ARCHAEOLINGUA

Edited by
ERZSÉBET JEREM and WOLFGANG MEID

Series Minor
38
 CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS
IN IRON AGE EUROPE

Edited by
IAN ARMIT, HRVOJE POTREBICA, MATIJA ČREŠNAR,
PHILIP MASON and LINDSEY BÜSTER

BUDAPEST 2016
 Front Cover
Digital image showing detail of face of female figure on the Vače situla
(produced by Adrian Evans and Rachael Kershaw, and reproduced
courtesy and copyright of the National Museum of Slovenia
/Bradford Visualisation/ENTRANS).

Back Cover
Lidar image showing the Iron Age hillfort of Poštela near Maribor in Slovenia,
and its surrounding landscape (prepared by Dimitrij Mlekuž, and reproduced
courtesy of the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia).

ISBN 978-963-9911-83-3
HU-ISSN 1216-6847

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ARCHAEOLINGUA ALAPÍTVÁNY
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 Contents

IAN ARMIT – HRVOJE POTREBICA – MATIJA ČREŠNAR –

PHILIP MASON – LINDSEY BÜSTER
Introduction: cultural encounters and the ENTRANS Project .................. 7

THE ENTRANS PROJECT: CURRENT DIRECTIONS

LINDSEY BÜSTER – IAN ARMIT – ADRIAN EVANS –

RACHAEL KERSHAW
Developing the 3D imaging of Iron Age art in the ENTRANS Project ... 23
HRVOJE POTREBICA – JANJA MAVROVIĆ MOKOS
Encounters on borders of worlds:
the Kaptol Group in the Early Iron Age communication network ........... 39
IGOR MEDARIĆ – BRANKO MUŠIČ – MATIJA ČREŠNAR
Tracing flat cremation graves using integrated
advanced processing of magnetometry data ............................................ 67
PHILIP MASON – DIMITRIJ MLEKUŽ
Negotiating space in the Early Iron Age landscape of
south-eastern Slovenia: the case of Veliki Vinji vrh ................................ 95
REBECCA NICHOLLS – JO BUCKBERRY
Death and the body: using osteological methods to investigate
the later prehistoric funerary archaeology of Slovenia and Croatia ...... 121
REBECCA NICHOLLS – HANNAH KOON
The use of stable light isotopes as a method of exploring the homogeneity
and heterogeneity of diet in Late Bronze Age
and Early Iron Age Temperate Europe: a preliminary study ................. 145

CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS: COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES

ALEXIS GORGUES
Trade in a liminal zone: commercial encounter and transformation
in the Iron Age north-west Mediterranean ............................................. 167
ANA DELGADO HERVÁS – MERITXELL FERRER
Feeding an emporion: gastronomies and
identities in Empúries, north Catalonia (5th century BC) ....................... 211
LOUP BERNARD
From the farm to the hillfort:
what happens to a Celt when a Greek settles at his door? ..................... 235
FABIO SACCOCCIO
The Venetic-Etruscan-Celtic encounters
in the Po River lowlands (north-eastern Italy) ....................................... 247
SIMONA MARCHESINI – ROSA RONCADOR
Celts and Raetians in the central-eastern Alpine Region during
the Second Iron Age: multidisciplinary research ................................... 267
AUREL RUSTOIU – SÁNDOR BERECKI
Cultural encounters and fluid identities
in the eastern Carpathian Basin in the 4th-3rd centuries BC ................... 285
SVETLANA SHARAPOVA
It is traced on bone: social identity in bioarchaeological research
of Iron Age populations of the Trans-Urals and western Siberia ........... 305
 Cultural encounters and fluid identities
in the eastern Carpathian Basin in the 4th-3rd centuries BC

AUREL RUSTOIU* – SÁNDOR BERECKI**

Abstract
The eastern part of the Carpathian Basin experienced a process of “Celtic colonisation”
during the second half of the 4th century and at the beginning of the 3rd century BC. These
movements are indicated by cemeteries displaying specific elements of the funerary
rite, ritual and inventory. One result of this process is the appearance of some new
communities, created by the cultural amalgamation of the locals with the newcomers.
This article discusses the manner in which new identities were constructed and expressed
at both communal and individual level, as well as their degree of fluidity in particular
circumstances. The cultural interactions between newcomers and locals, and the ways
in which the social and cultural identity of individuals, groups and communities was
expressed, can be identified by analysing the information provided by funerary contexts.
These include a series of burials belonging to several representative cemeteries from this
region, like the ones at Muhi-Kocsmadomb, in eastern Hungary, Pişcolt, in north-western
Romania, Remetea Mare – Gomila lui Pituţ in Banat and Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii, in
Transylvania.
Keywords: collective identity, eastern Carpathian Basin, Late Iron Age, funerary practice,
cultural interaction

The eastern part of the Carpathian Basin experienced a process of “Celtic

colonization” during the second half of the 4th century and at the beginning of
the 3rd century BC1, with a series of colonist groups originating from central-
*
Institute of Archaeology and History of Art, Str. M. Kogălniceanu 12–14, RO – 400084
Cluj-Napoca. E-mail: aurelrustoiu@yahoo.com
**
Mureş County Museum, Str. Mărăşti 8A, RO – 540328 Târgu Mureş.
1
In this article, the term ‘Celts’/‘Celtic’ has no ethnic meanings and is only used to
indicate the western or central European origin of some groups of people and the
associated artefacts, practices and concepts identified as such by ancient authors
(for a critique of Celtic ethnicity see, for example, COLLIS 2010; contra MEGAW –
MEGAW 1996; 1998, who discuss the possibilities of ‘multiple identity’ or ‘multiple
Celticity’, a concept that is worth taking into consideration). Meanwhile, the term
‘colonisation’ describes the movement of part of a community, or of groups consisting
of people from different communities, organised around elites (or around some other
principles, ideas etc.), with a view to permanently occupy a new territory outside the
‘ancestral’ space (see RUSTOIU 2014; for different forms of migrations in the Iron
286 Aurel Rustoiu – Sándor Berecki

western European regions gradually advancing to the east. Their movements are
indicated by cemeteries displaying specific elements of the funerary rite, ritual
and inventory (Fig. 1). One result of this process is the appearance of some new
communities, created by the cultural amalgamation of locals with the newcomers.
These groups of ‘colonists’ were ethnically and even tribally heterogeneous,
consisting of individuals originating from different communities and regions,
and this is shown by the diversity of their personal objects, costumes, practices
etc. At the same time, the local communities consisted of people with different
ethnic and cultural origins (mainly indigenous and north-Pontic); these already
experienced another process of cultural hybridisation at the end of the Early Iron
Age. Consequently, the manner in which the new communities of the Late Iron
Age constructed and expressed their identity is very diverse (e.g. RUSTOIU 2008,
69–70, fig. 27; ALMÁSSY 2010; RUSTOIU 2012; 2014). This article discusses the
manner in which new identities were constructed and expressed at both communal
and individual level, as well as their degree of fluidity in particular circumstances.
The cultural interactions between incomers and locals, and the ways in
which the social and cultural identity of individuals, groups and communities
was expressed, can be identified by analysing the information provided by
funerary contexts. Funerals are likely to have been social events through which
the mourners expressed and reiterated the status of the family or of the social
group, while also informing, more-or-less formally, the wider community about
their social or familial connections (Fig. 2). As such, the nature of the funerary
assemblage may reveal the strategy employed by mourners seeking to build and
preserve the memory of the deceased and to perpetuate their identity (WILLIAMS

Age see RAMSL 2003; 2015). Some relatively recent studies point to the fact that a
single ‘theory of colonialism’ or “model of colonization” cannot be drawn (DIETLER
2005, 54–55). Such models and their effects are different according to the historical,
cultural or social frameworks in which the respective communities evolved (see for
example the three main types of encounters proposed in GOSDEN 2004). At the same
time the ‘colonisation’ cannot be regarded as a simple movement from one territory to
another, as it presumes a diverse range of interactions between the ‘colonists’, having
their own personal and group identities and agendas, seeking to impose their own
norms, habits and ideology, and the ‘colonized’ who also have specific identities and
are either exerting various forms of resistance, or are expressing a degree of openness
towards integration in the newly built communal structures (GIVEN 2004). These
diverse interactions are contributing to the transformation of individual and group
identities, leading to the creation of some new ones through ‘creolization’ or cultural
‘hybridization’ and even through the re-invention of some traditions etc.
 Cultural encounters and fluid identities in the eastern Carpathian Basin 287

Fig. 1. The advance of Celtic groups towards the eastern Carpathian Basin, showing
cemeteries beginning in the La Tène B1/B2 (circles) and La Tène B2 (dots) periods
(after RUSTOIU 2008). Cemeteries cited in text: 1. Muhi-Kocsmadomb;
2. Pişcolt; 3. Remetea Mare; 4. Fântânele-Dâmbu Popii

2003, 10; WELLS 2007, 472–474; RAMSL 2014a, 201–203, fig. 18.1/b; 2014b, 71,
fig. 1).
An analysis of the cemeteries from eastern Hungary and Transylvania indicates
that, although the Celtic arrival resulted in the cultural reconfiguration of these
regions, the interactions between the colonists and the indigenous populations
differed from one community to another. As a consequence, a single cultural
model of these interactions cannot be defined for the entire area in question. In
some cases, the local populations preserved their traditional funerary rite and
288 Aurel Rustoiu – Sándor Berecki

Fig. 2. The social and symbolic formation of funerary contexts

(adapted from RAMSL 2014a)

ritual, deliberately expressing a specific identity. The indigenous population and

the newcomers used the same burial plot, for example, in the cemetery at Muhi-
Kocsmadomb, in eastern Hungary (Fig. 3.1). In general, both the indigenous
‘Scythian’ (Fig. 3.2–3) and ‘Celtic’ graves (Fig. 3.4) are grouped around burials
containing weapons of Celtic type, which may suggest a certain degree of social
dependency of the indigenous population (HELLEBRANDT 1999, 233–236;
ALMÁSSY 2010, 12). In other cases, the indigenous people were integrated
relatively rapidly into the new communal structures, indicated by a prevalence
of colonist funerary practices. However, the locals continued to influence certain
elements of material culture for a few generations, such as the persistence of
indigenous pottery. The association of local pottery with Celtic Central European
styles more likely indicates the development of hybrid culinary practices rather
than a differentiation of the assemblages based on ethnic criteria (for discussion
on the role of dining practices and of other related activities in expressing specific
identities see DIETLER 2006). For example, the cemetery from Fântânele-Dâmbu
Popii, Transylvania (not yet published; see some preliminary information in
CRIŞAN 1975; RUSTOIU 2008, 55, 76–78, 121–123, fig. 22, 35, 59; RUSTOIU –
EGRI 2010, 25–27; RUSTOIU – MEGAW 2011), displays internal organisation and
 Cultural encounters and fluid identities in the eastern Carpathian Basin 289

Fig. 3. Muhi-Kocsmadomb. 1. Plan of the cemetery, showing ‘Celtic’ graves with

weapons (circles) and indigenous graves (squares); 2–3. The funerary assemblages of
indigenous grave nos. 44 and 45 respectively; 4. The assemblage from
‘Celtic’ grave no. 43 (adapted from HELLEBRANDT 1999).
290 Aurel Rustoiu – Sándor Berecki

evolution based on family groups or clans, similar to those of other La Tène

cemeteries from the western or northern Carpathian Basin, e.g. Mannersdorf
(RAMSL 2011) or Chotin (RATIMORSKÁ 1981). No separate burial plots or groups
belonging exclusively to the indigenous populations were noted in this cemetery.
The funerary assemblages from Fântânele also reflect the cohabitation of the
colonists with the indigenous population through the manner in which the sets of
ceramic offerings were assembled. These ceramic sets contain both La Tène and
local vessels (Fig. 4.1–2).
The analysis of some funerary contexts from a series of representative
cemeteries from the region in question provides relevant examples regarding
the manner in which various individual identities were expressed within the
communities. Two interesting examples come from the La Tène cemetery at
Pişcolt, in north-western Romania, which is a type-site for the Celtic horizon
in the eastern Carpathian Basin. A total number of 185 graves cover a period
of around 150 years, and represent four chronological phases (NÉMETI 1988;
1989; 1992; 1993). The first phase comprises the end of the La Tène B1 and
the beginning of the La Tène B2. The funerary rites of this phase were very
diverse, including cremation graves (with human remains placed in pits or in
urns) and inhumation graves. In general, the cremation graves with human
remains placed in pits can be ascribed to the Celtic colonists. These funerary
rites have analogies in Central Europe or in the Middle Danube region, in
cemeteries associated with Celtic populations. The grave with weapons no. 36
(Fig. 5.1) and the grave without weapons no. 180 (Fig. 5.2) are two relevant
examples (NÉMETI 1988). These funerary contexts indicate that the newcomers
preserved the traditional funerary customs of their homeland. However, other
graves illustrate the preservation of some local funerary practices that predate
Celtic colonisation. Cremation graves no. 198 and 203 comprise human remains
placed in lidded urns (Fig. 5.3–4; NÉMETI 1988, 61, fig. 9 and 11); in both cases
the urns and their lids belong to the local ceramic repertoire that predates Celtic
colonization. One of these graves also contained an iron brooch of the Dux
type and a fragmentary bronze bracelet of the Early La Tène type. The funerary
rite, ritual and ceramic inventory of the two burials from Pişcolt have perfect
analogies in the nearby cemetery from Sanislău, dated to the end of the Early
Iron Age (NÉMETI 1982). The latter cemetery belongs to a local community that
predates Celtic colonisation, and contains mainly cremation graves with the
remains placed in lidded urns (Fig. 6.1; see, for instance, graves no. 19A and 21:
Fig. 6.2–3; NÉMETI 1982, 141–142, fig. 8–9). Consequently, graves no. 198 and
 Cultural encounters and fluid identities in the eastern Carpathian Basin 291

Fig. 4. Fântânele-Dâmbu Popii: grave nos. 7 (1) and 1 (2), containing both indigenous
and La Tène pottery (photo: I. H. CRIŞAN)
292 Aurel Rustoiu – Sándor Berecki

Fig. 5. Pişcolt. 1. The assemblage of La Tène grave (no. 36) with weapons (belonging
to the first phase of the cemetery); 2. The assemblage of La Tène grave (no. 180)
without weapons (belonging to the first phase of the cemetery); 3–4. The assemblages of
indigenous grave nos. 198 and 203 respectively (after NÉMETI 1988).
 Cultural encounters and fluid identities in the eastern Carpathian Basin 293

Fig. 6. Sanislău cemetery dating to the end of the Early Iron Age. 1. Different types of
cremation graves; 2–3. The assemblages of grave nos. 19A and 21 respectively
(after NÉMETI 1982).
294 Aurel Rustoiu – Sándor Berecki

203 from Pişcolt may be ascribed to the indigenous population. They suggest
that some locals preserved their cultural identity after Celtic colonisation, at
least in funerary contexts. The dress accessories of Celtic type from the grave
no. 203 suggest, however, the tendency of the local population to integrate into
new communities by adopting the bodily ornamentation of the newcomers. It
has to be noted that bodily ornamentation played an important symbolic role in
social communication and the visual expression of social or ethnic affiliation2
(e.g. EICHER 1995; ALDHOUSE-GREEN 2004a, 40–53; 2004b; ARNOLD 2008,
375–379; WELLS 2008, 64–84). Thus, the aforementioned contexts from Pişcolt
are relevant in questions regarding the identification of indigenous individuals,
and of relations between locals and newcomers. This is not a unique situation,
and similar examples were also identified in other cemeteries, such as Remetea
Mare, in Banat.
The cemetery from Remetea Mare – Gomila lui Pituţ, which was partially
destroyed by sand extraction, consists of 20 burials dated to La Tène B2a. With a
single exception3, these are cremation burials, with remains placed in a pit or an
urn. A series of cremation burials from this cemetery, and their associated La Tène
assemblages, points to some funerary rites and rituals specific to Central European
Celtic communities. Amongst these are graves (nos. 1, 9 and 10) with weapons,
including swords of the Hatvan-Boldog type and shields with a bi-valve boss,
typically associated with Celtic expansion at the end of the 4th century and the
beginning of the 3rd century BC (Fig. 7.1: grave no. 9). Meanwhile, grave no. 8,
which contains a rich garment assemblage (Fig. 7.2), indicates a female inventory
specific to the La Tène context (RUSTOIU – URSUŢIU 2013; MEDELEŢ ms).
Grave no. 17 stands out due to a series of elements which differ from those
encountered in funerary contexts ascribed to the Celts (Fig. 7.3). The grave
contains a cremation, with the remains placed in a lidded urn. Both the urn and
the lid belong to the local handmade repertoire. The urn contains, aside from the

2
T. S. TURNER (2012, 486) notes that “Man is born naked but is everywhere in clothes
(or their symbolic equivalents)… The surface of the body, as the common frontier of
society, the social self, and the psychobiological individual, becomes the symbolic
stage upon which the drama of socialization is enacted, and bodily adornment (in all its
culturally multifarious forms, from body-painting to clothing and from feather head-
dresses to cosmetics) becomes the language through which it is expressed”.
3
The cited exception is an inhumation grave belonging to a woman, suggesting a
matrimonial alliance between individuals from Remetea Mare and a southern Danubian
community (cf. RUSTOIU 2004–2005; 2008, 126–134; 2011, 166–168 etc.).
 Cultural encounters and fluid identities in the eastern Carpathian Basin 295

Fig. 7. 1–2. Colonist graves (metal artefacts only) from the La Tène cemetery at
Remetea Mare, with and without weapons respectively; 3. Indigenous grave no. 17 from
Remetea Mare; 4. Funerary urns from the Zimnicea cemetery on the Lower Danube
(after RUSTOIU 2008; RUSTOIU – EGRI 2010;
RUSTOIU – URSUŢIU 2013; ALEXANDRESCU 1980).
296 Aurel Rustoiu – Sándor Berecki

cremated bones, three early La Tène brooches, whilst one curved and one folding
knife with a bone hilt were placed in the pit near the urn (RUSTOIU – URSUŢIU 2013,
326, fig. 12.1; MEDELEŢ MS). Both the funerary rite and the types of vessels used to
contain the cremated remains have close analogies in a series of cemeteries of the
local populations from the Lower Danube region, for example, that at Zimnicea
(Fig. 7.4; ALEXANDRESCU 1980). Consequently, the aforementioned grave may
be ascribed to an individual who was buried according to the traditional funerary
norms of the local population. However, as at Pişcolt, the dress accessories of
La Tène type point to the tendency of the locals to integrate by adopting the
costume of the Celtic colonists. Meanwhile, the remaining grave goods such as
the curved knife, which resembles a sickle, has analogies in the Alpine region,
having been brought from Central Europe to the east by colonist groups (for
analogies see RAMSL 2009, 139, 143, fig. 1). The curved shape of the knife blade
also resembles that of some domestic knives from the eastern Carpathian Basin
(e.g. SZABÓ – TANKÓ 2006, 337, fig. 9), which might have led to its adoption
and use by local people. Folding knives similar to that from Remetea Mare are
also encountered in a series of Celtic funerary contexts from central and eastern
Europe (e.g. finds from the cemeteries at Belgrade-Karaburma, Ménfőcsanak and
Chotin: TODOROVIĆ 1972, pl. 22/6, 24/7; UZSOKI 1987, pl. 10/5; RATIMORSKÁ
1981, pl. 8/6), and from the Lower Danube region (e.g. the cemetery at Zimnicea:
ALEXANDRESCU 1980, fig. 59/11). Thus, in spite of some Central European La
Tène elements, the funerary rite and ritual identified in some burials from the
Celtic cemeteries in the Carpathian Basin indicate the perpetuation of certain
funerary traditions belonging to local populations, who chose to preserve a series
of symbolic elements that allowed them to express their own identity.
One grave from the cemetery at Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii illustrates another
particular situation that differs from those already presented. The aforementioned
cemetery, dated to the La Tène B2–C1, consists of 94 burials. The funerary
rite is specific to the Central European area, but some elements of the grave
assemblages point to the cultural amalgamation of colonists with the local
communities. In only two cases did the ceramic funerary inventory consiste
exclusively of local vessels. One of them is cremation grave no. 10, where the
remains were placed in an oval pit (Fig. 8.1). The pit contained two different
compartments created by a ‘box’ made of split beams. The cremated bones were
placed in the north-western compartment, together with two handmade vessels
and two bronze brooches of early La Tène type. One handmade bowl with an
inverted rim and a meat offering were placed in the opposite compartment, along
 Cultural encounters and fluid identities in the eastern Carpathian Basin 297

Fig. 8. 1. Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii: grave no. 10 with timber structure and indigenous
pottery (after RUSTOIU 2008); 2. La Tène graves with timber structures from Ludas (left)
and Malé Kosihy (right) (after TANKÓ – TANKÓ 2012 and BUJNA 1995).
298 Aurel Rustoiu – Sándor Berecki

with the curved blade of an iron knife (RUSTOIU 2008, 77–78, fig. 35; 2013, 6,
fig. 6). All of these elements of the funerary rite, including the timber structures
found in some burials, are encountered in some La Tène cemeteries from the
Middle Danube region. Amongst the examples is a cremation grave from Malé
Kosihy, in south-western Slovakia (Fig. 8.2 right; BUJNA 1995, 86–87, fig. 78),
and another from Ludas in north-eastern Hungary (Fig. 8.2 left; TANKÓ – TANKÓ
2012, 254, fig. 7). In both examples, the funerary pit included compartments
containing the cremated remains and grave goods. Lastly, the placing of knives
of different types together with meat offerings is frequently encountered in Celtic
burials from the Carpathian Basin (e.g. NÉMETI 1993, 119–120; SZABÓ – TANKÓ
2006, 337, fig. 9). Accordingly, these elements of ritual, which have analogies in
Central European La Tène contexts, suggest that grave no. 10 from Fântânele –
Dâmbu Popii may be ascribed to a Celtic colonist. In this context, local handmade
vessels from the grave assemblage may reflect the cohabitation of colonists and
indigenous populations, and the hybridisation of culinary practices.
In conclusion, the interactions between Celtic colonists and local populations
differed from one community to another. In general, the elites of the colonist
groups imposed norms of expression of individual and collective identity brought
from their homeland. This aspect is illustrated by the preservation of specific
funerary rites and rituals, and also of particular styles of bodily ornamentation
that were intended to define the social status and function of certain privileged
groups within communities. One example is the placing of panoplies of arms in
burials belonging to warriors.
Meanwhile, indigenous populations expressed different degrees of resistance
towards new identity norms imposed by the colonists. In some cases, locals
continued to practice traditional funerary rituals, with the aim of preserving
elements of an ancestral identity. In other cases, they were assimilated relatively
fast and ended by obscuring their own origin behind some symbolic elements
belonging to the newcomers. The adoption of some garment accessories of the
colonists reflects, to some extent, this process of integration.
The burials from the Pişcolt and Remetea Mare cemeteries provide relevant
examples of the manner in which indigenous people attempted to express their
own cultural identity within newly established communities. At the same time,
they also reflect processes of integration and assimilation of these individuals
within the new cultural and social environment. On the other hand, grave no. 10
from Fântânele, which belonged to a colonist, indicates the process of cultural
 Cultural encounters and fluid identities in the eastern Carpathian Basin 299

hybridisation experienced by the colonist groups that settled in Transylvania, in

spite of the preservation of the funerary rituals brought over from their homeland.
Finally, the aforementioned burial contexts underline that simple typological
analysis of funerary assemblages is insufficient in the attribution of ethnic or
cultural characteristics of a burial. Contextual analysis of funerary rites can reveal
far more elements of funerary practices, which in turn are more conservative than
those related to daily life.

Acknowledgements

This work was supported by a grant of the Romanian Ministry of Education,

CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-RU-PD-2012-3 – 0316. The authors
wish to thank Cătălin Nicolae Popa for his comments on a draft of this article.

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