthe new imperial regime had violated this testy, but ould also present himself as the avenger of his son's would-be father-in-law. A Vandal leet sailed from Africa, and descended upon an undefended Rome, giving the city a second sack, and perhaps ¢ ‘more thorough one than that of 410. As the Vandals amived the ‘wretched Petronius Maximus, wh had based himself inthe city, ted to fle. An enraged citizen threw a well-simed brick at hitm thus ‘ringing his bret reign to an appropriate end.” "The sack of Rome of 455 had the immediate effect of making the potential Vandal threat wo Tay seem of far greater moment than the ‘more distant menace of Vsigothic ambitions in Ga. Although the Vandals returned to Affica with thei loo, the whole episode brought home ina way that was previously not appreciated how vulnerable Italy and Rome in particular, was to seabornereiding and how easy t vs fora hostile power in North Aftica, in control of the mereaile Aeets ofthe coastal towns of the African provinces, to conduct such warfare. The Vandal menace and the ambition of regaining direct «control of Arica beeame the mainspring of imperial policy throughout the last years left to the western half ofthe Empire "The lack of funcioning Roman armies in the hearland of the ‘wester Empire, which was apparent fom the absence of resistance ‘both to Anil in 452 and tothe Vandal sack of Rone in 455, meant that {Gaal had tobe looked wo forthe source of military manpower forthe defence of aly. Petonius Maximus had probably already realised thi, ashe appointed as his Master ofthe Soldiers in the Presence a Gallic aristocrat called Eparchius Avitus, who had served under Aci and ‘who also had close personal tiesto the Visgothic ropa house. This ‘Avis is reported to have persuaded ‘Theoderic Io aly with Actios ‘against che Hun threat in 431. In 455 he was sent by Maximus to the Visgohs, this time it may be assumed for aid against the Vandal. While Avius was sil at the Gothic cour in Toulouse the news of| ‘Mavimus's death arived, and withthe support ofthe new Visigothic king Theoderc Il 453-6) he was proclaimed emperor bythe amy and an asiembly of Galle aristocats a Aries. “The Senate in Rome and the army commanders i Italy accepted this Gallic seizure ofthe nia because oftheir pressing need for assistance, but clearly resented the necessity, Although Avitus came with a largely Visigothic army to Rome, his interests and those of his ‘principal backers layin Gaul His close ties tothe Vsigots also meant ‘thatthe treats the laner posed to Roman interests in Gaul were realy reduced, Iti hardly coincidental that n 456 the Visigotic Ling ‘Theoderie IL ted an army into Spain against the Sucve ruler Rechiarus, whose expansionary actviies were threatening the last Imperial enclave in the peninsula the north-cstem province of ‘Tarraconenss."" ‘Thus, as under Walls, the Visigoths came once i 2 perce a2 Emperors and kings: 364-535, eudbeia Vand! ing ate ‘aor ers Vande ing 590-9 oe “Trastmand Vanda Tero “aise Gumrdman6 Barly medival Europe 300-1000 more to play the role of Roman federste tops acting in the imperil Incrests but at the sme tine wer able to epund their own contol ter areas tht were of secondary concern 10 Avis and his Calc tora supporters Is pone that ths move int Spain wa also presented tothe ian sentry, now ose concered with the Vanda then ete ncesary preliminary toa iasion of Afi. Tis, the ck of immediate action spat the Vandals and the ‘ewomiy of accepting prvindalemperor-making made Avins’s ‘Egime increasing unpopular in Rome, alough 8 bad been recog. ‘bed by the eaten rperor Maccan. In 486 + general af mined Visi and Suvi origin illedRicier won «ate at sea inst 1 Vidal oc. nite tay not ave been italy sian, bt it seems to have enable the Ian high commando fe could dispense wih Avis. Another of ets’ former ofcers, butane who a fallen out wth him, elled Major, with he backing of Ricimer Fonouneed his allance tothe Calle empere, wo then wed 10 ‘Seape from Rome back to safety ia hs home prone. However, fois as imereepled and is foes defeated by. Majoan and Hcimer at Pacens (Pale) in Ocober 456. After the bate the tmperor was prompt oranda shop of acca, amanoevre to formal his poston Hs dat followed perhaps suspcioas som ater “The belated determination to repsin Aten dominated western imperial poly forthe nex fice yarn the same way that the not aTyaye ell Viste menace ha obsesed tin the me of Aes. In 437 after an inter probly spent securing easter recogion, Majran was posed erperor "His int eps were to impose Fimselfon the remaining inperaly eonizolld repos of Gaul, where the deposion of Aitas had een bly eee, bu this was ely he relminary tothe asin of Afi toward which the making ofan recent oi the Vougnic King Tener Iwas he second step. ‘Wn tes bares remedy in 460 Njorun wan the last of the Roman emperorsioappearin he eran peninsula He made foal dsm, the ceremony to akan imperil ata inc, i ‘aragors and then provceded to he soutceastrn ist where a et ‘was being assembled to transfer his army to Africa.* Here, however, Inthe same yea, aster stack, eng forevame, the Vandals mae a pre-cmplne stke onthe imperial let dsosing or captring the Ball oft The campaign had be cle of "Worse was to follow in that Majoran then agreed wo he Vandal ving Gaines request fort tea. As fa a 8 ow koown his fects te hae been an acteptanceo the terms of the previous wet of {Sz conceding Vandal contol of Acs in rtun for peace. On his ‘ern to Gatlin 461 Majran disbanded his army, maby composed {Germani edertes and inthe ut he headed for Remco 0 The disappearance ofan army 87 be intercepted ty the frees of Ricmer, deposed and exceed.” Aidough ts normaly buted powcr sage between the two ‘nen the unforunne end of Majran may relate i ignomiios fue in he above Aan vere eeisne a Ricimers move hid een i only served to farther fragment the dvnding terre conrad dee by the western emperor. When in November 46, wo months after the death of Major, he setup as emperor of his own chosing senator called bas Severus, he former rulers Master ofthe Sear in Gal 3 feel called Acgiiu refined to accep him Thus Roman {crtory north ofthe Lire ced tobe ed um lay, Riemer ince his Vsigoti ales to tack Aegis in return fer Bing en conto of Narbonne. Acid in tm opened up communion with the Vandal froin acto agunt the eine of Rice and Sevres. ‘The ater was farther hampered by the esa f the ester enperor Lot recogie his would-be ween calleaue “The siuston war amcrited 465 by the deaths of bth Aegis and the emperor Severus. Poon and Riciner were ss Pesedin hic Th ies acem ohve e ie etun of order Gaul ier rule, bt id make pose arapproche- tment between Fas and Wet This reached ton in 467, he the Roman Seat, or mre etc Ricner,acepted tn earn nominee forthe western tone inthe person of Anthem era for the eastern Empire funding and launching an ivan of Aiea to dapse Ate Vandals. Leo There benefited from the remo othe Wes of the dangerous wel-connectet Antena, who was notonly ada descendant ofthe emperr Juan, but ao 2 sori of he fret cgay cn rd ct ors neal onthe Est in that sense Leo got the beer of the bargin, The caste expen 0 Af in 46, which was commanded by his brother i ine, proved o bea dar ‘The fleet war subjected to 4 suprise aul by fre shipe off the Aftican cont, an? the iason was andonea™ tn the West conf of suhony Between Aste dnd Rene each acho ha cl aro Ane, {aster vgs were aed agaist mot les though tithe dere mcname he ie Gree’ eem to have had ted Topol sport His opponents may ohne acesed him of being Fran charge for which no evidence canbe fund. Rime’ fore {oot Rome, and Anthea was draged rom sncuny in chuch ad exceted in jl 72. By ths time W must have bean clear that fete miliary ation again the Vandal was beyond the espace of ether half of the Epic, and so Riierin he las stage of his career himself cae 0 am green with Gnesi This wa opened schoo a88 Early mdical Europe 300-1000 the new western emperor the senator Anicius Olgbrius. ‘This man twas the husband of the former emperor Valentinian I's second ‘Gughtr. Her elder sister, pledged to Gaiseri’s son by the treaty of {#42 and then forcibly marred to the son of Pewonius Maximus, had ‘been taken off to Africa and married to Hunericby the Vandals in 45, Thus the selection ofthis brother-in-law of the Vandal king's heir marked final and in practice ierelevant rapprochement between the tester Empite and the Vandal kingdom. Tn the event neither Ricimer nor the emperor Oli lived out the year, both dying of natural eauses before the end of $72 By this ime the Empire in the West had forall racial prposes Become reduced to the bounds of lay, the Auvergne and easter Provence. The Vsigoths were the masters of eventhing south ofthe Loire and west of the Rhine, and were to add the Auvergne to their teniories in 475 "The Bargundian kingdom encompassed Savoy and large section of the middle Rne valley Imperial ule over the Ero valley and eated (Catalan coast nas terminated by the Visigothic Ring Euric (466-84) in the cary 470s" So ite di Italy mater that Ricimer’s successor and nephew Gundobad prefered in 473 not to remain to support the ‘Tepe of the poppet emperor Gleerus, whom he had created, but to fo ingead to compete for control of the Burgundian Kingdom in Gaul Thus abandoned, Glycerius had no military resources availble to resist an eastern imperial nominee, Julius Nepos, the Master ofthe Soldiers in Dalmatia * Gleerus was deposed and sent as bishop to Salona in Dalmatia. However, like Anthemius, Nepos had litle rel Support in Italy, and after a reign of just over a year he was expelled fram Ia back to Dalmati. His supplanter was his newly appointed ‘Master of the Soldiers, Orestes, who made his own son Romulus ‘emperor in October 475. In August 476 Orestes himself was over- thrown and kiled by anaher and more experienced general of mined {Germanic origin called Odovacer. The young Romulus was permited to retire into private life on an estate in south Ia, where he may sill have been living around the year 310." "Formally he deposition of Romulus, and the taking of power in Italy by Odovacer under the tle of king in 476 did noe mark the end of the wmestem Roman Empice. The ejected Julius Nepos stl lived and ‘Controlled Dalmatia, preventing an eater recognition ofthe ams que in italy. The murder of Nepos in 480, possibly engineered by bishop Giyeerus, the man he himself had deposed in 474, remoxed this ‘obsticle, and also may technically be said to mark the end of the Roman Empire in the West In that sense it ded not with + bang oF wv whimper, neither in Rome nor in Ravenna, but athe end of an {Seasrin's knife in vila Salona in Dalmatia. ‘What is genuinely striking about the proces of the ‘Fall of the The disappearance of en army 89 Roman Empleo which tis necessary rp oad‘ the West {este hal nas tsuneo another 100 yar the haphazad, snot accidental nature othe proces. Frm 410 ode successive dreser imperil eines jst gave away or lost contre of ove and thor ofthe terior of he former Empire tthe same tim, at Eee no npr: er of he Sa nd ne hovel they were actualy abandoning or puting ouside te Empire the various proines hat they thus surendered In ems of conste= Sonal theory praca! thoy in arcas o amiisraton an defence sere being delegated to imperil appinces in the persons ofthe {Germanic kings These remained in theory sobordnae to the higher futon ofthe enperors even though the later cessed to eta ‘aera bene lm or wo exercise rect contol over the prone in this way the neste Enpire delegated ef ot of extent was prety loi for Odvacer ost isl pa ing of aad {o declare that thee no longer needed tobe two separate disons “within the Empire.*® The events of 476 or 480 meant in theory, and {his was how both Odovacer andthe emperor Zeno a hat ated ofthe Empire Being dvided and there beng casera and western Sections there was how jut ene indsble Exype agin and the igh and authori ofthe western rer ever Ne subordinates, the ‘Germans tings merely asad tothe thenceforth sole emperor ring in Consannope ‘Obvious in prace thi was aot mich more than consiutona Scion abet an eolgcly power one. Direct perl re ver ton of the Wert had bec ot inthe corse ofthe fh century, and ‘rs inmost aes ier not to be or only rey restored. However doch conn canbe detected, and there an impressive guaniy of {in terms of adminis, cal egal snd tito suas the provincial evel te actual Ssntegaion of det perl ues procera sclera o onder Tn tht the sbi ofthe emperors or hi ficial in dhe imperial capi, which uctated between Ravenna and Rome tog the entu to exrese personal authority in pace ener the provinces dened sony om thir sity to enforce hi wl he problem 4 miliary one Ils seconcoualy Roman amy, commanded by oles cabled ins herr that euminated i the erperot ond is senio mtr aise in aly contin to x, he or i ice mri rl ver the provinces throughout which that ry was Stoned. When the army wae no present 2000 appre the ‘ena goverment aiiy to ocrt and to enforce decors “The merous daapparance of the Roman sry one of the tmostexrordnary phenomena ofthe ith cen, Generale abound And so do barbaran seer ‘The old Reman tints donot even ‘hough teh acaing tent othe Noi Dg of 423, peat90 Early meal Exrope 300-1000 to prolong their ves, Only the supposed existence of taditionl unis in Brain and Spain a tine when other evidence shows they were not there revels the unreliability of his as a statement ofthe actual as Spposed to theorecal deployment ofthe Reman amy at the end of the fist quarter ofthe fith century.” Tnenitably, asthe areas under diret imperil contol diminished in size soto were traditional eculing grounds lost to the Roman army. From the later fourth century onvards pressure fom the Woops themselves had reduced the quuntiy of armour wor and other long tsublished features of Roman military practice and equipment.” By 4425 the surviving unis of the Roman army would have been in Appearance, including dress and weapon, litle diferent from the Sarous enemies they were required t0 fight, most of whom had themsehes become ineressingly Romanised in terms of material culture oer the course ofthe previous decades. The less of taining find expert, the expense of maintaining a sanding army, and the political diffcuies that could result rom having one all combined to Imake it seem easier, cheaper, and safer to use barbarian federates to Fight inthe emperor's name, In consequence thse who directed them were able to demand more and were being given more by way of ‘control over the government and revenues athe provinces in which they were situated ‘Ar the centre, he only perspective was one ofthe protection of Hay and of any other interests that were close tothe hears of those ‘rerising politcal control there. Thus Aiea could be dispensed with In order to concentrate on the preservation of pats of Gaul inthe tie of Actus, Under Ricimer there was 2 change to almost exactly the ‘oposite order of priorities. In consequence neither Africa nor Gaul tmae preserved andthe Empire self beeame in practice no larger than Traly. Odevacer was right to put an end tothe fiction and to make of Italy only one among the several kingdoms ito which the West had become divided ‘The fall of Rome? “The analysis offered here may seem strangely limited as an answer to the perennial question of why did the Roman Empire fll What has ‘been suggested is that in large anesure it gave ef away: the central ‘Miminststion of the western hal of the empice relinquished day to tay control over more and more of is provinces as ts capacity to defend and police them, and therefore t administer them direct, ‘eclned inthe fce of a mounting seis of ratary problems. This, should be stressed, was Scen at the time bythe emperors and their Mdvisers as no more than a temporay expedient, and inno sense did they fool that they were alienating their rights to rule the western The disappearance ofan army 91 provinces, whatever the expedients required in facing what were only ‘egaded as temporary necessities. In practice, however, 5 canbe seen ‘ith hindsigh, direct imperial ule was never wo be ripened on most Of these terstores, and the central administration of the western Empire succumbed to the process it itself had instigated ‘On the other hand, as will he seen in subsequent chapers dealing with the evens inthe Westin the aftermath of he elimination of the last western emperors in 476~80, the intellectual, governmental and ‘material cultural waditons ofthe Later Roman Empire continued 10 enjoy wary in the West lng after the disappearance of the unitary palieal structure that had previously sustained them, but which in practice proved not to be integral to their survival. “The Fal of the Roman Empire in the West was aot the disappearance of chvlisstion: it was merely the breaking down of a governmental aparats that ould no longer be sustained. Ultimately, ofcourse it maybe argued thatthe removal of the Insuional prop fcitated the withering. of cern aspects ofthe social organisation and cultural traditions that had rested upon it but this was tobe a gradual proces, extending far beyond the period in which dscusions ofthe Fall normaly confine themselves. Many features ofthe Late imperial Romano-Chrisian intellectual tradition survive othe present, and have helped shape ll of the societies that have been formed in the Mediterranean and northern Europe from the fifth century onward Tn previous decades arguments concerning the ‘Fall ofthe Roman Empite have ended tobe formulated rather dierent, largely dv «> the way in which the sgiicance ofthe process hasbeen viewed. I the disappearance ofthe overall poliscal srucures of the western Empire bbe taken as corresponding exach with the undermining of the imellectual and material culture of Rome, then afar more complex and ‘atadyvnic process would have to be thought 10 have occurred. Consequenial, the explanations advanced to make sense oft would have 10 lok to very diferent kinds of causes. In part the previous tendeney to reat the process as one ofthe “al ofa evlisatin resulted from oreemmphass of the supposedly Germanic nature ofthe suces- sor sates that came into being in the Westin the aftermath of the {isappearance of the Empire and rom seeing the interaction of Rome and the so-called Barbarians simply in terms of confrontation ‘Seen in terms ofthe conflict of opposed albeit unequal, cultures, it {is not surprising tha the Ise was taken as being a moral one: how could the Beneficiaries of a"higherciiliston ll to tiumph over the representatives of a ‘lower’ one? The answer would have 10 lie, according tothe inelecul predilections ot ideological presuppos tions ofthe questioner, ina range of moral or structural possbities. ‘The sioplest level of answer was that which manifested self in = correspondence in The Times «few years ago, in which the mers or92 Barly medieal Europe 300-1000 ‘otherwise ofthe lead pipe’ theory were debated. According to thi the prevalence of lead piping in the Roman urban water distibutoy fystems ~ aqueducts, underground channels and so forth ~ led over the course of time tothe one effecs ofthis metal being wansmited igcticlly. In other words, the Romans got gradually lopier and Toopier asthe brains of succesive generations were atrophied by the lead! Thus, while they were still capable of dealing witha complex Series of threats to their society inthe third century, by the fifth they had lost the necessary mental ably. ‘While ingenious, this theory as not much recommended itself to professional pracioners ofthe historical art. Ther arguments have tended t0 be more comple, if not necessuily any more credible However, thas generally been recognised tha while the western hal ofthe Roman Empire disappeared inthe ih century, the eastern half survived, despite various modifications, for another thousand years. “Thus, any explanation that may hope to be considered viable has to take account of the very diferent fates of the two components of the Empire. This eflecively undermined the argument eloguenty vanced by Edward Gibbon, which placed the Blame squarely onthe effects ofthe adoption of Christan, which he saw as including arse in ‘other worldiness, manpower shortages from the growth of popu- larity of monasticism and Christian teachings on virgniy, ahd. an ‘bivalent atiude to warfare All ofthese feetures, hoever, even tvithout assessing their inherent validity, would have been as tre of {nd even more prevalent inthe easter hal of the Empire than the “More recent commentators have taken account of the need produce arguments that sess dflerences between the two pats ofthe {Cate Empire. Mort ofthese tend to revolve around supposed differ- ‘ences inthe social structure and economie organisation ofthe Roman ‘world inthe fourth and Aifth centuries. In so doing they tend rapidly to Aepare from realy. The fist, most basi, but appareny unpalatable truth about the economy ofthe Late Roman Empite i tht insuficent evidence survives to support amy generalisations about is mature and functioning. I is certainly possible for historians to propse idealogi- cally pre-determined models of how that economy i their view ah to have worked, but these will only convince ther fellow believers Aitudes to Late Roman society are equally affected by @ pri assumptions - otherwise known as prejudice. "Thus, to take only a moderate and mid interpretation, influenced by ‘deals ofan English iberal in, i was argued by A. HLM Jones in his ‘monumental Later Roman Empire that western senators were weather than easter ones, and that there ‘were probably more medium land- owners inthe East, and fairly ceraialy more peasant proprietors.” ‘While allowing credit forthe qualifing adverbs, it must be pointed ovt The disappearance ofan army 93 that no valid satis information exists to support or deny such an assertion, and that undering it are the assumptions that free peasant proprietors are economically productive and inwinsically pao Jones's arguments are actualy litle more complex, in that for him this productivity and patriosm have toe seen inthe contest of the Ability ofthe society to support “idle mouth. These later, amongst ‘whom were included monks and aristocrats, he regarded with the Aeepest moral indignation as the cause of the imperial run, and assumed his readers woud share this parcule moral perspective. On the other hand, the great Russian historian Rostowzefl, who was driven into exile by the 1917 Revolution, saw the undermining of the upper clas culture ofthe Mediterranean cites by peasant soldiers as the tue eause of Rome's fall” In other words, this sa subject that tell the reader more about the historian than about the historical realy that he sees to describe. This may be enhanced by the fat, suggested above, that i is actually a non-existent subject, or one that requires tobe sen in quite diferent context and tobe formulated in {new and less wide-ranging way.7 The new kingdoms War lords and kings There is a danger when tying to visualise those whom the Romans of the fourth and fifth centuries would have called ‘the Farbarians of ting images fom other and generaly earlier ages. Without due ‘auton and lting the prjraive nature ofthe name speak by isl it ‘would be easy t imagine them as being litle beter than savages naked, hairy and doubtless garihly painted. In practice, however, the ‘arious German peoples were, in terms of material culture, lnle Afferent from the Reman provncias. Their tems of personal adorn- ‘ment and practical necessities suchas brooches, bet buckles and other fastenings were in most eases either of Roman manufacture ae were ‘modelled on Roman originals." The main source of inspiration was the items wsed in the uniforms of the Roman army, in whose ranks substantial nambers ofthe Germans, individually and collectively, had Served, Trade and the acquisition of loot added to the stock of uch items amongst the Germans, and in general these Roman styles of jewellery and practical metalwork became the aceepted norm in thee Societies, Tis thas posible to find identical object, dated to the fifth and sith centuries, amongst the Anglo-Saxons, Franks and Visigoths, fand seatered over an area extending from southern Britain to the centre of Spain.” In terms of clothing the debt may have sun as much in the oposite rection In the erly imperial period such items of dress trousers, ‘worn by both the Germans and the Persians, were regarded by the Romans as being quintessentially barbaric, yet they had become the norm except inthe highest levels of society bythe end of the fourth century. In 397 the emperor Honoris isued law forbidding the ‘wearing of ousers and also of 2 type of Germanic footwear called ‘argae within the cy of Rome. That his lav had tbe reissued in 399 and again in 416, athough the stipulated penaly was exile and confiscation of propery, suagess that even within the limits of Rome it proved hard io enfore such decree. Inthe aw of 416 the wearing of Tong hair, another supposedly barbarian tri, was added tothe lit of offences, is possible, however, that it was not so much the barbarian associations ofthese items and sls that gave offence as thei miliary fconnotaions. In the Thendasian Cade, the compilation of Roman * The new bngdoms 95 peril law issued in 438 and in which the text of these thre edits was presered, they accompany an eater law of 382 forbidding Senators fom wearing itary dress within the cit." By the beginning ofthe fith century soimterdependen had the two become that in such aspects as dress and. adorament Roman soldiers and Germanic ‘wariors would not easily have been told apart, as can be seen for example from the representations ofthe imperial bodyguard on such ‘contemporary works of ar asthe sver minum of Theodons (388) fr the caved obelisk base erected by the same emperor ia the Hippodrome in Constantinople (¢ 390). Individual Germanic solders of Frankish, Vandal and other origin ‘were able tose through military sevice within the Empire to high ‘commands inthe army and admission tothe Senate, where apart fom their names they seem to have been inditinguishable from thir [Roman civilian counterpars. This proces dates back atleast the reign of Constantin I, under whom the Prank Bonitus commanded {he Seventh Legion. His son Silvanus was commander ofthe infantry Jn Gaul beracen 352 and 355, and was driven by politeal intrigue at the court of Constantius II into proclaiming himself emperor at Cologne in the later year. Only a passing reference in Ammianus “Marcelins reveals his Frankish origin and thus that of hi father, a8 in their case they had perfec acceptable Roman names. Such officers of Germanic origin were not just to be found exercising commands in areas cose 10 ther own homelands. A Frankish general called Richomer became Maser ofthe Soldiers it the Eastin 383, wih his headquarters in Antioch. Inthe fllowing year hh was Consul an frm 388 uni is death in 393 was the commander in chief ofthe easter armies under the emperor Theodosius I. In fact he was the fist ofa dynasty of military ofhce-holders. His nephew Arbogast was the Master of the Solder in the West i the same period andthe man responsible forthe murder or suicide of Valen~ tinian I and for the elevation of Eugenius.* One of his descendants, also called Arbogast, wo be found holding the post of Count of Trier round the year 477." iow consciously Frankish such men were and what kind of contacts they mainained with their people is impossible to judge. When Sitvanus was murdered by agents of Constantius Il in 355, the Frans sacked Cologne. Was ths revenge or just «good opportunity for lot fing? Certainly such prominent soiers of harbaran descent were ‘normally more than justilterateboorsRichomer became afiendofthe sophist and orator Libanius in Antioch, and the younger Arbogast was Dused by the Gallic author and bishop Sklonius Apolinars (ded £486) for his Iterary skill and knowledge ofthe claws,” Roman auitudes of contempt for barbarians certainly did not lead tothe isolation of such highly placed offcers of Germanic origin in the upper96, Early medical Europe 300-1000 tanks of society. The daughter of the Frankish Mater ofthe Soldiers ‘nd consul (385) Bauo marred the emperor Arcadus (383~408) and Ihecame the mother of his sucestor Theodosius Il (402-50) Te would be interesting wo know to what extent she ise of such men as these was influenced by any prior social tatu hey held ia their own, “Societies, but in most eases nothing Is known about thei erie tives, However, there are indications that some of them at east were inthis sense ‘sei-made™ Arbitio, who was Master of the Cavalry under Constant Il nthe years 3510) to 361 and Consul in 385 sted his career at an ordinary soldier inthe ranks"? On the other hand 2 ferttin Mallobaudes, who held the Roman military rank of Comes Damesticoram of commander of unt ofthe imperil bodyguard, was flso described at the sume time as being a Frankish king” His Reman Sppointment may have come from his having a ready made miltary following, but he was certainly holding a junioe staf appointment over “and many more could be offered ~ indicate something ofthe way in which the Roman Empire had been absorbing increasing numbers of Germans from the begining of the fourth century, if not eae, iato the amy and through it inthe cases of ‘Some of them, ino the upper echelons of society ad inte posions of real wealth and polieal power. In ielf this i not to be seen as 2 ‘Simple contributory case ofthe Fall ofthe Roman Empire’ not least, 4s this process was s marked in the East inthe West and Germanic ‘officers and men contined to pla important parts in the armed forces ofthat haf ofthe Empire well on into the sith century. As has been shown, many ofthe leading Germans became highly Romanised, sin ‘material cultural terms did the societies fom which they had sprung. Indeed the very absence ofa clear-cut sense of 'us' and them’ may have contributed to the disintegration of the westem half of the Empire in the course of the fifth century. No consistent policy was followed as to who was the enemy. At the same Gime the vital disappearance of sel-conscously Roman units in the western army ‘meant that the imperial regimes had t be on good terms with one ot ‘more of the competing Germanic groups if they were to obtain the military force necesary to control others who seemed tobe thesten- ing the interests they held vial. The lack of consisteney in determining ‘whom to-do business with and whom to ty and destoy led ta fatal ‘aciltion Several of the leaders of barbarian cunfaderacies came take on ‘oles in relation tothe Empire analogous to, or in some eases identical ‘with, those exercised by imperial Masters of Soldiers, many of whom ‘were themselves of Germanic origi. This is particularly ue of a period of extraordinary entrepreneurial enterprise that followed the ‘isintegration ofthe Hun domination north ofthe Danube in 45374, The now kingdoms 97 In the aftermath several groups and individuals who had been subject to the Huns made their way into the Empire, where some of them were to prosper exceedingly, Although the history ofthis period is normaly presented in simple terms of the movements of whole peoples, in practice many ofthe groups and also of the individuals who rose to prominence in the second half of the fith century were decidedly Inited in their ethnic orgins and were busy forming new cultural and politcal ents rather than continuing old ones. A good example ofall ‘of these phenomena can be seen inthe caes of Odovacer and his brother Onulph Their father, Edeco, is thought to have been a Hun, and thee smother was a member of the probably Germanic people called the Sci. Edeco features in one of the fragmentary but contemporary (Greek histories ofthe period asa bodyguard of Atl and one of his leading advisers Tn the 4605 Edeco and Onulph were inthe Balkans, leading the Scie in a war with dhe Ostrogths, both independent and Inallance wit the Sucve. Inthe very same decade Odovacer is fist recorded, leading an army of Saxons in Gaul, He and his men made themselves masters of Angers, but in 469 lost ito the Frankish king CCildere nd 2 Roman count called Paul” Dy 471 he had moved 19 Tay and supported Ricimer in his chil war with the emperor Anthems In the years after the death of Ricimer he guined ‘considerable ascendancy over the imperil forces in Italy, which were by now drawn almost excsvely from the ranks of some ofthe minor German tribes, and when they fel outwith thet commander Orestes in 476 was under Odovacer’s lad. ARer the execution of Orestes and his brother he was made king of Tay by the army." ‘Less distinguished init final outcome, the career of his beothes ‘Onalph was equally varied. After fighting on behalf of his mothers people agunst the Ostrogoths in the 4605, he appears in the sevice of| the easter Empire, holding the afcer of Master ofthe Soles in yricum from 477 to 479. This in par was the reward for murdering his patron and predecessor atthe instigation of the emperor Zeno. In the 4805 Onulph moved to Italy, wherein 488 he commanded his brother’ armies ina victorious campaign against the Rugi around the upper Danube. He was later dragged from sanctuary and killed immediatly afer his brother's murder in 493." "At the very least two such carers indicat the geographical range and the varery of opportunity open at this time to those with the requisite military talent. A pre-established positon in a social bier= archy was not the prerequiste fr succes, though this was something that could be exploited in certain circumstances. Thus, just 25 ‘Odovacer and his brother tose to positions of power in societies 10 which they were in ergin outsiders, ic was equally posible for those Inherting authority within an esublished social group t0 use i to98. arly meiceal Europe 300-1000 ‘extend thee personal power and that f those who followed them. ‘The ‘est examples ofthis phenomenon in the later Ath and early sith centuries come inthe eases of the Ostrogohic leader Theodere and the Frankish king Clovis. Tt might he though, though, shat a comparison on the one hand of| such entrepreneurial auventurers as Odovcer, licking 2 power base within an established Germanic "barbarian society, and onthe other Tereditary rulers of such societies, 25 ‘Theoderc. and Clovis are normally considered tobe e matching chalk with cheese. This is far ftom being the case, The achievements of Theoderic and Clovis only ‘make sense when seen in the cotea ofthe conditions that also threw ‘up Ricimer, Aspar, Count Arbogast of Tre, and Odovacer It is dangerously simple to think ofthe Germanic societies that in the lat ith and sh centuries were taking contol of more and more ‘ofthe former terres ofthe western Roman Empire as ethnic con- ‘ants This isthe kindof conception that underlies those all to fe- ‘query to he encountered maps of the Vallemmandenangzcit ot Age of Migrations, wth long spaghet-like ines spring across the con~ tinent” Each arrowed line has is own colour and each marks the ‘movement of “people, starting in thee supposed ist home, usually Ineated in Scandinavia, and having squgeled ts way through centuries and several thousands of miles it terminates in thei final home. Por ‘he Franks this i France, for the Ostogoths Italy, the Vsigoths Spain and the Vandals Afica ‘At the lowes level such thinking ~ and such maps ~ leaves lide room forthe varius element of the "tbe that got lft behind onthe iways The Sueves aught to be in north-west Spin, where they had artved soon ater 409, but what are Sueve kings and thei fellowers doing fitting inthe Balkans aguinst he Ostogoths in the 46082 How ‘ean Heruli be both making seaborne raids on the northern coat of Spain in 455 and 459 and aly he established in southern Moravia after the fall ofthe Hun empire The answer to ths and many other Similar guestons is that individuals, families, groups and whole sections ofthese large-scale ethnic ents either became detached ot had detached themselves from the main body. They remained avare of their particular origin and this could on occasion colour thee actions ‘Ths it has been suggested that Aspar deliberately sabotaged eastern lamperil ventures directed aguinst the Vandals in Aiea because the main body of his own people, the Alans, had become a component part ‘tthe Vandal confederacy?! ‘Many ofthe older discussions ofthe history of this period ake wibal continuity for granted. However log and tortuous thei wandering however vared thee political fortunes and however powerful the alien cultural influences ta which they were subjected the existence ofthe ‘eople asa whole remains constant. Ve, how can this be? To take the The new kingdoms 98 example of the Visigths between the mid of the fourth century and fhe second half ofthe fth they had 36a group changed their mame, moved from the area north-east of the Danube 10 the southewest of France, vi the Balans, the south of Taly and Spain, converted to ‘Christianity and accepted the snitary rule ofa single dynasty of kings for the first time in thei history. In other words thee society had tundergone an extraordinary range of internal changes. Although their fase provides one ofthe best examples of sucha senes of transform= tion, ie far from being unique “Theoderic and the Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy ‘The Ostrogots, lke the Visigots, offer us 2 history that is more notable or is discontinuities than is continuities. No lest ofthese ina well be hiatus in the ruling line of kings across the period in ‘shich the Osrogohs, who were then anyway khown asthe Grewhungi ‘were a subject people af the Hans; that is rom the 370s to the 4505? Even ifthe clam of Theoderic, who was to establish an Ostroothic {Kingdom in Italy in 493, tobe an Amal and thus 2 descendant of the pre-Hunni rulers were true ~ and there are grounds for doubting it~ In iself this provided no guarantee of support for him inthe ealy sages of his cree. “The problem of sorting fact from fetion in the history of the Ostrogothe is ersentally, and unsurprisingly, one of evaluating written ‘sources, This means one work above all the Geta or Gthic History of A certain Jordanes. The identity ofthis man is by no means lar. rean be sid that he was a Goth, and that he was almost certainly writing round the year 551. By his own statement he intended to produce an Abbreviated version of the Gothic Hiaory in twelve books of his ‘comtemporary, the great Roman civil servant Cassodorus, but as this Tater is entirely Tost his claim cannot be tested.” ‘Jordanes’s own Gothic descent, despite the highly Romanised ‘ltr contest within which he lived and worked has led historians to believe that his short work must contain genuine Gothic traditions thout their own past. Much weight has also been given (othe phrase ‘sed in an offal leer congratulating Cassindorus on his Gothic Hisory the model fr that of Jordanes, ha he made the Origin ofthe Goths into Reman History In other words that he took the Goths? fown orl legends and turned them ita writen history. Unfortunately for this line of argument, the sentence in question goes on to add ‘gathering as if into one crown the flowering shoots that were previous) dispersed throughout the ds of books’ Tn other words, ang inthe florid thet auch loved bythe late imperil gover tment and its successors that he had been using itera, whichis. sy Roman, sources.100 ary medical Eurpe 200-1000 Infact most of the texts that underlie Jordanct's account and by implication that of Cassodorus can be identified. Apart from one soy fees theres no element of Gothic origin te found in the twork"* Studies of the nature, composition and historical reliably of Such genealogies in other early medieval societies must dampen any hope of placing much reliance onthe details ofthis one. All oo often such things represent political manfestos ofthe period in which they ‘were composed, that iso say that ofthe most recently dated igure to the found in them, with the mits of thei historical trustworthiness tvtending back no more than Tour or five generations.” Interest in ‘stublishing continuity in a royal line was far more the product of [Roman presuppositions about the working of Germanic societies than ‘twas a reality in those societies. Inthe frst half ofthe sich century the Ostogothic repie rling in Italy needed a history and a conse tional role fr itself that fited in with the intellectual expectations of the Roman upper classes upon whase good will and eo-operation it ‘depended, and who aso liked to imagine great family continuities between themselves and the aristocracies of the Republic and Early Empire. “The realty of Ostrogothic history in the second half of the 6th century was rather different, and more impressive In he aftermath of the collapse of the Hun supremacy north of the Danube, that resulted From the death of Ata and the defeat of his sons by their subject peoples in the bstde on the river Nedao in 454, a number of Germanic froups were admited into dhe Empire. Amongst chem were the followers ofa cerain Valamer, who were setled in Pannonia in the western Balkans by agreement with the emperor Marcin, Inthe same period another Ostrogothic group under 2 certain Theodeic Strabo (Gr'the Squinter) appears in the eastern Balkans, This Theoderc was 4 relative ofthe wife ofthe Alan general and Master ofthe Soldiers Aspar, mach of whose military power may have devined from this connection.” Yer other prominent Ostogoths had been in imperial service for considerably longer and from before the fall ofthe Hun ‘empire: Arnegisclus and his son Anagastes held the ace of Master of| the Soldier in Thrace in #47 and 469-70 respectively and had personal followings similar to those of Valamer and “Theoderc Strabo “Anagases fied to maintain any politi influence after his abortive evolt in 470, but the history ofthe Ballans inthe 470s and early 480s may safely be said to consis ofthe strugale fr supremacy berween on the one hand Theoderie Sabo and his son Recitach and on the other Valamer, his brother Theodemer and the later’ son, another ‘Theederc, The ultimate prize, though, was not an anachronistic nd ‘unobiainable unification ofall Ostrogoths under a single dynasty but the succession tothe power of Aspar as Master of the Soldiers inthe The mew kngioms 101 Imperial presence and dominant igre inthe eastern court. However, the existence of ewo vial groups of barbarian soldery enabled “Successive emperor o play of their rary, unt the death of Strabo in 481 and the murder of Rectach in 484 let Theoderic the son of| ‘Theodemer in a postion to unite both groups. Even then, although tgven the coveted tile of Master of the Soldiers, the imperil [ovement way abe to deny him real power by cuing off the supplies ‘of fod needed to keep his amy together. The strength of the delences ‘of Constantinople mean that the capital could resist seige in 487, as ithe previously in 481 when threatened by Strabo, and in 4882 Boal ‘sltion was reached when ‘Theoderc, abandoning his ambition in the East, agreed to invade Ialy on behalf of the emperor Zeno.” “The wat between Odovacer and ‘Theoderic, inated bythe later’s invasion of Italy in 489, lasted fr some four years, but much of it consisted of a protracted siege of Ravenna, Theoderic made himsell master of Tay but Odovacer held out in te former imperial capital ‘ntl 493, when a power-sharing agreement was reached between the two. However, once admitted into Ravenna Theoderie promptly had ‘Odovacer murdered. Several ofthe leading Roman supporters ofthe fallen repime, such asthe finance minister Cassiodorus, had already transferred thee allgance to Theoderic. Atleast one of them, the senator Liberus efiued o take office under the new rler while their ‘ld master sl ved. This may merely have hastened the demise of (Odoracer, nd Liberius cerainly felt no qualms about accepting the fice of Praetorian Prefect of aly in 493 from the hands of his ‘murderer. With such adjustments’ made and Odowacer’s miltary following replaced 1s the army of Tay by Theoder’s Goths, a new Germanic kingdom eame into being ‘Osogothi Kal s normaly viewed as forcing ground for and a highy successful experiment in Romano-Germani co-operation and ‘mutual appreciation. To some extent thi is rue, but iis necessary to Spprecate that what i tissue isnot the relationship between two ‘qual, autonomous pares. Although subject the politcal authority fof the Osrogothic ruler in Ravenna, the upper classes of Roman sciers, who provided the personnel and expertise forthe maintenance (of the administration and-who set the cultural goals for the new regime, were supremely confident ofthe values oftheir society and their standing within it. The Ostogothc element, om the other hand, ‘was sl relatively unformed and malleable. "Theis real past extended back no further than the cultural meng pot ofthe period ofthe cllapse ofthe Hun empire. The ancestors of ‘hose who in Italy in the frat ha of the sath century would have thought of themselves as Ostogots may have called themselves Sc, ‘ugh, Gepids nd much else besides. was also inthis period thatthe conversion of many of them to Christianity occured. Out of the102 Early medical Europe 300-1000 ‘confused conditions that ha existed in the Balkans in the 4505, with the combination of Germanic soldiers who had served under Aspa, John the Vandal, Arneischis and others with newer groups of Goths admited tthe Empire afte the bate on te Neéao, fusion had only been achieved in the 480s," The lalian conquest of 489~93 further ‘telded together the disparate parts in a common enterprise, and the Fesuling kingdom gave them the chance to develop a more distinct Sense of common ethic identity and a common purpose. "The prime movers in these processes, however, were the Romans From thee perspective the followers of Theoderic were ready-made 10 flthe role aly and regions adjacent it that had been exercised by ‘Odovacer’s forces and previously by the various other Germanic wits ‘who had constiuted the army of the last century of the westem Empire. At the same time, though, they recognised that their new military defenders were ethically distin from themselves and that thei leader was aver or King, that 0 sy the rule of ages or people He eould not be a new western emperor in nam, even ihe could be taught o fill most though not all ofthe funtions of one. "The gens tell had to be given Sense of its past, but past that fined Roman expectations. This Cassiodorus, son of the former finance minister and himsef tobe Master of the Offices (head ofthe cul service) and Practoran Prefect of Italy, set about providing in his Gai History As eidenced ints possible abridge ment by Jordans, this was drawn almost ently fom Greek and Roman literary sources land made to cohere tothe Roman understanding ofthe past. For the Romans barbarians had kings: had not Tacitus tld them this was the ‘aur in his Germania of AD 98?" So, as well s the people, ts ruling Ginasty was given history, not least in genealogy whose lck of therence in the pattern of ames raises immediate suspicions "Teoderic himself, though, was not an untuored barbarian e had spent about ten years as «hostage in Constantinople (< 461-71), and hha tice suceeded in extortng the ite of Master ofthe Soldiers out of the emperors (476/7-8 and 483-7)" He knew about imperial ‘ours, had received a Roman education, and was well aware ofthe polities! power ofthe commanders of armies. He was thus wing and “ble to co-operate with hie Roman ofcals both in fiting his Gothic Following into te appointed niche in Kaan society, and in his own person and government fuiling Roman expectations of coninuiy ‘Odovacer had undertaken some restoration of public buildings, ‘evidence not Teast bythe provision of anew set of named seas for members of the Senate in the Coliseum, the principal amphitheatre in Rome.” Theoderi’s programme of new buldings and the restoration of existing ones was far more extensive, and included the erection oF epair of aqueducts, public baths, city walls and palaces ~ these later being centres of administration and not ast private residences ~ in a ‘The new Kingdoms 103 ‘are of major Iain cies, including Rome, Ravenna, Verona and Pavia ‘Other traditional and pocally valuable aspects of late Roman imperial government were revived with the re-establishment of the ‘datbution of fee supplies of corn tothe poor in the City of Rome, tnd the holding of very expensive but popular circus games. Probably the most magnificent ofthese wil have been the games held in Rome in 300 w mark Theoderi's visit othe city.” So "bread and circuses? ‘ane back, bit brief, flr an intermission enused by the economic sredkness of the last imperial regimes in the West and the Vandal zur of Alfca the adtonalsoure of gain for the dle This vist to Rome in 00 Theoderi so enjoyed the ast dventus, the formal and elaborate late Roman ceremonial used when an ‘emperor entered. cis. A special medal was algo issued to commemo- fate the event" Many of the trappings of the old imperial rule fontinved in use, and’ western senators nominated by ‘Theoderic fantinued 10 be able to enjoy the honour of the consulship in ‘injunction with collegues appointed by the emperor in Constani- rople. Afr the hard times ofthe yeas 455 t0 476 the regime of ‘Theoderc ~ and perhaps that of Odovacer had tried todo the same ~ offered the upper clstes of Roman society a sense of Security and ‘ontnuity with a much valued past "The material security of Italy was not ust imaginary. Odovacer ad efended northern lay with «forward policy beyond the Alps. The ‘efence of the southern part ofthe province of Norricum had been ‘reorganised and the Rug, who had been threatening the area, were ‘lectively destroyed in 488."" Theoderic went further, by seizing ‘contol in 50475 of the province of Panaona, hough nominaly ‘under direct imperial rule, which thas secured the acces into Tay from the Eas. He established a similar cdo antaie in the West by annexing Provence in SOB afer the collapse ofthe Visgothic kingdom in Gaul" Aliances, cemented by martiages of one of Theoderie’s Sites and of one of his daughters to the Thuringian and Burgundian| ings respectively, preserved the security ofthe areas north of the Alps, and’ similar link with the Vandal ruler ‘Thrasamund (496-523) ‘ensured good relations with Arica." The annexation ofthe Vsigothic [gon in Spain in 511 thus tuned the western Mediterranean ino ‘an Ostrogothic lak’. “The image that is normally presented of Tay under the rule of ‘Theoderie contests strongly with that of the Frankish Kingdom in that was being crested by his contemporary, the Merovingian ing Clovis (1812-8112). The later appears as’ vilent, rather "unsophisticated but militarily very succesful figure, under whose reign 4 smal kingdom centred on Tourn in moder Belgium was trans formed into realm extending from the Channel othe Pyrenees and104 Early medical Europe 300-1000 the Rhine Valley, Stories of Clovis buying his axe inthe hea of one Of his soldiers who had once thwarted him over the distribution of ‘Some lot seem to reinforce the presentation ofthe Frankish king asa “Barbarous? war ld far removed fom the Roman-imitating ruler of Ravenna.” ‘Yet what we have here is more a confit in the pes of evidence than in thei contents. Apart from the aear-contemporary Gothic lst of Jordane, set an abridgement of work written around the Seat 319, most ofthe sources forthe reign of Theoderi come inthe form of contemporary documents: above all the leer collections of bishop Enaodius of Pavia (0. 522) and of Cassiodorus.*” The later particularly important a that contins many ofthe tems of official Correspondence that he composed forthe Ostogothic kings while holding the offices of Qestor (4 kind of state secretay) in 507—11 and Master of the Offices in 523-7. The collection of lewers was issued in 537. Thus, much ofthe material is bith contemporary and ‘fica in character (even allowing for some later tidying up by the futher. Clovis In contrast to the quantity and variety of contemporary ttrary evidence relating tothe Ostrogothic Kingdom, the principal source tht thas to be used forthe reign of Clovs (4822-8112) in Gaul isthe second ofthe Tor Boks of Hs of bishop Gregory of Tours (594), {work completed a shot while before his death. Te hus dates fom round 100 years after the heyday of Clovis clear that Gregory's Information relating to that period i bah slight in quantity and was handed by bi in selective and ideologically modated way"? Tis Covi, in other words, had part to pay inthe didactic purposes for ‘which the great work was whiten. Scholars have long doubied the truth of the dating he provides for the baptism of Clovis (497), preferring later ones around 503 or 807/8, and other aspects ofthe Feign may be as chronologialy unreliable More significant stl is the suspicion thst Gregory's Clovis in many respects a model igure, fing an ideologically preconceived image of the Catholic warrior King In this respect there i trong probity that Gregory deliberately placed the baptism of Clovis prior to is Sil conflict with the Arian nd thus heretical Visgoths, and aso passed over indications thatthe Frankish king had been under some considerable Avan influence imself prior this nally opting forthe Catholic Form of Christianity. Infact here exist very strong rgumens, based on contemporary text, ‘and contradicting Gregory of Tours’ version of evens hat would see Clovis, as well 5 one of his sisters, as having been a practising Arian The new Kingdoms 105 (Christian rather than «page prior this conversion to Catholicism.” With sucha flaw a the heaet of the greatest reservation must be ‘sed in approaching any aspect of Gregory's account of Clovis, Unlike the ease of Theoderc, there is very litle contemporary material extant that relates othe reign of Clovis, What there is consists fof a small number of leters from bishops Remigis of Reims and ‘Ait of Vienne ad one issued in Clovis on name." Remigis's leer to Clovis makes it virually eran that Clovis was a Chistian by around the year 486. In fac, once tis appreciated that Gregon's view (of Clovis a converting from paganism is untustwordy then there ‘exist np grounds for believing that he was cc a pagan. Nor does his father Childeric I (481) have to be other than & Christian, The fet that he was buried with treasure and in a funeral mound, discovered and excitated inthe seventeenth century, i no prof that he was a pagan, when itis recorded tht the asuredly Christan Visgohic king ‘Aare I received such a uri" Th fact the levers writen to, by and about Clovis pu him in a yplea late Roman context. Remigis refers to him as having taken over the administration ofthe province of Belgica Secunda, and advises him t0 listen to the advice that he may be given by the bishops under his rule" The eter addressed in his name tothe bishops of southern Gaul in 507/8 is couched in the formal thetorc and ses the administrative terminology of late Roman government. There i litle to distinguish shis text fom the Kind of administrative document ‘currently being produced in Theoderc’s Italy. Its oddity resides in its being unique tis thes wise to envisage Clovis operating in the area of

be faced by the imperial forces and their commanders in heir next undertaking, the invasion of lay in 535. On the other hand, the ‘ostensible reasons given forthe intervention were very similar those profered in 533. After the deth of Theoderc in S26 the throne had passed to his grandson Athalaric, who was sil a child, Effective tutelage and with it contol of the government were vested in his smother Amalasuntha, Theoder’s daughter. In practice the adminis- ‘tation continued as before. The indefitigale Cassodorvscarid on {5 Maser ofthe Ofces and subsequently became Pracorian Prefect (633-7. Other senators proved equally commited to the existing ‘epime, and one of them, Favus Maximus, a descendant ofthe eme peror Betronius Maximus, maried an Ostrogothic princess in 535,°7 “The death of Athalarc in $34, however, created a esis forthe Ostogoths. They had never been ruled by 3 woman: this would ereate 2 gulf of credibility ina Kingship that was sll arcuate primarily a8 rita leadership. Thus Amalasuntha could not take power in her (own right In consequence the throne passed to an eldery nephew of Theoderic called Theodshad (534-6). According to Procopius, Amalasuntha sent for Theodehad to take the throne, but persuaded him fist of allt ake aseret oath that, while he enjoyed the tie, she could continue to exercise the real power in the state* rankly this is incredible, although generations of historians have been happy to Believe i. Secret oaths are the suff of euour, not of curate reporting. Besides which, Amalasuntha did not havea leg 20 stand on. There was no way in which she could have ad the royal ile hers, and ‘Theadehad was the senior representative ofthe dynasty Atbest his try isa ratonaliation ofthe conflict that obvious dl dev between he pil enc he forme pine athe new king.122 Early medical Europe 300-1000 “The propagandist Gathic His of Jordanes, which aimed at = Romand-othiereconcilation, provides 2 briefer but essentially simi- lar account.” According to Jordanes, who does not mention any oath, ‘Amalasuntha selected Theodchad snd called him from retirement to take the throne. This made his subsequent imprisonment and murder fof her an act of peculiar il-grattade. Procopius, however, makes it ‘lear tht she was killed by some Gothic nobles as an act of vengeance for those of thir relatives she ad had executed during the reign of het son.” Both Procopius and Jordanes might well be suspected here of| proving us withthe oficial Byzansne version of evens. Justinian ould only be presented as acting to avenge Amalasuntha, whose King in'any ease had. not been caried out on the orders of "Therdehad, ifthe laters own intrinsic rights to the throne were concealed In 535, after the death of Amalasuntha, Justinian had by the threat ‘of military intervention neatly intimidated Theodehad int abdicating Soluntaiy in the emperors favour °” The Gothic king was a commit- ted Romanophile and a scholar, and in 33/4 had contemplated fetring to Constantinople if he could obtain ate and a pension from the emperor. However, while negotiations were sill under way the (Goths made a pre-emptive strike into Dalmatia and in a are near Salona illed Mundus, the Master of the Soldiers in Myricum, and one fof the two defenders of Justinian in the Nik its Thus wa became inevitable, ‘Unlike the conquest of Vandal Africa, the fighting in Italy was proracted, divsve and highly destructive. Procopius provides a Fengthy narrative ofthe war, which lasted from 535 to 853, though the final phases had to be covered in the work of his consinuator ‘Agathe The conflict falls ito two chronological pats: the first frm $35 to $40 and the second fom $40 t0 353. With recently recovered Mica at a base, the imperial ineasion of Italy could be launched, using some ofthe unite that Belarus had commanded in 533. However, whereas 15,000 men had been sent 1 ica only 7500 ‘were sen int aly, and this was probably many to few. Moreover, hardly had the invasion been launched when Blisaris had to return to Affica to quell mutiny amongst the imperial forces, whose pay was, 1 often happened, grievously in areas “The opening stages were almost ‘phoney war. Despite the trouble in Ain, Blsarivs was able o occupy Sicly without resistance and ‘ross to the maitland, Abhough the Roman inhabitants of Naples ‘efsed to admit him and asked him to pas by, he forced his way into the city and then advanced on Rome without meeting any opposition from the Gothic forces By this time the apparent paralysis of the ‘ministration had so incensed the leading, Ostrogoths that they febelled against Theodehad and eleced as king one of their own The viligh ofthe Wes, 18-568 123 number called Witgis (536-40). Theodehad tried to escape to Ravenna, but was overtaken and killed by one of Witig's followers ‘who had a grudge against him. [Akhough the Gothic garrison intlly abandoned Rome, Wits was subsequenly abe to besege Beisarus and the imperial oops in the city for over a year, ffom the summer of 537. This, howev merely served to tie the Ostrogothie forces down, while a new imperial my some 5000 strong was able tobe landed by ea at Napes and tveatualy © cut Witigss line of communication with Ravenna by taking Rimini*” ‘The dispirited Gots had to abandon the siege, and the whole war moted northwards. By 539 the posiion had been tmirely reversed, with Belisarius preparing to besiege Wits in Ravenna. The bloclade of the ci, which wat almost impregnable, began in $40. [Ate same time negosaions were opened fr apolitical setlement| ‘with the now thoroughly despondent Gothic regime. Amongst the Uiplomatic proporls discussed a this tme was the eestortion of lly South ofthe Poo direct imperial rule, while the area north ofthe river should form a new reduced Ostrogothic kingdom under Wits = ‘This would have created a valuable military ufler in the north (and vwould have constiued the best possible outcome for both sides). In the event, though, rather different solution emerged. Procopis's account is ambiguous, butt appears that Belsarus refused to agree ‘an Ostogothic surrender om the terms just mentioned, which had been agreed withthe emperor's envoys, but entered instead int secret egotations of his own The Gothic leader, including Wiig agreed to surrender Ravenna to him i he would proclaim himself the new {emperor ofthe West He refused to ake such step unt the ety wae im is hands, and so they surrendered it thinking he would not fail then to proclaim himself emperor.” “This was ned typical ofthe kind of sk tobe faced fom amity commander achieving success in a distant field of action, and may have been behind Jostnian's deliberate limiting of the resources of ma power and money that he put into the westem campaigns. It not lear whether Blisaiu used this possibility ofa revolt on his pa just, to trick the Ortrogohs into surrender, at inthe outcome he didnot proclaim himself a emperor, or whether he had intended to do so but then found that he lacked the suppor needed amongst his own ofcers tnd men, many of whom were highly suspicious of him. In sey event the war appeared to have been concluded, with the capture of the Ostrogothic king, the royal easure andthe capital, However, this was nothing ike the decisive victory that had been won in Afsica in 53374, Tact lthough the main royal army had been defeated in he war ‘of 535-40, twas fa fom complete conquest. Ostogotic garrisons ‘and commanders sill held most ofthe principal towns of nomthern aly124 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 and other wibal unis in Ostrogothi service, such as elements of the Rugi and Gepids, were sil acuve.”” After the cessation of fighting in 540 something of an lnpaste followed, while a permanent politcal setlement was evolved. However, Justinian was now faced by new problems on the caster frontiers; paradoxically these were the result Of the Taian war. In 339/40, facing miliary defeat, Wigs had {ppeated to the Persian shah Khusro I for help: in other words the ‘pening of a second front in Mesopotamia." This indeed is what then happened, very possibly because the Persians feared that a Roman Empire rejuvenated by the military and economic resources obtained from the western reconquests would soon turn is aggression cst- wards "Thus in the summer of 540 Khusro broke the ‘Enaless Peace’ signed in $32 and invaded Mesopetamia, marching unopposed by an imperil army as fat as Antioch, which he took and sacked. He then ‘ried aff the surviving ihabitants back int Persia. In consequence, nd in dire need of tained military manpower, Justinian ordered ‘elisa to etun fom Italy ano bring Wits and the Ostrogoths captured in Ravenna with him, doubless to reinforce the imperial fries, who in this period were made up almost exchsively of ‘German and other barbarian’ uns, Any idea ofa more firmly based political settlement in Haly was thus abandoned. The leaders of the Osteogoths in northern Tay gathered in Pavia, elected as king one of their number called Ilebad (40-1), and afer another fled atempt to persuade the departing elisarivs to proclaim himself emperor of the Wes, renewed the war.” ‘The ensuing srugale, largely fought under the direction of Ide bad’s nephew Badia (S41=52) was prosacted and bloods, and reauired ever increasing numbers of imyperal soldiers to be sent nto Tal. Delsarias returned to resume command, but failed to achieve the successes ofthe $30 He was eventually superseded bya eunuch and former imperial treasurer called Narses, under whose direction the weer was concluded. Badulls (called Tota in Procopias) ded ater a Inajor defeat atthe bate of Buse Gallon, and his successor elas (652-3) met the same fate the following year ina final confrontation fear Me Vesuvius.” ‘By this stage the operations in Taly were valving other Germanic peoples from north of the Alps, noubly the Franks and Lombards, toho mere drawn into the conflict, which they exploited in their own Interests, The Franks, who fst intervened under thelr king Thevde- bert 1 33-48), loted Milan in 539 and established 2 bold over ‘Veneta and other regions of northern Tals, from which they were only dislodged in the reign of his son Theudebald 548-55)" In 568 the Lombards, who had been admited into Pannonia by Justinian during the Gothic war, invaded Tlaly and established a kingdom oftheir own The tilih of the Wat, 518-868-128 in the north, based on Pats, which was to lst until 74, Other Lombard detachments established semi-independent duchies centred ‘on Spoleto and Benevento inthe cente and south.” The Empire retained control of Rome and Ravenna and a network cof eher towns ad forteses, but much of what had taken twenty years ‘of warfare to nin was lotto the Lombards in less than five. At the ‘ame time the cost and military effort involved in the Haan wars ‘prevented any further expansion of direct imperial rule in the West. An {mterveation ina civ war in Spain secured for Justinian only a small strip of contin the south-east ofthe peninsula, and no further efforts ‘were made 1 expand ths imperial enclave.” At bes his ereated Farther defence forthe reconguered regions of Aca, and it may be that by 551 the emperor's ambitions extended no further. or Taly the costs of the war were incalculable. Ii lear enough | fom various anecdotes in Prcopius that many ofthe Roman arsto~ tracy were less than pleased to sce their imperial ‘iberators A ‘numberof prominent senator, including Flavius Maximus and pope Siri, were expelled from Rome by Belarus prior tothe Ostro= fgothic sig.”” On the other hand the Goths became equally suspi- ‘ous of them a collaborators with the invaders. Witigs executed all ‘ofthe senators whom he was holding in Ravenna in 37." By $52 attudes had become so extreme that Teas massacred 300 [Roman senatorial children he was keeping at hostages, and many Roman alt, again including Flavus Maulmus, whose if lustrates ‘0 many of the changing aspects of mid-sith century Taian history, ‘were killed out of hund by the Goths a this time.” Although both ‘quantitatively and qualitatively the evidence & less good from this point onwards, the great families of Rome disappear from the Histocal record ~ as do the Ostogoths ~ with the conclusion of these wars. Archaeological evidence als supports view of wide- spread destruction and dislocation ofthe great villa economy in this petiod.”™ "The balance sheet on Justinian’ western ventures i hard to draw ‘up, even from 2 purely Constantinopolian viewpoint. The cost and returns ofthe Afcan war were very diferent from thos ofthe Itlan ‘The turning point was undoubtedly the year $40. Had the terms offered to Witigis and the Ostrogoths by the emperor at that time been implemented, «relatively rapid war with Kmited involvement of ‘men and money would have produced good material results in terms of fecestblshed imperial contol of most of Italy and tax revenues, shale the problems of defence against peoples beyond the Alps would Ihave ben saved by the presence of the truncated Gothic kingdom in the north. However, for whatever reasons, Belisarius prevented that fr occurring, and then fled to take the western imperial ie him self which might have been the next est thing. The great Persian rad126 Early medica! Europe 300-1000 of ee same yea entity tered Justinian’ sese of pire, nd the Telnet wa ef without any senuble solution. Thiteen more sof biter fighting merely served t eve an enfcbled aly hale Tohae stats drained away t Constantinople in return for stay Aefence that na oo wee stop the Lombards from aking most of ‘sha the Empire had spent ewenty years iphting fo 9 Constantinople, Persia and the Arabs ‘The Roman Empire and Iran ‘The violent swings of fortune, fom the Roman point of view, on their ‘eastern frontiers inthe late third and fourth centuries gave may to 4 petiod of greater sual inthe ith. After Jullan’s disastrous invasion Of Persia and Jovan’s ignominious reueat and treaty, periods of conflict betwees the two empires became less frequent andthe sale of| operations more restricted. In general part from the opening and the closing phases ofthe Sassanian Empire, in the mid-third and early Seventh centuries, Persian ambition were confined to far more Kimited foals than the rereaton of the old Achaemenid domination of the fastern Mediterranean. In that hardy any leary source material Survives from the Sasanin pried itis necessary to recreate thei aims and objectives fom the evidence of what they tried to achieve and what 4 small number of authors weting within the Roman Empire said ‘bout them." ‘Simply put, it could be said that Persian concerns were directed almort exclusively towards the achieving of minor ajustmentson the ‘common frontier with Rome, and ocasonally using the threat of war land sometimes its practice to extort regular payment from their neighbour asthe rice of peace. The prinepal area of contact between ‘the two empires was in Mesopotamia, andthe contol of certain key foress towns in this region became the basc cause and focus of confit, More complex were the problems to the north in the ‘mountainous areas of easter Anatolia. Here the Kingdom of Armenia ‘aisted as a bulfer state between the to rival powers. The conversion ‘of the Armenians to Christianity atthe very beginning ofthe fourth ‘century ~ prior indeed tothe conversion of Constantine ~ brought the kingdom more frmly into the Roman cultural zone. This in turn resulted in the Persians tying to exercise a Highter conto oer it and ‘various times eying to impose their own Zoroastrian religion on the Inhabitants. Armenian revolts in defence of thei indigenous Christi- aniy could not fal to atwact Roman suppor, and this became 4 ‘complicating factor in the ‘superpower diplomacy ofthe two empires? Except when provoked beyond a cera level sin 282-3, 297/8, sand 363, Roman responses 10 Persian aggression tended w be low-key ‘and limited to reinforcing the defence of threatened frontiers. Pitched ‘andes between Roman and Persian armies were exceedingly rare and mw128 Early medical Europe 300-1000 ne wer in any sense dese n general Persian ability 1 maintin te of aetve but resticed agresion was greater than Roman interes in conbaing it mit As the economic and polseal problems of hceping linge aries inthe eld grew, soit became Theaper and eaner forthe Roman Enpire to buy peace frm the Pern "The Sassanian recognised Rome a a fellow, if lesser, cvised power, and in diplomatic exchanges could compare the two empires 0 {he Sun Persia) andthe Moon (Rome); both eternal and stable if of {wo iferen orders of brightness and importance.» Roman atitades tre culturally les accommodating, and the Persians were fo them 3s Trrbrous a the Germans, but even so the power of Pesiaiduced in vavicea grudging respect, andthe presence ofthe Persian empire on Ihe caer froners mas preferable to tit of other less tractable neighbours Thus when the Persian shah Pers 457-84) was taken prisoner by the Tlephthaite nomads was the emperor Zeno (74 Ji) who pai the ransom fr his lease” athe ith century beth empires shared common problems and 2 common threat. This was the pressure eeredon thei northern Front by large-scale nomad confederacies ‘The diiules the ‘Romans had with he Huns were matched by those the Pests iced from te ephthaites In nether ease were the nomads interested causing testo, but they dd Intend to extort tebe, and inthe precens were abl to cutese a messue of plc consi on hit Tics, The refine of Theodosius Il prod generally pat to Hun Ulemands, and the western half ofthe Roman empire became mitanly dlpendent on them, 0 scm great detriment. In Persia the shah Peror made two unsuccessful atemptst0 break the power of the Hphalies in war, inthe second one of wich he wi Kile. The Hephthaltes were subsequently able to impoe hi son KavadT((84= 46498-S5i), who had been a hostage with them, a thi eandate far the throne in 488 and restored him in 499 afer he had been Aepesed by bis brother.” Ntcoring tothe Syrian chronicler Zachariah of Minne, writing in 0), the Persian blamed the Hephthalite menace andthe disaster that tefl Peror onthe Romans, and this fed to renewed wat in 502" lowes th contemporary Chie of Joa the Spite of S07 makes itcear that the Persian Dt under Vass (484-8) and Kavad I were tring wo eutrt mney from Rome i de to pay the tbe owed to the llephthaites” In practice the ned to organise anefetve miliary response to the Hephthates, finaly achive in the reign of Kavad's on Khusr land o ensure Persian conta af uiersble ron, ed {olincressing confit beeeeen the two empires in the sh entry. Minor adjustments in contol ofthe principal freses in Mesop0- amin conve to occur, but more intense fighting took place in Constantinople, Posi andthe Arabs 129 Armenia under he shah Khasto I (531-75), a the Persians tried to ‘eww tis region more fm into thei eultural orbit. Further north Sil the smal area of Lazicy, south-west ofthe Cassin mountain, Siw the most protracted warfare ofl that continied even when ‘ruces had been agredin other zones of confit.” The reason fr this ‘woul seem to be the potential sae skgnicance of this otherwise Uminportnt area The Persian ered thatthe Romans contralledt they could llow nomads fom the orth ofthe mountains to come through the psaes and raid the wal trculurl rae sou ofthe ‘Caspian. On the ther hand, contra of Lasiea woul ie the evsians acess to the Black Sea, and thus opportunites fr naval aks on the north cosst of Asit Minor and even down the Bosphorus Gonsaninope “Although the survival he evidence fs poo, and reliance has tobe placed on generally unsympathetic Roman reports of developments Inside Pes, there are indkcrone tht seis of mir esgic and economic changes wee taking place within the Sasunian Empire inthe couse ofthe sish century. The reign of Kava Tevncied with the rise of the Mandate movement, whose Manchacan-ispred Aoerne ao inched the achieving by Tore of a eommunalewner- ‘hip of propery. Mazdak and his lowers were encouraged by the ‘hah, not leat as + means of breaing the power of the reat isocracy many of whom limed descent from former independent regional Lngs and + number of outrages were perpetrated against them wih the rule's supper. The Maas were eventual Suppressed lt inthe reign. Whatever thee role im helping scieve i itfsnouble that decisive change nthe balance of power between the ‘ahs andthe great face was ought shout under Kavad I and Kuso! This was also manifested in the grester prominence of «lesser, mor lal based ank of nobles called he digas These were more {leet linked to and subservient 0 the cen government, which st the same time became increasingly effective” A new tation syste tmodeled on that ofthe Roman Empire, wasietoduced under Khusto 1A programme of new town bling was inaugurated in Mesopo- tami, These became cenires of royal administration and were free of the contol of the old ariorac Tames. They ako required specialised population, asthe ese and economic actives of towns require particular sis Tn part his could be provided bythe wholesale transportation of towndvellers apr in the wars with Rome, Thus the population of Amioch cared oi by Khust in 540 was rected ty. imine fund gry eae "The Heer Ano of “The problems the Persians faced wth the Hephthlies beyond the ver Onsand with other nomad nto the Cacao, a the ase130 Bary meiewal Europe 300-1000, of Rome's dealings with the Huns, were complex and affected the Sassanian regime ina variety of ways. On the one hand the threst of the Hephithalites and their backing for his rule was valuable for Kavad Tin is confromations with the nobility. They also provided him, again ‘very mach ike the Tuns inthe West, with manpower to use in is war Sesinst Rome, itself intended to extort the money needed 0 pay the Hephthaltes, On the other hand such allies were neither reliable nor any to control, and the humiliations suffered under the shah Peroz entinved to rane. The shifts of nomad populations in Central Asia {nd the inabliy ofthe Sassanian Empire o confront the Hephthalites miltaily led to greater Persian diplomatic involvement with other ‘confederations. Ultimately they were able to use the Turks ro destroy the power of the Hephthalites™ In the sime way the emperor Jisuintan manipulated the rales between a number of confederates horth of the Black Sea to ty to prevent dominant nomad power merging on the frontiers ofthe Roman Empire. ‘Such Great Power involvements the fragile balances between the ‘various nomad groups to the north of thet espective empires bred Trutual suspicion, Arthe same ime the Sassanans were ying to make {ditional profits out ofthe Romans by closing their direct acess to faster trade and foreing them to purchase such haus as sik and Spices from state controlled Persian intermediaries. One unanticipated ‘product ofthis was tobe the craton ofan imperil sikindustry in Syria, when in $52 the emperor Justinian agreed to the proposal of Some monks that they smuggle some sikworms out of the oases of Souda Hither the Chinese had presered 1 monopoly in the ‘manufacture of sik by preventing the expor of these essential {restores frm their territories and dominions.” Een i inthis area the Persin economic blockade, which may in part have heen dictate by fear ofthe growth of Roman economic and political influence on the peoples of Central Asia, was by-passed, the tempts of the to ipires to spread their spheres of cultural domination and exclude eachother feached into further and futher regions. In the year 525 Dhu Nuvas, the ruler of the Yemen, ‘converted to Judtism, and in consequence began to persecte the ‘minority Christin population in his kingdom. This in due course led the greatest Christian power in the southern Red Sea area, the [Reumite kingdom of Ethiopia, to intervene, overthrow Dhu Navas “and establish protectorate ver the Yemen.|”"This was done withthe onnivance and support ofthe grestest ofall the Christian rulers, the emperor in Constantinople ‘Even when the Ethiopian governor Abraba broke away from his allegiance to Axum and created an independent kingdom of hs own in the Yemen he continued to enjoy Roman support. The Yemen was in Constantinople, Persia andthe Arabs 131 fact a vital economic entrpot, receiving a varity of goods by sea and then sending them on by camel caravan up the Red Sea lor ‘Amongst the items of tade that were of pardculr interest to the ‘Romans was incense, produced in the south-east corner ofthe Arabian peninsula, and used daily inal the ehurches of Christendom. Spices nd other hawuies were also traded across the Indian Ocean and up the coust of East Afi, Alina the Christian kingdom ofthe Yemen ‘under Abrahs (2 535-70) was a vil cultural and economic outpost of the Roman Empire. This made the Sassanians more determined 19 ‘block this Roman egress onto the Tndisn Ocean, and in $75 a Persian ‘expediion conquered the Kingdom and annexed it TA the sume time a this srugle for clural dominance was being played out in the south of Arabia, more acive Roman and Persian Interference was taking place with the tribes of northern Arabia, For several eenures the two empires had maintained close inks with the [Arab tries established in the southern fringes of Mesopotamia. The ‘regular payments of subsidies tothe rulers of thes tribes made them into defender ofthe vulnerable desert frontiers ofthe empires and the inveglar troops who fought for their masters against she rial empire. ‘The two great Arsh confederacies ofthe Lakhmids andthe Ghassa- ride benefited in paricular from this situation and became the Drincipal dese: allies ofthe Persians and the Romans respectively Neither, however, was entirely rlable as far as their masters were ‘concemed. Some ofthe Lathnids were Nestorian Christians and in the mid-sich century were receiving subsidies from the emperor Justinian. The Romans” formal allies, the Ghassanids, were largely ‘Christian, but ofthe herecal Monophyste king,” “The intensification of confit between the two empires and their respective doubts about their Arab ais led around the turn of the ‘century wo ilrjudged atempts to force the later into closer affiliation with their masters The Persians attempted to impose Zoroastrianism ‘on the Lakhmids and the persecution of Monophysts inthe Empire inde the emperors Maurice (682-602) and Heracius (610-41) led to the detention in Constantinople of suceessve Ghassan leaders.” Tpractice the effect was merely ro alienate the wo groups from their tradonal paymasters and in consequence lave the Mesopotamian frontiers ofthe two empires vulnerable wo an unlooked-fr threat fom the desert Before this actually manifested tel the mltary conflict inthe Near East atuincd to proportions quite unprecedented since the third century. In 590 Horm IV, the som of Khusto I, was overthrown by 2 ible cup and replaced by Vahram VI, the fst non-Sassanan rule, ‘whose prestige hal been created by a victory over a Turkish invasion. Hlonmisd IVs ir Khusto fled to the emperor Maurice, who was able132 arly medical Europe 300-1000 to intervene in $91, expel Vahram, and restore Sassanian rule in the petson of Khusto Il ($91-628).*" The pice for this was a consider- the readjustment ofthe frontiers in Armenia and: Mesopotamia in Rome's favour ‘Although this brought the endemic warlae between the wo vores that had continued throughout the 570s and 380s to 2 Satisfactory conclusion from the Roman point of view, and led to an ‘leven-year period of peace, the territorial settlement was a conse ble embarrassment tothe regime of the new shah. The overthrow of the emperor Maurice in 602 by a military insurrection inthe aemy in the Balkans gave Khusto the chance to renew war, ax wells 0 pose 35 the avenger of his benelacior The resumed hostilities took the usual {orm during the reign of the emperor Phocas (60210), with neither side making significant advances However, the overthrow of Phocas by an expedition launched by the governor of Africa and his replace _ment as emperor by the latter’s son Heralus (61041) was followed bya most extrondinary altar collapse an political disintegration on the part ofthe Roman Empire ‘Mader historians of the eastern Roman or Byzantine Empire have tended to take the propagandist self-image ofthe Heraclan regime atface value, but it s notable that twas under his ule hat the Roman defences suddenly crumbled, on tw froms simultaneously. In 610 2 Persian army was able to reoccupy Armenia, al of which had been ‘ceded to Rome in 39. The Persians were then able o march across ‘Asia Minor to Chalcedon on the opposite share af the Sea of Marmora from Constantinople. In 611 Caesarea in Cappadocia, the principal city in the centre of Asia Minor, fll to them as well On the Mesopotamian frontier even greater Sassanian successes were to be recorded. In 611 they caprured Antioch and in 614 took Jerusalem, ‘There existe a brief hut vivid contemporary account ofthe sige and its afcrmath. In 616 Egypt was imaded and occupied without Siniieant resistance, and inthe same yeat Persian army reappeared at Chalcedon, divided from the Roman capital only by the waters Of Marmara snd the Bosphorus. The eastern provinces of the Em= pire mere lost and all of Asa Minor open to Persian penewaion at bee) ‘What cause this dramatic or, as it was viewed by some, apocalyptic ‘collapse ofthe Roman Empire's easter defences i hard tl Blame has been placed upon internal diaeder within the main cites ofthe Empire, in every ne of which factional vilenee centred upon the rivalry of the Greens andthe Blues, the two great divisions into which chariot racing teams and thee supporters had separated themselves. ‘Arguments exist ast the degree to which, fat all these disions also ‘mirror other political and religious cleavages inthe seit. Certainly the emperors from Justinian T onwards found i useful to lend thei CContaninople, Pea andthe Arabs 133 suppor to one or ater ofthe two great factions, nd in turn get some tmore personal degree of loaty from their adherens. Phocas had fecewed strong backing from the Blues, and in consequence the Greens turned out for Heraclus in the coup of 610." However, atempes to link the fictions to the rivalry berween Orthodox and Monophyste Christians are less convincing, and the root eauses ofthese divisions within the major cies, which polarised al clases and sectors of society, have never been satisfictry ‘malysed. Indeed the search for a unitary solution seems to be Something of a Chimaera, in that the causes supported by and the issues dividing the two fictions appear to vary from city to city, although the faconal labels under which the division aniculated themselves remained constant across the Empire. ‘Although not capable of being correlated withthe circus factions and the violence that these spawned, the religious divide in Fast Roman or Byzantine sociesy at this time was another cause of instability and poicl disaffection, No statiscal information exists, bt it seems reasonably clear that the monty of the indigenous Populations of the eastern provinces ofthe Roman Empite adhered 1 the various branches ofthe Monophysite church. Under Jusinian I, whose wife ‘Theodora was a Monophysite,a large measure of oficial toleration was extended towards them, but Maurice resumed what vere regarded as persecting practices. These amounted manly to the deposition and exile of bishops who propounded monophysite doceines, bur 2 they enjoyed a large degree of popular suppor in their dioceses thi could linate their adherents from the central government. As the majority populations inthe eastern provinces also spoke Syriac (Syria and Palestine) or Coptic (Egypt) rather than the Greek of the government and its officials a further dimension of cultural alenation was introduced. However, itis important nat to take this too far and seein these deen fel theologies distinctions a covering for anachronistic incipient nationalism. ‘Whatever the eomtibutory eauses of the colapse, the military state ofthe eastern Roman Empire looked extraordinarily palou for most ofthe first quarter of the seventh century. The eastern provinces and ‘much of inland Asa Minor had been let othe Persian, At the same time the Slavs, who had penetrated into the Balkans inthe time of Lustnin, were guning more of «grip on the counyside of the oly emaining large ara of territory in imperil hands. Behind them the ‘nomad confederacy ofthe Avars, which hd come to dominate the area ‘orth of the Danube in the late sith century, Decime increasingly ‘menacing. In 626 both the major military threats tothe Empire were nearly able to combine, quite posibly as the product of Sassanian Aiplomacy. A large Avat free, with Slav contingents, beseged Con- ‘amtinople, while a Persian ary once again made its way across Asia134 Bary medical Europe 300-1000 ‘Minor othe shores ofthe Bosphorus withthe intention of carrying out joint action aginst the imperial capital In the event, the Roman nary teas able to prevent the Persians from crossing and, lacking the ‘technology thatthe Sastanian forces could provide, the Ava filed 0 tnake an} impression on the defences ofthe city and eventually ited the siege.” tis particulary frustrating that when so much ofthe warfare and iplomacy of the sith century is so well recorded in the works fof Procopius and bis two consinvators, Agathias and Menander| Protector, and in that of Theophslact Simocata, the far moe dramatic Campaigning ofthe erly seventh century i almost totally hidden from Sight, For not only was the orginal collapse ofthe Roman poston in the Fast both rapid and far-reaching, but the imperial recovery was ten more extraordinary. Yet of the dtalls oft we know frustratingly Tide, and have to rely on jus fe hints in the panyric poems onthe ‘emperor Heralvs composed by George of Psd, and some sections ‘ofthe comparatively brief Paschal Chri Te seem that in the 620s lraclus eflecvey let his capital o fend for self largely under the dzecton of its bishop, Sergius. The femperor himself fom 622 was campaigning in Asia Minor and ‘Armenia, and may have at this time introduced 1 series of adhoc ‘reforms in the essing nd maintaining of roops that developed into the classic but highly controversial system of itary “Themes’ ofthe imide period of the Byzantine Empire (eighth to twelhih centuries) ‘Whatever the trath of thi, his campaigning in eastern Asia Minor enabled him in 628 to get behind the main Persian armies operating further west and make an unchecked descent on the Persian capital of CGsiphon in Mesopotania. At the approach of the imperial forees to the unerable city 4 palace coup occured. Khusro Iwas deposed and ‘murdered by one of his sons, who promply made a treaty of peace with Heras.» Thos, although the Persian armies were not confronted directly, the Roman emperor had gained the suategic advantage that tras crucial and enabled him to win a victory that would have been ‘Smost impossible ifthe war had been conducted as an attempt to tegain the los tevtris by frontal assault. "The teatyinvlved the restoration ofthe frontiers ofthe Empire t0| the postions in which they had been prior tothe outbreak of the wat [Not surprising, the stil undefeated Persian armies were in like rood to tolerate the regime that had accepted this humiiion. The new shah Kavad Iwas himself murdered the same year and a period ff intense poitical instability followed in the heart of the Persian frmpire At least eight diferent shahs ruled inthe years 628 to 632."" ‘Alles violent ends and the Sasunian dyasty ceased to exist. One of these ephemeral rulers, previously one of the principal Persian tenerals in the conquered Roman provinces, completed the tems of Contamtineple, Psa and the Araby 135 Menusaien ‘emeoina “The Near Eastin the sith century the weaty with Heracus and returned the reli of the “True Cross, Aiscovered orginally by Helen, the mother of Constantine the Great, land cared off to Cresiphon after the capure of Jersualem in 614. It as returned to Jerasslem by Heraclis wth grea’ ceremony in 630.” ‘Within fcen years t was gone fr ever Islam and the Arab conquests In the Great Power rary of Rome and Prin the sich and ety sr Stn a to le myelin he a crs to an ven gener deqee td elim To be spre: elened degree figs ation mas made conconant th136, Barly medical Europe 300-1000 vcs Do pee by sick rere erat ree ec ee a ae tn el Sr no ne woe oe Se ee te sce Treen ele ey ames o a eat me dae ln re = or ta eee “Rare meting a ens ee er one ee ete ee i heh Ba Seite a Oe es fe ies SS re a at ed ee a el ean enc eet A me ae Bee Co a oo es dd a a en a Stange era is oe a oe a ancy mel ee ena Se ne ea et Ret a oe er TR teat w pom te at tomato frie et tf Ree Caen Ce et ns eee cnin fe as Saas cs tine ae ete ee ea oe bcc insane aca Saeed ec ie es Se cetera eee, Sr ec et ey Pope eeereeree reer on Ee ae eae i teem gree rt Soh ns Bet eta tconaet Nan Liege tetera ce pane Contaninople, Poni andthe Araby 137 biogrphies of the Prophet that became popular from the eighth century onwards, The most substantial and authortave af these the ‘work of Toa Ishag (4.768), which only survives in the expanded ‘ersion of it prepared by Tn Hisham (833). I has been argued that this material dating fom 150 yeas afer the death ofthe Prophet, is contaminated by ater pious uadivons and the distortions of eighth century orthodoxy. In ether words the reader should no more expect to find objective biographical reporting inthis and comparable works than he would inthe Gospel. For the authoritative teaching of Muhammad the primary source has 9 be the compilation of the revelations he received from the ‘Archangel, known 25 the Qn'ran, This, however, is Wadtonall said have received its canonical form in the reign of the Caliph, or Successor othe Prophet, Uthman (4-56). ¥ The eatestindepen- ‘dent testimony to its existence comes fom the end of the century Even allowing forthe oficial version tht it was put together frm ‘arity ofseraps of wting,ensenbed on animal bones and other forms ‘of record, the work i structured by individual revelations and these in tum are organised within the book exclusively on the bast of length "The contents are thus nt organised on chronological bass and are ‘excusively theological and legal in character. "The indsidal sections ‘or Swras contin a mature of clerent types of material within a single revelation, "Thus to take as an example the Sua called “The Table’ it begins with a series of commandments relating to food, listing what is Torbidden. There folows + section relating Wo the etal procedures necesay belore prayer. Then come some lengthy sections in part ‘recasting biblical texts to preset the Jensh and Christan messages as Danial revelations awaiting thei fullment in that of Muhammad. It ko contuns injunctions a othe treatment of Jews and Chstians. "Tetuns again to lea injunctions, forbidding Mustims from ‘wine and ‘arow-shullng’, and concludes with nother long sesion on the ole (of Muhammad as the Messenger of God, imerwined with comment (on Jesus a similar lesser Messenger. The wholes cast ina dition ‘that could fairly be ealed poetic, despite the injunctive nature of some ofthe contents. Mader scholarship, working on clues inthe text, has assigned the composition ofthis Sura tothe final perio of Mukam- ‘mad’ ile Some scholars would, however, a with the biogeaphical texts, warn ofthe danger of interpolation and the danger of rewriting. validate teachings and pracices that post-dated the tine of the Prophet The alternative interpretations ofthe fe and message of Muharn- ‘mad, that have been advanced langely on the basis of tying to put the Arab sources to one side and wo effect reconstruction on te strength of the ther body of evidence that is non-Islamic in origin, have138 Berl medical Europe 300-1000 encly filed to convince. Paty this must bed 9 the eally {wed nature of much f that corps of evidence. Few ofthe ited umber of ean tents fm the Byranne Empire andthe eastern Mediterranean tha relate to this peri ae genuinely contemporary, trrhave not themsces undergone textual Wansmisions as extensive «suspect as seo the Arab work. Thus the Carnie writen in {Grech and/or Cops around 690 by the Egypian bishop Jon the ‘Nii only sure in two seventeenth a egeerd century manu rps of an Antari tasaton made in 602 of 2 lst Arabic tralaton ofthe equally lost ona "ret then i as necessary tobe a caus about the Aric trasons 2s about he non-Arab nde ena But in sucha stat of {rica pase it must suc for now to gv the “ood account athe Proper ile an teaching, while raving arent the very Serious edccal problems with which 8 surounde.= Thus the ‘kof Muhammsd placed around the year 870. He was a minot tmemier ofthe Qrayeh, the dominant re in sd around the town of Mees inthe Tj the catalan of wester Arabi. Mecea was tasty act sity in which mer of dines were venerated, ‘Specialy sun godin the form of large meteorite, whose shrine was the rectangular srctre known a he Kaa ‘farina’ ear erer wat 8 he manager of he camel carvans cof welty dow cilled Kha, whom he wasn due course 10 trary Around. te year 610 be experienced his st vision of ‘rrlsion, in whi he Archangel Gabel appated to him. Despite Tis inal rescraions he conted to hive these experiences snd from them developed coherent body of doctrine and regous fracize, with whieh Be begun fo sact flowers. The basic teo- Topical ent was the Oneness of Go the frmato of which became the stand mest important ofthe ve ilar of nan and to which Sta ted the acepance of Mohamad’ role s the prophet ot Messenger God Te others were concerned with rious obser nce inched he regiment pray fv mes dai a stiplted es, to fst analy daring day n the month of Ramadan, © fires fixed proportion of eam in als fr the poor andy alte sulon fo atempt to ake the plgrinage to Mecca at Tesstonce ina eine? “Ts inl element was doubles sop othe Meccas, probably to te dated to the pera fier Muhammad's conquest ofthe town, coal said fo be inthe year 630. nally, howeer, his new religous esage, whe sacting a owing body of adherens, was Niewed, with considerable alarm by the leaders of the. Meccan Commu who regarded ae thes othe continued wel-being of {he own and its dominant tbe, Mecess postion as ult cenre was Inked tits economic fole ar amare ands the cen ofthe caravan Containople, Pea andthe Araby 139 trade that ran up the Red Sea linoral from the Yemen to southern Palestine and ultimately Syria. Because of its religious significance “Mecca enjoyed special role as a euttal point in wbich, during an annual month of wuce, members of tribes n'a tate of mutual war and feud could meet without a threat of violence. The tbe of Quraysh ths had considerable influence over other neighbouring tribes as ‘middle men in the resolution of feuds and als through the wealth they ‘were prepared to ditbute to ensure the safe postage of their ‘caravans. Much ofthis seemed threatened by Muhammad's religious message that loked likely to undermine the special status of the town and ths ofthe Quraysh."" Tn consequence a plot was hatched in 622 to murder him. Ashe was Iislf of the Qurajsh no individual member of the wibe could be responsible for his detth, a the other: by the fim obligations of boodfeud would have to avenge it. Thus cumbersome scheme had to ‘be hatched in which many of the lading men of the tide were involved. Muhammad was soon aware of it, and having recently re- ‘ceived an invitation to establish himself here, he was able to remove himself and his flowers tothe town of Medina before the Mecrans ‘ould do anything about i This emigration to Medina inthe northern ij is known as the Hija of "Plight, and from i is dated the fst, year ofthe Mustim calendar.” “Medina iself had no dominant tribe, but was effectively divided between two rival confederaies, and it was to act as arbitrator to their Quarrel that Mubarmmad was iovited wo the town. He agreed but was thle to require acceptance of his religious reforms a the pric of his Services Increasingly those, including a number of Jewish tribes, who ‘were not willing to do so wer evicted from the town. At he same time the strategic location of Medina enabled Muhammad to exereise towing economic stranglehold on Mecca, cutting the caravan routes {0 the nom, Atempes by the Meceans to dislodge him by force were defeated in 624 and 627, and by the end of the decade, gaining control ‘of the town of Taif tothe south-east, Muhammad was effectively Uockading Meee, In 630 the Meccans capitulated puting the town im his hands and accepting his religious reforms." ‘Within two years the Prophet had died, but in the meantime much of Arabi said to ave submited to his authority and this religious teaching. This included the Persian ruled Yemen, whose governor i Supposed to have embraced Islam in 630.” Both the time sete and the extent ofthe Prophet's grip on Arabia by 632 must raise some doubrs, though no evidence exists to provide an alternative tthe traditional version. The interpretative content that emphasises the role tof trade and economic forces both in establishing Muhammad's grip ‘on Mecca and on drawing the Arabian ies in his allegiances the fruit of modern scholarship, though it has recendy come under140. Early medieval Europe 300-1000 challenge® In iself it can only be 2 paral reconstruction, and ‘whether tbe accepted or ot shere sil remain a ery large number of {questions that need to be asked about the earerof Mulamad and is SInmediate impact on Arabia, Unfortunately, what i lacking are the fnswers that might be given “To tun tothe period following the death ofthe Prophet is to move ito lightly beter documented age, at east as far asthe impact ofthe ‘Arabs ‘on their neighbours f concerned. Traditionally the death of ‘Muhammad was followed by what is called the Rddah or ‘Apostasy’ ‘wien many ofthe tribes that had so recently accepted his authority and Tis religion reverted to their previous faiths and broke their poical ties to Mecea, A efisis amongst the inner circle of Muhammad's Followers as to how the community wast be led inthe absence ofthe Prophet was resolved withthe nomination of Abu Bakr, radtionally the fist to receive his message, as Caliph ot Successor. The claims to thority of Muhammad’ cousin and son-in-law "Aion the basis of ties of blond were rejected.” Under the rule of Abu Bakr (632-4) the tribes that had defected were forced ack int allegiance, anda series fof large-scale attacks on the Arabs’ porthem neighbours, the great powers of Persia and Byeanum, were Inunched Tn 63, just prior tothe death of Abu Bakr and his replacement by "Umar, another ofthe iner circle, the Byzantine forces in Syria were defeated by an Arab tribal army’ at the bate of AL Ajadan, The Persians suffered 4 major defet inthe same year. In 635 Damascus surrendered to an Arab expedion, and faced by this growing threat to the recently recaptured eastern provinces the emperor Heraclus prepared intervene in person, In 636 the imperial army was defeated tthe bate of Yarmuk, and Heralias's brother was hiled.”” The rperor evacuated his fores from Syria, and Jerusalem surrendered {othe Arabs. The Caliph "Umar (6344) made a uiumphal enty into the iy riding om a donkey.” Thus six years after its recovery from the Persians the Holy City was lost tothe Roman Empire forever, and the relic of the “Truc Cros’ fell iato Arab hands and. was probably ‘estoyed For the Persians, though, the year 637 was even more fateful, In ‘Mayor June thei army was routed a he bate of l-Qadisyah and its ‘commander killed. Inthe aftermath the Persian capital of Ctesiphon ‘ras captured without further resistance. Mos of Persian Mesopotamia passed under Arab rile, The last ofthe shahs, Yavdgard II (632-51), fred to organise resistance im the western regions of Iran but was forced to fle east afer the disastrous bate of Nikavand in 642. He twas unable to resist further Arab adsances across the Iranian plateau, Und in 651 was murdered by some of his own men neae Mer. ‘After the defeat at Yarmuk in 636 only negligible attempts were made by Heracles government to hold gn tits eastern provinces, Conantnole, Pera and the Arabs 16 Reinforcements wete sent to Alexandria which held ou until 62, but the rest of Egypt was conquered by the Arab commander Ame in 640— 12 the ater year the emperoe Herac ded, In his las years he sulered from an obscure phobia that made i imposible for im to ‘iw th sea Whether thi inhibited his military capacities cannot be $s, but the victor over the Persians proved no match forthe Arabs, A succession crisis developed after his death and both of his sons came 10 violent ends within the year. Authority if not power passed to his |andson Consane I (641-68). ‘Arab access to the ports of the Syrian coast provided them with a new milary arm, and in 649 their fect took Cyprus, An atempe in 1655 by the emperor Constns I o check the growth of Arab naval power was ended by his disastrous defeat in a bare in the Aegean. Frypeil control ofthe sea was lost. By 674 Constantinople iself was ‘being blockaded by the Arab flee, while an Arab army was encamped across the Sea of Marmora at Chaleedon. As jn 626 the continued ‘existence ofthe Empire seemed under threat Inthe same period the Arab expansion westward was continuing ‘The fst incursions into Byzantine conlled North Aric occured in 647. At the time the governor or Exarch was in revolt against Constantinople and bad proclaimed himself emperor. However, he was defeated and ile by the Arab invaders neat his fortress town oF| ‘Sheila (Sifu) in southern Tunisia Actual Arab occupation of| pars of Afca was slower to develop, but in 670 the city of Kairouan, their miliary and adminisrative centre, was founded in the Sahel From this base a more determined attempt to conquer North Ati twas launched under a succession of commanders. ‘The indigenous [Berber wibes put up more sustained resistance than had. been ‘encountered in any other region, but by 698 the Arabs had definitely ‘conquered Carthage." By 711 North Afica was 0 far subjugated that the Arabs were posed to extend their activites 1 western Europe by the invasion ofthe Iberian peninsula "The succes of the Arab srnies in conguering a sathe of erstory that inthe 100 years between the death of Muhammad and the bate (of Poitiers had extended ise to stretch from the borders of India to the north of the Pyrenees has often been commented on, but never satisfactorily explained. Some interpretations concentrate paricularly fon the state, n terms of morale and of morals ofthe various victims of the Arab expansion. The Persian and Byzantine empires are seen 38 boeing military exhausted after their ttanie mtu struggles in the years 602-28. Persia was tent by itera social divisions and polities! Aiorder among its governing classes. The Monophyste majority Populations in Syria, Palestine and Fgypt ean be argued to have felt Astanced from the Greek government in Constantinople that was Petsecuting ther religious leaders. Byzantine rule in AVfca ean be142 Early medial Europe 300-1000 presented as being no more than the perching of an alien ruling elite fn top of an indifferent or hosle mass ofthe indigenous Berber population. ven if elements ofthese argument are allowed they can at best be only partial eyplanatons, To them is often added the ett of third ‘Columns that actively co-operated withthe Arabs. The most prominent ofthese were the Jews, and some have seen the Copts and Jacobite Monophysites of Syria as being. moce than jest alienated from ‘Byzantium, and as Being active collaborators withthe invades. ‘The ‘hidence fr such involvement is actully very all There no proof {Tall for any claims that Chrsane of any tpe openly sided withthe ‘Arab, and that relating to Jewish involvement is both slight and feographically resticted. Alhough conditions for the Jews in the astern Roman Empire were far from good, Muhammad had eared Seuinst the Jewish tribes in Arabia when they refused to acept his feligous message, and thus an Arab and Islam tkeover ofthe state ‘tat nor necessarily tobe aniipated by them with pleasure. More to the point mas the magnitude ofthe events that were taking place and the Seale of silence and disorder tat accompanied them, which led ome Jews to expect the Messianic coming.” Thus, apocalyptic expectations, not polities calculations, determined their actions More concrete factors might include the nature ofthe warfare and the poliscal geography of the terstanes affected. Inthe pursuit of ‘Strengthening the defences agunst Persia Justinian had devoted much mone) and material into the rebuilding of town walls andthe erection Of forts along the east-west Frater in Mesopotamia. However, the ‘ante fringes of south Syria and of Palestine dat fronted onto the Severtrecesed no such treatment, aS 90 major milltary threat was Sntcipated fom that direction, and the allied Arab uibes i these Tegions were expected 19 provide sufcent defence aginst occasional Faads by hostile tribes.” However, not only did a threat of unpre~ dented maitade develo inthe 630s, but the presiousy tractable Stab tribes had been alienated by the treatment they had received from the emperors Maurice and Heracus. Thus there were neither fortresses nor alied troops to defend these areas against the wnfore- seen invasions from Arabia “The terms and conditions the Arabs offered tothe inhabitants ofthe towns of Syria, Palestine, Egypt and Mesopotamia were calculated to ‘liminsteany threat these might pore and to maximise the Arab war fort by freeing them from the necessity of installing manpower- Srastefl garrisons in the towns, The choice offered was that ifarown Sirrendered without resistance the iahatants woud retain ther Bves, Herts, loeal self-government and religious freedom, in return forthe pment of land and esptation taxes Ion the other hand they fought tnd the town was taken their property would be forfeit and they would Constantinople, Persia andthe Arabs 43 te enslaved. Lacking the prospect of immediate succor fom imperial armies, few toms deided on the second ein. IF the emperor rently ium, a he ad over he Pesan, then nothing would ‘elon, andin the meenime the tes de tothe Arab wee no greater nd may have been less = than these owed to the Byrntne foverment As the wal of those towns not restored by Justinian were Goubles in «ssc of poor repay, the decision cannot have been ‘cl to mae." Peri wae peclilywlneabe in that ts capital Ctesiphon as sinuted in Mesopotamia and in the imme front ne of the Arab fac. It fall wat an early and demoralsing blow. For the Byantne Epi, however, the location of Constantinople mas 4 stent. The Ab armies, largely flight cavalry, were not sited to mountainos tern and is noable that although they penetrated Ata Minor on humerous oecasions no attempts wee made to occupy and old SET eto rs ok tack on the ity the Byvantnes were able ndploy sere weapon ina orm of Greek Pes ig ple unced pete om the area round Dak, which ignited on contact with water. Jeted out ‘ofhydrants on the Byeartne ships int the sea around the Arab ees its elfecs were devastating. and suse to teminate the pret sige of CConstatinople in 674-1 sa pacce mathe the imi to the threat the Arabs were able to make against the continued exstence of the Enpire “estas at she Arabs were concerted bythe Byars’ Greek FF, so previously had many af heir victims ben by the nate and fey fA tn. Roan an Pry ag bh ed cach other’ ghting practices and had adapted thee wm procedures Sccortngy. Thus Koman heavy cavalry mitored Persin. None othe fries ofthe itm ofthe Arab assis, ther than the Berbers in North Aca, had the moby to match them, anda series of sounding rin er oe td wae ea te ol owas tbe as ia Spin in 11 a8 hd ben in Mesopoia inthe 6308 and 405 “ee10 Decadent and do-nothing kings epi 9-7 torino a east nthe vantage has at en aly understood by ered Saiecereanmecmn Sa aanmamgteieren ee om vonsin ste ie rt Goneenpereeriie! oyoeeena ros ee a Sree ae pe tee eee Seco Siena iiouinmeneatapeemesar Soe erence Sacco eee 4 Dealer and do-nthing ings 145 south-eastern cous of Spain from Cartagena to Medina Sidonia, ‘which survived unt the 620° Under Leovigild the fortunes ofthe Visigothic monarchy ceived, In| 4 series of campaigns from $70 10 878 he regained contol of all northern Spain from the Pyrenees to the borders of the Suevic ‘Kingdom in Galicia inthe north-west He also inficted some defeats ‘on the Byzantine occupying frees and retook Medina Sidon, In S72 he also reimposed royal contol on Cérdoba. Like many of his successors he had dificules with the Basques riding the upper Ebro valley from the valleys of the westem Pyrenees, He undertook a Campaign to curb them in S81 and also founded a new town of Viaeriacam (probably modern Olt in Navarre) tty to force some of them to see In S85 the conquest af the Sueve kingdom, where the rayal line had been overthrown by a usurper, completed Leovgd’s highly successful imposition of Visigthic authority over the whole af the northern half ofthe peninsula? Inthe south his work was left incomplete. He filed to ciminate the ‘Byzantines, and in 579 his elder son Hermenigid established an Independent Kingdom of his own based on Seville. This Leovigd seems in practice to have been wiling to tolerate unt the rebel rulers owing rapprochement with Byzantium began 10 look dangerous ‘This was marked by Hermenigid’s conversion from Arianism to Catholicism: an obvious sign of the new pole affiliation, which though often dated tothe beginning of his revolt actually occured in 582. In campaigns in 583 and 384 Leovgld regained contol of “Mérida and Talia, before finally forcing hs son to surrender in Seville. tn 585 Hermenigil nally exiled to Valencia, was hlled it ‘Tarragona by a cerain Sibert. Why and on whore orders this ‘occurred cannot be know, “The achievement of politcal reunification of mast ofthe peninsula ‘by Leovigid could only be an empty victory while a fundamental divide ‘over religion separated the rwo principal elements inthe poplaton. LCeoigld had hoped to win over more ofthe Catholics, who by now included a numberof prominent Goths, by holding a yod in Toledo in 580 which modified Arian docerine by accepting the equality of Father and Son but not ofthe Spirit, and by removing the need for converts to he rebapised. However, this seems to have generated 2 Catholic apologetic offensive in wotks by bishop Leander of Seve and others, and even the military defeat of Hermenigld filed wo ‘weaken Catholic intellectual resistance.” On the other hand thee are Indications that inthe last few years of his eg Leovig was moving closer wo Catholicism, and a rumour even spread that he himelf was tonverted prior to his death ‘That his surviving son and hei took such 2 decision within 3 year of is acesson is ths unsurprising. “The wilingnes of the Catholic bishops, who in most eases were 38146 Early medical Europe 300-1000 much the political and socal leaders of their communis as the Spiritual, to co-operate with the Visigothic monarchy, once the prob= fem of the Avian heresy was removed, had no parallel in western Europe Itwas largely their involvement, which became increasingly regularsed through a sens of Kingdom-wide councils eld in Toledo from the 630s onward, that knited dhe disparate regions of the peninsula tether." The lack of military challenge, especialy afer ing Suiila (621-31) had eliminated the Byzantine enclave in the South-east, led to diminution in the standing forces ofthe tate. The Faising of Toca levies by Romano-Gothi landowners provided the tnain'eayof augmenting the nuclear comitatus that followed the person ofthe king. That was not by coercion and te threat of ore thatthe ‘monarchy maintained ie athorty over the peninsula. The bishops provided spiritual sanctions against those who plotted against the monarchs or who conspired against the existing politcal orde. By the {570s it was possible forthe bishops of Toledo to deine legitimacy in terms of having received wnction in the royal ci’, which from the ‘Se of Leovigd had been the principal residence and administrative centre ofthe kingdom. ‘On the other hand, it must be admited, they were not prepared apply those spiritual stnctions o rulers, such as Sisenand (631~6) and Ghindasuinth (642-53) who were succesful in overthrowing their predecessors. The success was ise proof of divine favour and election Iwas against those who tried and failed thatthe Church ‘irected tie, What was fr more fmportan than the bishops’ threats fof excommunication was the fact dat they were wing and able 10 meet to discuss such plial matters and 10 sere as partisans and ‘propagandists forthe monarchy in their sees. For them the existence bts peninsula-wide Kingdom, embracing all five of the ecclesiastical provinces of Spain and Septimania, to te north-east ofthe Pyrenes, {tas alto the wel-beng ofthe Church, Reform could be imposed in Inatters such a8 monastic observance, the conduct ofthe clergy, and the economic management of dioceses, and also uniformity could be ‘bined and observed in matters of Furgy and the acceptance ofa ‘Common body of canon law, much of which was in the proces of being Created at the sateen Courts of Toledo that tok pace between 589 tnd 702. “Olwiously these aims and objectives had tobe widely accepable 10 those who held postions of authority inthe Church under Visgotic ule, but much ofthe direction and impetus came fom the guidance of| {succession of bishops distinguished for deir erudition and also for theiepoigeal acumen and firmness of purpose. The most pollic of these men asa writer was Isidore, bishop of Seville (599/600-36), brother ofthe bishop Leander who had been a spiritual mentor to both Hlermenigid and Recrated. Isidre's most substantial and best- Decadent and do-mthing kings 147 known work is his Epmlopiae ot Eomolgs, avast encyclopaedia in twenty books embracing a wide range of subjects, from grammar {GE Lap vo God (OX VIL) and from geometry (Ok ILS) to gladiators (bk XVILvi). ‘The internal organisason of the books is generally logical, though ater the fist fe, devoted to Grammar, Rhetoric, Mathematics, Medicine and Law, thet ordering is less 50. The truiding principle ofthe chuciaton ofthe subject discussed i that of the ermlogy of names: "the investigation of anything is much easier if ine eymlogy is known? (Lsix2) As wells prosiding inthis and in a range of other works intended for grammattal and biblical study 4 corpus of edvcational tes, [sire also wrote two bie historical works in the form of a chronicle, ving a synoptic history ofthe word from is foundation, anda History Wf the Gas, Vandal and Suen In these two books he placed the fecent history of Spain and above al the creation ofthe Visigothic Engdom inthe peninsula ito the context, ht of biblical history and secondly of Roman. Ifthe ideologial contents of these works, ‘pecially the Hisory, make them ito propaganda forthe Vsigothic ‘monarchy and th order ithad imposed, atleast was willingly writen, As wells presiding over ascries of synods in his own metropolitan province, Isidore took the lad in the 1Vth Council of Toledo of 633, sthich took up the work begun by the Iled of 589 in making the ‘Church the primary supporter of the Kings After Isidore, Selle was eclipsed by Toledo. A succesion of outstanding bishops ~ Eugeniu I (646-57), defonsus (657-67) and Julian (680-90) ~ produced a body of work in the form of law, theology, history, grammar and above all liturgy, that was quite ‘unparalled in’ Western Europe in the seventh century in both quantity and qualiy of writing. They were also all asute poicans, tnd amongst other things created for their own see an unchallenged Primacy over the church of the Vsgathic Kingdom. Although tech ically equal to those of Braga, Mérida, Narbonne, Seville and “Tarragon, the metropolitans of Toledo bythe time of Juan were abe to ordain bishops in the capital to fil sees inthe other ecclesiastical provinces They were also able to impose Toledan liturgy a8 the ‘orm forthe Spanish Chorch, What more surprising til is that they met no recorded opposition fom ther fellow metropolitans, who appear to have co-operated fll in these processes. By 690, contrary {0 the rules observed throughout the western Church a bishop of Seville was translated tothe see of Toledo, nea elaguent witness {0 the superior status of the later!” "The principal dificult to be encountered in understanding the society and poles of Spain inthe Visigothic period resides, not Surprisingly, in the mature of the avaiable evidence. ‘The problem is rot just a simple one of quantity. Ifthe ttl corpus of the civil and148 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 ‘ecclesiastical law produced in the Visigothic Kingdom inthe seventh Century is added to Rs liurical and theological output then it far ‘utstrpe in size the quantiy of writen materials produced in any other fegion of the former Romnan Empire in the same period, and indeed might go long way towards equalling the ene known literary output fof the ime, However, iis the parocular nature of these texts that Timi their uty for the modem historian. We know a reat deal albu what ought t have happened in Visigothic Spain, but ver Tile Shout what actually did” That is to sty the greater part of the evidence legal and normative, and theresa corresponding absence of historical writing giving details of personales and event No lage-sale narrative history was ever writen in early medieval Spain. Isidore’ two works ae very bre, and aftr them no historical composition was undertaken at all nthe Visigothie period apart from Jullan of Toledo's Hisory of Wambo, which confines itself to the ‘campaign fought in 673 by king Wamba (67280) aginst rebel count Paul, who was based in Narbonne. ‘Thus iis impossible o provide the Kind of vd narrative of events thats possible fr sich century Gaul and seventh century Britain on the suength of the existence of the large-seae historical works of Gregory of Tours (2 59) and Bede {4.735}. In consequence modern historians of Visgntic Spun have tended to provide broad and often chronolgcally unspecific dis ‘cssions of general themes, such 38 the army’ the economy’, the ‘Gothic population’, “the Roman population’ The eeslng present tions are, in consequence, fequently dull and to greater or lesser tlegree divorced from the concrete relies of this society ‘The problem is largely one of historians approaching Visigothic ‘Spain with predetermined questions in their minds, rather than Tooking ist atthe generic strengths and weaknesses of the walle evidence, and deciding on the basi of these xt what may or may hot be asked and which topics the sources are capable of illuminating find which not, What mus sleady be clears that he evidence eating {othe ideals and aspirations of the society, in terms of the cil and ‘ecclesiastical ws and some of the tatss of the leading bishops of the Lingdom, ie unusualy abundant, and that relating to the conerete tcalies of the interplay of personales and polities and t0 the practical aplication ofthe lgators" normative injunctions i almost fhon-exstent, Even administrative texts ae extraordinary scarce and fe principal represented by every mutated fragments of docu ‘eats weten on parchment.” ‘After the relatively deuled narrative accounts that canbe given of| ost periods of the Later Roman Empire and of Frankish Gaul, these fridensal problems can make the study of Vsigothic Spain sem ther to tustere and abstract. However, itis possible to conceive of "ematve approaches tothe subject that should be both iuminating Decadent and do-nthing hinge 149 nd sufficiently grounded in the elites of the time to be stimulating fs well. New discoveries and recent research have opened up alterna= tive ways of looking at various aspects of the period. “The archaeology of Visgotic Spain has entered a period of considerable vil, although the nature of is organisation and fanding means that certain georaphial ares ae better served than others. In particular our knowledge of the church building of the Seventh century kingdom has been greatly enhanced by excarations in the region of Mérida, the principal cy of the Roman and Visigothic province of Lusitania and major ivestgation ofthe church of Santa ‘Maria de Mclque near Toledo, which had hitherto been dated wo the tenth century. As well as this work on new sites, more crtical study ofthe five extant churches in norern Spain and Portugal that have Jong been assigned to the Visigthic period has modified. older certuns.* Allin ll these investigations taken together wih the few int ves and the writings of the monastic founder Frocuosus of| ‘Braga (650s and 6605) and ofthe hermit Valerius of Bier2o (6905), hhelp to puta lot more flesh on the bare bones ofthe ecclesiasial regulations concerned with monastic life in the canons of the councils Equally valuable and able tobe gven a content in relation to textual sourees, are the recent discoveries and stdies of 3 series of rock churches and hermits’ eaves in the upper Ebro valley. Hitherto Innowledge of shis aspect ofthe ecclesiasial life of Visigohic Spain Jnad been restricted to the reading ofthe Leo St. emia, a ate sixth ‘century hermit and ‘holy man’, written by bishop Braulio of Zaragoza 1), a pupil of Isidore of Selle. The discovery in Alva and the Rioja of lange numbers ofthese cae churches and associated dell ings shows something of the extensiveness ofthe eremiscal commur ties in this area 2 fact entirely concealed inthe Lif ‘Another and very different local society in another area of the peninsula can be extraordinary wel illustrated from the wide range of| ‘administrative and other documents that it produced and which to our ‘ood fortune were writen down on sheets of slate rather than on perishable parchment. These late documents, found in large numbers in various sts inthe vicinity of Salamanca, have been known of fra relatively long tine. Howexe, their ist ranerber and editor made lange numberof mistakes in his copying of them, and in consequence many of the exts appeared to be meaningless. However, 2 new study and edition has revealed how comprehensible and valuable many of them are. The range of subject mater is impressive, and inches land wansactions, sales, curses, and school exercises. In the course of| time it will be possible t present far more precise and detailed accounts of the Fura society of this region inthe late sith and fist ‘quarter ofthe seveth centres150 Barly modo Europe 300-1000 Post-Roman archaeology has hitherto ha to confine ite largely 0 the study of cemeteries and grave goods. Even towns which on the bass of documentary evidence canbe shown to have been occupied in the carly medieval period have filed to show traces of themselves irchacologicaly. Indications of rural setlements are even rarer, though the number of these that have been found and studied is increasing. A sith century village has been excavated in north-eastern France, but ast soe raion dre seems ro hae been the servicing of ¢ reatby royal vila it cannot be taken a ‘pica Another, in the ‘cnity of Caen in Normandy, shows evidence of occupation ofthe site fiom the Late Bronze Age othe twelfth century AD." Atthe very ime ‘of writing thas been claimed that village dating to and continously ‘ecupied throughout the period 450 to 650 has been discovered in ‘north-east Yorkbire, but wl be some while before 2 fll report on this excavation appears.” Visiothi Span, oo, has its own offering to rake to this selet band. ‘On the southern banks of rio Segre about fiteen miles west of Lerdain Catalonia i the ste of El Bovalar. That this centred on the foundations ofa church, probably tobe dated to the sth century, has Tong been known, and the building iself was excavated in 1967. ‘more substantial campaign was launched in 1976, and this has w= fovered a second and moe extensive area of consiruction extending “round the church, and forming whats befieved to bea village. The particular interest ofthis ste es in the fact thatthe setement was leary abandoned in haste and ata single ime. Moreover this ean be lated tothe reign ofthe late Vsigothic king Acti (710-13) by the ‘stence of numberof his coins found abandoned in the rooms. The ‘apid abandonment, associated with 2 destruction by fr, has meant that a wide range of items of everyday use, together with much in- formation telating to dit and the local economy, has been recovered frm the site. The appareat precision in dating and the violent de- struction of the locaton though not apparent ofits inhabitants — no bodies having boen found ~ has led tothe plausible suggestion tht this shoul be associated withthe Arab conquest of the mid and lower Ero wally, which occurred inthe years 712/13." "This one ste therefore, seems to take us directly othe final phase ofthe Vsigothc Kingdom in the peninsula and help to confirm the Impression guined from the Choice of 754 that dhe Ara campaign in the Ebro was particularly destrucive.* This i actually of far greater ‘utlity and interest than the fanciful constructs that historians have ‘been led to make of the supposed events and the interplay of ‘personalities and polities in the hear ofthe kingdom, and which derive From a mixture of overingenuity and late sources of dubious historical troth. Stores of the betrayal of king Roderic 710/11~71)) by the ons otis predecessor Witiza (93/4710), and even of their inviting Decent and do-mahing Kings 151 ‘of the Arabs into the peninsula, lack any foundation in reliable tridence. Conflict berteen Roderic in the south and north-west of the peninsula and Achila in the north-east atthe time of the Arab ‘nvasions ean, however, be substniated and the Rist discovery at El ola ofa coin of Achia that was stuck at the mint of Zaragoza roves that he ruled over the principal city ofthe mid lro valley as ‘wel as over Narbonne, Gerona and Tarragona Ttis clear enough that Visigotie kings were sll expected to be the leaders of heir own armies. In practice hereditary sucession was the orm, but if minor or an incompetent succeeded the challenge of ‘opposition from some ofthe regionally based aristocracy might unseat them. Count Pru in Narbonne atempted todo tis tthe new king ‘Wams in 673 but filed. In 710/11 Roderic had been selected 10 replace Witiza and was facing a similar challenge from the same region, a well possibly as problems with Basque raiding in the upper [Ebro when the Arab stacks occurred." Following the nearly contem= porary Chronicle of 754 rather than the much later and fanciful Arab ‘accounts, itis lear that several such incursions were made and that at Teast two Arab armies were operating in the peninsula when Roderic was defeated and killed atthe batle ‘inthe Transducine Promon- tories, probaby in 71. ‘With the king Jead snd his noble following killed or dispersed the ‘opt fel rapidly tothe Arabs, who withthe seizure of Toledo pained ‘control of the central administration and the place in which the ‘complicated procedures of kingmaking were expected to oocur. The possbilies of further centrally onganised resistance evaporated, and Individual owns and regions submited on the kindof terms offered to their counterparts in the east. Those that did not sulfered the consequences, Within decade the tide of conquest passed through the peninsula, which broke up into small localised unts now lacking ‘the capacity or the need to ress. By 721 the Arabs were poised for the ‘extension of ther conquests beyond the Pyrenees" ‘Merovingian Gaul ¢. 511-687 Ifthe history of the Visgohic kingdom, subjugated by the Arabs bbeween 711 and 720, i dificult reconstruct and dependent on the teasing out of clues from complex sources, then the previous history of the next victims of Arab aggression, the Merovingian Kingdoms in Gaul, can seem deceptively easy 10 understand. Or at least that is how much ofits sh eentury phase might appear. The _roblem here, though isthe superabundance ofthe type af evidence ‘0 lamentbly lacking inthe Spanish case. The Ten Books of Histor ‘writen by bishop Gregor of Tours, and completed soon before his presumed death in $94, provide a wealth of detailed information on152 Bary medical Europe 300-1000 personales and evens, particularly forthe period « $50 to $92 {ooks TV to X).** ‘Gregon’s Knowledge of events afecting his own episcopal city of Tours during his pontifate (S71~%4) was obviously first-hand in most instances. Moremer the importance of the eit) in the Loire "alley, is proximity to other major urban centres such as Pits, and the relatively frequent shifts in the politcal boundaries of he Frankish Kingdoms, which could affect its poial allegiance, all combined to make Gregory peculiarly well-informed about the wider polities of Merovingian Gaul, Furthermore, hs upbinging in Clermont and the network of his family connections provided addvonal soures of {information for him to draw on in depicting not only the Romano- Frankish society of his own day bu also something of its past. Nor ‘net his works confined generically to history alone. The Tow Books of Histories were matched by Sern Boots of Mirae: and one of aint” lives, which if smaller in sive and more limited in thee content ae also mainly concerned with Gaul and with the ith and sich centuries." “The sheer bulk of Gregory's contribution to the study of sith century Gaul makes his perspective on events aot only the most fsccesable but also insiiously persuasive. The problems af acceping his account ofthe career of Clovis have already been discussed, and sO too the difficulty of finding the wherewithal o crete an alternative ‘ew to putin ite place. I might be argued that Gregory himself was Gisadvantaged in writing about a figure, whatever his imporance, so far removed from his own day, and that te information he provides in sommuch more deal of periods closer o and including his own lifetime should be more reliable infact Gregory ia very dangerous historian. Ics easy enough to “show onthe base of comparison with ather cntemporary sources that he deliberately distorted his account ofthe confi taking place in Spain inthe late $70s and 580s and that his version of Visigutie story i highly preadice. ts so easy enough to prove that much (of his information relating to ays highly erroneous.” Unfortunately, there are few such contol to enable us to monitor his treatment of Frankish history, which looms so muck larger in is work. I easy ‘enough to sce from such examples as his account ofthe Frankish king {Chiperie (561-88) how passionate Gregory's animosies could be, land his overweeningvaniy is anything even more apparent ia hs hagiographical works than in is historical If this intense and somewhat baleful personality exercises such holdover the interpretation of so many aspess ofthe istry of sixth ‘century Gaul, ow may he be circumvented? eis not easy, in thatthe Author ofthe principal seventh century Frankish chronicle, known 38 that of Fredegar’ or Pseudo-Predega, derived much though not all of his sth century information fom Gregory.” The only independent Decadent and do-nothing Kngr 153 “contemporary source isthe ll-igo-brief chronicle writen inthe $90 ty bishop Maris of Avenches.* However, if Gregan’ value judge iments ae iewed wth caution and fh iological bes wie, such as [Arianism, be identified, his copious materials can atleast be evaluated ton the basis of the sources that he was ether explicitly or probably felyingon, and how much weight should be allowed them. A fall-scale historical commentary on his work would be much appreciated, though it most be admived that scholars have yet wo advance convincing answers 10 such fundamental questions as what were. Gregon's motives in writing his histories, and whom he envisaged his intended sdience tobe Tt would hardly be posible here to offer a smoptic version of Gregory's account of the history ofthe Frankish kingdoms from the death of Clovis up to his time of writing in the early 390s. To some fxent it would be itelevant, and the presentation of sith century Gaul that ile more than a retelling of Gregory’s narrative is age responsible for making this society seem so dd. Tes preferable wo ty to olate the salient features ofthe society and the principal develo ‘ents of he period, using his materials, bu also tying to supplement them from other documentary and archaeological sources. ‘Sil limited as are the contributions made by the later, i looks most probable that Frankish setlement continued to limit itself wo northern {nd especially north-eastern Gaul, despite the enormous extent ofthe terior that Clovis had brought under his pola way." Although it 55 easy enough to envisage the employment of garrisoing fees of Franks drawn from the ares between the Seine ad the Rhine in other parts ofthe Kingdom, it has to be remembered thatthe fifth century History of Gaul indicates that there were considerable indigenous resources of military manpower already salable tobe drswn om, and this wana society far more organised for war dan, ay, that be found in aly in the same period [At the same time the administrative structures that Clovis ad available wo take over were far less sophisticated and exensive, ‘specially in northern Gaul, than those of metropolitan Tals To put it {rides he was able to it nto the role of something approaching that ofa Late Roman provincial Master of the Soldiers, while for Theodevic fn aly there existed the vacant functions though not the se of ‘reste emperor. Moreover, the poliical and cultural unity of Taly had not been compromised in the fith century to anything lke the degree of that of Gal. Un the Lombard inasion of S68 political ‘contol of Tal always remained inthe hands of one central authority and the teritory changed hands 2s a unit between successive political masters, The same wat largely tue of Spain, other than for the Soevie-raled north-west, ntl the mid siath century, and unitary rule ‘over the whole peninsula wat reimposed inthe 570s and S80s154 Bary medical Eampe 300-1000 “Thus the Frankish kings who succeeded Clovis were nothing like as ‘much the hts ofthe Late Roman sate 3s were the Ostogothic and tls the Vsigthic monarchs, They do not seem to have avaled Themselves of the powers and resoures that this might have fered, them, or only attempted todo so when twas too lt. An instance of this shee failure wo maintain the comple but highly ucatve system bf Late Roman taxation, When the innovative and Romanised king Cilperi (Sb1-84) did try 10 revive the lapsed procedures and Introduce new deveiptine: or tax registers he was met with consider~ able opposition, organised not least by the Chureh, and bishops such {8 Gregory told him thatthe -health (and subsequent deaths) of hig ‘hldren resulted drety from histo heir mind impious, intention. In Spain onthe other hand the bishops were intimately involved in the raising of tax revenue forthe monarchs." This failure to preserve such apparently crocial features of the ‘organisation of the centralised state may seem to imply that the Frankish Kings were unsophisticated or more barbarous than their Gothic counterparts. Such an impression would be highly misleading. “The problems of continuity relly nthe Bifth cenrary rather than in the shth, Moreover, such fine of argument ignores the sructurl ‘eats of Gallic society in Late Antiquity ad the Early Middle Ages. From 2 modern perspective France looks ike the model of the centralised sate, and fivourable historical judgements on various [hase ofits past all 00 fen seem conditioned by the degree of political unity and central authority seen tobe existing in them, The {Creation ofthe unified France i ever bit as muck product of “Whig Interpretation of History's the development ofthe Brisk Consti= tion and Parliamentary Democracy. In thee words these were lon Seen by historians as the natural ends to which hese particular Societies were ‘progressing’ and that those who assisted in these processes were 10 be deemed to be ‘good’, great and wise’ and those ‘tho filed to forward them ~ or wore, whose actions were thought fo retard them ~ were eld to be "weak and ‘incompetent “Thus Clovis for hie military wifieaon of so much of what was tobe France has always ben historigraphically accepable, while his succes- sors, especialy the so-called oe fainans or ‘do-nothing Kings ofthe Sever century have tended tobe ignored and belied. Similarly, Charlemagne’s “achievement contrast with his successors’ “falurs' tnd the later are seen as leading (othe ‘disastrous’ tenth century, in tahich centralised royal authority almost disappeared. Infact, when the histor of France from around the year 400 to the end ofthe tenth entury is surveyed the periods of powerful and elfecive, central Suthorty ae few in number and were all essentially flecting** Th large part this was duet the strength of regional differences and of local communities and their Iaders. The Romans imposed their Decade! and do-nahing Kings 155 form of political unity ona large number of disparate Gebietes, but yen they did not impose a single administrative structure on the area Equally instructive the political serlement that followed the death of (Govis around the year S11. According to Gregory the kings fur sons divided the kingdom “in equal measure between then’. The reality ‘must ave been very diferent, in ha of the thfee younger Sons, the prodct of Clovis mariage tothe Burgundhan Cletilds at best only CChlodamer (¢ 511-24), the eldes, would have reached the age of rarity by this time. Their hal-brother Theuderc was considerably ‘older and had already heen campaigning with their father, Whoever ‘hid the dividing it was not all ofthe sons. Nor, contrary to what i often ‘asserted are there any intrinsic reasons why any polieal division Should have taken place at all An opportunity to create a single ‘nfled Frankish Kingdom of Gaul then ented and was deliberately rejected in favour ofa division. Why? "The nature of this division i not described by any source, but has 0 bbe pieced together from subsequent references tothe teritories ‘controlled by the for monarchs, What emerges thatthe component pars of any one ofthese king's lands were generally not contiguous. ‘That i o say that between any two repions of the kingdom of one of| them was likely to bea piece of the Kingdom of another. The only ‘ational explanation so far advanced for this i that each had been lloed 4 section of the original tertory controled by their Fther ‘Clovis before 486 and added to this were portions of al ofthe other ‘eons that he conquered, Whether or not this is the rationale for such, an extraordinary division, unparalleled in the other great kingdoms of| ‘the West, it certainly inhibited the growth of efficient and centralised ral administration.” This crucial process, which provided the precedent for a simile division among the sons of Chota | in S61 is extremely murky. That even took pace immediately after Clovis’ death is uncertain, in that there san almost complete Blank in Frankish history between ¢ S11 and 522, but its long-term effects were considerable. The conquest 4nd elimination ofthe BurgundianKingdem in 534 and the cession of| Provence by the Oswogothic Ling Witigs in $36 completed the Frankish expansion with Gaul other than Visgothic controlled ‘Septimanis © This meant that frther territorial agrandisement had ether to be made athe expense of neighbouring kingdoms orto take ‘the form of cl war between the Frankish realms within Gaul, Tn practice inthe tine ofthe fst generation after Clovis sufcient such opportunities exited for the kings to co-exist reasonably ‘moniously, The fs attempt to conquer the Burgundian Kingdom cost the life of Chlodomer in 524, but his kingdom was then able to be dlvided between his two full brothers Chitdebert I (¢ 511-88) and Chlotar 1(@.511-61, who murdered his infant sons to achiew it”156. Early medical Europe 300-1000 “Ten years later the Burgundian kingdom was dismembered by Childe bert, Chlotar and Theudebert 1 (533-48), who had suceeded. his father Theuderc "Theudebert was undoubtedly the greatest ofthe Frankish kings of the sixth century.” He and his father before him benefited from controling much of the Rhineland and the eastern frontiers ofthe Frankish lands, This ave them the potential fr territorial aggrandise- iment on a very large sae. By the time of Theudeber’s death, the Frisian, the Saxons, the Thuringians and a numberof lesser peoples ‘ist ofthe Rhine acknowledged his authority, and his kingdom had ‘extended itself ever the Alps into pars of northern Ily. Inthe later stages of the war between the Empire and Justinian, Theudeber may have been presenting himself othe Romaas in Tal asa possible new protector. The emperor was also taking seriously the allance of Peoples ‘Theudeber was puting together north-east of the Alps and the threat of Frankish invasion ofthe Balkans." "Theudeher’s syle was deliberately intended to be imperial: he presided in the Hippodrome of Arles, and wat the fist wo break the Imperial mongpoly in the minting of old coins. He issued a series that faithfully coped the designs, weight and fineness of the eastern ‘Roman gold valida, but with his own name and royal tle substituted for that ofthe emperor.© Within Gaul, or Prancia a it may now be called he appeared to have worked to consolidate a block of testo Stretching from the frontiers of Visgohie Sepsmania nd the Medi- terranean tothe Rhine and beyond, “This domain disintegrated after his death in S48 and that of his son in 354, and sycesfl Sanon and Thuringia revolts puta ent this first Frankish extension east ofthe Rhine." By the ime ofthe death in 561 of Chlotar I, the lst ofthe sons of Cli, who had for the as thre years of hi ile ruled ove ll of the Kingdoms, the posses for further Frankish terstralagrandisement had come roan end. A Avion between Chlotars Tour sons exacerbated the problems of territorial competitiveness in that the Kingdom of one of them, Chilpere (56184), was eniely surrounded by lands belonging 0 his ‘bothers By 569 war ad broken out berseen them, which lased with few interruptions unt the murder of Sibert, the most powerful of them, in 573." Subsequent confcs or the threats of war continued ‘antl 613, when, as in 388-61, all of the kingdoms were agin united Under one ruler, Chlotar Il (584-629), the son of Chlperc.” "The history of Merovingian Gaul in the seventh century has been Jong neglected, in comparison with the attention devoted tothe periods thar precede and follow i. The reason lrg, a is often the ease, an evidential one. After the vivid large-scale narrates of Gregory of “Tours, the sources avallble for dhe 150 years following his death in 594 scem very meagre indeed. ‘They consist ofthe fourth and final Decadent and do-nthing ings 157 took of the Crider which is mch rir ins reatent than Gregory and alo ende shai nara nthe pear 642. One or two refeenct inthe tea indicate a is author was writing ayn the year 660, but he id not complete his work upto this pain For the second half ofthe seventh century the oly narrative sources arc vey thin indeed. They cont of coninston ofthe Fredegar Gromit and the shor work known the ier Historie Ponca, Both of these were writen in the eighth century and were rich infenced by later perepectves Cera histori references canbe found in a small number of hagiographic tet composed. the seventh century, but even these cam be contaminated by autos that sere clearly the prodct ofthe politcal conflicts of the final decades of the century, and arent necessary elle elections of the reais fea ones. cise in pint that of he Vit Aral, ie of Bishop ‘Arnulf of Mets (614-2178), who wat one of the ancestors ofthe Pippin amily which dominated Austra, the East rani kingdom, for much ofthe century A marked characteristic of ths wor, of rot other ppini-inlencedhegograpy and Pistorogaphy, was i hosiliy tothe Merovingan Dagober I (623-38), probaly the ‘or powerfl and eflccve of the Frankish Kings inthis century ‘aQaly tainted with a deliberately distorted hstriographical per~ spective, though beginning its account witha later period, is the GRroniie known asthe male Mates Pires or “Ear Mets ‘Annals While previously dsmised the product of 4 much ler period in that te work extends its coverage p tothe year 831, tas recent ben argued tht the fist section off concerning the yes 1687/9, should be regarded a a more or less contemporary product” Even ao, the account of these event hich are primal those ‘whereby the Pippin pained porerin Neusea Wes Fran), highly tds anrercmsnoorchan poppin meena Sint own right In vew ofthe ited quant and he nerpretatve problems raised bythe hisorel narrates, ote fore of edence become een more Sinica, For seventh century Franca this means carters: Of these ‘ ubstanial corpus sures though relatively few of the indi Charters are onginls*™ Most of these pertain to the abbey of ‘Saine-Denis, north of Pari, which was especially patroised. by Dagober I under whom te expansion of the sey church probaly took pce, and who was buried there With all Early Medieval ‘hartrs probleme of forgery and iaterpalation of ew atrial into fenine eary texts have t be face.” Even when such questions of the relay or otherwise ofthe documents have been answered has to be admited thatthe nature ofthe information that such texts cn pve i senerely circumscribed. As evidence or he anholdings an institution they are, once authenticated, invaluable, ut st158 Early medical Europe 300-1000 tewimony wo the pote and social processes date behind the ‘rious esses nd exchanges they are highly ambiguus Tmo the Widental vac modern historians ofthis period have axed llr of her pec of mation few methodol approaches ot es ont the very barebones {what he seventh centr Franca has Teo elf. Some of the procedures adopted woul be Ighed ow of cour i amped by iris working note, eter documented periods. The nruson ‘enldence known to have ben ite in ter centres on the ins fecha conan con tay nut rato of wincly seventh entry oii son ofthe more reprehensible of Then practces Equal, dou, though less sever cried, are the atte of sme ofthe prnoporape, who on nothing more than te bl of en of names ten in source of wiey diferent he and rela crete claborte genealogies of supposed arto {rac inships Some of his tmust be admted ca be plausible it for taken to fay ut some of i Be more ana symp of Cesperaton in the face of an insurmountable absence of od cilence ‘Alo hese evden dics are parcularyfustatng in the light of the obviw sgnfcace ofthe period. In the couse of the ee ce ihre dam eng a Topi on praca power, and although this wast be delay “Tek te process leading wits element by that of the Pi oF Garonne as they came toe known, hal Deen ined, Trad oly ths loss of power was atebuted to aware) of factors of « personal Kind: the day was acento be decadent a fay. This Man scen a invohing a ure of tberited gente weaknesses and the efews of 2 cmgental enjoyment of unhealthy Ting. These fears were supposed manfen themselves nthe ay eats of the kings a suppose dedine in thelr mena equipment, and a Eonsequental sequence of fng mine, ihe course of which the Sthvocy obuained firm, pon royal resources and on the processes of policy making “miedo the Merovingian kings - Theudebert 1 (596— 612) Char I (629-32) and Clovis (638-57 ~ are eserbed in Sources that would sem o have ben pewal tvards them 3 being “Srplesminded' or mena acct’ Clovis was the ancestor of tho ofthe ler Merovingian lings but other Sass, suc a the Batsh Hanoverian snd the rench Valo, sured witout sulin ‘permanent effets rom the insanity fone member of he ne. ‘The ober genera charges leveled apt the Mervingas tend to cvaport or become stented on cst inspection. The umber and Sop of minories are pracice fr fener than i often allowed ‘On four eign began with noite those Siebert 634-30), Decadent and do-nahingKingr 159 (CoxisH(638-S7), Chlotar Il (657-73) and Chlderie 1 (662-75). As, technically, such minories ended atthe age af twee the years in twhich they occurred would hae been 634-42, 63845, 687-65 and 1562-666 respectively. Admitedly, a twelve year old'might not e expected to have exercised a very firm grip on evens, s0 some extension would be needed tothe periods in which the kings were not exercising personal rule, Te also needs to be appreciated that, unlike the period 567 to 613, such ofthe seventh century was not time of inter kingdom warlare The existence of ral and competine Merovingian Kingdoms was actually much rarer a ths time, ad ater the death of Dagobert Il of AAustrasia in 678/9 an unbroken unitary kingship overall the com- pponent pars of Francia was preserved until 714°" All the kings between these dates exercised their authority from Nevstris actually allowed the Mayors ofthe Palace in Austasa, where there ‘was normally no resident royal cour, to gain an even greater contol ‘over the resources and patronage ofthe monarchy inthis region.) In this same period, it should be nce, chere were no minories and ‘wo ofthe kings achieved, at east by Merovingian standards, ripe old ages: Theuere Il (673, 675~690/1) was approximately hirsy-Bve at ‘he time of his death, as was his son Childeber Il (695-710. “However, fr all of that, the sources do ot speak, as they had of| CChlotar I and of Dagobert I, ofthe kings taking the lead in events or inating polices in this perio, From the narrative source itis clear ‘hatin both the Neustian and Ausrasian courts fom 638 onwards the rime movers were those oficals holding the office of Mayor ofthe Palace. These men ran the royal administration and exercised patton~ age over royal lands and appointments, including those to bishopris, {im the kings’ names. Under them were a variety of other officers Including dhe Count ofthe Palace, who controlled the royal household Tay the Mayors were chosen by the kings, bat inthe minorities that were occasioned in Neustia by the deaths of Dagober in 638 and of Clovis in 687, twas the Frankish nobly that appointed the tvves of the former hings (Nantechilis and Baldecids) to act as ‘Fegens for ther sons and named the new Mayors ofthe Palace (Aegs tnd Pbroin). Nantechlds and Aega co-operate closely in the years (638 to 642, as intaly did Baldechldis and Pbroin, though itis Possible tha the later forced the queen to retire into the monastery of CCheles in 64/5 when her som Chlotar I atained his technical majority.” From this point onwards few of the kings are found exercising personal authority. Some tied to, such 2s Childeic IL afer he became king in Newstin 673, but he was murdered by an atistoraie faction in 675." Although the older arguments conceming the personal flings and psychologial weaknesses ofthe Merovingian line may not have much160 Fant medical Europe 300-1000 to commend them it does seem tobe the ease that the pero from 638 to the 660 saw a crical transformation in the exercise of central futhorty within Francia In both Neasta and Austasia the periods ‘of royal minority in these decades enabled powerful factions to form "mongs the aristocracy, leaders of which were put into place through Control of the office of Mayor of the Palace. Some of these men, hotably the Neusrian Eben, proved elective manipulators of fc~ tional politics" On oceasion internal conflicts within the ruling lass ould erupt into volence, a8 when Ehroin and his newly appointed Merovingian king ‘Theuderc Ill were temporasily overirown in 673.7" A similar factional conic in Newstin in 687 led to one party ‘calling onthe Austrasian Mayor ofthe Palace, Pippin Tl for assistance “This eto the batle of Tetty berscen Pippin and his Neustrian ales fn the one hand and the Newstian Mayor Berchar and the king “Theuderi I onthe other. From this, as wil be examined in chapter 15, emerged an Austrasin ascendancy over Neusta might be thought thatthe relative powerlessness ofthe kings was a symptom of the lack of functioning oa the part of central authority and {iministaton in Francia. Paradoxically, the conrary is probably tue Ata formal level the central governmental apparaus of the Frankish Kingdom, inherited from the Late Roman Expire, appears surprisingly well maintained inthe seventh century Frankish royal charters, unlike, for example, those of the Lombard monarchy in Tal, tll took the for of mandates fom the king to the loal count ~ aressedy in late imperial style, as magnitude sew atlas vara.” These were royal ‘commands tothe count to inst the person or institution named inthe ‘ocument withthe propery or rights that were delineated nd not jus records of ie granted verbally. Such a form of text was predicated {pon the continuance of tes between central authori and is load representatives "The kings, or those who controlled thir policy, had available ro them their powers of appointment tothe principal ofces that con- ‘eye loal authori, those of da and comes ~ duke” and ‘count. The tikes derived from the Late Roman military administration, and the Functions of the office-boldes id ot difer much from those of imperial prototypes. dentcal funconares coud be found in fothic Spain atthe satne period, Simply put, dhe dukes commanded Fegional armies, and he cuts were te principal royal official inthe tater Ge main towns and their related tertoris) ofthe Frankish Kingdoms, with responsibilty for any garison troops, and for the raintenanceof local order, and possibly with oversight of the collec- tion of royal revenues from estates and customs. duties (lon). Subsections ofthe estates, called pag, were under the supervision of the counts deputies, own as Vilar.” ‘As well as orders issued via charters, other procedures exsed that Decadent and do-nathing binge 161 sere ep the rer in toch wh adig represents and {Se mom power ements inthe ll sock a hr Lingo Pest scant is espe ao ef he pian he ng he cry Klende of Mach rh) espa y eng, which was occa ieee. Here Sic of cet rots evans lay ate) tok pce. Lop ebersune were Sn held beter te Ling hd the {ier nd Frankish nb and hw ee of aber dare recon the deen echt ™ “Tech kw Ph ete Le Slo writen fom docs eset inl she rst al wil sa con funeral het bt ge Hegel bei he even ‘cing romped by Cv sii othe ptf noneaserce Ti con mt a ond ee are toch scons of sin anced king Cpr GOL Eh daeSn soar 74 Hoesen the ep pice reared {he ci des no este nek ef Ln St, No Before the fn st Cage a sitet fmf tc ety Ce fn arch S86 dors yes rhe usec of we et fra ppar* No mention flv yb fund ne thr tan fr sn antiga tome ns pee rien ihe ‘meg cena ef 6 seston woe the wor fe Ting of ie Fane Ths cou apa much to Chee an Gino mere sv ston aig ton “The sail of procedures of cna administra and aw snaking the erring monarchy apr ere ste respecte of he apc or arco tse nal sped {Smid story- Was Decaf ore rte ne het aban thas in df flowers 09) Coven png cnt ot apa etal nr ‘shan oy tigre ad Hk othe Bling ep of rl tent and True power os Hence the reo aera Etta cmpetg setae he donne ons Nesta a ‘San ltl ter th tpeor Fal sage sd conse pons ts paces afer he to Tryin ned be Simoed ins erquen pte11 The remaking of Britain Entrepreneurial rulers, 410-597 Briain soften treated as being very diferent fom other regions ofthe former western Empire in fexpect of fs history in the centuries following the end of Roman role. In part this is a reflection ofthe insularity ofthe English historograpical tradition, but if abo a reaction to genuine dissimilarities in the development of Britain and ‘ther parts of Western Europe, Howeser, these may be fewer and less Significant than i usally believed. Ie is only when British conditions ie seen in comparison with those ofthe est of Western Europe inthe fifth and sath centuries tata proper perspective on Bish history at this time can be achieved “The principal problem, as alway, is one of evidence, The sources for the history of Briain in the fith cemury are exceedingly scanty, then i paradosically, more numerous than for some of the eater Devfods when Britain was generally slepy i comented part ofthe Roman Erapize! Where the wouble lies is nthe interpretation of the tevidene, and more particulary in assessing the relevance or otherwise Of individual ems of it. The problems are largely methodological ‘ones, and depend principally upon the degree of wilingness oF ftherwise on the part of individual historians to take account of ‘materials that ate Considerably Tater in date than the period under Consideration, and whose acceptability 2 sources depends upon belief ‘her in 'misuing lnk” in the transmission or in oral tradition, ‘The best example ofthis dificult comes in a text known from its manuscript sie as the Hidoria Briimam of “History ofthe Britons’ fnd ‘which also has een known as “Nennis’, after it supposed Compiler. This Nennivs, whose name does not appear in all ofthe ‘manuscripts, was dicple of a certain Evodug, who has been argued {obe the same as Elfoddv (2 809) archbishop of Venedota (probably the see of Bangor in Grymedd).? This far from certain identifica. tion 2s Nennvs's esponsibility fr the work of eompiation, but the tvidence of the exist manuscript Seems to place the date ofthe work {nthe year 829/30. No two of the manuscripts ofthe work are “dential n their contents, and the core text’ has tobe reconstructed by deduction." “The Hira Britanum ast 8 probably safest to call, contins sarieyofitems relating tothe history of the sland, not leat a section 162 The rating of Briain 163 ‘that contains the fis reference to “Arthut in a list of twelve bates that hei supposed to have fought agsnst the Saxons a war leader of the Britons.” This has particularly aroused the enthusiasm of those ‘who wish to see an historical Arthur behind the figure of medieval Tegend, butt represents only one facet of the Nena problem." The ‘death of contemporary evidence has led to many of the elements in ‘ths compilation being used in the interpretation ofthe fith and sith ‘enturies in Britain, Only recently has svch an approach been ch Tenge, but the swing avay from general acceptance o the testimony of the Historia Britanum is now marked.” “The only isse that might remain contenious about this text ‘concerns one ofthe sections, which unlike any other ofthe vatious ‘components, is dated by reference to conslships "Thi form of dating for historical tens was abandoned by the lst quarter of the sith ‘century throughout Europe, not least due to the abolition of the ‘consular office by the emperor Justinian in SSI. This woud imply that this section of the text, which is very brief and contains only a few _hronile-Hike entries relating othe ith century, may be of genuinely carly date, However, the ulra-cauous amongst the modern historians ofthis period in Britain are inclined to suspect that ltr clement have been interpolated into the orginal chronoogial framework, and thatit {Sin consequence imposible co rely on any of is information. This Principally means that the date it ives for the arial of the ‘Anglo-Saxons in Britsn, nthe fourth year of the reign of Valentinian TIT 48/9), cannot be trusted ‘Other texts that once were allowed some significance in elucidating the history of this period, but which are now distusted or entirely ruled out of coury include the callecion of apparently interrelated poems known asthe Can Aninn or also as the Gadoddon? These presenta scree of bard laments vera roup of Brtsh warriors, ‘who atthe behest ofthe king of Gododdin, a lowland kingdom centred ‘on Dun Edin (Edinburgh), fought agains the Saxons at Catacth (Carerck in Co, Durham) around the year 600. The text has proved ‘extraordinarily dificult o understand so much so that one of ts fist dors revised ito make represent abate fought in 1098 in North ‘Wales benreen the Norman Eat of Shrewsbury and king Magnus Il ‘of Norway! I more recet scholarship has rescued the work from that fate, and shown to concer a Dark Ae’ bate instead thas nat ‘been tbe to prove ether the realy of the war deserbed or the ‘roximiy of the date of composition of the poem tothe events they DPrpor to desribe. Similar problems attend the rest of the smal ‘onpos of early Welsh in language) poctry relating to historical pnodes in this period." i, a8 seems necessary, all ofthe Historia Brion materials ad the \Welah heroic poeme hve to be put to one side as representing 20164 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 ‘more than later elaborations or legendary accretions then the amount ‘of evidence that fe genuinely pertinent tothe study of Britain inthe Peto 410-c 597 8 very malts largest component is the work of the monk Gildas, ented De Exo Brtiomum or "The Ruin of the Bridal” Whilst, agin, thee existed 2 tendency amongst earlier tenerations of historians to take idass work asf it were an historical ompesiion, and to ery to stretch ts scanty references to ih century vents far as they would go, thee snow a great readiaes o see i for what it realy work of moral exhortation, that makes some use ‘of histrial material in a deliberately tendentious way. Its thus ery Tike the early fifth century Galle work, De Guheratone De or “On the Governance of God! of the priest Sabian. This too tended to be rummage in by historians looking fr iformation aboot the economic dnd moral well-being (or rather lack theres) of the western Roman Empire Problems sill exist as tothe date at which Gildas wrote (probably «54, the region in which he was working, and other aspects of his life” Later Celtic Liver of Gildas seem offer no eeliable informa ‘ion, and lite tust shoud be placed inthe idea that he spent his ater years in Britany." A rif peritental fr monks is also asribed to this futhor: From the details of the penances it imposed ~ referring to Bits cheese ané Roman unit of iqud measurement itis certainly 4 British work, but how far the manuscript asription of it wo Gildas ‘should he beeved is highly debatable.” Possibly the most important thing to appreciate about Gidas’s De Ec i that the opening historical survey, which is intended t pro- vide the material for his denunciation of British vices, nt chrono- logically sequential. Thus it appears that the problems the Britons faced in he late fourth and fith centuries withthe Pits and the Irish precede all their conflict with the Saxons whereas Gildas as actually ranged his materials 80 asco discuss dhe wars with the Irish and the Picts before those against the Saxons.” Non-recogiton of this has led, not surprisingly to some chronological problems for historians of the period, ‘Without going in det into the arguments iis possible wo suggest ‘on the basis of thie all oo Imited body of evidence the following cleat {eatures. Firs, fom soon after the withdrawal ofthe units ofthe Roman field army by Constantine I in 407, parts ofthe island were subjected to rds and in imited areas some colonisation on the part of ‘the Pets and the Irish, Secondly from some pont inthe Gist half of the century onwards, Saxons, who themes had been conducting scabome rids on the south coast, were taken on as federates 10 provide defence agains the Irish and the Pics. ‘Thus they came into Briain, very much inthe way thatthe Franks and the Visigoths cstablishedthemscles in northern Francia and Spain, w take on the The remabing of Briain 16S role and fil the niche in society that had once been occupied by the ‘Roman army. Increasing numbers ofthese Saxons pear to have been tablished at various points in easter and northern Britain in ansequence ofthis orginal agreement Its posible that the imperial foverament, then conelled by Acts, was involved inthe making of Such 2 treaty of federation around the year 442." 'Now itis normally thought thatthe most significant feature of the period beracen 410 and the time when the monk Gildas was writing his moralising treatise On the Rui of Brie (540) was the eel of| the Saxons agains the Britons and thei consequent conquest of much fof the eastern half of Briain. "This used also to be allied toa view ‘which saw the Saxons ‘pushing the Britons westwards into the regions ‘of Wales, Cumbria andthe southwest. Infact the perspective to be {gained from reading Gildas’ work is that the problems with the 'Smuons had been setled afer some heavy fighting some 40 years poe to the time of his writing. For him the Saxon menace was actualy thing ofthe past."” “Taking the period 410-c S40 as a whole, what was far more significant than the occasional difculies with the Saxons, was the appearance in Briain of centralised goverment. In 410 9 unitary authority had existed inthe island ~ other than inthe regions north of Hadrian's Wall ~ which by the mid-sich century had tually di appeared, 10 be replaced by a serie of small-scale and mtvally lntagonisic kingdoms. Gildas refers to the rulers of + number of these: Constantine of Dumnonia, Aurelius Caninus, Voripar of the Demetae, Cuneglasus,and Maglocunus." Dumnoni sea locsted Gn the area of Devon) hecause ofthe implied relationship with the (Cat tribe of the Dumont, and Maglocunus is almost emtainly tobe wynedd known in later vernacular sources as “Macigw)n."” Atempts have been made to locate the other kingdoms, but these can be at best approximate, and litle reliance should be placed onthe apparent appearance of sme of these names ater. Welsh royal genealogies. Evens, the phenomenon they represent is well tested, not onlin the west, butaloin the north and beyond Hadrian’s Wal, where bal Kingdoms had long existed. Moreover, such kingdoms were also ‘coming into existence in the centre and east ofthe sland inthe course ‘ofthe sith century. That the populations subject wo the rulers ofthese ms were in some cases exclusively Celic-speakng, and in ‘others Celic- and German-speaking, is of rather less importance than is ofen assumed. ‘That the Saxons exipated or expelled the British inhabitants of the lowland parts of the island f no longer ‘elcved, and even in areas that were, politically speaking under Saxon rile there is now o question that substantial elements ofthe former ‘Romano-Briish population continued 10 exist" In such repions166 Bary mele Eurpe 300-1000 fee ta ieee re ie ee ea keene npr en i a tag ee ee ae a apap ge a a ei Be ed ie tl ie oo on ee 1 Se Aas eon Ne te ech Ler Ta iia en Ste on oa Sr en an ara Se a ct Tae gh ene ts were ceo a en Sed le SS se ee tt attend fen So ce ee ae a se ew ee Se te ee Fe ee et ie Greta eae i ee ee Pacem rena ee cent een tr Peron ey fone ce tei oes 8 eo at se a yn Nee pare a Se oe eae "There isin Lct an unbridgeable chronological gulf Between the vermeil Se creeds tt at cae Se eae i no nea teres negcor nema nes ar Se nae es Ca Rae Ser telco irc The remaking of Britain V6T Genealogical information is equal suspect, Ceawlin'slaionship to Cerdic and Cynics never pected inthe body ofthe Chrome though he isi under the year 80 to have suceeded tothe kingdom fof Wessex that they crested" For S68 iti reported that Cerin and ‘certain Cutha fought agsinst Ehehert of Kent. ln $77 he appears fighting alongside » certain Cuthine aginst the Britons inte tate ‘of ythan. To make maters worse an otherwise anatested Cuthwall 's reponed to hae fought the Britons st Bodin in 371. The ontinators ofthe origal version a the Crone were ax confused are modern historians by al of this, ad one of them the seb of the'E’ or Parker version, added othe text conceming the year $71 the statement “That Caths was the bother of Cenelin In tha thi sot common tall ofthe versions of the Chroidet canne belong tothe fore tex, and ean oly e's ltr insertion. Unfounatly, modern Scars catching for evidential saws hae end to want fo belie “The bate repre to have taken pice at Dtham in $77 in which Ceawin and Cuthvine fought aint and killed the kings of Bat, ‘Grencester and Govceter ie peelay inrgung I imps for one thing the continued ccepaton of these Roman towns and the cxistence of various otherwise untested stall kingdoms nthe {Gocswolds sndvale ofthe Seve. Unforenatl archaeology cannot Jet confirm any occupation of Bath Between the fourth and seventh Centuries, though spose that this shouldbe sought for nthe content of recipe hillfort suher than inthe former Roman Setlement. Inthe case of Cirencester, howeser, fay extensive Cxestaton has revealed tha the former Roman amphitheatre, eutside the cy wal, was converted fr occupation nthe fh century. This issomething that ceninly happened ns numb of owas the south Fae te see npn ei bu inte ase of irenester no evidence of occupation ito the sth century has yet been detected. 7 Pee Ta bate was fought at Dyrham — possibly around the hil-ort tere inthe ate sith cen, and it the Chrome resorts led the conquest ofthe three small kingdoms by Ceawin and his als, this eerily should not be sen in the context of an “Anglo Ssmon’adsance athe expense ofthe “Britons, asthe let Wessex sources woud like to portray it. For one thing the achaclogcl eens rm he Sever aly dst int Sa reser Ashas been stese above itis important separate the‘Anghan= isto’ ofthe cure and language of lowland. Bin from the politcal history of the various kingdoms of mined Saxon and Cele ‘vgn that were big created ~ adn many ese also destoyed = in ‘his formative period of the sith and rst half of the seventh entry.168 Early medic Europe 300-1000 hs ihe cares he AgbSem Chron 1 captain he Tern sins em for 37, ahen eco it Coll “Speen ing ese ue ad made war ete sree ratte We, o enh Pats oe SESE Ge ihe er shad on ny Pe a ea, aned TBE ony pete thom the Chon cay eer hin ing ek South Sto bt ep fray enon ts Bete apace spt fh enteprencal (Christian kingdoms, 598-685, ery end ofthe sith century lange, nore chert, ingdoms ud emerged i Ken under tbelert 65°10) and in Nor thar under tel 593-61) The ater was created fm the ung ofthe to smal ings of Beri and De, died Teh aly ofthe Tees which both had Cac names, esting agin 12 the Fon of Ango’Smon sn Romano-Briah lens he femason fs many theses ht developed nthe eastern nd ena ps of Din in sh ih ety “i dus question ination utr srs fromthe erie Roman domination of the Mand that concerning connate prose of Christan, Evidence reiting toe eublshnent of “hrs in Bein the fourth century exzeely hard to fin tur there te few sounds te ou te presence bythe ie imperial fale had come tan end in 410" What particulary noble the Srcngh of Chrtaniy in those ates of Britain which under the pre were fst Romane sr where the imperil presence had tere primary mat. In the mountains of Wales and along and ‘jon the northern ens "The penetration of Christy into shes aes ma nl have been input the prone of eulurl amen between the Bish Kingdoms ttrh of Hadians Wall andthe Empie tthe south Alou its Shen mugged Ut the north of Roman Drain was eset a ‘nity fnew ide clan sedement and lined Romansation, the evidence oie impact of Roma ater cure north of the Wal mph grounds for dou, Cont and esstrce in tary vers ‘Haul nocbe equted with inference or host in cull one. Tris possible duty at the dsnterton of the fed Fer tetecen the Bt ad the Beis beso the nord he Wal hat SS Mow inte ine fourth cenuny acer the process of Semmanicion and exchangs n wch the import of Chest ffom the south was & major component By the mide ofthe ith {coup a Chinn communiy cera exited in Galloway recorded St scion rom When and Kirarine and bythe bet ture ofthe cero the monary Bishop Na ta as pu by The remaing of Briain 169 the Anglian monk Bede ino his Hira Eclat Gets Anglram of 7381/2. The insripsons record the existence of various named bishops and clerics in ths region 450." Nia, who cant be easily dated on the basis of Bede, may have Used up wo bal century etl. ‘Whats parculy significant about him, though, is he cli that he was engaged in expanding the hold of Christianity farther north stil to the Lingdom() of the Pes “The Picts were probably, ke the Basques, one of the oldest and longer established of the peoples of Westen Europe, but regret, thelr separate ethnic identity did aot sursve a Celtiisation that resulted from 4 gradual Irish immigration and casiard expansion bberneen the si and ninth centuries, As an entirely pre-iterste culture the Pets hive left no writen traces of themselts, but are represented by 2 number of impresie cared stones and various distinctive items of personal adornment. ‘Gonfltng traditions ast the routes and timing ofthe penetration fof Chesianity, and with it some ofthe intellectual culture of the “Mediterranean Roman word, into their society have led to the belief that at east two separate groups of Pits have tobe envisaged. On the ‘one hand Bede has Nynia comerting the ‘southera Pit the 6th century, while the Irish abbot Columba (597), the founder of Tona, is made responsible for converting those Picts subject to a King Buide.» Te has therefore been assumed that Nyoit's mission from Galloway was to southern Pictish kingdom, while that of Calum ‘was to ¢ northern one perhaps cented around Inverness with 4 dividing line between the two Ising somewhere in the ego of the ‘Mounth.”” ‘As inthe case of Patrick in Ireland (ee chapter 13) its possibly unwise to place too much emphasis on the actives of single Individual, and preferable to look to gradeal dissemination through prolonged cultural contact and exchange ‘Survival of Christianity in the lowiand regions of central and southern Britain, which came under the domination of rulers of Anglo-Saxon origin, and where the bulk ofthe waves of new ini trams had setled, ian even more contentious issue than that of is northwards extension beyond Hadrian's Wall The simple view, Aerved from the great Eelesiasical Histo of Bede (2735), s that the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms and all thee inhabitants were pagan unt the arrival of the mision sent to Kent by pope Gregory the Great in 597 Yer even Bede's own account, deriving from information he received fom Canterbury, reveals certain anomalous features. The king of Kent, ‘thelberht, to whom the mision led by the monk Augustine had been Sen, bad married the daughter ofthe Frankish king Charibert (361~7). In so doing he had had to agree that she Should be permized to continue the practice of her own religion, and she had been accompanied to Kent by the Frankish bishop Liudhard,170 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 who is usually deseibed as her chaplain”® However, when itis pprecated tha inthis period bishops are never to be found without srPSpiscopal see and were ever sent oe consecrated other than fo ‘xing Christian communis, the fact that 2 Frankish bishop was ‘xerising his ministry in Kent in the second hal ofthe ssh cept {nulcates the pre-xistence there ofa body of fellow believer." Far them to need a bshop means that more than a kind of Frankish ops Uplomatigue was involved, and that several clergy of eser rank would fhe arcady been functioning, However imprecise an indicator, the presence of Livdhard proves the existence ofa Christian community in Kent before Augustine's aval in 597. ‘Bren so, the advent of the group of monks sent from Rome by the ‘pope was unquestionably crucial in thai led the baptism ofthe king Gnd of substantial numbers of his followers"? Anew ecclesiastical “organisation was able to develop, despite a brief vetback caused bythe {na apostasy of ahelberht's son Eadbald (616~40), He subse- ‘quently came to accept the advantages offered by conversion, and his Son and. successor ‘Eorcenberht (640-60) became a. sil more {horoughgoing Christan even imposing the obserance of Lent on is subjects." "The Roman mission to Kent in $97 had extended its sphere of tafluence northwards in 625 when a sister of Eadbald had married king [Edwin of Northumbria, who agreed to accept Chistanty a well as 2 ‘nie One ofthe Reman missionaries, Paulinus, had accompanied the {qucen to Northumbria and begun the conversion of the king’ followers, However, Edwin's death in bate against Cadvalon and Penda in 632 Ted to the collapse of his mission. Paulinus, recently appointed asthe ist archbishop of York, led south ® Tn practice the most significant consequence ofthese events was that ‘power in Northumbria passed back into Uh hand ofa rival branch of The royal dynasty, whose leader, Oswald, defeated and killed the {invading Cadwallon in 633. Oswald (633~42) the son of Athelth had been converted to Christianity by Tish monks while in exile afer Eaiwin had overthrown his father. (The contentious issues of the Cctabishment a ature of Christi in Ireland will be discussed in ‘Shapeer 13 below) ‘Ths once secure the throne of Northumbria fhe tamed w the Irish monk of Toa to take the place of Paulinus and Fis southem followers, who had becn 80 closely associated with the rival regime of Edwin.” “The nature of ecclesiastical organisation that had developed inthe -Meditrranean in the time ofthe Late Roman Empire depended ypon the exntnce of towns for primary structure. The intimate rlation~ Ship berween town and countryside that characterised Late Antiquity ‘provided tis ready made Towns were the centres of lca administra {on and fiseal organisation, and the principal local landowners would The remaking of Britain 171 inmost eases abo fae un residence, Toms were ao the ca re renin pt Be ys etn shh sled wee ach poe ing be ‘stablhed, depending upon «nctwork of xchange relaorships wih Sioa velsaen tones Ths asl apse, many Otho nhac fy cme share adn fc oe hcl sot ol te tuys ee ees oan oun pine tee dance fon sue cee Seley rent tp tate ec ce fr ‘Crumlin rel an rns tmeng ashe ergo had tien abl fo coplse on instuling the Christan margry athe ‘lr fe evn er Ws in panera Chan ron depended pon and whch Greory the Great kad obo eniaped 2 ing ‘Tobe inthe Aod-Ston Lngdons ms comenion sea fat any devied © Sept ney epic to tnd et Iason In race th eles of stato er rer {irene eye in Home Thus Lodo, cel Stnnsbave cnet Ram Bran nd peta ie eo torn be bash pve te be eee terion of era mi ng fhe aS nd ot ieee eae fer sca primey epee te purge oti ngs of Kees Catan Sebel by Boe he mops a of ike dom bcane thee upp a hi aceon "Foti hil andeound someting fe eof os ia Aago-Sue tag ints pte the tr and oan ef the Church ae be unentond The denne pase rl bee on milan ses os hreugh Geman fn ln nd pry onesie eof eto we dey post Ronn aan sonal tend. Yer eo mene Moc rcn ero ing mor snl ecg nd, pea ‘more imporay, scaly Toking for such traces, has uncovered trident osc fm ede wn ses hs ner a Shes needy Crete, Wrote an, mst end, Cie Sig teen lw She sg stat eth cn he inpresion given bythe wnten sources that some Roman towns sil funetoned a Elves ofdminseaon eft cnc lr mes aed trae a ppc had Seed Caabuny aoiouh cae ipo tn Noa ee a Yon emi inp rlcnse. The Ang pale may ae een sed sinh oer miltayhesdgutc comple athens and ae tres ea he eran Sn repre oe ae Roman Sxcoce ne soc tea noe tase, sep oe172 Barly medieval Europe 300-1000 considerations had led to he relostion of he ew centre 1 2 site Sloe, but no longer within the coniaes ofthe previous Roman SCeement Ts was the ee wth Cirencester and aso Vai’ St Atre Orher wns tat etre ote ate problematic trary soures include Bath, Gloucester, Iocan, Rochester, Dorchester {Gxon),Eiiaburgh and Dumbarton "The tumber of such sural ws sal and in noe ofthese cases ant more ith oor Cans bl resale etn "apne Ae previo mentioned he ned Tor tows special SIRI afroducton an as mae pte fr ual pode bad Mclned reat ot onl in Bain but thoughout most the former tester Roman Empire rom he Ah etary onwards, Where towns ontinued was moras ceremonial and goverment centres. Because athe previous pte feces rans and the pre-xs ing inks between urban cult sits and ral stars, he stone bul hrc complenes = invhing several church bulgs, bapusteies Sd epicopl paces ~ conned to be ocuped and wo serve the erode Iurgal nce of an creasingly ral congregation "Fn pole to imagine the major estas ofthe Church's year nlveal pol estas wuld aac county Sweig worshippers ihren sy Son operant pe mt ‘xchange ting place atthe same tine Silay the rales in {tger Kingdoms ter lal represents, woul peroialy conduct ‘snes in such etn holding cours and conducting consultations wih te leading nen the ares o of Be kingdom Tes important ako to note the fle of rr jal residences and adminsave ses, such 2s tha ejeated at Teavering In the ertumibian Kingdom of Berisa These would be especialy Prominent in such Kingdoms 28 Berica or East Anglia, which fr Foi reson ace the mor Roman ban centres of sme of th ote rely bt npr ao bear ied at te Meroingan Kings iwi appear to ba pent most of thi mein tort pases and ony ccesonaly eld semble and wine courts in towne such a Sitons Ove the natre ofthe ecclesia! ogaisaion that developed {nonand Briann he sith century was condoned by such ators 2S the pe-estence nd sural towns In ew ae such that ‘Sr Camerbury. where towne were ell wed a major ty centres Episcopal monaers ofthe pe tat were common in continental Earope Gee chaper 18) could develop. Ip other areas, nobly in ‘Northumbria, rfl monasteries were the nom. ‘Very simi monastic esblshments to those then tbe found in Inca! and on Tona were crested under rsh aspiration in North- tina nthe igen centr, notably at Linisfare and in the Hunt monastery of St Pauls Jrow and S¢ Peter t Wearmouth, in The remaking of Britain N73 ‘which Bede lived and worked.*® These later wer, however, subject to ‘other than exclusively lish nluence, i that afer the Synod of Whity in 664, a debate on the respective mers of Irish and Roman customs relating tothe calculation of the date of Eater and the form of the ‘monastic tonsure, that was held in the presence ofthe Northumbrian Bing Oswy (642-70), continental ies grew in sength."” ‘Because ofthe papal inspiration behind the Augustinian mission and the role that Gregory the Great and his successors played in insructing and advising both Augustine, who was consecrated 38 srchishop of Canterbury in $99, andthe kings of Kent and Northe “umbria, very clos ties were formed between the Roman Church and that in the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. It became customary forthe archbishops of Canterbury from Augustine onwards to receive om the popes after their consceraton a pla, 3 thin stole worn around the neck inthe performance of the liturgy, a a sign ofthe special and subordinate relationship of the one tothe othe. The fist acount of the life of Gregory the Great was writen inthe seventh century in the Northumbrian monastery of Whitby." ‘Thus, despite the largely Irish tigi of Christianity in the Anglo-Saxon Kingdom of Northumbria, by the later seventh century Lings such as Onwy and aristocratic ‘monastic founders suchas Benedict Bscop were looking to Rome for instruction ~ as were the Irish themsches. Biscp, the founder of Wearmouth (674) and Jarow (681), made a number of journeys to Rome 10 buy books, to obtain the service of Specials craftsmen in such areas gasemaking and to obtain direction ‘on Roman iurgical procedures. For the later pope Agatho (678-81) ‘sent the papal arch-chantor John to Wearmouth and Jarrow with Biscop to provide instruction on the spot ~ and als to cary out an investigaan into the orthodoxy af the teaching of the English ‘Ghureh.*" By the early eighth century the monastery of Jarrow was able to produce such a masterwork of Mediterranean sl clligraphic ‘and book-paintng ar asthe Cader Amiatinu (pre-710), which was to be sent ab present to Rome, that it was long dificult fr moder palacoraphers to accept tas mansscip of English provenance. "= ‘The fusion of Ish and Mediterranean tadions in northern rita has also left tangible results of itself that can be seen in the arisic products of Northumbria in the later seventh and. cight ‘centuries, particulary inthe fields of manuscip illumination and of| Sculpture, In both areas what is most notable tthe juxtaposition or ‘o-eustence of elements that are ether cesry Celie oF Roman in ingpiration. In such well known manuscripts as the Lindisfarne Gospels, writen litle before the year 698 by Eadfrth bishop of Lindisfarne (698721), the text is decorated in a purely Celie fashion, hile the full page portraits of the four evangelists are, clearly dependent on Late Antique models from the Mediterranean. Simi=174 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 ay tec wok of monensin ground te northern Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, principally series of lage fee- ‘Standing croses, can display + combination of sophisticated and well, Understood. use" of Mediterranean modes for fgurave art with tlecorative features that are purely Celic inspiration ~ or they ean adhere exclusively to one sje or the oher.* “The Mercian hegemony, 633-874 By the ime that his rst and tllectal revival wa taking place in the north the kingdom of Kent had become, polclly speaking, Something of backwater, and had long been overtaken in terms of Size and respective strength bythe more recently developed kingdoms fo Wessex and Mercia, The later, which derived fom the amalzama~ tion and conquest ofa large numberof very smal kingdoms (often seen, rather deceptively, as separate ‘tribes’ or peoples), only really ‘merges into istorographical view under ts king Pend (6267-55) He was & pagan until his death, although iil the ally r possibly the subordinate ofthe Christan king Cadvallon of Gwynedd (north~ teest Wales) and tis, together with his eonfics with neighbouring Kingdoms, has ineviably coloured his presentation in the major ratratve sources pertinent to the period: the Northumbrian (and partly Kentish) Fadel Hise of Bede and the West Saxon Ango- ‘Seton Chromic Tn practice though, Penda may have been the isto the kings ofthe ‘ental part of Britain who, through conquest and diplomacy, was able to put together a powerful exnfederacy uniting a number of hitherto tisparate small Kingdoms. Some of those elements may stil be represented in an eighth cenary document, possibly a tribute list of the Mercian Kings ofthat period, known as the Tribal Hidag.* Tt trould be unwise to ste the various ‘peoples’ represented in this 36 being separate ethnic entities or sural of earlier Germanic tial divisions. These are merely faces of the small kingdoms inthe central pars ofthe island that had eome into existence in de ih and sath Eemurcs but which were Snaly swallowed up bythe most successful ‘oftheir number, the Kingdom of Pend, in the first al ofthe seventh ‘The most substantial ofthese conquest a this time was probably nother large-sale Kingdom, though ane in what maybe called tal ‘embryo form, that was known asthe kingdom ofthe Middle Angles ‘though artificially preserved a an appanage untl 656, this then Aisappeared 25a politcal entiy.”” Fr all his sucess in subjeting these smaller componen of what ‘was to become the kingdom of Meri, together withthe elimination of the eval Middle Anglian kingdom, Penda was not inthe 630s ale to ‘compete with the longer established large-scale kingdoms that sur- The remaking of Britain 17S rounded his. Hence, when threatened by Northumbrian ambition, he {ound it expedient to ally with the dominant British kingdom of the west, that of Gwynedd This pagan-Cristian/Saon-Celt(distine- ‘ions which clearly mattered lle inthe 630s) confederacy wis the product of the threat posed to both by the expanding power of the Northumbrian king Edwin (617—32), who was defeated and killed by the ales at the bate of Hatfield Chas, As scen through the eyes of Bede, the Northumbyans tak the cenge ofthe stage inthe complex patter of events ofthe middle of the seventh century, but in practice these could be reinterpreted as the successful resitance of the Mercians to this threat of domination from the north and their ‘consequent ise f effective overlordship over al dhe various kingdoms ‘of southern and central Britain, The problems of small-scale Early Medieval warfare are well lustrated bythe outome of the overthrow of Edwin in 632. The two ‘component kingdoms of Northumbria split, each taking a new king from the ral branches ofthe royal line, but both ofthese monarchs ‘were kiled by Cadwalon in 633. Oswald, the brother of one of them, Eanfith of Berica, was able, however, to defeat and Lil the Bish ing in yet another bate in 633 at Deicurn * The smal size ofthe armies and the dificules ofa ing, whose cenre of power was in [North Wales, in imposing his authority over the region of modern Yorkshire made Cadwallon’s atempt to hold on to Northumbria extremely vulnerable. Oswald was in consequence of is itoy able ‘esume his predecessor Edwin's ambos, which included dominance ‘over the Kingdoms of central Britain, It was not until 642 that Pend v2 able to mount a renewed resistance wo Northumbrian hegemony, defeating and kiling Oswald at the batde of Maseélt (probably Oswestry) ~ poss, t judge by the location, with’ Briish ‘This bate was crucial in that in practice it marked the end of| Northumbrian steps to expand south-westwards, From 642 0 655 Penda and his new Mercian Lingdom represented the greatest power amongst the Kingdoms of Brain. One of the sons of the next [Northumbrian king, Oswy (642-70), was kept a hostage at the ‘Mercian cour. Cenwalh the hing of Wessex was riety expelled rom his kingdom by Penda (45/6) andthe East Angan king Anna was Killed by him in 654." Ts notable how many kings ied in bate in this period and i is ely that she fate of the commander was crucial in determining the outcome of these incr-kingdom conf. Pend himself was killed in an invasion of Northumbria in 655 in abate fought om the river Winnaad ~ near Leeds! ‘Although these evens might suggest rapid and dramatic Muctution, itis clear that Penda's achievements, litle as we may now know of them, were permanent ones. In Northumbrian tradon Osey176 Fany medieval Europe 300-1000 {hos chorelved: Aer the overthrow of Pend he bad twp the Se Pat tater cocoead ech serena acca an" SoG ao foe cd tories such as the kingdom of Lindsey (Lincolnshire). His son ES tes ecerare tr nen ialoct cera ‘Although under Oswy’s son Ecgfrith (670-85) the Northumbrian abe te dation sce aad eae aa ea Hebbian ee eoces ieee ace taco Ci Ses aici et i pce stevie dtatinenas et ante beae Roe stares ecneties tame do's iw much aft had ready een achieved from the 64 FE maton No Sheet Eg chain seeps sah ce Gari etc wi a tga lhc e Tacit hy i cea og ite ee ioe a tenet diary who a ete fee ca Aignckan naleninatra The rmaing of Britain 177 the Liler Ponca, well xin the approving pages of Bede.” In this he had, however, been preceded by king Cacdwalls of Wessex, ‘who had gone to Rome specially tobe bapised by the pope in 688, He hd, however, ded there nine days ltr, so it snot cletr whether or fot he had proposed to make his stay & permanent one inthe way Ceoared did” “The suecessors of both of thes kings, Ine of Wessex (688-728) and Geolred of Mercia (T09—16) are reported to have fought at Alton Prios in Wilshire in 715.” The outeome is unknown, but the locaton would argue that this was an act of Mercian aggression, very ‘much line with these of kingship allowed from the time of Pena fnwards, Ceoled’s succestor ‘ihelbald (716-57) appears as a ‘monarch ofthe same stamp, anxious to impose the pre-eminence of his kingdom, and to obtain material benefits fom it Evident shortage fe peculiarly frustrating in the case ofthe eighth ‘century in Brin, especialy in contrast with the relative profusion of the source materials relating to the seventh, Bede, who was writing in ‘the 730s, has much less to say about the early decades ofthe eighth ‘entry, but does atleast confirm tht in 731 ‘ll of these kingdoms (Wessex, Essex, Sussex, East Anglia, Kent, and the kingdom of the Hiviee) and the other southern Kingdoms which reach ight op to the Humber, together with their various Kings, are subject to thelbald, king of Mercia" The details of how this was achieved and precisely hhow it expressed itself are not revealed, The wbole nature of arerlord- ship’ is peculiarly dificult and has been bedeilled by comparisons ‘with artical Tish legal eateyorsations of the righ of superioe kings ‘over their subordinates, and by the supposed enstence of the tile of Brewis "The blame forthe late realy rests with Bede, although he never ‘used the erm himsel In book two of his Ele Hitary he listed ‘seven king who ruled overall the territories of the gn igor scout ‘ofthe river Humber.” In later vernacular text this was formalised as the tide of Brermala, despite Bede not having suggested anhing 0 precte, Bede's seven were Alle of the South Saxons, Ceswlin, ‘Ethelbert of Kent, Racdwald ofthe East Angles, and three suctes: sine Northumbrians: Edwin, Oswald and Oswy. Tehas long been recognised that there are some historical imposs- bilities heres The esdence relating wo lle 4705/40) i light and highly dubious; that conceming Ceawln bas been examined above and found equaly wanting. Whats cles is that nether of these exercised ‘much authority over anybody beyond the area of thir immediate operations, which were Fast Sussex and the vpper Thames valley respectively. The case of #thelbert of Ken is far fom conclusive, and Raedwald (.« 625/7) i almost unknown. Only with the three [Norhumbrians does a stranger ease for some frm of hegemony over178 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 “other kingdoms emerge, and in tha of Oswy ican have lasted no more than thre years (655-8). Yet, on the other hand, Bede i er specific bout Eitelbald of Mercia having 2 supremacy overall of the Lingdoms south of the Hurer inhi reference in book ine, but does fot include him in his Hist im Book ewol A slightly Tess reverential {approach to the text of Bede might have convinced historians long Since that he was nt atempying to enshrine a fundamental truth about “the Olde English Consitaion’ inthis clearly parisan Northumbrian reading of history.”” ‘More significant than this problem is the practical one of what precisely such overlordship consisted of Ii surely probable that it ‘cpended above all onthe continuing bility of theoverlord’ tbe able to backup his demands for eibue or acts of submision with a credible threat of force. Any wavering in this would change the relationship "Thus, itis believed that Athelbald’s successor Oma (757~96) lost control of Kent during the peviod 775-85, and that an indigenous “Gynaty then re-established fs independence in that kingdom, a8 was te happen again in 796." While the claim to authority could be backed by force, it consisted in| al probability of the annual receipt of « faed tribute from the Subordinate Kings. Itmay alo have manifested self the dominant fuler's ably to travel at wil though other kingdoms and hold ‘Sssembliesin them in which his superior status would have been made ‘manifest. Thus, for example, Bede records Oswald of Northumbria being present in Wessex athe time of the consecration of Birinas 38 the lst bishop of Dorchester (Oxon). Bede states that both Kings gave him the cas a8 the place to establish his episcopal se."” As this settlement of Dorchester was in Wessex and fa fom Northumbria, i is usualy taken that Oswald, 25 the superior king confirmed the grant ‘made by king Cynegi! (6117-42? of Wessex. Certainly bythe time of (fas numberof the charters or documents recording its made by Some of the lesser kings of southern England also contain the Mercian Tuler’s signature, indicating ether hi presence at the time of the {making ofthe donation or the recipient’ Subsequent wsh to obtain his Confirmation ofthe local ruler’s deed.” The absence of such con- firmatory signatures from Kentish charters inthe years 775 to 785 is ‘ne of the major pieces of esidenc used to substantiate the independ tence of thie kingdom from Mercian ovriordship during the decade.” Tr must be noted However, that the numberof such charters tht Ihave survived in total ~ situa alin ltr eartlary copes ~ from this penod is very small, and that, stately it unwise to make 100 Inany subtle deductions fom so small «sample. Of Offa himself nly forty-three charters are known for his 39 years of rue, and ofthese seventeen have been judged tobe spurious or interpolated by some or all of the scholars who have commented on them." The remaking of Britain 179 In general the reign of Off has long vexed historians, who have recognised this Ling’s importance but have been faced with an Exteel limited hody of evidence on the bass of which wo iterpret it ‘Fhus, for example, Otis most famous legacy in modern eyes, must be the great dyke that hears his name, and which runs fom the river [Dee near Chester in the north down to the mouth of the Wye at ‘Chepstow in the south. Nota single item of contemporary evidence actually connects this impressive piece of enginering and sate= ‘irected public works tothe king. Its ony on the basi of statement in the late nim centary Welsh bishop Asser's Lie of Alf thatthe association rests, hough few would now deny i." The nature of the ‘work, be it boundary marker or defensive system between Ofl's Kingdom and thse ofthe Wels Kings tothe wes, main contentious and open to ateative interpretations based on archaeology largely because no documentary record remains of ts reation. "= ‘Offa was one ofthe few Anglo-Saxon kings whom we know to have had clove diplomatic dealings with continental rulers, in his ease the Frankish monarch Charles the Great (768-814), with whom leters were exchanged dealing with questions relating 10 Engsh merchants tnd pleims in Francia. These were accompanied by various diplo- ‘atc presens. Leters from Chares’s adwiser, the Northumbrian ‘deacon Alcuin to Offa hint a the Mercian kings efforts to develop ‘schools forthe training of the clergy in hie Kingdom." This was ine ‘vith the kind of thing that the Frankish ruler was tying ofster in his ‘own realm at this same time “Archacologcally lite is known ofthe centres of Ofas government ‘Some taces have been found of what may have been his palace at ‘Tamworth, but ile more. From his few charters and the records of assemblies of bishops held in his presence, for example atthe fried tenclosre at Gumey in Leicestershire in 772 and 779, some idea can bbe guincdof the peripatetic morements of his court and armed following. Under him the Mercian bishopric of Lichfield may have ‘been substantially patronsed, and after the probable dificlis with ‘Kent in 775-85, Offa persuaded the pope (with Frankish suppor) to elevate the sce to archiepiscoal rank in 786" This would ave made the ecclesiastical order correspond wit the politcal, but the promo= tion was reversed erly in the nth entry "To une hindsight t would be possible to argue, somewhat anachro ristialy that the peiad of Mercian domination was to bea cltural “dead-end. The Viking conquest ofthe ninth century andthe wars of ‘the tenth apparently so eflecvely destroyed the material and intelec- wal record of the Mercian kingdom that all tht now survive for us are ‘thandf lof charters, some pages of manuscript, some fragmentary ‘Sone carvings inthe chureh of Breedon on the Hill and the great fonter dyke that Offa almost certain) but between his realm and180 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 those ofthe Welsh kings. Of the Mercian laws, which did exis, and fof the Kingdom's historiography, which may have done 0, few elements survive." The conflicts ofthe ninth and tenth centuries were in mos respects to prove equally destructive in Northumbria, whose politcal subiliy had ever been very secure, and in Wessex: However, both of these ingdoms have lft more traces of themselves, no east through what they hed managed to export, which therefore was not avaiable 10 be tdstroyed in the wars withthe Vikings and in the long and very ‘destructive conquest of the Anglo-Narse kingdom of York by Wessex fn the course of the tenth century. This is not just a matter ofthe Survival of 4 certain number of manuserps, but represents the fevidence for a very sificam and distinctive contibution 10 the Cultural and ari development of Western Europe inthe seventh fd eight centres ‘After the relative splendour of the period of Mercian supremacy under Offs in the Tat eighth century, the ninth century in Ban can Seem rather more sombre. As often the case, hiss largely a reflection ft the character of the evidence. Under the West Saxon king Alfred (@71-99) chronicle was compiled, using various earier annals, which has become known as The Anio-Saxon Chrome. Its name is mislead- fing in that, especially in its nth century and earlier sections it a predominantly West Saxon work. The indigenous historiography of the two oer large Kingdoms, of Mercia and of Northumbria, only represented by brief entries in two much ater compilations, those {seribed to “Florence of Worcester and ‘Symeon of Durham that are held to derive from otherwise lost annals composed in these regions ‘These are neither numerous nor detaled enough to compensate for the predominantly West Saxon view of the history of ninth century England, which alo contaminated ll of the Inte accounts of the period, including those writen in area that at che ime had been hostile to Wessex. Tis necessary, also, to note that most ofthe minor Kingdoms that had existed inthe later seventh century still were to be found in the int, although they have lef us hardly an records of themselves.” [Aer the death of Off an independent kingdom re-emerged in Kent under a cerain Eadbert Pracn (796-82) It may have been rapidly stifled by 2 sil powerful Mercia, bu wo farther indigenous monarchs ‘were recorded soon afer: Cuthred (d. 807) and Baldred who was expelled in 825." In the ater yea the kingdom was conquered bythe ‘West Saxons, and it became an sppanage, tobe held by the eldest son (of the West Savon ruler. Independent Linge continued 10 exist in East Angls, until ts Aefntveconguest bythe Vikings in 870. The names of most ofthese ‘monarchs remain unknown, Inia still menaced by Meres, the East The remating of Britain 181 ‘Anglans were able to resist its attempts to reimpose overlordship and ovo Mercian kings, Boornwul (823-5) and Ludecs (825-7) were Killed in bate by them.” Exen more shadowy in this period i the {Kingdom ofthe East Saxons, but by 839 atthe latest ke Kent, had ‘become a subordinate monarchy tobe eld bythe eldest son or heir of| the ruler of Wessex ‘Northumbria, which had been highly unstable inthe eighth cent; may have been general less son the ninth = atleast ul the eucial ‘decade ofthe 860s. OF its kings all wo litde may be known beyond {heir names and probable chronology. One of them, Eanred, held his throne for 33 years (¢ 80841), His son Athered was hilled e 850, and power was taken by aking Osbryht, possibly the descendant of an ‘ater Ling Osbalé (796). In about 863 Osbrhy was challenged by a ‘ersn la and expelled from York. They were sil in confit when the Danish army imaded Norhumbria in 866." ‘Mercia retained some of the pre-eminence it had achieved in the cighth century under Cornvull (796-821), a representative fom {nother branch ofthe ruling house, who tok power afer the sudden ‘eath of Ota's son Fegiih (796). Ie reuined overlordship over Kent and East Angi for some of his eign, but his death was followed by a period of weakness. Defeats bythe West Savons (825) and the Fast ‘Angles (825 and 827) were followed by 2 brief conquest of the Kingdom by Eggert of Wessex in 829-30." Although the Mercian ‘ing Wight (827-41) was ale wo regain his throne this decade ofthe {lls had weakened the kingdom, “The principal heneiciary of and in part he architect of, Merca’s decline was Egbert of Wessex (802-39), who may wel have been of| Kentish orginand the son of short-lived ruler ofthat kingdom called Eahlmund (784/5)-" Despite the legiimist claims of later Wessex senealogis, its possible that the ne of kings that traced itself back > CCerdiceame to an end withthe death of Cmnewul ina cil war in 786, land. that the next King Beorktrie (786-802) was a. Mercian ‘andidate On the her's death in 802 the Kendsh adventurer FEgher was able to tke power. In the 820s he expelled the Mercian ‘candidate Baldred from Kent (825) and conquered the kingdom and ‘that of Essex permanent, and Mercia temporarily (829/30). He also forced some of the Welsh to submit to him, and made an agreement ‘wth the Northumbrian ruler Eanred.”" In West Saxon propaganda FEghert was later presented as a new Brcnalda, the fst since the Northumbrian Ost. This was 2 notion taken direct from Bede and deliberately revved inthe interests of promoting the status of the Founding figure ofthe new West Saxon dynasty. It isnot surprising thar his West Saxon histriography dd not bother with a etospective endowment of this tie on the powerful Mercian kings of the late seventh and cighth centuries182 Bary medical Europe 300-1000 In practice Egberts predominance over the Anglo-Saxon kings south of the Humber proved short-lived, though his gins in. Kent were not lost. He was subjected to series of Viking attacks inthe South inthe 830s as well as war with the Bish in Comal, His Successor thew (839-55) faced simi, iflss frequent, stacks in the 840.” All of this may have made possible a restoration of the Mercian ascendancy. By 851 ici clear that Mercia had regained control of the lands north ofthe ‘Thames, probaly inclng Essex, Sd although West Saxon historiography presents it as plea for help, in 853 contingents were sent from Wessex to serve under king Burghred of Mercia (852-74) in his subjection ofthe Welsh princes. However, the traitona patter ofthe Anglo-Saxon kingdoms and the hovinal pre-eminence amongst them of Mercia was finally and irewe: {bly disrpted by the Viking wars and conquests ofthe period 865~79, tvhich wil be considered in a subsequent chapter. 12 The Lombard achievement, ce, 540-712 “The acquisition of Italy, 540-572 “The people who were to make themselves masters of much of Fal in the course ofthe ate sith an early seventh centuries were one ofthe few protagonists ofthe events of ths period who, by name a least, right have been familar to readers of easical authors. The Lom- ‘bards were given a bref mention in the Gemmana of Tacitus (AD 98), and were there noted forthe smallness of their numbers and their hardiness as fighter! They appear to ave been located at this time along the southern hanks of the Elbe. Despite such apparent antiquity as an ethnic group, absolute Alscontnuty exists in evidential terms between the Longobard? of ‘Tacins, and those referred to in the writings of Procopis and his ‘ontinutors in the sich century. The occasional notices afforded ‘them in these works were concerned primarily with thee participation im contemporary evens, and it may be thought preferable t0 look inead fora Lombard view oftheir ow history. For such a terary ‘ext that provides an account ofthe people's past itis necessary to turn to the ‘History of the Lombards, writen inthe monastery of Monte Cassino by Pal dhe Deacon inthe 790s, and probably intended for ‘resentation tothe Heneventan duke Grimoald Il (787-806). "This isa wor thats all of problems forthe histrian.* Composed in the aftermath ofthe Frankish conquest ofthe Lombard kingdom (Gee chapter 15 below), by an author who had himself spent some years in Francia in the service of the conquerors, it depends for its information ona variety of sources, no all identifiable, and of uneven ‘worth, Amongst these is brief text known as the Orign Cente Lengohardoram ox ‘Origin of the Lombard People’. From is own Imernal references it would seem to belong tothe period ofthe second ‘eign of king Perctarit (672-88), prior to his association of his som CCanincpert as co-uler in 679, ‘To the Ono and to Pauls Hitory can beaded another very short ‘nonymous wor, found in only one manuscript, providing a synoptic ‘account of Lombard history. ‘This was writen between the years 806 and’ 810, but appears to be largely independent of the eo ‘ate works. None of these tents should, however, be treated as ‘bjecive accounts of the pre-lalian phases of Lombard history. NNor should some of the more naiveseeming narratives in them be 183184 Bary mobil Eurpe 300-1000 treated, as has tended to happen, a8 survivals of ancient legends ofthe people Tall dhree works the length of time envisaged as passing berween ‘the fst formation ofthe Lombard people and ther entry into Tal in 568 i no more than eleven generations. Some more precise chrono~ logical pointers ean be found. ‘Thus, for example, the second ofthe “ngs ofthe Lonard, who Belongs in the fourth ofthese generation, 2 certain ‘Lamissi or “Laiamicho' is recorded under the entry ‘equivalent to AD 423 in an interpolated version of the Chronicle of Prosper as ruling at that time and fora period of three years. In general, the history ofthe Lombards as represented in these three ‘works ofthe seventh to ninth centuries extends back in real chrono~ Togical tems no eatir than the late fourth.” “In practice all tree works, wih the interesting variants that exist between them, represent the views of the Lambard past that were formulated in aly from the seventh century on under the influence of [Roman ideas of Germanic ethnie formation, and were also acted by Sinilar Romanised accounts of the histor of their predecessor in Tay, the Ostrogohs.”‘Thus, asin Jordanes’s account ofthe Goth, the [Lombards are represented as single, homogeneous people moving, ‘arly of their own volition and par in consequence ofa series of Eccidents and adventures, from an original homeland in Scandinavia to {new homeland in Tay. Such narratives ae the Genes and Exod of the peoples concemed, and their historical realty shouldbe regarded withthe same degree of scholarly scepticism as would those ofthe fist two books ofthe Bible. Tn the light of such difcules with the Lombard historigrapical teadon its infntly safer to fal back on the, albeit often hostile but Imore clearly contemporary, Byzantine sources and onthe evidence of frchaclogy ty to establish the nature and causes ofthe Lombard inwolsement in Tay inthe late sith century. As will be seen the information to be found in Procopius in particular can be made to preset arither diferent, and aso, once assembled, a more complex Und more credible version of the history of the Lombards in the ‘receding 80 years than that offered by Paul andthe Orie. ‘Although not expressed in such terms, itis clear from Procopius’ account thatthe events of the 480s led to major changes in the lotion tnd roles ofthe principal Germanie ethnic groups in the regions just forth ofthe Danube. Odovacers elimination ofthe Rug in 488 and the removal inthe following year int Ttalyof ‘Theoderi and all his following lef power vacuum in the northern Balkans andthe upper Danube: Ino this the confederacy of the Heras may have been the first to move, but they filed to hold their own against other compet~ tors, notably the Gepids and the Lombards, although briefly domi ing the late.” If Procopivs is to be believed the Lombards were The Lombard echicement,c. 540-712 185 (Christians before the accession of Anata Tin 491, testing to an sleeady high degre of Roman influence on them. ‘Although the deals ofthe process are unclear, it seems tha inthe 540s Joni relied on all tree of these rival groups to secure the ‘Danube foater inthe westerm Balkans, inthe regions between the river and the Irian mountains to the south. The Gepids were given ‘nto of Simi once it was regained from the Ostogoths, and the [Lombards were persuaded to move south ofthe Danube to establish themselves in south-western Noricum and western Pannonia. The Heras, who provided significant contingent for the armies fighting in Italy, were by this time located further east, in the are around Singidunum (Belgrade). Their esablshment in and control over ‘contiguous regions secured the Danube frontier and provided some defence forthe more valued southern regions ofthe Balkans. How tere, the degree of imperial contol over any ofthe three confederacics seas clearly Tite, although individuals and groups were recruited From amongst them to serve in the imperial forces” As wih the ral forces supporting the two Theodercs in the 470s, imperial politcal influence was maintained by preventing any one confederaey from ‘sulishing a clear domination Throughout the rega of Justinian this seems to have meant providing greater support for the Lombards sinst the more powerfal Gepis."" "This policy was completely reversed by Justin II (65-78), who seems almost to have made a principle of kuming his predecessor's Ailomasc objectives on ther heads. From the chronicle of Theo- plylact Simocata and the Fragments of Menander’s continuation of Procopius and Agathias, it would scem that the new emperor was prepared to give his support tothe Gepids against the Lombards, and inconsequence the later appealed for help to the leader ofthe nomad confederacy of the Avr who were curently developing into the dominant power to the north of the Danube!” They were already hnsileto Justin I because of his refasal wo continue the payment of snl subsidies to them tha had been inate by Justinian, and may have had their own reasons to wish to break continuing Gepid ‘ecupaton of the Carpathian basin = "The outcome was dsitros as far as the retention of imperial control not only over the westem Balkans but aso over Italy was ‘concerned. In 567 the Avars and Lombards combined to destoy the ‘Gepid Kingdom centred on Sirmium, Although in lter Lombard ‘tadion ther role wat made to be central, there canbe litle doubt from the contemporary Byzantine sources ha the primary pareipant in these evens was the Ava confederacy." The emperor intervened to sccure control of Sirmium and gave refuge to the fugitive Gepid ig Unit he eof the nds oe by th Geis ped ‘under Avar contol, and the remsants ofthe people would appear186 Early medical Europe 300-1000 have been absorbed nto thee confederacy or that ofthe Lombards ‘Although Jasin I and then Tiberius I (678-82) were able to retain Siri, twas lost othe Ava by eaely inthe eign of Maurice (582 600). ‘Akthough their own rol in these events may not have been a8 heroic asthe were later to make ot, the Lombards were deeply allected by them. The relatively limited theeat ofthe Gepids had been replaced by the expansionary power ofthe var confederacy, and twas probably in onseyuence of this change in the Carpathian basin that in the following year the Lombards abandoned their own fortresses in ‘western Noricum and crossed the passes in the Jalan Alps into Taly.'® “Recording to the Lombard historiographialtadion they voluntarily {gave up thelr lands tothe Avars, on condition that if they ever needed them spun they would be retumed!"® However, the contemporary {hronclr bishop Marius of Avenches indicates that they deliberately devastated their former homeland, thos creating & cod santare between themscles and the Ava.” Interestingly, and evidence of he continuing eitence ofa Meter. ranean-wie network of contacts, a story isto he found in Tsidove of Seville, writing in Spain in the 620s, and in che Burgundian Chri of Predear (660) a5 well sin Pau Uhe Deacons Fister to the effect that the Lombards were invited ito lay by the Patrician Narses in revenge for his aving been dismissed from alice by the emperor Justin TL Considerable doube has been expressed as to the worth of this tradition, not leat as Narses apparently retired tothe imperilly ‘ontolled city of Naples and id not die util the mid 570s, thus being ‘asl accessible 0 imperial vengeance. “The question may tun upon the point at which Nares was placed 4s the commander of the Inperal armies in Italy. Fighting against Suns groups of Ostogoths in norhera Italy had continued uni 562, when Verona, their last stronghold fl. n 367, 8 hasbeen seen, {major upheaval occured onthe Danube, leading to war between the Empire and the Avare over the coatol of Siemium and Justin Ts refusal to hand over the five Gepid king. I is possible in these ‘Sreumstances that Narscs who had previously employed Lombard Contingent in his campaign against the Ostogoth, entered int some regotations with them with view to securing the defence of northern Tra.” Soch an rangement, eusted) might well have been repudiated by Justin Il when Narses was replaced. "The details ofthe conguest are tobe found in Paul the Deacon “Two of the sources for thi par of his History have been denied In aidaiion to sections of the historical work ofthe not very well informed Gregor of Tours, he had access to an otherese lost Hisorale oF ‘Small History of bishop Secundus of Teeato (4.612). The later, devoted tothe history ofthe Lombards and the earliest phases of thet The Lombard achicwment, . 40-712 187 rule in Italy, was doubess extremely valuable, though probably Primaily concerned with evens affecting ‘Trento However, it ha rot proved easy to determine exactly which parts of Paul's text derive feom this near-contemporary source, Tt would appear that isthe period S68 1 $72 much of northern aly was occupied bythe Lombards. Milan admited them with litle or no resistance, whereas Pavia required a three-year-long Blockade o free it int submission. A number of individual towns di continue to hold fut, of which the most important by far were Ravenna the head tqarters of the recently re-established imperial administration of tals, tnd Rome, which as well as being the papal residence was also the administrative centre of an imperial duchy. Although much of the terior in beoneen these two ces passed into Lombard conte, the ‘ontiaued imperil retention of Perugia enabled contact 1 be main tained between them. A numberof other enclaves of imperial rule, such as Padua snd Mantua and varius coastal tons, survived in the north and more exensive territories were preserved inthe south” ‘Abin established himself t Veron; a significant choice in that it had been the last stronghold of Ostogothie resistance, ony fling 10 the Empire in 562. His successors, shough, were wo establish fst “Mila (unl a least 616) and then Pavia 2 their prefered centre of government, It was at Verona that Albin was murdered in 572, Apparently atthe instigation of his wife Rosamund, who thereby ‘senged the killing of her own father, the Gepid king Cunimund. An flaborate account ofthis episode and its Romantic ramifications is ven by Paul, but in shar most of the episodes were so priate that no Source could be reed on to have given him an accurate version of ‘vents its highly unwise to take mich of at face value. The simple Mirmation of the Chrono Freer that Alboin was poisoned by his tile, whose father he had kiled, might thus be prefered.” ‘Moreover, one source that is very close in time to these events suggests other modes, the bares echo of which may be found in Paul, Inthe carly 580 bishop Maris of Avenches concluded his brief chronicle. Because of his location inthe westera Alps he was well informed on events in northern lly, and he work, despite is bret, must be allowed considerable authori. He confirms that ADbin's tile was involved inthe murder and tha she subsequently married the bther leading conspirator, a certain lilmagis, whom Paul describes as ‘he dead kings foster bother. But whereas Paul has the guilty couple AAceing to. Ravenna almost alone, Marivs reports that they were accompanied by part ofthe army’. In other word this episode seems to represent areal divide in the Lombard ranks between those anos to preserve the independent kingdom that loin had created and ‘hose who wished to submit wo imperial authorg, and quite possibly, lik the Ostogothstefore them, be relocated out of Kay as part ofthe188 Barly moles Europe 300-1000 emperor’ amy." Hilmagis and his supporters also took with them to Ravenna the Lombard royal treasure, a vial economic and symbolic resource ofthe monarchy. ‘Whatever the nature of previous contacts, imperial reactions to the Lombard presence in Italy were hostile and genealy remained so ‘throughout the ensuing period of ther kingdom, This has tended to ‘colour both Byeantine and papal sources relating co the Lombards and Until recenly much modern historiography.” They have been pre~ Sented as being peculiarly “barbarous and thei presence in Italy @ tisaster, Iwas In thi respect their misfortune that aiudes had tlealy been so affected by the horrors ofthe prowacted 30-year wat hremeen the Empire and the Ostrogoths, The replacement of the Ostogothic presence by a Lombard one offered litle atracon to those for whom the achievements ofthe age of Theoderic were at best 4 dim memory, overaid by dhe years of mutual avocity and saragery that had intervened Dukes and kings, 572-584 Itis clear thatthe regime of usin I had no wish to se the Lombards stablshed as a federate people in lal, filing the role of the COstogoths. As well a6 the fact that enormous effor had been tapended in the regaining of Italy for direct imperil rue, the [Lombards were not necessary safe ales. Not leas significant inthis respect were their links wih the Franks. In the 540 the Frankish king ‘Theudebert | (333-48) had tied to put together an allance aginst the Empire with the Lombards and the Gepids, and may even have ‘envisaged a joint invasion of the Balkans and a march om Constant- hople. This came to nothing, but in the 580s or 560s a definite LLombard-Frankih alliance was symbolised by the marriage of Albin to Chlotsuinhs, one ofthe daughters of Chota 1 (4.561) is possible thatthe relationship involved a certain subordination ‘on the part ofthe Lombards in that eetions of her peoples known to bbe under Pranksh hegemony, such asthe Saxons, were involved inthe ombard entry into aly in 568."" Moreover the foremost modern Tealan historian ofthe Lombards has suggested very plausibly thatthe ‘recorded Lombard insasion of Provence andthe lower Rhone valley in '574 was undertaken a the behest ofthe eastern Frankish king Sigiber., 1 (561-75) as part of his war against his brothers Chilperc and ‘Guntramn Subsequent i 582 when Sigihert's successor Childe- bert I (575-96) received imperial subsides wo underake «campaign agalnst the Lombrds, he later were obliged to buy his withdraval ftom Italy and the tebutary stats of ther kingdom was eeairmed in treaties made with the Frankish monarch in 39/1." Only the temergence of retvigorated Lombard monarchy under Agi (590~ The Lambardachicement, e. 540-712 189 616 seems to have led to & more ative and effin resitance 10 Frankish mary and diplomas baling ‘Despite the conway abe language used about them in sich sexs tthe peri leer the Frankish ng, the Lambards were by to means the barbarians that they hae fen been depicted as being Asha ben noted, they were reported tobe Christians by the at ith century, and ther common adhesion tthe Catolifith, 5 opposed to the Avanism ofthe Gepds, was wed ata diplomat counter in ther relations with the Empire inthe time of Josten Admit, this canna be ue of al ofthe peopl, as nthe generation after the vision of Tay many ahem are reported lo have been pagans." Furthermore, by the ine of Albin ( 560-72) soe ofthe Chitin Lombards seem w bave become Avan, poly in consequence of Gepidinhvence in the period «548-67 In material caltre they show themseies no different from the Onvogsti, Vg of Fran." Thetr dress and weapons were, ie those of thee other peoples, strongly influenced by Roman traons and above all by theses favoured by the at pei ary. The Period ofthe conquest itl was doubles lent and dirt, 8 ll Such phases in the history of early medial societies tended to be. Pesaps, though, the most striking fenture ofthe ear period ofthe Lombard occupation at northern fly was the seed with which they vere able to etablish a new military and administrate order on these Fesions; one, meaner, that was markedly Roman i ts character In paricaar thet creaon of 2 system of duchies has mest arosed Inodeen historian” interest That Pal the Deacon was most probably using the nea-contem- porary work of bishop Secundus of Tren and that aspects of Ks fecount are conimed by independent Frankish. sources gives tredence 1 at Teast the outine af his description ofthe xeon of the Lombard dachis. According to Paul no sooner had Albin erosed the Alps than he appointed his nephew Gul o be the fist dr oF dike ofthe region of Fr By $73/4, 50 the histranclaied, tere ‘were 38 such oficial tbe found in the ngdom each based on acy. Teis possible that numerically this isan exaggeration a fra this period is concerned, but sxgrali not lf theater dices did come tnt eitence a his me Something ofthe nature ofthe ofice can be deduced from causes int lw cove that was produced by the Lombard king Rota (36~ 52). tis cea fem these references that the des, who were based inthe principal ites and toms of Lombard Italy, were responsible for the miltay'and adel administration of the repens unde? their tuthory. Another class official tbe Casal (Dos ao ale meso Count ed's seeing of counterweight he dike, ‘eng responsible forthe ovesecing ora estates andthe revenues190 Early medical Europe 300-1000 in the duchy and for ensuring thatthe duke did administer impartial justice, In certin areas, pardculry those not incorporated within the Territories of duchies, gail could exercise the equivalent of ducal functions and were directly responsible othe king.” Rather dillerent conditions ested inthe south of Italy, where, for ‘example in the seventh century, the galls appear to have been responsible to the dukes rather than tothe distant monarhs in Pai, “This resulted ot only from the greater distances between the southern ‘duchies andthe Po valley, but possibly lo from the circumstances of ‘thee formation. Whereas the north ofthe country was divided up into 2 large number of terstoraly quite small duchies, the cene and out of aly contained only evo: those of Spoleto and of Benevento. It has been suggested that these were the products not of Lombard encroachments under royal aegis, but, quite contrary, were setup by {he imperial government to resist the Lombaed kingdom. “This is not as paradoncal as i€ may’ seem, in that, a6 previously ‘mentioned detachments of Lombards had been used by the Empire in the late stages of the war with the Oxtrogths. Plical cohesion Imongst the Lombards was far from stong, and numerous other thie groups, including Gepids, Sueves, Sixons and Ugur and Kutrgur Bulgas, were involed in the movement into Italy in S68. Paul the Deacon provides examples of Lombard dukes in fly who swore prepared to ally with the emperor and his representative in Ravenna the exarch, agaist the Lombard kings. A certain dike Droctl,of Suevie origi is particularly singled out asa collaborator ‘withthe Empire and hs obisary nscripcion in Ravenna was recorded ‘y Paul” Alo os has been seen a major division of opinion may have ‘sted amongst the Lombards over the question of e0-operation with for restance tothe Empire Incrguing and even plausible as tis theory i it has no positive cvideneetosupportit Indeed the fst appearance of «duke of Spoleto fn Paul's Honor is inthe contest ofan atack on the exarchate of ‘Ravenna, Faroald is reported to have taken and looted Classis, the port of Ravenna, probably around the year $79. Whether the duchy of ‘Spoleto waste in existence by this imei far from certain, and itis ponsible that the entrepreneurial Faroald went on to carve out a Alominion for himest on te stength of such exploits as his seizure of Chasis: The origins of Benevento are equally obscure. What does Seem cear is tat both duchis existed bythe time of king Authari (G84-90) and that he was able perhaps brie, 10 impose royal futhorty over both of dhem.*” This could not always be effectively ‘maintained by his successors ‘A location of the formation of the great duchies of Spoleto and ‘Benevento inthe early 580 makes particular sense inthe ight ofthe The Lamibardachiccment,c. 540-712 191 ‘conditions then existing. Following Alboin’s murder, which brought to fn end his dynasty, which self had only endured for wo generations, ‘one of his dukes was chosen by the Lombard army to succeed him. = He lasted for lite more than s year before being murdered by his boy’ There followed ten-year interregnum in which no hing was chosen, and regional authority was exercised by the dukes alone." “This has been frequently held aginst the Lombard, ak prof of ‘heir unsophigicaion. More recent interpretation have, vghly, been less rita Even so, some have tended to assume that such a ‘Phenomenon must represent an aberation, explicable only as ‘manifestation of hose and external infuences working on Lombard society. Byzantine gold has been deduced asthe particular motive for fad instrument of the ‘crime’. Homever, other istorans have Stgued that Paul the Deacon was indicating that what occured wis cflectively a ten-year-long regency for Cleph’s son Authari, and that his inestiare as king was merely delayed until he was of suitable ae.” I less appesingly machizelian, the ater solution has the virtue of simplicity. However, a further modification wil be sugested below ‘The period of the interregnum and the succeeding reign of Auhari (884-90 also mark the pont at which what had ofa been isle more than a military occupation of cern towns and cies began to be transformed into a more permanent Lombard seement. AS with the Visigothic kingdoms in southern Gaul and Spun andthe Ostrogthic fone’ in Italy, the fst step tovards this had to be a fiscal ne: the ‘stabishment of a mechanism whereby the Lombard sldiery coud receive regular pay and supplies, and thus not hae to rely on the Droits of war or random extortions. As inthe ease of the other and farler established post-Roman societies in the West this meant the application ofa system of hapa, ‘Although atemprs are sl being made to shore up older views that, see such a process exclusively in tems of the requisitioning end re- dlibution of ownership of land, these are generally unconvincing. ‘Whats 2 issue is unquestionably a fiscal arrangement. However, is perplexing o find even the progenitor ofthe new understanding ofthe ‘ways in which the needs of Germanic soldiery came tobe integrated imo the financial organisation ofthe late and post-imperal states hashed atthe prospect of extending the logic a ths perception to the Lombard Kingdom. In par this i due to too much weight being ‘iven to the negative image of the Lombant presence in Tay sel almost totaly the product of prejudice, ancient and modern “Two passages in Paul's History are of especial relevance. After recording the arrangements made following the murder of Cleph he ‘reports that In dhese days many ofthe noble Romans were ied fom love of gin, andthe remainder were divided among thei "guess" and192 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 made tributaries tha they shold pay the hid prt of ther products {o the Lombards! Por some this as meant that air fay Thoroughoing slaughter ofthe suring Roman uper css, the mainder of the subject population were dvded up, effectely as ‘ers forthe conquerors, bound he nd and blige render up a feed propaton of the produce of thi Tabours to th Lambard overlords. ”* Once again, this is no more than a reflection of a strange predupston to expect the worst ofthe Lombards nd ipl 0 Iceep the verdict om them of heir enemies Tes mor uneaonable insted oan the word bur in his sage sin te more natura eating af taper More {lear though from the construction ofthe prs that the remainder feted wo represents the Roman wpper cses and not the whale ‘ho-Lombard population, The pustage, i anthing, i pro of the {unial raher than of the elimination of ements af the Roman Landowning can the trois ander Lombard rule. This i also ‘hat might be expected fom the srog imprint of Roman ideas and Tistutons on Lombard government and amis.” "The second peranen passage in Paul's iy st be found as par af hi agcount the elevation of les on Aba he kingship (684) In this single semen eran ambiguus words hld the key {o the meaning. and these are likely tobe interpreted nthe gt of ow the previns passage hasbeen tdersod, and more general in secordance, wih © pr expectations of Lombard socety and is ‘ehaniur® In Foul’ clsictanltion of Pal the sentence tendered: ‘The oppresed people, however, were parceled ot among ther Langobard guest Irs gut poss though, to vale is passage te meaning that there oak plce in S84 a redstibton of Stowe under fsa ligation” Inet instances of he appiaon of pias, he recite ‘rm eamayers under align fo provide Sed proportions of her produce Oe tin cath or ining) weresngned deed and personally Todhe intended reciente Geran aodey, this clminting the fole of the state in colcting and redstrboting tis revenue. Freie aparyand‘allwing forthe cntinad exence of Romans {spate of advsing on such mater, there are no good grounds or ining that sch stem cold have Ben repped forthe bene ‘the Lemibards in 573 and 584, “The second of these was cause by the process, refered tin the same chapcro Pas Hoy, whereby the duke surendred hal of the abtantia tothe king nde to provide Ri court and his cis with sound ancl basi on which to maintain theses. nthat be tpl administration ad Ben in abeyance since 873, and Ahat he lltion of txpases to reins had orcured. Jung at time, was neva tat he re-establishment fry Roupeold The Lombard achicwment, . 10-712 193 and government apparatus would valve an adjustment in the alloca- {on of taxpayers In 573 those obliged to pay had een assigned to the (dukes and their ellowers, i that here was no king and court to take a share. Thus the sustata refered to, alteady understood to mean ‘productive “resources” fom which publc revenues flowed, need to bbe seen also to include righ to a proportion of the taxes due fom Roman landowners.” his is accepted, i throws a light diferent ight onthe period of| the interregnum. Is surely signifeant that the frst major lft to set ‘apa now administrative and fiacal system took place immediately ater the monarchy had effectively been suspended, whether under pretext lof long regency or not. Not Byzantine gold but the epportunity for the dues to acquite she potential resources ofthe monarchy may have heen behind the decsion not to replace Cleph. The previous loss of the royal treasure i 572 alo meant thatthe monarchy would have required considerable financial underwriting if ts economic positon ‘was tobe restored and this may not have been fl tobe worthwhile at this ime. ‘The dukes were this able in $73 to take contol of those resources that would otherase have heen by right those ofthe king, and to estblish fiscal arrangements that diets benefited themselves {and their own followers, whose needs were catered for wihout the ‘eessity of recourse to royal patronage, a8 wa the cas in Francia. ‘By S84 the mounting beligerence ofthe Frankish king Childebert I and the increasingly threatening moves of the Empire agaist the ‘Lombard kingdom made a return toa ental authority ineiable, and alled. As has been mentioned, in consequence the to relinguish some ofthe resources they had made their own in the course ofthe previous decade. But what pethaps ‘more striking shat they were abl wo resin half. Ths in practice ve them an independence ei-d-os the King tht was umatched on the par of the greater nobility in both Visgnhie Spin andthe Frankish Kingdoms. tis thus nt surprising thatthe duchies beeame hereditary ofc, and thatthe kings often had great difhculty in imposing thet wil onthe dukes, All to often this could only he dane by rect riltaryconiontaion, tis also permissible ro suspect that the rather unusual nature ofthe office of Gastald sprang from these circumstances, In each Hard politcal bargtining or even naked force must have underiin the etal acts ‘Dynastic continuity and leytimacy became increasingly important forthe Lombards, and although Theodelnda's own male descent ded fut with her son Adslald (616-26), marrage to her daughter ‘Gundipera legtimised two further kings, and when even these lines failed the descendants of Theodcinds's brother Gundesld (4.616) provided most ofthe Lombard monarchs up tothe year 712. The only erative royal dynasty, that of Audoin and Albin, was able 1 impose a representative in the person of Grimoald (662-71), « descendant of Alboin's nephew duke Gis of Priu, but even he found it expedient to marry imo the “Bavarian royal line (see genealogical table). Although the Lombards have been criticised for the numberof coups and conspiracies that convulsed their monarchy inthe seventh century, what most suking is their fidelity to dynastic ‘continuity nd, paradoncal ae it may seem, this can represent another instanceof strong Roman influence on their poical expectations and “The new king, symbolically ‘chosen’ by Theodlinda was Agi, of| ‘Thuringia origin and previously dake of Turin. His reign (590-616) marked the achicement of a much greater degree of stability and ‘curity on the part of the Kingdom. He brought the negosations for peace withthe Franks, niated by Auhar, oa successful conclusion, ‘The removal ofthe threat of Frankish intervention, whatever ie may bhve cost in tbute, feed the king's hands to tke a more ative role i Italy Tals enabled him to impose much greater royal control over the dukes, atleast inthe north of fly. A number of them are recorded by196 Barly medieval Europe 309-1000 ooo | iw 7 i foros era] = A siplied genealogy ofthe Lombard oa dates 568-712 (regal dats of the Lombard kings ae enclosed in square backs) Paul the Deacon as having conspired against the king, who had “originally been one oftheir own number, and several ofthese he had ‘xected, In some cases he used the royal army to break their power”? He replaced them with men expected to be more fil to himself, ‘but di not or could not change the basic administrative structures. The increasing military prolems of the Empire, frsly with the ‘Sans and Avars in the Balkans and then with the Persians and the Arabs on the eastern frontiers, meant that fewer and fewer resources ‘could be spared forthe defence of imperil interests i aly le alone the ination of major campaign against the Lombards. Agi on foceasion made use of an alliance with the Avars in his campaigns The Lombard achivcment,¢. 540-712. 197 agaist the Byzantine forces in Ialy, and was even able lat in his eign {ruse them asa threat against the Franks. Tn such circumstances Agu was able to renew the expansion of ‘the kingdom. He may also have been spurred on in his by the need to ‘ct the growing tritorial power of the wo great dukes of Spoleto fnd of Benevento. The rst major Lombard atempt to take Rome was that of the duke Faroald of Spoleto in 579, and his successor duke [Anuf (91-601) made another attempt in 592. He was aso able briefly to make himself master of the key fortress town of Perugia, Aplus own, more prouacted, siege ofthe city in $93 may well have teen a response to the fear of Rome fling into the hands of these ‘very independent dokes"” In all eases Rome held out, but it was [Agiulf who had become master of Perugia by the end of these campaigns. must he wondered f Agu had been ale wo take Rome whether ‘he position ofthe Lombards in Italy would not have been mmmeasur- ‘bl strengthened, and whether a genuinely united Italian kingdom, on {he ines of that which had existed nde the Ostogoths, would have emerged. It is impossible to say ifthe Papacy, which remained {plaealy hose tothe idea of Lombard pobtial contol of Rome throughout the whole existence ofthe kingdom, might not have proved ‘more pliable i this had actualy been imposed, and i it had become ecesary to workout made tend withthe conquerors. But while the city and trstrics of the duchy of Rome remsined an imperial ‘enclave the popes hada east a poltal obligation wo remain opposed to the Lombard. This was initially accentuated by religious divisions. Despite the deliberately heightened language with which they were described in Byzantine and papal documents, in which their supposed ‘tightfulness,"abominablenes and savagery are constantly refered to, there was litle about the Lombards that should have made them any Tess acceptable to the civ population of Italy than their Ostogothi predecessors.” Like the later, they were, in the el) stages of ther sctlement south of the Alps Arian Christan, but in {hat the popes had ealaborated easily enough with Theodere and his successors this shoud have ben no insuperable bar to good relations withthe Church of Rome, Tn fact the religious history of the Lombards is far from easy to understand" Albin appears to have been an Aran in the 560s, if the lener of Nice of Trier to his Frankish wife i to be believed, despite the Lombards having portayed themselves to the emperor Justinian as fellow Catholics only a decade and a hal eater. Auta ‘aso sceme to have been an Aran, and at Easter $90 he i sud to have Forbidden Lombards to receive Catholic baptism.” Aglul's postion ‘snot known for sure, though Theodeinda was certainly a Catholic, a8 ‘was their son Adaloid (616-26). The next two kings, Ariold (626—198 Barly medical Europe 300-1000 136) and Rothai (636-52), were Arians. Only with Ariper 1 (653~61) did these fluctuations in theological allegiance cease, although some Historians have sen Grimoald (662-71) asthe last Arian king "This is quite unlike anything to be found in any of the other Germanic kingdoms in which the Kings andthe people passed through fan Anan phase before becoming Cathalic. In the cases of the Burgundians and the Visigths (and possibly the Frank) periods of confit and debate preceded the decison ofthe king to conver, but ‘once tis was made the ise ceased tobe alive one. In Spain inthe bret period between the announcement of Recearei’s conversion in 587 andthe formalising ofthe conersion ofthe Kingdom through the holding of the Third Council of Toledo in May 589 virally al ofthe ‘contentious issues ofthe dismantling of the institions ofthe Arian Church and the redeployment of its personel had been resolved.” ‘After $90 Arianism was «dead issue in dhe Vsigothic Kingdom; there ‘were no more Arians. The constant shifts in religious afiiaton on the part of the Lombard monarchy thus require explanation. For some historians this is no more than proof that religion, uniquely in Early Medicral Europe, was not 4 matter of real concem at anything above the inva evel in the Lombard Kingdom, Others would lik ose the fluctuations representing the shifing ascendancies of rival groups: ne forward looking and willing to compromive with Roman cultural rors, the ether conservative and wedded to she ancestral Germanic trations of the people.”* Neither ofthese approaches is satisfying. ‘What mast be clear, rom comparison with the Spanish case is that whatever the flactuations inthe Flsious fliatons ofthe monarchy this did not directly affect the existence and functioning of an Arian “Church within the kingdom. Very lite is known of his insiaion, but cerain casual references prove its existence. Aran Lombard bishops ‘eral functioned, and 3 numberof churches ensecrated by earig fenerations of Aral in Kaly il existed inthe S80s, even in Rome.”> Slight asthe information si seems to suggest hat intaly the Arian bishops and clrgy were atached t the Lombard gartisons, rather than having a fined urban base, ‘The Arian bishop refered to in Gregory the Great's Dialogues comes into Spoleto to try to obtain a ‘church for Arian vse, but doesnot, as was the case in Spain proe to 589, appear to be Arian bishop of Spoleto, that is 10 sy part of parle and rival hicrarchy. His miraculous discomfture is said 10 Fave dismayed the Lombards garrisonig the region. If Paul the DDacon is to be belived such parallel Aran and Catholic hierarchies had come into existence in a numberof ec, including Pavia, by the time of Rothar (636-52)."" In general it would seem reasonable to suggest that support fr and ‘maintenance of an Aran clergy and church depended on the religious The Lombard aciewomeny, «. 40-712 199 afiliation ofthe local defacto rulers, which nthe Lombard state meant that an Avian duke could setup or preserve an Arian establishment in his duchy, even when the king was a Catholic. The kings lacked the strength to impose religous uniformity on the duchies, paculaly those in the south, This lso meant in the light of the way that the ‘monarchy passed through the hands of a number of ducal fais in ‘the period 572 0672, thar twas quite possible fora duke, chosen for ‘whatever political reasons, or who managed to tak the crown, tobe an [rian ora Catholic hing, according to his previous religious ation, "This was doutless faciitated by the existence of adision within the Catholic Church in tal, which was only finally healed in 612, known atthe Isran Schism. A numberof the norh Italian bishops had fet tha the Papacy had falled to make an adequate condemnation ‘ofthe emperor Justin's attempt to mois orthodox doctrine in the interests of affecting some kind of reconciliation with the Monophy= sites, His formal denunciation of the teaching of thee earlier and strongly pro-Chaleedaian theologians had generated what came tobe talled “The Three Chapters Controversy’. ‘The opposin to this on the part of pope Martin had led wo his arrest and considerable ilweatment in Constantinople. His successor Pelagus | (556-61) had therefore been somewhat les passionate in his disagreement with the emperor, and in consequence had fallen foul ofthe north Italian ‘bishops. Their continuing aenation frog Rome may have meant that the Catholic Church inlay took a much less unified stand on the mater of Lombard Arians.” Nor, apart ffom Authar’s atempe t prevent Lombards receiving Catholic baptism, does the division beeen Arians and Catholics in the Kingdom look to have been very contentious,”* There are no accounts of theological debates or of confrontations over the owner Ship of churches, Although some bshoprics remained vacant, there is an equal lack of evidence wo suggest that che Cathlie esublshment vas downtrodden or incapable of maintaining isl.” Probably Aran ules such a8 Alu proved wing co patronise Catholic shrines and ten, Catholic monks. He donated a votive crown to his wife's foundation ofthe Basics of St John the Baptist at Monza, and the carlest exant Lombard royal charter isthe kings grant of 613 to the newly established monastery of Bobbio, founded with Agia’ suppor bythe Irish abbot Columbanus after his expulsion from ‘Burgundy. Last and not east, Agilf was prepared to have his son and heir baptised asa Catholic, doubless atthe behest of his wife ‘Theodelinds(c 04) In such general circumstances it is perhaps les surprising that Lombard Aranom should expire gradually and without otc, rather than for the issue to require a singe authoritative but Contentious reolstion. ‘With the death of bishop Secundus of Trent in 612 Paul the200 aly medical Earape 300-1000 Deacon's primary source of information came tan end. His account ofthe rest of the seventh century isin consequence extremely bref Sid whole reigns can receive dhe barest mentan. Thus of Avioald (626736), who replaced the young Adalald when the later apparendly tvent mad, he can only say “Concerning the acts of ths king hardly Snvthing kas come to our knowledge" His successor Rethar (636— 52) has left more trace of himself, not justin Paul's report of his Conquest of various imperial fortresses onthe Ligurian coast, but most ‘Substantial inthe law code that he promulgated inthe eighth year of bis eign (643/4) = aul the Deacon's statement on the nature ofthe law contained in Rothan's code, or Edit, as it should more properly be known, has generally been taken at face valve, According to Paul the ing “Folected ina series of writings the laws ofthe Lombards which they swere keeping in memory only and costo’. This appears tbe a {ellecton ofthe statement onthe procedures allowed in collecting the laws, which isto be found in the Edict self It important to appreciate, however, how marked isthe impression of Roman ideas on the formation and character ofthe code In his preface the king declared: “The collection which follows makes evident how great was and 8 our care and solcnude forthe Welfare of our subjects... as" .we have perceived it necessary {0 improve and to reaffirm the preset la, amending al eae laws by ating that which slacking and eiminating that whichis superflvous Such statement corresponds remarkably closely othe declarations of purpose that prelace such Roman legal collections as Justinian’ Cade tnd Institutes and the caler Theodosia Code. Likewise, the ttle tiven to the cade ia diret reflection ofthe interpretative and emen- ‘Eto Edt that dhe Late Roman Pratoian Pretec was empowered to isu, In order to modify oF make pertinent the aplication of im- petal lw. Twas also the tle given tothe snilar bu briefer com- Dilation of Rethan’s lian predecessor, the Ostrogethic king ‘Theoderic.* ‘Cerin items in the Eact can in no sense represent ancestral custom: Thus aw punishing the forging of charters by the loss. ofa hand i thoroughly Roman, both inthe importance implicitly ascribed fo writen titles to property, and in the jussprudental principles lunderying the penalty to be inicted** Simlariy, all tars of ‘compensation for injures ~ and this is what most of the Edit is concerned with are calculated in the Roman unit of value the ois. Perhaps most significant ofall the fact thatthe laws of the Edict, whatever their supposed traditional origins, were inended to be {plied tal subjects ofthe monarch, whether they were Lombards or ‘et hie stated explicdy both in conching section ofthe Edict fd in one of the laws that states that all foreigners entering the ‘The Lombard accent, c. 540-712 201 Kingdom shall be subject to these rules of law unless the king agrees oherwize™ This wasn ther word, tended tobe a ful teeta ‘code, that applicable to all lving within the geographical regions subject to the authority ofthe king ofthe Lombards ‘Some of the laws have heen ridiculed as representing. quaint surdvals of primitive Germanic supersison and savagery. For the feat English historian of Fariy Medieval Ia, Thomas Hodghi, Irrtng in the Inte nineteenth century, "the Code of otha, promul fated onthe sacred sol of tay, sik the black tent ofthe Bedouin Pitched amid the colonnades of some stately Syrian temple, whose fined glories touch no responsive chord in the soul of the swart barbarian” Such laws as thse forbidding the Ling of someone ‘else's female lve on the suspicion that shea vampize woud be used fo support such a contention ® However, other text, such a6 the Dialogue of Gregory the Great, provide pron, if tbe needed, that such ‘rational! Helifs were ee encountered widely in Hal, a8 Indeed elsewhere and atall periods of Ansiquity and he Middle Ages, and were in no seme a Lombard contribution tothe society of the peninsula, Nor shoud the concentration inthe Edict on rural contexts nd the legal problems that wer to be encountered in them blind the historian to the importance of urban sural in Lombard Ils, and ‘heir particular contributions to ‘Whats so impressive about the Lombardsis that they tok over, not ‘without dificult, a society in which towns were sil the administrative Sand economic centres of their regions, and were continuing to be relatively densely populated. "To this sitation the Lombards adapted ‘expeditiously and effectively. Indeed, as has been seen, this is what ‘saved the Kingdom during the great Frankish imasion of $90, when the Lombards held the cites against them, Their royal and ducal centres ‘of government were town based.” What & more, ceain pes of| ‘ube works continued we carted ou inthe towns under Lombard Fue. These included par wo frictions, and in one ase atleast his tmay have Been pid for bythe royal or ducal administration.” Urban ‘hurch building and monastic foundation onthe part of several ofthe Seventh century kings and dukes is well recorded in Paul he Deacon.” (Certain aspects of Late Roman ceremonial and protocol were also presered in the Lombard kingdom. In 604 Agi held a great feremeny in the amphitheatre in Mila, inthe presence of envoys of the Frankish king Theodeber In which his infane son Adaloald was associated with him as king. Similars, in the 670s king Prctart (661 2, 672-88) hada special ceremonial gate bul in the palace at Pai.” Indeed war and victor remained central both to the formal role and to the practical functioning of the Lombard monary. The continuing pressures from both beyond the Alps and the surviving imperial {enclaves in Tay placed a premium on mlltry competence, and202 Bary mets Eurepe 300-1000 despite such moves a tha of Aglufin 604 and a similar association of his son Cunincpert by Perea in 679, prosen ability in war remained the primary quality required fr the survival of a Lombard king. “Thus when Godepert and Perctarit, de sons of Apert I (653~6, began fighting amongst themselies in 661/2 they were quickly ‘overthrown by the experienced duke of Bencvento Grimoald (662— ‘Tihs at the behest fat least one of his norte ducal colleagues. His ‘eign, coincidentally, wast see the most serous military threats posed fo the comtinged existence ofthe kingdom since the $805. He faced a Frankish invasion from Provence anda major Avar incursion into Fil, while the most serious threat of all developed in the south, directed against his duchy of Benevento, which he had delegated to his fon Roméald (duke 662-87). ‘The Byzantine emperor Goastans It (41-68) teanserred his capita to Spracuse in Siiy in 663, and inated a campaign of conquest aginst the Lombard holdings inthe South of Tay All three ofthese invasions were met and ultimately ‘defeated, andthe murder of Conta Il a 68 led to the return ofthe Imperial government to Constantinople.” IK external threats decreased after the reign of Grimoald, the problem of the entrenched power of the dukes remained a permanent challenge to royal authors." The death of Grimoald in {671 leaving a minor as bei othe Kingdom inthe person of Garibald (671-2, led to the rapid restoration of Pectart, who had passed an Iiventurous eile amongst the Avars and Pranks, before crossing to England. A trace of this may be found in the fact that his son Ganincpert (679-700) married an Anglo-Saxon. Both ofthese kings faced serious threats to their authority from Aishis, duke of Trento nd additionally of Brescia, who early inthe sole reign of Cuninepert ‘was able to expel the ater from Pavia and briefly seize the crown.” “The ‘Bavarian’ dynasty was tobe imevocbly displaced bya similar ‘coup in 712, ldhough its own internal divisions may have played apart in ths, When the inevitable esis of credibly was created by the succession of minor, Cunineper’s son Livtpert (700), power was Seized. violently by 4 sal branch of the family, represented by Raginpert (701, dake of Turin and son ofthe king Godepert (6612) ‘who ha been killed by Grimoald. The new king ded the very same {year but was succeeded by hi son Apert If (701-12) He in urn had {o struggle aginst a rv aspirant inthe person of duke Rothariof| Bergamo, who briefly proclaimed himself king Amongst those displaced by the coup of 7O1 was a cerain Ansprand, whose origins are never revealed by Paul but who was tbviously 2 figure of considerable importance in the following of {Ganincpert, ashe was appointed tor (guardian? tothe late’ ei. tras this Ansprand who in 712 invaded the kingdom with an army provided by Theotpery the duke of the Bavarian. Paul's account of The Lombard acicument, ¢. 540-712 203 the outcome shighly obscure, in tht he stats that Aripert IT defeated the imvading army, but then fl he ought o fee to Franca, oly to be drowned swimming across the river Ticio.”” His brother Gumpert ‘id manage to escape tothe Frankish kingdoms, and his descendants ‘were sil iving there and holding ofces of some significance atthe time that Paul the Deacon resided a the court of Charlemagne. “Although the crown thus fel nto the hands of Ansprand in 712 he ied the same eat, and was sucecede by his som Livsprand (71244) [Under this monarch revival of both foyal power and the terstorial ‘expansion ofthe Lombard state was to take place, Atthe same tne, though, changing conditions in dhe Empire, in Francis and in Rome would lead to 2 combination of circumstances that would ultimately prow fatal to the continuing existence of the independent Lombard Kingdom." Burin looking hack over the period ofthe ascendancy of the Bavarian’ dynasty (590-712), ti ard no tobe impressed by the Lombard achievemens, especially inthe light of unremiting hostility ‘on the part of so many of thee neighbours and the pela dficlies aus by ther resulting inability to recreate a single und Italian Kingdom. It is depressing to see how much of the prejudice of the rnon-Lombard sources, revitalised in the great nineteenth century ‘aratve histories of exey medieval Italy, sil lves on into the present, {0 condition and distor she interpretation ofa significant and interest ing society13 The sundering of East and West Survivals of cultural unity The Arb conquest of North Afiea a the late seventh century complete the demotion of the itlerat power ouse of Lain {Ghratany. Ever sine the tid century the Aican Church had troduced the majoy of the outstanding thinkers of the western TWaon, Bren after the den of Augustin in 430 and the Vandal onguet, Aca had continued to prdce wer of high ite tu tare: Nor had hey Ben of prey loa sgcance fom exe in Sanlns shop Palen of Rspe (1827 of S32) ad exceed “Comiderabl influence om ecclesiastics a bah southern Gaul Shin Kore throgh hs eters and weatses! “The restrain of iret peri ule over fain 539 had proved 4 mined blessing as fra the Church was concemed. Miltary the inert amie tok ove the stole pun! the enroching Beer Ibe, whith Vandals had Boe losing forthe last tre 0 four {esden of thei le in Mica, and alr some bard fighting feceublihed sable Hf reduced southern and west fnters® Forever: the thes nteest the emperor Jsnan proved as ttweleome fo the Aftean bishops a ad the Aan oftheir omer ‘rs Jusinans condemnation ofthe work of ee respected ith eon elope was rested n various pars of he Empire and ‘eyond and generated fess not ey ong tasting, ion i the Chueh known the pute over the “Three Chapter" ‘Some o te Aca eho anyway dtd the emperor’ ight (0 determine thecal erbodony by perl wil ed the ressance Sd ote a seis of works defence ofthe threatened autor and Sos on yee el i pi td an {0 impose the imperil sews by fre Ted t 4 migration of Afiean seer i jain. They and the books they brought with them rade’ wl contbuton tothe nla renasance ofthe Spanish Charch othe last quarter ofthe sh century Subsequent Spanish manuscript ansmivon sed a nupber of Acan wntings ar woul there fave been entre Ks “ier Aas mad vilingy or aherie, © Constaninoge in ecouse ofthe sh century and is fom the ext win of he {Eammaran Prscan, the poet Crips and the horn bishop or of Tunnunna Tung) that we can appredate the coming 204 ‘The sundering of Fst and West 205 sitaly of Atica in so many ares of leaning. Another ltr indicator nay be the influence exerted in Britain ofthe Afcan abbot Hadrian, ‘who was sent in 668 by pope Vitalin to accompany the new techhishop of Canterbury, Theodore of Tarsus, and who became abbot of St Peter's monastery in the city. Amongst his pupils was the poet and rammarian Aldi, later bishop of Sherbourne (705/6~9), ‘who was the leading intellectual figure in the Church in southern Britain in hs day "That an Alscan-boen monk could end his Wie as an abbot in south-eatem Brian, and quite posibly aso be a corespondent of « bishop of Toledo Gulian, gives some qualitative impression of the continuing nerwork of contacts and the scope fr travel and movement sl existing within the former tetris ofthe Roman Empire, even in the middle of the seventh century.” A Spanish cleric from the ‘north-west ofthe peninsula in the sme perio, bishop Fructuows of| Braga (c 655-75), planned, though he was prevented trom carrying ‘out a vist tothe ester Mediterranea, and hie contemporary bishop genius I of Toledo (646-87) wrote a nove lest work onthe Trinity tosend to Africa and the East a 4 contribution tothe then raging dispute over the One or Two Will (or Energies) of Chris, known 25 ‘the Monothelete Controvery.* Even more striking may be the indica- tion inthe work ofthe lsh abbot of lona Adampnan (679-708) ented (On the Holy Plas that hs informant, a Frankish bishop called Arcul, ‘had travelled to Arab-rle Jerusalem, probably inthe 680s, and had spent nine months there.” ‘The controversy tht bishop Eugenia Il of Toledo had wished to ‘embrol himsel in had resulted fom yet another l-judged atempt 10 Sette the dispute within the eastern Church berween the Orthodox 4nd the Monophystes. This was launched bythe emperor Fleralvsin £39 in a document called the Eltkos. ‘The imperally sponsored theological formula, which allowed that Christ had two Natures and two Persons but allied to ony single Will or Energy, which it was hoped would Bring about a reconciliation, filed wo aract most ofthe ‘Monophysites and was subsequent strongly candemned in Africa and Rome. An imperial edict of the emperor Constans 1 in 648, Ienown as the Typeor Rule forbade any further discussion ofthe issue, but ony sered to exacerbate oppositon, which even punitive me sures agrinse pope Martin I (649-53) and others led wo stem" ‘Much ore acceptable inthe West and expressive ofthe sense of a ‘continuing cultural community within the former Roman imperial lands were the canonical decisions ofthe Thed Counel of Constans- ‘ople of 680-1, finaly condemning the Monothelete theology. In ‘advance of the main Counc 2 synod was held in Rome in 680 under Pope Agatho (678-81) to co-ordinate weste theological views and ns of the Monothelete teaching. Various provincial206, Early medica! Europe 300-1000 suhtsings were also held under papal inspiration, of which the council Gt the Church in the Anglo-Savon Kingdoms held at Hated under the direction of archbishop Theodore of Canterbury (669-90) isthe best recorded.” Subsequenaly the Fourteenth Counel of Toledo was Specially ealed in Novernber 684 to accept the pronouncement ofthe Imecting in Constantinople.” Thus, the tradition of Occumenical ‘Councils of which It Constantinople had been the si, representing fi the orthodox components of Christendom, was stil living one in practice and not just theory inthe late seventh century “Trade i the subject concerning which the greatest attention has been paid to the problems of contnules and discontinuities in patterns of contact and communication within the Mediterranean and beyond, ‘The evidence on which any hypothesis has to be based is Sight, but that is true for almost any facet of the economic ie of ‘Amiquity and the Early Middle Ages. Much weight hasbeen placed on tne episode in the severth century Li of the Patriarch of Alexandria Called John the Almsgier (610-19). In this a ship, whose trading ‘mission was funded by the Alexandrian Church, retard from Britain vith a cargo of in, In thatthe tin was found on arrival wo ave Uransmuted iself miraculously into siver, 4 certain care is needed in {aking this sory as an objective account of contemporary rales." At the very least, though, it shows thatthe author ofthe Li, Leoni of Byeantiu, both knew of Britain and was erect i refersing to tn, 2 felaively rare metal 8 product ofthe island. Other ‘harder pieces tf endence, such asthe survival of the use of papyrus imported from gp in Ravenna and southern Gaul n the seventh century, confirm the impression of continuing economic activity throughout the Medi- terranean, but ao quantitative assessments ean be made."® ‘Oa the other hand, all these exchanges of personnel and of eas and of goods need to be seen against a background of growing linguistic incomprehension. St Augustine didnot learn Greck at School and only seems to have made himself master it ater in ie [After his death few ofthe leading figures ofthe western Church could tee said with any certiny 10 bave done the same. The layman oth, who translated works of both Plato and Aristo, was certainly fvent in the language, but he was exceptional. Neither Isidore of Seville nr pope Gregor the Great (590-604), the principal ‘thors ofthe early seventh centary seem to have been able to zy Greek at al oto have fl that tis was a lack on their par. “This, in Gregory's eas, was despite a five-year stayin Constantinople as papal representative a the imperial cour. In Constantinople Latin came to be associated with the ‘barbarians’ snho were the political masters of most parts of the former western Empire, and i we dectined accordingly It had been the language of {he law in both parts of the Empire, and when in S28 Justinian set up a The sundering of Ea and Wet 207 commmlaion to cdf the ip det, sstemate and exer the ‘rings of the frit, and rodice + now treducor tenook for ‘egal studies, all of these were issued in Latin.'* The textbook, known athe Inner, which vas published in 533 and was tobe ased by tudes in the two pineal legal schools ofthe Empire, hoe of Bert and of Constantinople, resppored the continuing us of Latin inthe learn and he practic of tain the Eas Yet etre the end ‘ofthe reign all new imperil legion wa being issued exlshely in Gree ‘On the other hand, is important nt to become 0 spac about this phenomenon, Some historians have messured he level of leaning in the West excises on the bass of india authors knowledge of, or more often lack of knowledge of, Greek. '® But as the Jarl forthe measuring of curl stamens this more tan {omewhat ited Noone seems to hve fet the norance of atin the East tobe equlyrepreherable esder which, even when the {wo haves of the Meiteranean appear o have become uncompro= nig monolingual numerous exrpons canbe und The Asn Tun poet Fis Cresonis Corps expected to be undersood ‘then he wrote verse panepric in Lath in Constantinople to Celebrate he acesion ofthe emperor Junin I in 568. Nor di the {Cancapeating Gregor have problems in engaging in publi debate with the patriarch Eutychius in $82, during his stayin Constantinople." Equally king Ys the fact tata number of hs seventh century serosa pope were nave Greek speakers fom Sil and ta tras poate fortwo nave Syrian, Theolore (042-9) and John V (58520), to become Hops of Rome. Phe first serious divide ihn the fabio the Mediterranean world vas between north and south, and was acasoned bythe Arab Conquest Hower reactions tthe unoated fr Feo slam and tbe eaordinary itary sce ofthe Aris helped to facture the uur cohesion of the Chvsiansrled nether shores of the ‘Mediterranean a ell As willbe sen, the stcesion of demoralng rly defeats andthe theological chalenge that Islam seemed 0 Present cause series of dramatic reassessment win the eastern oman Empire, not ony of both strategy and administra, but aka ofthe naure ofthe reltnship betwen Go and Man. The elects of this, oeter with the diminution tte Expt’ sity to play Sigieant mtr role inthe defence ofthe West apt ‘xpansionay Arab Enpie, led to stan and severance inthe te Binding togcter the component part of the Chrian worl. Within the former Chrisa-rle tetris tothe south of the Meditra tean and in Spain he changes in pltal consol produced equally rofound inllecil hang. ‘Crna communis coninued to ean Latin eained in use208 Early medical Exrope 300-1000 rete ats aot tet Tea ee a te ee lis aN aa Cn ceed eu waa we ete ie See hy een secrete re ee ee ee coe Tem ell es dn ue ce Nein a oc par A ee Ce eat le cone Samat Boe epi ta yn ay em come sect ht rea ame ak Cris nineteen eps iy ee SEO Se aa cael Gregan se hh gear eae fore cr a Ne ee i ae ean Ese el ees Teonoclasm: divisions in the East In the eastem Roman or Byzantine Empire the dynasty of Heractus hha come tan end in 71] withthe overthrow ofthe famboyant if tunstale Justinian TL (685-95, 705-11). Although a by no means incompetent ruler during his Bst feign, his single minded pursuit of| fevenge on those who had opposed or failed to help him during his fenyear ene fed to another army revolt” The period of politcal turmoil hat had been inated by his rst deposition in 695 intensified The sundering of Est and West 209 alter his second deposition and ensuing murder. Three emperors ruled between 711 and 717 and a fourth sled powcr n yer another lary coup in the lance year “The new ruler, Leo Ill (17-41) might statistically have been expected tn be as short-ruling a his predecessor, nt leas as the year of is accession saw another sustained effort bythe Arabs to cape Constantinople. However the ‘Grech Fire’ proted a effective agua the Arab fleet as it ha inthe siege of 674-7, and the Arsh army as prevented from establishing ise on the European shores of the Bosphorus. Afera yea the ast major atempt by the Arabs to tae the imperal capital was abandoned, and not ntl the accession of the Umasyad Caliph Hisham (724~43) were thee land-based stacks on the imperil terres in Asia Minor renewed.” “The removal of the immediate military problem gave Leo Ilan opportunity to establish a more fin based regime than those of his predecessor, andthe dynasty that he founded lated for 85 yeas Sources of information relating to it are very sparse, and come ‘rnepallyin the frm of the relevant ents inthe Crone tributed {o abbot ‘Theophanes of Megis Agros in north-west Asi Minor (4.818), Modern accounts ofthe reign of Leo and his son Constantine V (41-75) tend vo be litle moe than paraphrases of the chronicle's words However, Theophanes is by no means fiendly witness ‘Although ot distant in time, his annalise account is ail bee, ad ‘more important, he was deeply host othe religious policies of Leo and his successors. Thus, for example, he recorded the soy of the infant Constantine V defecating ito the font in the couse of Bis trupism.® This was not ular abuse it ws intended asa symbol of the damage that Theophanes and those who thought ke him fee hat (Constantine was to init om the Church i his reign, ‘The ease ofthis ostiity was the postion of Ieonocasm by Leo and hs son. Simpy put, this was the prohibition ofthe depiction of naturel figures in religous art and in consequence the removal of ll images of Crs, the Suis and OM Testament scenes fom places of worship, The proces begun in 726, when sme form of imperial ect, was ihued condemning the veneration of ‘cons, and one of the Principal sare pictures inthe ety of Constantinople, the potat of re that adorned the Chale of Bronze Gate lt te Place, es destroyed on the emperors orders. More extensive measures were ‘elayed unt 730, Dut popular host tothe imperial attack on religous at had already been aroused An insurrection in Constante nope had been crashed in 727 and a revolt by the imperial amis in Uh southern Halas andthe ean las ma Slee, scan largely by se of “Greek Fire. "The rots ofthis impevially sponsored tack onthe vne ‘oly pitres ae not cay to untangle: A strand im Chinon,210. Early medical Earope 300-1000 ‘nad long eased that considered the atempt to depict Christ n ther trords the Divinity, in art wat 4 fundamental breach of the second Commandment. This had been 2 view expressed very forcefully by bishop Epiphanius of Salamis (2.408) amongst others in the tte fourh centry. This was the period in which a distinctively Christian fan was developed, andthe wadtonal iconography of Christ, Angels the lenling. Apostles and the representation of biblical snes was formed and indeed became fred. Images that are now long standard- ised, of Christ with long brown hair and beard and Angels with the tings of classical Vietres and wearing the robes of silentaries ofthe Roman impesal court, were all developed at this time, and they tpecame filly established by the mile ofthe fifth century. However, ‘rinonty currents of opposition to the whole notion of representing the ‘Shere in human art continued to exist. articular impetus may have been given tothe re-emergence of Iconoclast, r image hating, theology by dhe coeresponding intensifca- tion of image veneration in the course of de late sth and seventh enturies, especially in the East Images of Christ and the Sains ‘became regarded by many worshippers a way of special aces othe ‘hjects a their veneration, Such cons were na just pitues but were “Spuiually linked to their protorypes, ha is 0 say Charis or the Virgin ‘Mary or the stint who was depicted in the image. Some icons were thought to be particularly powerful, The saint worked miraculous power more effectively or more wilingly through some images rather than others Thus one particular ion of the virgin Mary, known asthe Hodegesia, was regarded asa very special and powerful defence for the cy of Constantinople, and to is strength was attebuted the iting Dt the Arab siege of the city in 718. When Theophanes and other Teonodales (image venerators) had to explain such military sucesses fon the part of the hated and heretical regime of Leo IIL it was by “riburing the victories othe condnuing veneration of cons through= ‘out the Empire, despite the atemprs ofthe imperial government to ‘estoy them. ‘Cerinly the Hsing tide of popular veneration of religious images most have sted up the counter-current of doubt a to the rightness ft such devotion and the fear of idolatry, but tis offen suggested, not Teast by Theophanes thatthe catalyst far the triumph of Iconoclasm at this Gime war the decree of dhe Umayyad Caliph Yazid Il (720-4) forbidding the Christan yencraon of religious images in the Arab~ ruled territories.” Much doubt, however, has been cast on the reality fof this edict, and it is possible that dhe whole purpose of the story was to portray the Christian Teonocass as being no beter than Mustims, whose religion was seen at this time 28 being nothing more than & paraculaly aberrant and hereial form of Christianity Even 80, the frequency with which the Ieonodules accused the The sundering of Est and West 2 Iconoclast emperors and their eclesistial supporters of being in= fluenced by both Arsh, in other words Musi, and also Jewish arguments and doctrines suggests thatthe erques that bath ofthese Felgions directed agsinst Christan religious act and the framework of ideas that underlay had some impact a this time. In particular, the series of major teritorial losses in both east and west seed bythe Empire since 634 and the succession of maliary humiliations at the hands of the Arabs could easily have led to 2 sease tha divine chantisement was being inflicted onthe Christan because of deviation fom right belie or practice. The identification ofthis as the recent fowth in she veneration of images would make sense ina context in Which Old Testament and Apocalyptic sands in Christian thinking tree agin coming to the fre For the modern student of this val period the absence of the cvidence that would lead to better understanding ofthe conflicting ideas and mental ofthe partcpants is pculaly frustrating, The Iconocast under Leo Il and Constantine V destroyed mach of the religious art ofthe grealy diminished Byzantine Empire, and thus Sich things asthe mosaic decorations of the great churches thit Justinian I had erected in Constantinople are completely lost 0 ws. In tum the aniconic or imageless art with which they replaced the naturalistic decorative schemes of eatir generations was destroyed fer the final restoration of icon veneration and the formal condemn tion of Iconoclsm in 843.2" ‘Similarly, the theological weatses and conclar pronouncements of the Iconoclasts were rapidly destroyed after the end of the perio in ‘which they dominated the Byzantine Church. Thus iis very dificult to recapture much of their thinking, which is now only represented in ‘some of the attacks made on it by their enemies. These, however, can rot be relied on to present an objective picture of the Iconocast position, Moderation ws not the way ofthe times in such theological onfis. For Theophanes the enthusiastic Ieonoclast Constantine V ‘was 'stolly destructive boodsucking wild beast --. deceived by ‘wizardry, ceniousnes, blond scrifies of horses, dung and urine ‘Thus many problems remain in the interpretation ofthe issues and their causes, which inthe absolute absence of the necessary evidence ‘will probably never be fly understood Whats clear i that, despite some intense initia opposition in the capital andthe remaining western regions ofthe Empire, the empet njyed sulficient support amongst the armies in the easter provinces in Asia Minor tobe able to impose his theological wil. Indeed, the Situation may have heen the other way around, and that she emperor Adopted an Iconocast stance because this was the position already favoured by the most mimerous and powerful element in his regional armies? The lack of good evidence and deliberate suppression onthe212 Barly mediea! Europe 300-1000 part of the ulmaelyvitrious Feoodules makes it impossible to {lelieare how broadly bared and popular the attack onthe veneration of images actually was. Howeve, its reasonable to assume that it ‘enjoyed signieant support in tone sectors of society upon which the “emperor relied to heep himself in power, and ths means some if mat all fof his army, In paricular the units of the Anatole and Thrakesian "Themes supported Constantine V aginst the usurper Artavasdos (74223), when the later claimed thatthe restoration of Orthodoxy was ‘he sim of his revol By this period the Empire had been spit up into a small number of| military commands, called Themes, which geographically were based fon previous Roman adminstasve divisions. The nature of the forganisation of dhe army within these area is by no means cleat It tse to be thoughe thatthe Themes emerged in their fully developed form as carly asthe frst quarter of the seventh century, and also that the troops atached to each Theme were remunerated and sustained by being sted on stste-owned lands within each region. They were thus farmer-soldiers, whose loyalty and eommizment the defence of their particlar Theme were ensured by their being given a physical Sake init inthe form of the lands alloted wo them." Such a view would cohere with older interpretations ofthe nature of| ‘the accommodations made with the Germanic peoples i the West by the imperial regimes in the ffth century. Traditional, the Roman tystem of hoptalas (hospitality) that was employed in making such rangement th the Visgoths, Burgundans and others, was seen as involving the state expropriation of one-third or in some cases two-thirds of the estates of the prindpal Roman landowners (he “hosts in the regions in which the Germanic troops were being cstablshed, in order to give the lands, together with fixed pereenages ‘tthe unfece population atached to them, to the occupying forces ot “ues However, this view of the procedures imvoled has rightly come under renewed scrutiny recently and hasbeen found waning thas ‘been more realistically sugested that what was distributed was a fixed proportion oftaxassesements,” In ther words the taxpayers, inthe Form ofthe Roman landowners, were linked deel to the beneici- aries in the form ofthe German soldiers who were due to receive the fssignedsevenues. This reduced the intermediary ole ofthe state and its cumbersome apparatus for the cenvalised collection and then redistribution of Ux. Although many of the finer points of the Arguments sill need to be elaborated, such an interpretations inhereniy more sensible and convincing than the older view. In the light of this historians ofthe Byzantine Empire would do well to lok ‘gain at some of thei apparent erates about he organisation of the ‘Themes inthe period before the tem cenry.™™ The sundeing of Fast and West 213. "The origin of the system inthe time of Heraclis has also righty ‘been doubted, and itt more sence to see the reorganitation ofthe army asa product of the very changed military and geographical state ‘ofthe Empire after the rapid period of Arab expansion in the 630s and 640s. The reign of Constans Il (641-68) i the earliest in which such anges cul be looked for, buts limites the evidence tha all hat ‘an be stated with assurance i that by the end of the ceign of Constantine IV (668-88) the four principal Themes of Asia Mino the Anatolic, Armenian, Opsikian and Theakesian ~ were in existence, together with another in Thrace. To these Justinian Il added Themes in Greece (Hellas) and Sicily, and Leo Il created the Kibyereot ‘Theme in south-west Asia Minor, which was an eachsvely naval force." "The greatest concentration of troops was thus inthe east, in Asa Minor, where lay the ever present threat of attack from the Arab CGliphate. Under Hisham (724-43) this took the form of vitally snnal raids into the Byvantine terror in Asa Minor. To the west ‘he Empire, apart from Sicily and various enclaves inlay, had been teuced to litle more than the area of madera Greece and the pains ff Thrace. Former Roman territories to the west and north in the Datkans were inthe hands of the Slvs and the Bulgar. The later, a steppe confederacy, had crossed the Danube around the year 680 and ‘xtiblished themeelies south ofthe river under their Khan Asparsck era decisive vietory over the emperor Constantine IV (668-88). Under Constantine V (741-75) the eligious cforms, that may have been prompted by the teritrial decline and military defeats of the Enpire, were taken considerably further than under his father, and ‘embraced uholchearted atack on monasticism and onthe veneration fof relics. Ae usual our evidence comes only in the form of the ‘elbertely distorted accounts ofthe ultimately victorious enemies of Teonotas, but the references in Theaphanes othe emperor forcing ‘monks to shave ff thir distinctive beards and to masry are specific ‘enough o be credible, This process seems to have started in the year “765 with the execution ofa famed monastic teacher and ascetic called Stephen, and is probably 2 reflection of the role played by monks in leading the opposition to Iconoclasm. The Life writen of this maryr {for the Ieonadle cause provides one ofthe few additional, if highly prejudiced, sources of information for this period of Byzantine Niston. Rome between Constantinople and Francia ‘The effects of the developments in the Empire on the West were ‘considerable. Inthe late seventh century the emperors were sil giving the lead, fr beter o worse, inthe formulation of religious doctrine214 Early medical Earp 300-1000 and practice, Occumenical councils representing all the orthodox ‘churches of Christendom were sil only held in the East and were ‘under the dtetion af the rulers of Constantinople. In 680=I the sixth ‘of the series of Occumeniel eounils was held in Constantinople by ‘command of the emperor Constantine IV to condemn the Mono- thelete theology, which taught that Chest night have Two Natures tnd Persons but only had one Wall or Energy. Under popes Lco It (682-23), who had its acts wanslated into Latin, and Bene Il (684~ 5) the Roman Church actively co-operated in the task of securing the acceptance ofthis Council throughout the West, “The next such imperial venture in the holding ofa general Count proved to the westerners leas, much les succesful In 692, atthe bidding of Justinian Il nother such gathering was held in Constant- rople, which was intended to supplement the work ofthe previous Filth and Sih Occumenical Counils of 553 and 680-1. From this it {ot ts name ofthe "Quinisext (or ‘Fith-Sixth’) Counc, Doctinally there was noting that should have caused dices i this coun telberatons, However because it included in sacs certain regul tions that forthe frst me formalised certain differences between the Greek and Latin Churches in terms of eclsiasial practices it proned to be extgmely dvsie. The principal problem coneered elec From the fifth century onwards any form of clerical mariage was Aisapproved of in the West, and prosinial councils had legislated against ton « umber of acasions. However, the eastern poston was Aliferent. Bishops were not expected to have wives, nor could the ‘members of the lower orders ofthe clergy marry after their ordination. Hlowever, marred men were admited into the priesthood. This istnction had ths ested for some two to three centuries bythe time fof the holding of the “Quinisext Counc, but by commiting the ‘astm rules to writen form in its acts, which had to be sent tthe ‘westem churches for their ratification, this gathering, probably quite “nintenionlly, forced an open debate on this hither acid accepted ddiference Pope Sergius 1 (687-701), a member of a Syrian family resident in Sicily, reised to sign the acts of the Counc, although they had previously been signed by his representatives atthe meeting. He tok Fis stand not only on the issue of clerieal celibacy but also on the renewed precedence given othe see of Constantinople over the older {Churches of Jerse, Antioch and Alexandria, This was an issue that first emerged inthe Council of Chalcedon in 451 and was one of| the contributory causes of pope Leo I's dissatisfaction with that eathering “ustnin I's resort to coercion in 692 only served to show how limited imperial authority had become in Tray by the late seventh The sundering of Bast and West 215, century In 649 when pope Marin I had conened synod in Rome that posed Constr oer his Monotelt Type, the emperor had promply ordered Nearest The cate cr inperal pero in tng {Seay out thse odes had found the support in Rome forthe pope fo arong tat he wa able to manipulator Hs own pepo aod Febaled against the emperor nih papal acing Toweer ty 683 tr posible for a new earch to scize Marin and tend im Constanigople for tal He was sentenced to deh and ded in capaviy In 672 when Justia U wated wo use the same tacts against Sergius [, no only was suppor for the pope's sand ver- selmi in Rome but the amy in Ravenna tied nd marched tout to deend hin, The commander of the emperors bodyguard th ad ben sent to Rome ores Serie was th forced 0 ape to the pope for protection against units of the imperial army.“ ‘Novony had the poston ofthe popes within the ey of Rome tecome invloesle ar frat the emperor was concerned, bit the pony of elective perl ruts intervention In Ty ceased to 2a realy th he clape ofthe rope of Jasin Il 695 and the ening quai cntry of altar and pla nab Hon ves ial the popes were il wling to Se thmstves secular tema a subject the emperor ano defend his nerexs Pope John VI Gut=3) protec she earch Theophyat from murder a the hands oF muinos mi, nd John VIF (708-7) was wing wot 0 mpomise with Jinan Tl over the acs ofthe “Quine Canc. He dd however, ao adorn the church of Santa Marta Antigua in he Forum in Rome wi set esoes in which he predecessor Marin Ivo had slfered the hands of Constans My was depicted s+ ‘Sin. Pope Constiine (08-13) was persuaded wo vat Const ‘Dope in TU and was enaordiarly wel eccved by stan IL "The paalwilinges to co-operate nthe pola sphere withthe peor wis put under considerable bt no site Gta stan by {hein ofthe emperor Leo I's eonoast measures 726. In the seventh century inpeialinvlverent in thealogeal arguments ad inn behind al he major dsptes wih Rame, chou the popes were ‘normal ale aonale this by puting the ame on the Paar ‘ Constaninole for miseaing el imperial master However the Enperor hippies (11-13), who overvew Justinian I ino diced Monetheletam by his own dcr andthe tion of mpi Innocence cea hardy be farther sstsned. In 726 pope Gregory TIS) svongh condemned ot only the leonoetat dacene favoured by Lo but a the woe pcp of te emperor having hry inthe mang of doernal pronouncement. “The stand tien by Gregory Iwas rougher tan those of Marin in 69 and Ser in 692 but he emperors aby wake praca smears apis hin wasyery nie. lea, between 726 and 730,216 Barly media! Eurpe 300-1000 he tied unsucesflly to bring the pope to acept the Lonocst hating. Leo's anenforceble threat © depose the pope ol Ted to fel in those parts of northern Tay sil ander imperil convo, “Thich indo boc ante om he new gy by temo Tnpore massive inerese in taraon ater 717. The Gopatch ofan imperil eto Tay in 732 proved astro, in that much of war Aesvojed in orm, with the loss of men and uteri atthe Erm ould nat evi stor nds no ier ates wee made to tpose a soutin by oe. ‘Dept the sain in relations this ine, and quite conay tothe theoreea postulate of thee Histor wb been progressive icles und polite emancaton ofthe Papacy rom ae the Empire from efit century nad, wht Is most sting the Eontinsnc of secular yay ond Cantniopeo th po the popes ofthe ea eighth century. Nether Greguy Il or his Soectsor Greg II (Bl) anuter ofthe numerous popes of the period who. of Syn ona, wavered in thee plead legance to the Empite. Gregory It sade the ebel in noera itm stig ops emperor The anf he Rom inperal ads ws mare nti aitades dept te com tea resitanee fo Leo i's religous poy. They were no ooking 12 Create am independent papal Shc ther hand castancs in ay ad fred them, om the sine of Gregory 190-008) ond 0 ay a cession indepen Aentpoiel hand Thus Grego fced in 39 ya serious threat to they of Rome fom the Lombards and wih 0 prospect of mitary Intention on the par ofthe earch, who mam bard in Raven trade a peparate ety wih King All For tise was eile by Th he earch and he emperor Marg ut waster inabity 0 {fend th cy tht prompted fis action For he sare reason pope Zacharias (41-52) a 20-year tee for Rome withthe a Sandon 2. Theresia the mit problems fing he Emit in the Eas are in maid the defence of aly came tobe neglete or et Snip to such resource asthe exarchs could semble In these Gieumstances te popes cme to ly aang rl in organising the Stene of Rome. For empl, epi ofthe iy wal way cared tnt by Gregory i They alo came increasingly To represent wet {than intrest, and to ta spokesmen in vaous confontatons teewee the provincia the perl goverment presented Syihc cures The codes mans ofthe popes eve them ees to the emperor denied to ther lls and enabled them © g ‘er the heads othe cures ned be. Ths twas pope Gregory ‘Tho ean resance te feetned tes taton that Le Sought impose The sundering of Fast and West 217 For such reasons the pops also came inthe politcal circumstances fof the seventh and cary eighth centuries t0 ply a vital role as Giplomasc imermediares between the earchs and the Lombard rulers. The importance of this function intensified as the military Situaton in northern Italy turned further and further aginst the Beantines. In 743 pope Zacharias persuaded ing Liutprand (712— +4) to halt his atack‘on the almost defenceless exarchate, and he sepeqted ths achievement in negotiations wih king Ratchis 744-9 in 749." However, the ater's suscessor Ail (749-56) was es easily persuaded and in 751 he eaprured Ravenna and thus finally eliminated the Byzantine exarchate.* Apart from Sei, Apulia and Calabria in the ft south, only two ny enclaves in Veneta and Ista remained of imperial terior in ay King Liutprand had brought Spoleto and Benevent, the two great and hitherto largely independent Lombard duchies f eental and Southern Ialy, firmly under royal contol, and Aistlf had maintained this. He had then gone on to capture Ravenna, The logic ofa politcal reunification of aly under the Lombard Kingdom of Pavia was surely itresstble. Apart from the minor Byzantine holdings, the only remain ing anomaly was the duchy of Rome, cantrolled by the pope. However, it possible thatthe Lombard rulers were in two minds 1s 10 the desirability of adding the city of Rome and is most important inhabitant to their kingdom. The popes had, largely through the imperil nail to defend the central Taian duchy and the city made ‘herelies into the de fac secular rulers ofthe region, aldhough still acknowledging the suzeraingy ofthe emperor. They had also come to take on a wider role in Talian politics and could, as under pope {Gregory I ally themselves wih the neighbouring Lombard dukes of ‘Spoleto in ‘epposing the expansion of royal authrity. There was therefore much tbe gained from the king's point of view in annexing ‘the Roman duchy and preventing it from remaining a potental miliary and politcal hres. ‘On the other hand, the popes’ influence extended far beyond the confines ofthe duchy and even of Tal, and asthe principal Church leaders in the West they could hardy be weated inthe same way 2s, for ‘example, recalcitrant dukes of Spoleto or Benevento, Nor could the Lombard rulers control the election of popes in the way they could, fom the time of Liuprand onwards, contol the sucession to the ‘other duchies, From what they may have known of papal-imperal "elations, cis posible also to suspect that the kings ofthe Lombards ‘would not have relished the Kind of relations wit the popes hat would have resulted from incorporating Rome direc ino thee kingdom." Allin ali scems likely tat in the cary 750s the Lombard rlers would have heen more ansious to neutralise Rome than to annexe i "This must explain the Tact that when inthe spring of 752 Aisulf218 Early medical Europe 300-1000 invaded the duchy of Rome he was willing to make a 40-year treaty of| ‘peace withthe pope rather than press his undoubted miliary advantage nd take the ety rom the point of view ofthe pope, now Stephen ID (7527) the integration ofthe Roman duchy into the Lombard kingdom offered no attraction and within months of making the treaty with Aislin June 4752 he had appealed tothe emperor Constantine V for military aid. “This was not forthcoming a the latter was busy aking advantage of| the chaos following the overthrow ofthe Ummayad Caliphate in 750 to regain ‘Theodosiopolis (Eraurum) and Melitene in eastern Asia ‘Minor In aly Ait, warned thatthe pope was already attempting to subvert the treaty made inthe summer, prepared to launch a major sssault-on Rome in the spring of 753. Stephen THI) tured for immediate aid to the greatest Christian power in the West, the [Arnulf or Carolingian kingdom of Francia, whose ruler already stood in debt to the Papacy for support in replacing the previous Merovingian dynasty in 731, The Frankish king Pippin TI's subse= {quent intervention in Taly proved decisive in bringing about the final detachment ofthe Papacy frm Byzantine polial allegiance and the ‘creation of new western Epi 14 Monks and missionaries “The processes that led othe cultural realignment of the seventh and ight centuries were by no means exlusely negative ones. One of ‘the most striking features ofthe second hal ofthis period in paricular ‘was the way in which the former physical and intellectual boundaries Uf the Roman world came to be superseded. ‘The frontiers of the Empire had represented the limits of the civilised world afar 2 its inhabitants were concerned, and those who lived beyond them were of lle or no interest, ater than as aperiodic menace to good order and peace. There was no sense in which it was felt necessary to ty 0 xport the Benefits of Reman cvsation to such “barbarians Taevitably, elements of Roman material and intellectual culture did seep across the borders, which became in the process increasingly vate inthe lieal sense to those who lived beyond them. In due Course, a5 hasbeen seen, this contributed direty to the implosion of the frontiers under external pressure and ulimatly the disintegration ofthe old policl order. Inthe formative centuries that followed what § customarily called ‘the Fall of the Roman Empire’, the large-scale polidcl structres of Late Antiguty vanished in the West, except very biel and rather shaky in the heyday ofthe Carolingian Empire. But equally significant, the static politcal and intellectual boundaries of| the older order were replaced by an expanding cultural frontier. Geographical areas such as Ireland, Central Europe east ofthe Rhine, the steppes of southern Russia, Scandinavia and leeland, that had scarcely or never been touched by Rome, were brought gradually ino a ‘tural continuum athe result ofthe ative export nd dissemination of Christian In the East, despite the conscious suv ofa Roman identity and stvitades, from the sith century onwards the imperial goverment fame to realse the value that thi export of Christy through ‘missionary acvigy could play in bringing potentially hostile peoples ‘beyond the frontiers into the elural orbit ofthe Empire and ths into {more tractable fame of mind politcal. Both inthe final stages of ‘conflict withthe Zoroastrian regime af Sasunian Persia and in the ‘confrontation with Islam, religion played a crucial role in the ideology {nd the poltis of confontation. Sina, oo, in the Balans the very {rious threats presented tothe Empire by such peoples as the Slavs 4nd the Bulgars were ulkimately contained not so much by military 219220 Early meieal Europe 300-1000 ‘means, which proved only occasionally and temporarily successful, but by bringing about 2 cultural realignment that turned the Balkan ngdoms and thanates ingo what has weflly heen termed the Byzantine Commonvwesith* Inthe fourth and fith centuries a number of large-scale conversions to Christianity had occured on the part of Germanic peoples entering the Empire. This was almost a rite of passage’. To wish to participate inthe benefits offered by Rome meant, fr the Visigoths, Osrogoths, Franks and others, accepting it religion, Fxtaordinaly line informa. tion exist concerning the mechanics a his proces. This not just a ‘question ofthe loss of evidence buta positive abence oft deo the fact that contemporaries apparently id not hinkthese were mates sufi- ‘ent interest or importance to record. On the ether hand, an extensive literature of conversion came into being fromthe late sevenhand eighth centuries onwards, which provides considerable if rarely unambiguous, ‘evidence concerning the processes of conerson ofthe Anglo-Saxons, ‘ofthe various Germanie peoples cast ofthe Rhine, and of Sandinavia, Tn these processes it not easy to distinguish the purely religious pe Most, if indeed not all, of these were composed for monastic224 Early medieval Eurype 300-1000 audiences and readers. For where Gregory was tly novel was in iting the fst pope who had previously been a monk. He belonged in this respect tothe taon ofthe founders of arsteratie house= sronaseis having turned his fry ose om the Cacian Hil gt Thnonssen. Like a numberof bishops e ao maintained a roid ‘monastic Hestle during bis ponent. It was fom his monastery dn de Calan tat he drew the group of monks wham he sent under ‘Rogutine to evangelie the Anglo Kingdom of Kent in 59. he ubnequent history of misionary ventures as ofen been seen asa symbioss between Ish monasicum (which wil be dscused teow) andthe Roman wadiions deriving fom Gregory's venture in Sending monks to Kent. The apparent propensity of the Anglo-Saxon CGhureh rom the later seventh centery onwards for producing Inisonarisanuows to spread! the Gospel to the pagans east ofthe hn (teat own conn Sto reais) see hs rerapecive ava consequence of hae tin clement ints omn EERE, Tn turn the specialties that linked the Ango-Savons to the Papacy came the route through which the Frankish rule ander whose Pulital sels the missionaries ha to work, renewed their contacts Sih Rome: From these derived not least the pap suppor forthe Teplacement ofthe Merovingian dynasty by the Carling i 31 and “imately the coronation ofthe second king of his line a she new Roman emperor nthe yer 0." This pattern of relaonships a least has the itu of meates weve, the realty of the past is rately a td) a6 horns econsrtons of iy and hs partir set of eens asin poi ‘Athouh both Ish monsstictam andthe Papacy had fle fo pay the expansion of Lain Citi and nthe poltical and clad Tealgnmens of eighth century Francia, its dangerous t highlight {hese touch an extent shat ther clement are obscured of coneaed In this chaper the fst parts of these prceses, the misionay ‘entre, wb enmined wile the polis developments in Franca Wil be considered i the next vo. ‘The making of the Irish Church Ireland was the frst terstry beyond the Roman imperial frontiers that ‘was converted to Christianity by missionary activity and in tur the Tish Church was to play 4 crucial role both in the promotion of monastic tevty elsewhere in Western Europe and in the further ‘expansion ofthe religion, and with it aspects of dhe intellectual cukure fof Late Ansiguiy, into aew areas. Thus, the origins, growth and tistnctive characteristics ofIesh Christian, aswell asthe society in ‘ahi i was toe implanted, need to be considered here. However, these ae topics that have formed and continu to provide scholarly Monks and misvionarie 225 batdeground. The problems are, not surprisingly, evidential ones, but they are intensified by a linguistic dimension, that has provided the ‘munition for some of te most savage exchanges berween students of early Irish history."* |Alarge part of the source material is writen in Old Irish Carchaie’ and ‘clissiea’) and Middle Tish, and much of itis suficently far ‘removed fom the modem language for genie difficulties of inte. ‘pretation to occur.” In particular, there have been problems to be faced in uying to assign dates to many ofthe vernacular texts by linguistic eteria, Dating of course central to the question of how much weight tallow tothe testimony of paricular sources, especaly ‘when, 2 nthe case of many ofthe Irish texts, the extant manuscripts ae all relatively modern and thus no guide in themsces "The dating and status of the law tracts have proved amongst the ‘most contentious of nes, bt those of the various set of annals upon ‘whose testimony the chronological framework of Early Medieval Ircland might be expected to hang have been scarcely less 0." The generally secepted slew, though, might sad tobe tht contemporary Fecording of evens inthe extant sets of annals cannet be looked for earlier than 730. Some annals and narrative histories have been Shown toe both mich later in date and more heavily lad with [trary iventon ~ that i, tion ~ than was once thought Orher quisi-histrial teas such as stint” Tes, which also used to be accorded considerable weight as evidence, have been subjected increasingly critical scrutiny. While of intrinsic interest in their own righ, their value as genuine records ofthe Early Medieval centuries thas in mort eases ben reduced to nl" “The limited quantity and nature of genuinely pertinent evidence relating to a number of subjects of central interes, and the heay ‘overlay deriving fom later legendary accretions or deliberately dis= torted versions, makes the study of this period peculiarly dificult. Not the least contzoversial topic i tha of the coming of Christianity into Ireland. Within the indigenous tradition the primary role has always been ascribed to Patrick: However, to say that there is sill no hm agreement as to whether to place his activites in the fist or second half ofthe fifth century is merely to allude to the beginning of the problems concerning im.” Greater probabil, it should be stated, ‘now probably belongs tothe late ith century dating ‘To avoid prolonged historiographicl discussion is fart say that the only sources concerning Patrick that may be treated as being of rect relevance tothe study of his fe are the works that he wrote himsell. Two subsequent Lies (or rather a Lifeand a Memorandum) by Muircha (690) and Tirechin (c 670), do. not lead back 10 the reales ofthe fifth century Likewise, the substantial Pipetite Life ‘9f 895/900 i a marvellous guide tothe aspirations ofthe monastery226 Early medica! Europe 300-1000 of Armagh, which claimed Patrician foundation and predominant Status and authority in the Irish Church on the stength oft bat is ‘ven further distanced from the real Patrick”? is own writings, 88 cpposed tothe beguiling but illusory certainties ofthe later Live are tantalising cbscure, They consist ofa Conf, wich seems tobe defence against varius landers that were being CGeculated about him, and s Teter diected tothe solders of certain orotic. Inthe former he referred to various events in is ie: how ithe age of sixteen he had been taken fom Britain to he sold as a Slave by an Irish riding party, and how he had escaped afer si years ‘Then after he had returned to Britain (ihe chronology at this point ‘becoming extremely vague), he had experienced a vison in which he receive letters rom Ireland via certain Vietorews, appealing t hm to come back." In consequence he seems then to have devoted the Fest of his life wo missionary activity in eland, becoming a bishop in the course oft. Thas been proposed recent, though that his primary interest there was in groups of fellow Briton, who like himself had then carced off in rh slave raids.” This cerainly accords well with the norms of Late Roman eeclesistial practice, but there i no easy tmay to prove or disprove this hypothesis. If itis correct, the conse~ {quences ae that we do ot and cannot know exactly when, how and by ‘thom the lrsh were converted to Christan.” ‘Although the authors of later Lie, who shared with the modern historian the problem of making a coherent account out of Patricks ‘own elipial writing, atrbue the introduction of Christianity into Ireland and the conversion af the most powerful kingdoms to his missionary labour, tise slznost certainly gross exaggeration. Both from independent sources and even fom the logic of Patrick's own ‘words itis clear that Christians were tobe found in Ireland before he began his work there ‘Although never poiiclly 2 part of the Roman Empire, and in consequence retaining elements ofa pre-Roman Iron Age social order Inu longer than most other regions of Wester Europe, Ireland was inevitably influenced by the culate of its dominant neighbour. ® That this involved the gradal penetration of Christianity, mediated ether through Britain of nthe Gaul, i proved not least by the reference in the contemporary Chronicle of Prosper to pope Celestine sending the Ish believing in Christ certain Palladus to be thei ‘fist bishop? In his Le of Patrck Muirchi, who knew Prosper’ work, ‘had tll ff Pallas after an aortve vist, so aso ensure Patrick's Sats a the tue founding father ofthe lish Church. Tn view of the evidential cbscurty itis hard to sy more than that itis certain that Christianity was establishing ielf in Ireland in the course tf the ith century, si was also doing a this time in Roman Baits, tnd amongst some of the independent Celie Kingdoms nor of ‘Monks and miionarier 227 Hadeia’'s Wall Its not certain how so0n monastic communities began to appear in either Britain or Ireland, though some certainly {ested in the former by the time of Gildas (0 540), The nish evidence is even less clear, in thatthe subsequent centuries saw a proliferation lof monasteries anaous to extend their origins backwards into a large invented past, and to endow their founders with appropriate miracu Tous powers and deeds. However, itis posible tos that bythe end of the sixth century atleast small numberof monastic communities did ‘exist in Ireland, and in such areas as western Scotland, ito which cements of Ish population had been migrating since the ith century ‘Such establishments should in no sense be visualised asin any way corresponding tothe typeof constructions familiar from the numerous remains and survivals of later medical monasteries, Nor wee they Hike the aristocratic house monasteries" setup in towns in the south of Gaul in Rome and in Noth Aca, and which represented the main form of monastic institution before the spread ofthe Irish monks. The nearest extant equialent are probably tobe seen in the monastic sites (of Irland that date from before the Anglo-Norman conquest ofthe tvelth century, af for example at Glendalough, Clonmacnois and Monastertoie. Such monasteries are very eminiscent of the earliest ‘communities of Egypt and Syria in that within the compound wall teach monk had his own individual hat or eel. The only tone buldings ‘were the smal nd very simple churches, each dedicated ta different Saint, which were plces of pilgrimage and meditation rather than being intended to accommodate the entre commit in corporate liturgical acts. * Those Irish monasteries that are known to have existed bythe late sith century include Bangor (Co. Down), founded by Comgall, probably Ciara's foundaton at Clonmactois, and ceriny the three linked communities of Derry, Durrow and lona (inthe faner Hebrides) tht were created by Columba (597). eis posible that ‘others were equally frmiy established by this time, but the mature of| the relevant evidence is too unreliable for certainy in mos cases. The foundation of Iona either in 563 o¢ 365 represents the first establish: tment of an Irish monastery outside the island.** Even more wide aching, though, were tobe the travels andthe monarie foundations jn the Continent in this same peviod of an Ish abot from Bangor called Columbanus (615. ‘Before considering the nature and effects ofthe Irish impact on Europe, it is necessary, briefly, to look for the answers w0 to questions: why did monte communities come so rapidly to play sich ‘an apparently dynamic role in Irish society; and why did they prone to ‘be sch useful vehicles for the transmission of learned, and only recently received, intellectual culture tothe regions outside Ireland?228 Early medical Exrype 300-1000 A total absence of towns, atleast before the tenth century, and the peculiarities of the political structures of Irish society made the {reation of diocese on the pattern employed the former lands of the Roman Empite 1 pracial impossity in he sland. However, monasteries that resembled those of Egypt in terms oftheir size and ‘organisation, provided an altemave. ARhough the evidence is fr From being impressive either i its quantity os ear, itis possible that by the seventh century the greater monastic communities had ‘become the principal eclsiasial landowners in Treland, and that their abbots were by then the primary foun of authority in its Church Tes often pointed out that monasteries might in consequence contain tne or more bishops to perform the liargical functions that were parculr to their office, bu they were subordinate tothe power ofthe thboe" Iris necessary, however, to be very cautious in the light ofthe limited evidence. Such a stem may haye been peculiar 10 the ‘monastic confederacy created by Columba." ‘tempts have been made to explain such developments, which were quite anomalous in terms of the orgaisation of the Church elsewhere in Europe. Rejecting those tht depend on nothing more than 2 Remnant view ofthe special Polk ofthe Celts, the most compre- hensible answers relate to the lack of large-scale politcal structure in Ireland at this time. Sill allowing forthe fact that the principal historical soures, the Antals are far from contemporancous at this time, the evidence suggests that Ireland was divided into 2 large ‘umber of small and not very stable kingdoms, perhaps between 80 snd 100 in number is necessary to rect the kind of rigid categorisation beloved by the creators and later glossators of some ofthe legal text, that would present us with a pattem of different iypes of Kingdom, neatly and Ferarchically arranged, and with the rights of overking® in elton to their ‘subkings’ precisely tabulate." The realty was altogether ‘messer, with dramatic shifts in local and regional power depeading ‘upon the competence as warleaders and providers of remard (Weasur, cattle and becr of individual kings. On such basis smal kingdom {ul grow int big one o ast as easly be overrun by neighbour. The king of «tth, the basic small trbalpoleal unit, might nd bimselfabliged to pay tute toa more powerful lol ruler, but only for as lng asthe ater seemed to have the material power to enforee ie Tn such circumstances monasteries, endowed with lands and herds by local rulers, and in many eases withthe royal house alo eioying something of a monopaly ia the abbatial sucessan, proved easier to establish than episcopal dioceses, whose boundaries would eaely have ben able to corespond tothe more Muctating rales of pial frontier. The lack of centralised authority in Ireland also meant that there was no secular power to guarante the protection and funtion~ Monks and miioarien 229 ing ofthe kind of eclsiastial organisation 1p be found elsewhere in Wester Europe. “Monks were also bestr able than secular clergy to ftinto the slots in| lush society ecent vacated by the pagan learned and prety cases Rigorous asceticism and morication seem to have formed pat of the Inial taining and subsequent lfesivle of the druid and the fd ot ‘eer’ who may for convenience be called the magicians and the poets. The later in particular were of vital importance in pe-iterste Trish society, for their memorisation of laws, genealogies, and heroic poems provided the ony vehicle forthe preseration of the ecards of| the kingdoms, and thus the historical dimension oftheir scarste Identices.** ‘With the introduction of wring the monasteries, many of which ‘were established in close proximity othe main royal centres, took over ‘most of these functions. The monks sso came to enjoy the legal stats {nd immunities one enoyed by the pagan learned cases, A number fof the monasteries became intellectual centes to which aspiring ‘monks were drawn, a8 much by the reputation for leaning as for the ascetic sanctity oftheir abboss. These later exerised power over their charges and 2 responsibly for their spiritual wellte hat was again very reminiscent of the Egyptian founding fathers of cocnobitc ‘morastcism, but which als corresponded tothe intensely hierarchical ‘ature of authority inthe pre-Chesan rsh intelligentsia, Because Ireland had never formed a par ofthe Empire, che Lain language and the literary culture of Rome and of Christianity were alien 10 its society. This is not, though, to say that the Tesh were ‘unaware of their powerful neighbour, butt mean that the conversion (ofthe irish involved not just change in eligios allegiance but alo & ‘major cultural transformation” Irish clerics became aid to obtain whatever they could ofthe literary apparatus oftheir new faith They were also, because they themselves had had consciously to esr Latin 254 fore language to master the texts that they needed to read, ‘uniquely well qualified to instruct others who were similarly placed, sich asthe Germanic-speaking Anglo-Saxons." Ta way thats again most reminiscent ofthe raditions of Exypian| and Syrian monasticism, the Ish monks took very seriusiy and ‘tral the injunctions concering slf-negation and renuniation. In that the equivalent of desert could hardly be found in Ian, this ‘fen took the form of physical withdrawal to rocks and small lands ff the coast, most dramatically strated by such + site as Skelig “Michael in the south-west, But withdrewal could alo be achieved by ‘ny form of self-imposed exile away from the leal society which fuaranteed the individual his freedom and status, and where his strong family and trial tes would be leated. In consequence, there developed the tradition of what became known asthe Greater and the230. Early mies! Exrope 300-1000 Lesser Perinat or pilnage, a which the aspiing ascete with- Aree rom the protection tha exe fom hi own fay and uth. In the Lase form he removed himself fom the boundaries of sown ingdomin which is security had been garanted by his fai and ‘ere Inthe Greater orm he whew entirely fom Ireland der 2 sltmposed wow not t ret” Tehasafen been amurmed tht his ado of Perinat was what Jed Ish mon to eos the eas 0 Bean and othe Casinent, and {found or in exting monastic communis thee. It would, in is perpetve, be thereat motvating fore Behind te impers ien by {he lh to Western European monastic reform and expansion. This then, is the mainspring of the whe monement of misloary ac. Yeu 3s wit 30 many ofthe waonl cerns of the scholary onus on ety Ih history, starts © crumble way in the hand the harder its examined The evidence, incrtably, ends o porte ‘he supposed cary tages ofthe phenomenon andi te elsticatons ‘of Ponpna we may once again be encountering he love ofall ‘sstemaking that spel of so many ofthe normative text, both Secular and eclesseal, produced incu medieval Trend. Reis Slear that Columba, who according to he rus shoul never have fetumed Tread after the foundaon of lon in 863.07 365, 8 FRequedy tobe found back in is home land thereat. ‘Certainly Irish monks their self nposed Gi probably reverse) cal took themsches tothe Continent, flowing log:

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