Diaspora, Indigenous, and Minority Education

Studies of Migration, Integration, Equity, and Cultural Survival

ISSN: 1559-5692 (Print) 1559-5706 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hdim20

The Global Education Reform Movement and Its

Effect on the Local African American Community

Kelli A. Rushek

To cite this article: Kelli A. Rushek (2017) The Global Education Reform Movement and Its Effect
on the Local African American Community, Diaspora, Indigenous, and Minority Education, 11:3,
139-147, DOI: 10.1080/15595692.2016.1219848

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 DIASPORA, INDIGENOUS, AND MINORITY EDUCATION
2017, VOL. 11, NO. 3, 139–147
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15595692.2016.1219848

The Global Education Reform Movement and Its Effect on the

Local African American Community
Kelli A. Rushek
Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, School of Education, The University of Queensland, Brisbane,
Australia

ABSTRACT
This conceptual research paper explores educational reformation through
the theoretical work of Appadurai (1996) and Castells (2000) in the flows
and connectivity of global networks. It discusses the global, national, and
local effects of the neoliberal ideological reformations in education and
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their effects on the African American student population from underserved

communities, specifically drawing from the author’s experience as a high
school teacher in Chicago Public Schools (CPS). Competition between
nation-states and the creation of a so-called model minority have led to a
rise in accountability measures in education, resulting in a high-stakes
testing regime. The unintended negative consequences of these reforma-
tions belie the educational preparation for a student in the global sphere,
leading to the further marginalization of African American students in
underserved communities.

In the contemporary world, the universally shared experience of formal education is the most
prevalent and commonplace institution (Spring, 2008). Due to vast differences between the global
and the local, not all schools, systems, nor students are the same nor should they be treated so
(Anderson-Levitt, 2003). However, despite these inherent differences, many of the education dis-
courses of globalization often stem from beliefs of government and business groups imploring
schools to meet the needs of the changing global economy in order to remain competitive
(Spring, 2008). These economic pulls have affected the institution of global education through the
creation of reforms that are being partially driven by neoliberal marketization strategies of account-
ability and measurement (Apple, 2000). However, in the United States, the educational reforms that
emerge from neoliberal ideologies of business are creating a greater chasm between the rich and the
poor (Christie, 2008), especially for Blacks and Hispanics in underserved communities (Darling-
Hammond, 2007). In order for all students to be a part of the global knowledge economy, the
education system instead needs to help children develop the knowledge and skills that will allow
them to be operative global citizens (Christie, 2008; Zhao, 2015).
This article will discuss the global, national, and local effects of the neoliberal ideological reformations in
education and their effects on the African American student population from underserved communities,
specifically in the large metropolitan city of Chicago in the United States. In three parts, it will comprehen-
sively discuss the relationship of global, large-scale factors to the small-scale, local community effects. Part
A will examine how the global educational discourses and practice have informed the national educational
reforms; it will begin with a discussion of educational globalization theories before moving into an
examination of comparative frameworks, which will serve as the lens of analysis of the transversal and
impactful relationship between the United States report A Nation at Risk (1983) and the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) Program for International Student Assessment

CONTACT Kelli A. Rushek kelli.rushek@uqconnect.edu.au School of Education, The University of Queensland, 19/204 Alice
Street, Brisbane CBD, QLD 4000, Australia.
© 2017 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
 140 K. A. RUSHEK

(PISA). Part B will then consider how the national informs the local by focusing on the effects of the high-
stakes testing regime in the United States stemming from the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB).
Part C will analyze the effects these flows have had on the public education of the local African American
community, from unattainable goals and failing schools, to the continuation of marginalization resulting in
the ill-preparation of these students to partake in the global knowledge economy.

Part A: The educational global informing of the national

To adequately discuss the effect of globalization on educational processes, it is important to note the
work of Appadurai (1996) and Castells (2000) as well as (Spring, 2008). Appadurai’s (1996)
introduction of the language of global flows provides a theoretical structure for the process of
globalization (Spring, 2008). These flows, which are fluid, irregular landscapes that shape everything
from international capital to clothing styles (Appadurai, 1996), encapsulate the movement of ideas,
practices, institutions, and people, which Spring (2008) defines as follows:
ethnoscapes, the movement of the world’s peoples; financescapes, the movement
of trade, money, and capital; technoscapes, the movement of technology;
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mediascapes, the movement of images and ideas in popular culture; and

ideoscapes, the movement of ideas and practices concerning government and
other institutionalized policies (p. 333).

Castells (2000) explicates the notion of these global flows into networks; that these flows move
through these networks, which can compress time and space as technoscapes expand. These networks
will continue to grow, attracting new members, and increasing possibilities of success on the global
stage (Spring, 2008). Who has access to these networks is dependent on the reach of the global flows.
When financescapes and ideoscapes flow concurrently, educational reforms can be affected on a
global scale. This can be seen in the relatively recent Western adaptation of the ancient Chinese
testing culture. In China, high-stakes tests have been prevalent for over a thousand years, as Chinese
emperors relied on an exam system called keju to cull government officials; however, this testing
system was widely blamed for China’s failure to prepare its citizens for modernization when Western
powers destroyed the empire in the 19th century (Zhao, 2014). The keju ended in 1905, but the
essence of the test is alive in the Chinese college entrance exam, or gaokao, which has been at the
center of secondary curriculum for over a hundred years (Zhao, 2014). The ancient testing system
was blamed for failure to cultivate creativity and enterprise into its citizens in order to prepare them
for modernization. It could be telling that the Chinese Ministry of Education has passed the Green
Reform in order to deemphasize the testing regime in Chinese education in order to steer focus to
the development of creativity and socioemotional well-being of its students (Zhao, 2013). This could
be due to Chinese policy makers’ forethought to prepare their citizens for the changing landscapes of
globalization, by using education to cultivate active, innovative citizens for the skilled labor force
required for emerging new occupations (Sahlberg, 2015). Conversely, the Western world is moving
or has moved toward the previous Chinese educational testing culture.
Finnish education scholar Pasi Sahlberg (2012) refers to the Global Education Reform Movement
as GERM, and argues that this movement, characterized by competition and the accountability
measures that stem from standardized testing, has negatively affected the global institution of
education (Sahlberg, 2012, 2015). GERM, it is argued, is an old paradigm, reminiscent of ancient
Chinese history (Zhao, 2014), which will not prepare students for global competence (Sahlberg, 2012;
Zhao, 2015). Behind the GERM may be what Apple (2005) defines as conservative modernization,
which is the connection between a weakened state and educational reforms centering on a neoliberal
philosophy to install rigorous forms of accountability into schooling. The theory of conservative
modernization could aid in analyzing the competitive frameworks that spurred the United States’
1983 report A Nation at Risk (National Commission on Excellence in Education, 1983). Crossley and
Tikly (2004) argue that comparative education is underlined by the spread of the Western form of
 DIASPORA, INDIGENOUS, AND MINORITY EDUCATION 141

education through colonization, and this spurs the epistemological basis of comparative thinking.
Postcolonial analysts conclude that neoliberalism is an ideology that was constructed to keep
privileged nations and people in positions of power and wealth in the global economy (Becker,
2006; Crossley & Tikly, 2004).
The theoretical frameworks of conservative modernization, comparative education, and postcolonial
analysis could have been the theoretical impetus behind the introduction of the United States report A
Nation at Risk (1983), which stated: “Our Nation is at risk. Our once unchallenged preeminence in
commerce, industry, science, and technological innovation is being overtaken by competitors throughout
the world” (National Commission on Excellence in Education, 1983, p. 1). This admittance of a weakened
state, fueled by competition stemming from the economy, led to the conservative modernization of the
educational reforms that would follow. The report further noted that because the United States had fallen
behind Japan, West Germany, Eastern Europe, and the USSR in the production of scientists, science and
technology were to become the engines for change and progress (Gardner, 1983), creating a comparative
relationship between nation-states and the necessity of a strong educational institution.
The United States trade disputes with Japan in the 1980s and the early 1990s also contributed to the
weakening of the state, underlying the tone of concern behind the report. Japan had insisted that the
United States had not sufficiently improved its industrial competitiveness, highlighted by the fact that
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40% of U.S. exports to Japan were products such as raw materials, food, and lumber that could be
produced by low-skilled workers without much educational attainment; on the other hand, Japanese
exports to the United States included electronics and technology, made by highly skilled workers and
engineers (Morillo, 1994). The need to cultivate more skilled workers in the United States to compete
with economic powers also contributed to the momentum of the neoliberal educational reforms.
As the global financescapes and technoscapes flowed into ideoscapes, the United States govern-
ment reported its general dissatisfaction with the deterioration of its public education system, and in
the report cited international comparisons, statistics on functional literacy, and lower student
achievement on standardized tests (Mazama & Lundy, 2013) as the evidential factors. This was
exacerbated by high inflation in the U.S. economy, high unemployment, and the increased competi-
tion from Asian nations, which were boasting higher achievement test scores (Harris & Herrington,
2006). The report called for a disciplined effort to attain high expectations in schooling (Mazama &
Lundy, 2013), which stimulated a standards-based educational movement that shifted policies to
accountability in showcasing competency to high proficiency standards (Lee & Wong, 2004).
The end of the Cold War and the rise in global flows led to the influence of educational comparative
data on an international platform (Sellar & Lingard, 2013). The World Bank, which had already made
educational development a goal in 1968 (Goldman, 2005), was joined by other intergovernmental
organisations such as the United Nations and the OECD to promote global educational agendas that
reflected global economic development (Spring, 2008). The OECD has had a significant role in
standardizing global education through the international comparative assessment, PISA (Rizvi &
Lingard, 2006), which is designed to test skills needed by the knowledge economy (Spring, 2008).
Spring (2008) argues that the global comparison of international test scores reported by PISA are
particularly important for creating global uniformity of educational practices. The assessment, which was
first conducted in 2000, has become successful in its coverage by the media and the attention given to it
by international policy makers, politicians, and academics (Sellar & Lingard, 2013). However, as Zhao
(2015) argues, there is a high risk in the global fixation on these test scores as indicators of what
constitutes a quality education; it causes a fear of being surpassed by others and a desire to emulate the
supposed elite educational systems ranked highest. This reiterates Appadurai’s (1996) statement that
“there is both desire and fear with global flows” (p. 29) and the ideoscape of egalitarianism.
Over the past few decades, with more recent fuel from “The PISA Scare,” which developed when
the PISA rankings were first published, and politicians in differing nation-states were shaken by the
rankings (Sellar, 2015), many democratic and developed nations have also engaged in educational
reforms that focus on the standardization of the knowledge economy (Zhao, 2015). Based on the
global comparison that the PISA findings share, national education policy leaders may organize their
 142 K. A. RUSHEK

national curricula to meet the standards set by these global tests (Spring, 2008). Led by the same
ideologies that led to the United States report A Nation at Risk, other countries such as Australia, the
United Kingdom, and New Zealand have revised or are similarly revising their education systems,
which Zhao (2015) argues will not only put their nations at risk, but the world.

Part B: The national informing the local: The high-stakes testing regime in the United
States
While Zhao’s arguments paint a tragic future for global education, they are rooted in the American
experience with the GERM, in which the competitive factors of testing and accountability compelled
policy makers to reform curricula, teachers, and assessments (Sahlberg, 2012; Zhao, 2015). The report A
Nation At Risk (1983) accelerated the standards-based educational reformation in the United States, and
nearly 20 years after its publication, culminated in the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB). NCLB
aimed to improve the quality of public education by closing the racial achievement gap, as White students
were consistently outperforming Black and Hispanic students, and to attain high academic standards for all
students (Lee & Wong, 2004; Thompson & Allen, 2012). “An equal society,” U.S. President George W.
Bush told the National Urban League in August of 2001, “would begin with ‘equally excellent schools’”
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(Kozol, 2005, p. 58).

Most Democratic and Republican legislators adapted to Bush’s view and endorsed the policy to
hold the NCLB Act accountable to its claims by a enforcing a central role of testing in schools: every
American student beginning in third grade would be tested annually (Fox, 2001). The Act also
included strict demands for proof of Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP) in all public schools—despite
any poverty or racism, scarcely detailed in the plan (Fox, 2001)—and penalties, such as the loss of
federal funds for schools that did not show adequate improvement, as measured by student scores on
these standardized exams (Kozol, 2005). In order to document the proposed closing of the achieve-
ment gap, the NCLB Act especially sought out accountability of student academic improvement in
Black and Hispanic students (Darling-Hammond, 2007), and all states receiving federal funding were
required to demonstrate that all students were performing at minimum levels of proficiency in
reading and math by 2014 (Byrd-Blake et al., 2010; Mazama & Lundy, 2013).
Previously, the findings of standardized tests had documented a chasm between the achievement
of disaggregated subgroups, especially in those demographic subgroups related to poverty, race, and
ethnicity, namely Hispanics and African Americans (McNeil & Valenzuela, 2001). While many
would argue that drawing attention to the achievement gap could aid in its narrowing (McNeil &
Valenzuela, 2001), NCLB is based on a “superficial-deficit model” (Dede, 2002), in that the focus of
the reform is on the output, such as the closing of the racial achievement gap, rather than the input,
such as better allocated resources (McMillian, 2003).
Teachers and schools across the country have become subject to intense pressures from these account-
ability systems (Confrey, Makar, & Kazak, 2004), yet as the act was layered onto an already disproportio-
nately unequal school system, these test score targets penalize those schools serving the neediest students
(Darling-Hammond, 2007). In addition, the percentage of students attending high-poverty schools in the
United States is growing. According to The Condition of Education (2015), in 2011–2012, 19% of
American students were attending schools with a high concentration of free-and-reduced lunch (FRPL),
the matrix that categorizes students living in high poverty. In the 2012–2013 school year, that percentage
had increased to 24% of students which were attending schools with a high concentration of free-and-
reduced lunch (The Condition of Education 2015, 2015). Therefore, these test score targets are penalizing
more schools and more students each year.
In their book Collateral Damage: How High-Stakes Testing Corrupts America’s Schools, Nichols
and Berliner (2007) apply Campbell’s Law to the domain of high-stakes testing through a compel-
ling, evidence-based argument (Callet, 2008). Campbell’s Law states that “the more any quantitative
social indicator is used for social decision-making, the more subject it will be to corruption measures
and the more apt it will be to distort and corrupt the social processes it was intended to monitor”
 DIASPORA, INDIGENOUS, AND MINORITY EDUCATION 143

(Campbell, 1976, p. 28). For many critics of NCLB, the national educational reform movements, and
student achievement accountability measures in the form of the quantitative testing regime,
Campbell’s Law showcases the corruption of our nation’s schools, especially those in underserved
Black and Hispanic communities in the United States.
In order to discuss the national effect on the local underserved communities, it is important
to analyze historically shaped spatializations of sociodemographics in large metropolitan cities
in the United States. The discussion of community in relation to race and socioeconomic
status is noteworthy, as there are isolated, concentrated communities of minorities, many from
low socioeconomic backgrounds. This is often the effect of politicians’ prominent segregation
of public housing in neighborhoods with a large proportion of residents of low socioeconomic
level (Massey, 1996). As a result of this segregation, African Americans who live in these
communities have been disproportionately affected by this centralized poverty (Massey, 1990;
Wilson, 1991). There are concerns of the intergenerational, cyclical nature of the transmission
of poverty and the amplified centralization of poverty in these communities (Crane, 1991).
Chicago is especially segregated, as neighborhood communities are often dominated by a single
racial or ethnic group: in 68 of 77 communities in Chicago, 50% of the population identify
with a single racial or ethnic group, and 29 of these communities signify as a racial majority of
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Black citizens living within these communities (Demographics, 2011).

Wilson (2007) argues that while these impoverished communities of African Americans in American
cities such as Cleveland, Detroit, St. Louis, and Chicago have always “warehoused the racial poor” (p. 2) and
have been negatively represented, these aspects have accelerated since the 1990s in order to make room for a
“neoliberal physical and social restructuring” of “globally-competitive economic spaces” (p. 2). He cites the
newly redeveloped zones of Chicago’s “Loop-Gentrification Complex” as an example. Since Wilson’s 2007
publication, in the last 5 years, Chicago has spent $60 million dollars on the Maggie Daley Park (Rodriguez,
2014), and $99 million on the Chicago Riverwalk (Brown, 2015). These city improvements are located
downtown, where of the 20,000 residents who live in the Loop, 68% are White, which constitutes the area as
a White neighborhood, as are all of the neighborhoods directly surrounding the Loop (Demographics, 2011).
These “globally-competitive economic spaces” further the segregation and the limitation of resources to the
underserved communities within Chicago, and underscore the disparity between the rich and the poor
through the rise in private capital coupled with the budget cuts in the private sectors (Shiller, 2007). Shiller
(2007) argues that the wealthy benefit from the financial growth of these global cities such as Chicago,
whereas the poor are lacking in important social services such as health care and schooling.
The global flows have reiterated the local African American communities’ racial and socioeconomic
segregation, which ultimately affects the education of the students within these communities. African
American students, especially those from a lower socioeconomic status, attend schools that are
resegregating (Bonilla-Silva, 2015; Frankenberg, Lee, & Orfield, 2003), and because Chicago’s neigh-
borhoods are defined by race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status, the student intake of the public
schools is thus defined by these factors as well. According to the Chicago Public Schools website, of the
396,683 students in the system during the 2014–2015 school year, 85% of students were Latino or
African-American, and 87% of students were considered low-income (“Chicago Public Schools—Stats
and Facts,” 2015). Because of the high centralization of African American and Latino students
designated as low-income within the local school district, the individual public schools within
individual communities are not spared by the ramifications of the high-stakes testing regime.

Part C: The effects of the global and national on the local: Effects on the local urban
African American community
The effect of globalization on the institution of education stems from the work of Appadurai (1996) and
Castells (2000), but the effect globalization has on the education of a local African American student from
an underserved neighborhood can be viewed through the theoretical racial framework of Bonilla-Silva
(2015). Appadurai (1996) provides a general conceptual framework for the process of globalization through
 144 K. A. RUSHEK

the global “flows” of people, ideas, institutions, and practices (Spring, 2008). Castells (2000) interpreted
these global flows into networks, in that being a part of these networks increases the possibilities of success
(Spring, 2008). But what about those who do not have access to these global networks? Through its
networking of relations at “the social, political, economic, and ideological levels” (Bonilla-Silva, 2015), the
United States has created a “racial structure” that “shapes the life chances of various races” (Bonilla-Silva,
2015). This racial structure is culpable for the cyclical nature of racial advantage for the dominant group,
and thus disadvantage for the subordinate races (Bonilla-Silva, 2015). Racial hierarchies, including the
creation of a so-called model minority, ultimately dictate access to global flows and networks. Therefore, in
a society that has created networks that inherently are produced for the dominant culture, those global
educational networks that Castells (2000) discusses are not consistently attainable for African American
students from underserved communities.
Market-driven educational reforms are prevalent in the Chicago Public School (CPS) system, where
accountability to student achievement measures affects principals, teachers, and students with immense
pressures to meet NCLB’s AYP in order to keep the schools open. However, test score targets are
unattainable and penalize schools who serve the neediest students (Darling-Hammond, 2007), and allow
schools to game the system by pushing out (or by excluding the admission of) low-scoring students who
could reduce the test score average, thus causing the school to be labeled “failing” and opening up the
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likelihood of school closure (Darling-Hammond, 2007). For many years during and post-NCLB, the
CPS system highlighted Darling-Hammond’s arguments as a substantial percentage of the School
Quality Ratings Policy (SQRP), the metric that is used by the district to label schools as “failing” or
“adequate,” under the NCLB guise of AYP, is solely based on achievement on high-stakes test scores.
Educational reforms based on accountability measures have unintentional negative consequences
for the local public schools. In a position paper on the information of comparative school perfor-
mance, the Australian Primary Principals Association (APPA) acknowledged the repercussions of
high-stakes tests on the nature of teaching and learning when there is a shift of focus onto the results
of the assessment (APPA, 2009). These unforeseen negative consequences have been identified as (a)
a narrowing of the curriculum, as teachers are pressured to teach to what will be tested, (b) a neglect
of curricula that are not tested, (c) a neglect of critical thinking skills that are not formally assessed,
(d) a shift in class time to practice testing strategies and to perform kill-and-drill activities, (e) a
participation in practices to create an image of high performance, and finally, (f) a growth in a
commercial testing industry fueled by its own interests (APPA, 2009; Darling-Hammond, 2007).
These negative consequences plaguing the Australian school system are readily seen in the local
classrooms in CPS. As a high school English teacher in a school which served a majority student
population of Black students who qualified for FRPL, through top-down managerial hierarchies within
the district, I was strongly urged to abandon all previously taught curricula (creative and academic
writing) in order to create a year-long class for high school juniors that had the sole purpose of
preparing the students for the American College Test’s (ACT) multiple choice English section, one-
fourth of the high-stakes test on which the school’s AYP goals hinged. My lesson plans were to
represent the various College Readiness Standards outlined by the ACT every single day.
But I am not alone. Teachers in schools across the country are also affected in the post-high-stakes
testing regime in the U. S. education system. Both Darling-Hammond (2007) and Thompson and Allen
(2012) showed that teachers who serve the neediest students reported less job satisfaction and increased
pressures from administration and the district networks to produce high-scoring test scores; thus, the
labeling system of “failing” schools has made it more difficult for the neediest schools to attract or retain
high-quality teachers. In the CPS teacher performance evaluation, called Recognizing Educators Advancing
Chicago’s Students, or REACH, a quarter of the teacher’s annual evaluation rating relies on “student
growth.” The page on the CPS website that details the performance evaluation states: “In CPS, we measure
growth in classes where we have tests using an approach called Value-Added. It determines whether a
teacher’s students perform as expected, better than expected or less than expected on tests” (“CPS: Reach
Students: Student Growth,” 2015). Sahlberg (2015) argues that the use of value-added models to measure
the effect a teacher has on student achievement is controversial. He quoted the American Statistical
 DIASPORA, INDIGENOUS, AND MINORITY EDUCATION 145

Association and their recent conclusions that teachers account for about 1–14% of the variability in test
scores; the majority of opportunities for quality improvement in student achievement are found in system-
level conditions (Sahlberg, 2015).
The public schools in underserved African American communities are relegated to a deficit model
(Dede, 2002); they are viewed as lacking in comparison to their more racially and socioeconomically
privileged counterparts. Yet, the context of the situation, or moreover, what caused the context of the
situation, is rarely taken into consideration by educational policy makers. In his book The Shame of
the Nation: The Restoration of Apartheid Schooling in America, Jonathan Kozol (2005) argues for the
consideration of context by the dominant culture:
Higher standards, higher expectations, are insistently demanded of these urban principals, and of their teachers
and the students in their schools, but far lower standards certainly in ethical respects appear to be expected of
the dominant society that isolates these children in unequal institutions (p. 34).

The student isolation to which he refers is furthered by the narrow focus on the skills needed only for the
end-of-year test; students living in poverty are not being prepared to enter the global world. Theorists such
as the New London Group (1996) argue that “economic and cultural globalization has brought about
changes that are placing additional demands on school” (Christie, 2008, p. 59). Therefore, schools need to
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go beyond teaching the basic skills of literacy and mathematics to prepare students for a globalizing world.
Schools need to teach multiliteracies so that students will be able to communicate across cultural and
language differences (Christie, 2008). The neoliberal reforms of present are creating systems that are
denying teachers, at the local level, the ability to cultivate the creative and innovative critical thinkers that
the United States will need in the global knowledge economy (Sahlberg, 2015). This is, in essence, denying
African American children from underserved communities the access to Castells’s (2000) networks of
globalization.

Conclusion
Diverse discourses in the domain of public education are critical (Wilson, 2007). The global flows driven
by fear and desire have affected global, national, and local educational reforms through neoliberal
underpinnings that, through their focus on competition and accountability, are not cultivating the
creative, innovative, and critically thinking students that will be needed to participate in the global
sphere. Competition between nation-states and the creation of a model minority have further margin-
alized certain sociodemographics at the bottom of a constructed racial hierarchy, to much detriment.
Preparing students, especially students in underserved areas, for the world does not mean teaching them
how to take a standardized test. In order to close the achievement gap, the goal that the NCLB Act set
forth in 2001, African American students in segregated public schools in segregated neighborhoods need
their educational reforms to allow them the preparation for the global knowledge economy, not
mandated preparation for the PISA test.

Acknowledgments
The author would like to acknowledge Dr. Ravinder Sidhu at the University of Queensland, Australia, for her patient,
critical tutelage of globalization in education.

Notes on contributor
Kelli A. Rushek is an educator and a student of education.

ORCID
Kelli A. Rushek http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5031-9261
 146 K. A. RUSHEK

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