Twins, Ancestors and Socio-Economic Change in Kedjom Society

Author(s): Susan Diduk

Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Sep., 1993), pp. 551-571
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
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 TWINS, ANCESTORS AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC
CHANGE IN KEDJOM SOCIETY

SUSAN DIDUK

DenisonUniversity

Anthropologists have typicallyviewed twinshipin Africaas a culturaltextof elusivesymbolic

meanings.By contrast, thisarticlearguesthattwinshipis characterizedmoreby theunexceptional
thanthe peculiar.It focuseson changingdefinitions of twinshipas theseare shapedby historical
and politicalconditionsand by indigenousdiagnosticresponsesto the birthof twins.Research
amongtheKedjom in NorthwestProvince,Republic of Cameroon,showsthatan understanding
of twinship,as both sociallyand biologicallyprescribed,must combine an analysisof cultural
principlesof the arcaneand anomalouswithan examinationof changingrelationsof production
and authority. A spirallingincreasein the numberof Kedjom 'single'twinsduringthe 1980s,as
wellasgreater reference havecoincidedwithprofoundeconomicdislocationnationally
to ancestors,
and locally.The diagnosisof twinsand unrecognizedancestorsby divinersbecomes a popular
responseto thevagariesof themarketplace.

Introduction
This articledevelopsa suggestionfirstmade by Isaac Schapera(1927: 134) in a
discussionof twinshipin southernAfrica.He arguedthatcustomsrelatingto
twinsare merely'variationsfrom'ordinary birthsand are not to be understood
by thecapriciousness and abnormality of doublebirthsalone. Though leftunela-
borated,thisobservation hasmeritforseveralreasons.A too narrowdefinition of
twinsas multiplebirthscan onlyconfoundus, since indigenousconceptionsof
twinshipin sub-SaharanAfricafrequently subsumemore than simplymono-
zygoticor dizygoticdouble births(Abrahams1972: 118; Beattie1962: 2; Brain
1969: 227; Wilson 1957: 152). ManyAfricansocietiesconsidernotonlymultiple
births(includingtriplets,etc.), but singlebreechbirths,nucal cord birthsand
thosewiththe caul aroundthe infant'sneck to be classified withtwinsbecause
theyprefigure the mercurialpersonalities of twinsin relationto theirparents,
otherkinand thewidersociety.Even to see double birthsas somehowaberrant,
marginalor eccentricis problematic, since such birthsare so commonin many
areasofsub-SaharanAfricathattheyare not anomalous(Houlberg1973;Jeffreys
1953: 92; Nylander1971).1
Studentsof Africa,as well as Africans themselves, sharea fascinationand pre-
occupationwithtwins.Twins attracted attentionin earlyethnographic accounts
becauseofthevariedresponseto suchbirths:somesocietiesrejoiceat twinbirths,
while otherspractiseinfanticide and/orharbourambivalencetowardthem(Hall
1928; Hartland1922; Schapera1927). Materialist arguments have suggestedthat

Man (N.S.) 28, 551-571

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552 SUSAN DIDUK

killingone of a setof twinsmaybe an adaptationto insufficient food supplyor a

prerequisite fordemographiccontrol(Leis 1965: 109).2 Far more frequentare
sociologicaland culturalexplorations of the anomaloussocialstatuswhichtwins
occupy withinthe social structure (Abrahams1972; Beattie 1962; Brain 1969;
1980; Houlberg 1973; Jeifreys 1947; Kilson 1973; Leis 1965; Oruene 1985;
Turner1969). Houlberg (1973), forexample,has shown thathistorically some
Yoruba communities puttwinsto death,whileothersbanishedthemtemporarily
or permanently. Turner(1969: 48-9) hasarguedthatthe'sacralized'dimensionof
Ndembu twinshipassociatestwinsand theirparentswithdanger,and sees them
as threateningto thecommunity. Twins,conceptualizedas bothcomplementary
and 'other',reflectthe Ndembu dichotomiesof sterility versusfruitfulness, men
versuswomen, and aversionversus'social feeling',and the parentsof twinsare
treatedwithmedicinesthatprevent'mysticalillness'fromafflicting neighbours
(Turner1969: 92). Beattie(1962), in a relatedvein,findsresemblances between
the ambivalencefelttowardstwinsamong the Bunyoroand the unease feltby
affinestowardsthemother'sdescentgroup.And Brain(1969: 215) and Abrahams
(1972: 120) have shownfortheBangwa and Labwor respectively thattwinsare
not associatedwith 'inequalitiesof relativeseniority',as are ordinarysiblings,
implyingthattwinshipmay be the only true relationshipbetween equals in
society.
Conspicuouslyabsentfromany of thesediscussionshas been an examination
of thepoliticaland economicdimensionsof twinshipand how the verydefini-
tionand significance of twinshipmaychangeovertimein a givensociety.Even
in thoseexaminations thatfocusupon folkclassifications and the widercosmo-
logical structuresand processesin which twins oftenfigure,twinshipis not
conceptualizedas partof the politicaleconomyof social relations.Instead,it is
viewed as one of manyspheresthroughwhichculturalmeaningsand valuesare
etched (Evans-Pritchard 1936; Firth 1966; Griaule 1965; Schoffeleers1991;
Southall1972). Griaule(1965), forexample,saw twinshipin Dogon cultureas a
unifying socioculturalprinciple,whetherin Dogon conceptsof dual souls,the
male and femaledyad,or birthin general.Likewise,forEvans-Pritchard (1936),
Nuer twinshipis but a partof a largerand verycomplexset of culturalprohib-
itions.3And, on a yetdifferentnote,Southall(1972: 108) suggeststhatin-depth
studiesof 'contiguouscultureclusters'mayexplainthe differences in twincus-
toms as particularisticresponsesto variedsocietalstructures; conversely,their
maybe evidenceof sharedculturaltraditions
similarities and a twincomplexin
Africa.However, to appreciatefullythe complexityof beliefsabout twinsin
sub-SaharanAfrica,it is necessaryto place themin politicaland economiccon-
text.
Consider the natureof twinshipin Kedjom society,NorthwestProvince,
Republic of Cameroon. Kedjom twinshipsubsumesboth multiplebirthsand
singlebirthchildrenwho are breechor nucal cord births,childrenborn witha
caul aroundtheirnecks,and thosewithspittlecomingout of theirmouths,or
withwide open eyesthatrollback. The former, vu vunyingong(literally'children
of God') or 'double twins',and thelatter,waynyingong (literally'childof God'),
are thoughtto sharecertainsimilarities in theiridentificationwiththe ancestral
world.Since the economicupheavalin Cameroonbeginningin themid-1980s,

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 SUSAN DIDUK 553

thenumberofsingletwinshasgrownenormously. Few Kedjom familiesarenow

withoutat least one way nyingong or, what in Pidgin-Englishis commonly
referred to as 'singletwin'.
This is surprising,sinceit is double twinswho are consideredpowerfulin the
villagechiefdomof Kedjom Keku and who are fearedand rituallycelebrated
more thansingletwins.Yet when I returnedto Kedjom Keku in 1989-90, the
numberof singletwinshad increaseddramatically. A close friendconfirmed my
observations, addingthather own daughter,Ngon, born in 1985, was a single
twin.What she failedto mentionwas thatNgon was recognizedas a twinby an
indigenousdoctormanymonthsafterher birth.Furtherinquiryrevealedthat
otherfamiliesalso had acquiredsingletwins.In a neighbouringhouseholdall
ninechildrenweresingletwins.Yet in 1983, onlyone ofthesechildrenhad been
considereda singletwin. Since only one child had been born to thisfamily
duringmy absence,it became clearthat'twinship'was being assignedon prin-
ciplesotherthanthe circumstances surrounding the delivery.In fact,traditional
doctorswerelabellingas twinschildrenwho had neverbeforebeen consideredas
such.In one case,forexample,a man'sfamilyconsulteda doctorbecausehe was
veryill and in another,parentsapproacheda divinerbecause of theirchild's
persistent illness;bothweretoldto perform a twincelebration.In thefirstcase,a
traditional doctordivinedthata youngchildin thecompoundwas a singletwin,
unknownto the family.In the second case, the child herselfwas said to be a
singletwin.Doctorsarguedthatwhilethe childrenhad not shownsignsof their
'twinness'atbirth,a nyingong, or God, had indicatedto thedivinerthattheywere
twins.In thesetwo cases,and formanyotherfamilies, people were unawareof
havingsingletwins.They were similarly ignorantof thefactthata twinwas the
cause offamilyillness.Parentshad neverintervened ritually,
as theywould in the
case ofdoubletwins,becausetheyknewnothingaboutthespecialnatureoftheir
childrenuntiltheyconsultedthedoctors.
In 1989-90 divinersalso soughtexplanations forindividualand socialproblems
in the behaviourof discontentedancestors.Divinerswere increasingly asking
Kedjom clientsto perform 'smalldies'. In Kedjom cosmologydeathsrequiretwo
ritualoccasions.The first is thefuneral, whichis followedyearslaterby a second
deathcelebrationor 'good die'. 'Good dies' celebratedead individualsand move
theminto the realmof the ancestorswhere theycan no longeradverselyin-
fluencetheliving.While mostchildrencelebratethedeathsoftheirown parents
beforetheythemselvesdie, thereare alwaysfamilymemberswhose deathsare
overlookedin familygenealogies.For example,deathsof young children,or
deathsof individualswho nevergave birthto theirown children,are verycom-
mon. The dead meteout misfortune becausetheyareirritated by suchlapses.All
ancestorsneed to have theirdeathscelebratediftheyare to stop'troubling'their
relatives.Such dies are referred to as 'smalldies' and indigenousdoctorsdraw
attention to theseoversights in theirdiagnoses. Justas familiesoftendo notknow
thattheyneed to perform ritualsforundiagnosedsingletwins,so too familiesdo
not alwaysrealize thatgenealogicallyobscure ancestorsare in need of death
celebrations.Their 'troubles'are not the resultof wilfulactionson the partof
familymembersbutare theunintendedconsequencesofignorance.

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554 SUSAN DIDUK

I want to suggestthatthis'inflation'in the numberof 'singletwins',and in

ancestralrites,is partof a widerpracticalresponseto decliningsocioeconomic
conditionsin the country.I arguein partthatthe assignment of a 'singletwin'
identityis an activeand consciousresponseto a social and economiclandscape
definedby fallingper capitaincome, disappearingmarketsfor cash crops and
diminishing outletsforrevenueproductiongenerally.Rowlands and Warnier
(1988), as well as Geschiere(1988), have shown thatsorceryaccusationsat the
nationallevel have risenduringthesameperiodas a popularmeansof resistance
to the State.The power of 'singletwins'and ancestorscan be seen as a com-
plementary, butmuchlessvolatile,moreinnocuousvillage-levelresponse.Twins
and ancestors offerdivinersspecificdiagnosesto theproblemscausedby thesocial
and economicdisorientation, withoutriskingthekindof conflictassociatedwith
sorceryaccusations.However,theseare not superorganic functionalistreactions
of the social structure
to the inauspiciousnessof dailylife.Instead,theyare the
responsesof watchfuland knowledgeableKedjom diviners,as astute'social ana-
lysts'in Turner'sphrase,to circumstancesthataredramatically shapingtheirlives.

andpowerinKedjomsociety
Twins,procreation
The Kedjom numberapproximately 20-30,000 inhabitantsand occupythe two
village chiefdomsof Kedjom Keku and Kedjom Ketinguhin the Northwest
Provinceof Cameroon.The analysiswill focusmore closelyon Kedjom Keku,
whereI conductedthebulkof myresearch.Both communitiescultivatecornas
theirmainsubsistencecrop and untilrecentlymanymen grew coffeeas a cash
crop.Social organization is patrilineal
and familycompoundsare dispersedacross
valleysand mountainslopeswhich riseto altitudesof 3,000 feet.The Kedjom
live in the Grassfields
of Cameroon, an area which has long been noted by
researchers and colonial administrators forits double twin births(Brain 1969;
1980;Jeffreys 1947; 1951; Kaberry1962; McCulloch 1954; Migeod 1925). This
literature,however,does not mentionsingletwins,nor the elaboraterituals
associatedwitheithersingletwinsor double twins.Indeed,in 1982 duringmy
secondyearofresearch,I suddenlyrealizedI knew eighteensetsof vu vunyingong
or 'double twins'in the villagechiefdomof Kedjom Keku. I also knew many
more way nyingong. Both occupy a particularpositionin the social structure
relativeto normalsinglebirths,thoughhow theydo so has alteredover time.
The exigenciesof such birthsdemandon-going,intricaterituals.These rituals
are, most importantly, part of a generalculturalattentiveness to human and
agriculturalprocreationand ontologicalconcernforculturalcontinuity. 'Double
twins' are a particularlyspectacularexample of reproductionand enjoy very
special protection.
Given priorattemptsto view twinshipin termsof anomalies,how mightwe
tumthisaboutand relatetwinsinsteadto common,widerthemesoffertility and
birthin Kedjom society?Keeping in mind Schapera's(1927) suggestionthat
twinshipis most likelya variationon ordinarybirth,the Kedjom case study
compelsus to recognizethattwins,likeall births,
aredifferentiated
and hierarchi-
in contexts
cal, even thoughin the case of twinsthesespecializedprerogatives
deathand illnessgraduallybecome obscurelaterin the life
such as agriculture,
cycle. The importanceof twinship,however,never quite disappearsas rituals

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 SUSAN DIDUK 555

continueto be performed throughout the lifecycle of twins.The birthof any

healthychildin Kedjom societyis a timeforjoyous celebration.Friends,neigh-
boursand kin come to visit,dance and singthepraisesof themother,fatherand
infant.All Kedjom newbornsare differentiated intothreegroupsby thecircum-
stancesof theirbirth:waynyingong, vu vunyingong, and childrenborn 'normally',
withthefacepointingto thefrontor back.Kedjom twinshipis defined
head first
thusby thebiologicalandculturalcircumstances.
In Kedjom society,givingbirthis essentialfor acquiringsocial adulthood.
is an ignominiouscurse.In thepre-colonialperiod,infertility
Infertility impeded
fullparticipation in thepoliticalsystemand theabilityto establish an independent
compound (Diduk 1987: 176).4 Compounds soughtactivelyto produce ever-
largerfamiliesas a sourceofprideand enhancedsocialstatusin thepoliticaland
social system(Dillon 1973; Warnier1975). Today, untilmen and women have
givenbirthto at leastone child,people speakof themas 'smallboys and girls'.
Acquiringa politicalvoice thatcarriesweightis impossibleunlessone has 'put to
birth'.This is so important thatthoseofreproductive age are askeddirectly why
theyhave no childrenand sometimeschidedpubliclyby friends.
Nineteenth-century Kedjom society,as withotherchiefdomsthroughout the
Bamenda Grassfields, was a highlystratified polityof royals,sub-chiefs,com-
monersand slaves.Statuswas correlated withnumbersofdependantsand control
over theirlabour.The highest-ranked patrilineageswere generallythelargestin
size. Politicalallianceswere soughtthroughthe marriageand exchangeof both
male and femalechildren,while the birthof sonsmade forgreaterparticipation
in trade,huntingand defence.Dependants,as humancapital,also improvedthe
likelihoodand speedby whichmen,in particular, could enterthesecretsocieties
whichconstituted thepoliticalsystem.Memberships in regulatory societies,war
houses,earth-priest societies,and ancestorcultswere attainedthroughheftyfood
and drinkcontributions. The latterwere availableonly throughthe laboursof
dependantswho cultivatedfarmsfor food, maintainedraffiapalm grovesfor
drink,and engagedin tradeand huntingto supplymeat. Childrenwere 'one's
old age firewood'; dependants,generally,were one's futurein the political
hierarchy.
The birthof a firstchild,or childrenin thecase of a multiplebirth,regardless
of sex,was of greatest significance.Fathersannouncedthegood fortunepublicly
by goingto themarketdressedin necklaces,a specialwaistwrapand rubbedwith
camwood.Husbandsand wiveslavishlyhostedwell-wishers withfoodand drink,
as declarations to thewidercommunityof theirfullpersonhood.This occurred
on kwyfon's day, the day of the Kedjom eight-dayweek on which the most
recentlydeceasedKedjom chiefhad died, and a day closelyassociatedwithfe-
cundity.UnmarriedKedjom men alwaysapproachedtheirfutureaffines on this
day. Similarly,the chiefdom'sannual celebrationof human and crop fertility,
kebenkundong, began on thisday,as did all childbirth rituals,includingthosefor
'single'and 'double twin'births.It is no accidentthatritualsof childbirth, mar-
riage,agricultureand twinshipconvergeat this moment.They all echo the
themesof regeneration and continuity whichare a symbolicoverlayon a day of
uneaseand potentialdanger.ThoughKedjom ideologydeclaresthatchiefsnever
die, but go 'missing',and are 'found'in theirsuccessors, thetransition is fraught

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556 SUSAN DIDUK

withthepossibility
ofpretendersto thethroneand politicaldisintegration.
These
relationships
betweenbirths,fertility
and otheraspectsof Kedjom sociocultural
life,however,should not obscurethe factthattwin birthsepitomizea special
concernwithfertility.

Kedjomtwinship
andthespiritual
Twins are like ordinarychildren,but are imbuedwithadditionalcharacteristics.
Turner(1969: 44) has writtenthatin manysocietiesdouble twinsstandfor'an
exuberanceof fertility';withtwinsone getsmore thanone bargainedfor.The
same can be said of singletwinsin Kedjom societyin thatthe circumstances of
theirbirthsannouncea greatervulnerability to illnessand the power to affect
familymembersadversely. This could be called'an exuberanceof effect'.This is
expressedin theKedjom indigenousreligioussystemand is made unambiguously
clearby theassociationof all twinswithnyingong, translated
broadlyas 'spirit'or
'God'. Though it is impossibleto reconstruct the preciserelationship between
thesebeings,therewere somefifty maleand femalegods ofvaryingimportance.5
In Kedjom societytwo creatorGods withcomplementary roleswere appealed
to annuallyfor the well-beingof the entirecommunity.All Gods residedat
conspicuously awesomesiteswithinthechiefdom, likewaterfalls
and pools, or at
the base of strikingly large or unusual trees. Intermittently, people joined
a
togetherto 'feed' God at the tchunyingong (literally'mouthof God'). This was
done by offering agriculturalfood,libationsand sometimesanimalsacrifices. The
sitesweremarkedby shrinesconsisting ofa largeflatstonesome 18-24 inchesin
length.Plantedon eitherside was the nkungplant,a speciesof dracaena, a fast-
growing,resilientplant with bountiful,long slenderleaves.6 It can grow in
near-drought conditionswhere it seems never to die. Stems of the plantcan
simplybe brokenoffand pressedinto the soil to regenerate.It providesa sharp
contrastin the dryseasonto the lifelesslookingbrownsoil. The associationof
thisplantwithfertility and twinritualshas also been observedforthe Sandawa
(Ten Raa 1981: 189-90) and Bunyoro(Beattie1962: 2) ofEast Africa.
Throughdreams,Kedjom people were directedto meet at specialplaces to
clearand sweep the 'home' of the God. Here women performed nzowain(lite-
rally'song for child'), a dance and song complex and culturalenactmentof
Those who had nevergivenbirthand thosewithmore thanthreeto
fertility.7
fouryearsbetweenbirthshad waterthrownon themfroma calabashfilledwith
the stalksof the nkungplant.Songs were sungimploringthe God to make the
infertilefertile.
In additionto tchunyingong shrines,compound shrinesare constructedon
behalfoftwins.A shrinewhichlooksidenticalto thetchunyingong siteis builtfor
'double twins'at theentranceto theirfather's compound.The shrineindicatesto
strangers thatthe compoundis one of double twins.If theyare both boys,the
large,flatstoneappearsto therightof thepathas one enters;ifgirls,to theleft;
and ifa girland boy, thestoneis placed to eitherside,althoughnkungwas, and
continuesto be, plantedboth beside the stoneand on the oppositeside of the
path. This arrangement is consistentwithculturalassociationsthatequate right
withthe 'man'sside' and leftwiththe 'woman'sside'.

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 SUSAN DIDUK 557

These special markingsare made only for vu vunyingong. But strikingand

prominentshrinesare also foundwithinthe kitchensof singleand double twin
mothers.They consistof a collectivity of large and small clay pots as well as
calabashes,a rattleand two snailshells.These paraphernalia are used formixing
medicinesand food thatare givento twins,theirsiblings,parentsand anyother
twinsand parentsof twinswho mightbe presentduringcelebrations carriedout
in theirhonour.Divinationalwaysconcludestheseceremoniesfordouble and
single twins,and it is throughdivinationthat the diviner(wufunyoh) learns
whetherthewell-beingof thecompoundand twinsis secured.The ritualsboth
honourtwinsand protectfamilymembersfromthetroublesomeand dangerous
behaviourswithwhichtheyare associated.They also protecttwinsfromillness,
since all twinchildrenare consideredphysically more vulnerablethanordinary
children.
There continuesto be a strongculturalbeliefthatwaynyingong and vu vunyin-
gongdie in largenumbers.Today, midwivesat the Kedjom Keku villagehealth
centrerefervu vunyingong pregnancies and breechbirthsto missionhospitalsfor
delivery, becausesuchbirthspresentgreaterrisksto themothersand theirbabies.
Nucal cord birthsor those with the caul around an infant'sneck cannot be
anticipated, but midwivesacknowledgethatsuchdeliveriespresentspecialprob-
lems. Ritualsperformed fortwinsoccur withinthe contextof the indigenous
divinatory system and not theChristianchurchwhichhasbeen a strongpresence
in the Grassfieldsforthelastthirty to fortyyears.This is due to the disapproval
theseritualsencounteredfromearlyEuropeanchurchleadersin the Northwest
Province.Convertsto the Catholicand SwissPresbyterian churchesreportthat
both churchessermonizedagainstthe rituals.Today churchleadersneverspeak
about the highincidenceof twinsin the Grassfields, nor about the necessityof
givingthemspecialritualtreatment. The Kedjom saythattheyhave learnedby
experiencethatadministering indigenousmedicinesand ritualson behalfoftwins
ensurestheirwell-being.ManyKedjom who had stoppedperfonning twinrituals
fordouble twinsbecause of churchdisapproval,claim thattheyhave now re-
sumedtheritualswiththehelp ofdiviners.One man,whose deceasedfatherhad
been amongstthefirst Kedjom Keku Christians, claimedthatonlybitterexperi-
ence had taughthim the efficacy of the rituals.When he was a youngman,his
wifegave birthto vu vunyingong who died shortlyafterbirth.Severalyearslater
he was forewarned by a divinerthatshe was goingto give birthto twinsagain.
On thisoccasionmedicineswere preparedforthechildrenand she gave birthto
vu vunyingong. The infants have thrivedand become healthytwentyyear-olds-
proof,he argued,of the diviner'swisdomand evidencethattwinritualsprotect
twins.
Justas in manyareasof sub-SaharanAfricawhere the birthof twinsis wel-
comed, Kedjom vu vunyingong are heralded as lucky birthswith special
connexionsto thespiritworld.This hasbeen notedfortheCameroonGrassfields
generallyJefireys 1947; 1951; Kaberry1962; Migeod 1925). The parentsofsuch
twinsare also honouredby specialnames.Brain (1969: 216) saysthatBangwa
parentsoftwinsreceivedspecialtitleswhichallowedthemto practiseas diviners.
In thechiefdomofBafut,parentsofdouble twinsimmediately assumea different
statusand are 'accordeda numberofprerogatives usuallyreservedforroyalty, and

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558 SUSAN DIDUK

in general,treatedwitha slightbut perceptibledeference'(Engard1987: 257).

They automatically receivenew titles,Taanggyee ('Fatheroftwins'),and Manggyee
('Mother of Twins') withoutthe mandatorypaymentsotherwiserequiredfor
title-taking.The sameis trueofKedjom societywhereearthpriestsofthevepfem
societygive medicineto parentsof twinson the day such childrenare bom.
Fromthisoccasiononwardsparentsareaddressedas Ti Vu Vunyingong ('Fatherof
Twins') and Li Vu Vunyingong ('MotherofTwins').
I noted earlierthatthoughvu vunyingong and way nyingong sharemuch in
common,theyare not identicalin termsof social statusand ritualpower. For
example,while thelatterreceivespecialnames,theseare not givenby the chief
(fon)but are assignedby a divinersome timeduringtheirinfancy.Nor are their
birthsmarkedby the same coming out ritualsas those for double twins,and
parentsof such childrenare not titled.If asked to differentiate between the
capacitiesofdoubleand singletwins,theKedjom saythatdouble twinsaremore
volatileand mustbe treatedwithgreaterdeferenceand respect.As we shallsee,
thesedifferences arerelatedto linksthatexistbetweendouble twins,theKedjom
fonand theroyalclan.
Nevertheless, in the area of agriculturalproduction,vu vunyingong shareim-
portantand unambiguous associationswith crop At
fertility. the time of planting,
people who have givenbirth to double twins take two beds at the centre of the
farmand plantthem 'in honour of' theirtwins.These beds, kabwenke wine,
'bed forchild',arethefirst
literally to be plantedand thelastto be harvested, this
workbeingcarriedout on a different dayfromworkon therestof thefarm.At
each end of thebeds a nkung seedlingis planted.The specialstatusof thesebeds
is indicatedby fourcorncobs tiedtogetherby the twins'motherand leftat the
site.The twinsthemselves harvestthecorngrownin thesebedsor,iftheyarenot
old enough,itis harvested bytheirmotheror mother'ssister.Such bedscontinue
to be plantedand harvestedin thisway untilthe motherdies or is too old to
farm.Com fromthe beds is keptseparately and providesthe seedsforthe next
year'splanting.

oftwins
Thenature
In orderto understand of twinshipin Kedjom society
more fullythe centrality
more needs to be said about how double twinsdiffer fromotherchildren.As
alreadynoted,in 1982 I knewof eighteensetsof double twinsin Kedjom Keku,
thoughI was toldthatthereweremanymore.8Once friends knew thatI myself
and discoveredthat
invitedto twincelebrations
had a twinsister,I was frequently
it was not unusualfora woman to give birthto vu vunyingong more thanonce.
The joy of theirbirthis tingedwithan awarenessthattwinsare different from
otherchildren.They areconsideredto havemercurial, mischievouspersonalities.
As Kedjom say,double twinshave 'theirown specialwitch',thoughthisis not
said of waynyingong. The metaphorical extensionof witchcraftto double twins
pointsto thefactthat,likewitches,twinscan use theirpowersto actanti-socially,
to move in otherthanhumanform,and to see thingswhich are hidden.They
can cause seriousillnessto familymembers,thoughtheydo not kill them,an
abilityattributedto witches.Twins have the potentialpower of witches,al-
though in their case it is of a lesser order with fewer disagreeablesocial

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 SUSAN DIDUK 559

consequences.Theirpowersare moreambivalentthanthoseof witchesand this

shapeshow people view them.They are fearedlike witches,yet admiredand
given respectbecause of theirsimilarity to gods. No one would speak of the
powersof 'theirwitch'withoutinvokingtheauspiciousness and good fortuneof
such double births.In contrast, witchesare unambiguously evil and deliberately
wreakhavoc on thecommunity. For example,theyarecommonlysaidto belong
to associations whichrequirecannibalizing anyunsuspecting Kedjom.
While double twinsare clearlydistinctfromwitches,thereare threecontexts
in whichsuchtwinscan act anti-socially. First,theysometimeskilltheirmothers
in the deliveryprocess.Secondly,twinshave an abilityto bringillnessto family
members,particularly to mothers,fathersand siblings,all of whom are most
vulnerableto twins'behaviouralproclivities.And finally,if slightedor repri-
manded,twinsthemselvesmay become ill and die. For thisreasontwinsmust
never be punished,struckor ill-treated,and, especiallyas infants,must be
handledcautiously.In thisregard,I have seen twinsshamefully indulged.For
example,in the midstof a meal hostedby a prominentlocal diviner,eighteen-
monthold twinsfromthe compoundwere givenfreereignto walk and crawl
amongstthe high-status guestsand to pick food offthe plantainleaves from
whichguestsate. Such permissiveness is quiteinconceivableforordinary children
ofa similarage. At theappearanceofguests,thelatterarewhiskedfromtheroom
bya siblingor otherfamily member.It is alsoimportant thateach twinbe treated
equallylest,overcomewithjealousyand resentment, theydie andjoin theances-
tors.When visitinga womanwho had givenbirthto twinsthedaybefore,I held
one of thetwinsin myarms.BeforeleavingI was askedto cradlethe otherone
as well in ordernot to show favouritism and make theneglectedtwin'vex'.
The peculiaritiesof double twinshipare further manifestin theirabilityto
transform (fentah)themselvesinto lizards,snakesand smallrats,an abilitynot
characteristic of singletwins.People avoid killingtheseanimalfamiliars in the
compound or bush, because an unintendedconsequencemightbe to harma
twin or twins.This beliefwas expressedon manyoccasions,when people re-
portedhavingseensnakesin theircompoundsbuthad not killedthem.9Because
twinsdisappearand reappearelsewhereand also move objectsto unlikelyloca-
tions, they disorientthose around them. To prevent double twins from
transforming and actingin capriciousways,theymustbe given medicinesand
protectedperiodically by elaborateritualsto makethem'steady'and lessvulner-
able to illnessand death.
AmongtheKedjom,doubletwinsare also saidto be children'withfoureyes'.
Two eyesin frontand two in the back of the head allow themto see what is
hidden fromthe ordinaryperson. This abilityto see all thathappensin the
chiefdomis also attributed to thefonand thechiefdom'sregulatory organ,kuryfon.
Thefonis saidto move to thedistantboundariesofhischiefdomlikea leopardat
night.These abilitiesare manifestations of his power to know everything that
occursin his dominions.Likewise,kwyfon is said to be 'everywhere'like 'grass',
and to 'see' all thereis to know."v

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560 SUSAN DIDUK

Twansandchiefs
Other scholarshave noted the similarity betweendouble twinsandfonsmore
generallyin the Grassfields(Engard1987; Wamier 1975: 204). All Grassfields'
fonswere and stillare the culturalembodimentof procreativepowersand long-
evityfortheirchiefdoms.They symbolisehumanincreasethroughtakingmany
wivesand producingabundantprogeny.A complexprocessof ritualinstallation
transforms a fon into a sacred being whose personalimmortality is asserted
throughthefactthathe nevereats,is neverill and does not die (Kaberry1962:
286). Thus,fonsnevereat publicly,neverspeakof personalillnessand avoid all
deaths.Fonswere barredfromfunerals, includingthoseof theirown wives and
children.The factthatfonsin Kedjom societyand throughoutthe Grassfield
region were sometimesaddressedas God (nyingong) atteststo theirspiritual
powersand theirritualmastery to guideand guardthefertility of theland and its
people. As the chiefpriestsof the royalancestorsand Gods associatedwith the
earth,fonspresidedat the annual dance and renewalcelebrations(cf. Kaberry
1962: 287) whichtookplace in Marchand markedtheend of thedryseasonand
the beginningof agricultural planting.Women who had given birthto many
childrenor double twinswere drawnto thisfestival and came rubbedwithpalm
or castoroil, and decoratedwithspecialhairdos,jewelleryand camwood. Their
presenceaffirmed the chiefdom'sprosperity and thefon'sprowessas multiplier.
He filledtheircalabashes(schoffewan,'gourdforchild')withraffia wine,a liquid
'blessing'.Tapped fromhis royalraffiapalm groves,this drinkwas laterdis-
tributed to neighbours, and childrenin thewomen'scompounds.Thefon
friends
also appearedpubliclyat asang,the festivalof guinea corn. He, and a female
memberoftheearth-priest society,whichritually blessesvuvunyingong birthsand
offersmedicineto the childrenand theirparents,sharedin breakingthe earth
witha hoe to markthebeginningof planting.The similarities betweenwomen,
double twins,earthpriestsand thefonas consecrators of humanand croppropa-
gationare unequivocalhereand will become even clearerbelow.
The affinitybetweendouble twinsandfonsis not simplymetaphorical but is
rootedin themetaphysical and sociological.I have suggestedthatbothare sacred
and possessspiritualpowers.Afterall, each is associatedwithnyingong.However,
theyare also interrelatedwithineverydaysocialrelations.For example,immedi-
atelyfollowingthebirthof vu vunyingong, a familymemberis sentto thepalace,
thesymbolicnexusofthechiefdom.Thefonconferstwinnameson thechildren
froma standardand limitedrepertoireof male and femalenames.11Twins are
rituallywashedand givenmedicinesto drinkby membersof vepfem, the earth-
priestsocietyof thepalace. This societyis responsibleforperforming annualand
semi-annualritualsforthe chiefdomto securehuman,animaland crop fertility.
Societymembersalso markthe door of the twins'mother'shouse with cam-
wood. This announcesto the communitythat twins reside within,and in
pre-colonialtimesimplieda publicmessagefromthefonthatone of thechildren
would go to thepalace as a wife,iffemale,or retainer,ifmale.A femaletwinwas
alwayspreferred to a male, but in the case of two male children,the parents
simplychose one forthe palace. The fon expressedno preferenceforfirstor
last-born,norfora particular femaleor male in thecase of same-sexchildren.

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 SUSAN DIDUK 561

The practiceofrearingone ofa setoftwinsin thepalace makessensesymboli-

callyand in termsof the social structure. In the case of the latter,it avoidsthe
difficulties which Turner (1969: 45) has called 'classificatory embarrassment',
wheretwinsaretoo manyin numberforthesocialstatuses definedbythekinship
system.For example,what does one do with twinsons when only one son is
meantto succeed? Such structural problemsare solved by varied culturalre-
sponsesthathave includedkillingone twin,killingboth twins,or removingthe
childrenfromthe kinshipsysteminto whichtheywere born. For example,the
Ashantimade all twinsroyalhouseholdmembersand symbolsof the king's
sacredness (Turner1969: 46). The Kedjom resolvetheparadoxin yet
and fertility
anotherway,as one twingoes to thepalace and one staysin thecompoundofits
parents.
Afon'swifeand a palaceretainer werespatially as well as socially,economically
and culturally separatedfromthecommunity. The royalclan (ngwantuh),withits
linksto thesacred,was isolatedfromthewiderKedjom society.In Kedjom Keku
wives rarelyleftthe confinesof the palace, thoughthischangedin 1978 when
Fon Simon Vugah II conferred on themthe rightto tradein the marketand to
travelfreelyin thevillageduringdaylight hours.Beforethisperiod,ifroyalwives
everleftthepalace grounds,theywere chaperonedand were not freeto interact
even withclose familymembers.Indeed,theyrarelysaw theirparents.The fon's
wives and palace retainers did gain enormousprestigebecause of theirintimate
associations withthefonand theroyallineage.Theirsocialinteractions werewith
royalhouseholdmembersand thisphysicalisolationhelped to enhance their
status.Male retainers werenotas spatially segregatedas werethefon'swives,since
the formereventuallymarriedand established theirown compoundswithinthe
chiefdom,thoughtheywere swornto secrecyabout knowledgeacquiredin the
palace. If 'classificatoryembarrassment'is resolvedby relegating twinsto separate
descentgroupsand verydistinct sociocultural and politicalspheres,thenwhatof
twinsbornto thefon?Severalinformants, includingtheKedjom Kekufon,sug-
gested that in the past twins of the palace were killed. If this is true,it is
interesting thattheculturalresolutionfor'classificatoryembarrassment' mayhave
been quitedifferent descentgroupslike thatoftheroyalclan. This
forparticular
impliesthatlinksto the royal clan not only solve the awkwardproblemof
'classificatoryembarrassment', butthattheyalsomagnify theprestigeand statusof
double twinship.12
Double twinscontinueto be treatedwithspecialrespect,thoughthepractice
of givingone to thefonbegan to changein thelate 1940s. Duringthisperioda
European wage systemand cash economyestablisheditselfmore firmly in the
Grassfields. Kedjom men who had migratedto the coast foremploymentand
military serviceundertheBritishreturned home in largenumbers.They brought
a
withthemcashand new understanding ofsocialrelations, includingthemone-
tizationof labour.Not surprisingly, parentsbegan to give moneyto thefonin
place ofa twinchild.13The amountwas small,standardized and haschangedlittle
over time. This compensationshould not be equated absolutelywith labour
commodification. That moneypaymentsformarriageand dailycontractlabour
have increasedsteadilysincethe 1940s,while twinpaymentshave not, suggests
thata moral relationshipcontinuesto existbetween twinsand thefon. The

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562 SUSAN DIDUK

relationship
may be less formalat present,but it has not been abandonedto
markettransactions,
and twinpaymentsremainritualexchangesbetweenparties
who sharea connexionto thespiritual
world.

Twins,ancestors
andeconomic
recession
The increasingnumbersof Kedjom singletwins (and the profusionof 'small
dies') can be relatedto changingeconomic conditionsin Cameroon. I noted
earlierthatKedjom indigenousdoctorshave attributed the cause of manyper-
sonaland socialproblemsin thecommunity to singletwinsand to theancestors.
Today, when individualsconsulttraditional doctorsforexplanationsof misfor-
tune,manyof the diagnosesfocuson the need to performeithertwinritualsor
'small'deathcelebrations. In thecase of theformer, as we have seen,the doctor
identifies a singletwinin the compoundwhere the 'difficulties' are occurring.
The householdhead is thentoldthathe must'fixpots' forthistwin,a euphem-
ism forthe necessityof administering medicinesto the child and otherfamily
members.A specialistis requiredto collecttheritualparaphernalia and to offici-
ate. The correctlyperformedritualensuresthatthe twin will act in socially
acceptablewaysand the widerproblemswill cease. In pointingto singletwins
and ancestorsas therootofpersonaland socialproblemstraditional doctorsoffer
recipesformanagingmisfortune and keepingit at bay.
Rowlands and Warnier(1988) have arguedthateconomic declinein Came-
roon after1986 led to an increasenationallyin incidentsof sorcery.14They
suggestthatsorceryand the threatof its use have become valuable tools for
reinforcing thelegitimacy oftheState.For example,occultpowershavebecome
associatedwithprominentelitesand sorceryconfessions are now recognizedas
evidenceby the courts(Rowlands& Warnier1988: 128-9). Yet theyalso note
thatassociationwith the occultis not withoutits dangersforthe State.Urban
elitesmaydeclaretheirown ascendancy, especiallyagainstrivals,byimplying that
they,as elites,possessstrongoccult powers.Yet sorceryis just as likelyto be
directedagainstelitesbythelesspowerful.Geschiere(1988: 55) has demonstrated
thataccusationsand threatsof sorceryby the sociallyand economicallyweak in
Cameroon are 'popularmodes of politicalaction'. They can and do forcethe
urbanelitesto displaygenerosity by providing jobs, financialsupportand educa-
tionto kinand dependants in theirhomevillages(cf.Rowlands& Wamier1988:
124). The elite,in turn,cannotsimplydecrytheuse ofsorcerybyvillagersifthey
themselvesstandto profitfromits use. It is ironic thatthe new elite in the
contemporary period,'oftenseeksrecourseto theseverydjambe[sorcery] forces
to further theircareeror to feelprotectedin the harshcompetitionwith their
colleagues' (Geschiere1988: 49). Interestingly, while sorceryaccusationshave
not increasedin Kedjom society,thefrequencyof diagnosingtwinsor the need
fordeathcelebrations has.15
It is ironicthatthe Kedjom seek the certainty of explanationsfordisruptive
social pathologiesin the unpredictable and vacillatingnatureof ancestorsand
singletwins.Both have irascible,ficklepersonalities, are crypticand need to be
cajoled and soothedto ensuregood fortuneforthecommunity. Yet, theactions
of each are remediedby explicit,easilyperformed ritualsconductedin the com-
poundsof descentgroups.Ritualsperformed for'smalldies' and forsingletwins

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 SUSAN DIDUK 563

are more abridgedin form,preparationand productionthan are most other

Kedjom rituals.They ofteninvolveno morethanthreeto sevenfamilymembers
and are carriedout swiftly and perfunctorily. Expendituresinvolvedare modest.
In thecase of singletwincelebrations, mayor maynot be called
ritualspecialists
upon to officiateand are remunerated with beer, a fowl or fowls,and only
sometimeswithsmallamountsof money.Ancestorritualsare performed by the
head of a descentgroupwho usesminimalsharesofmeatand libationsto placate
thedisgruntled ancestor.Such occasionsarenotmarkedbytheelaborateprepara-
tionsand ceremoniescharacteristic offulldeathcelebrations forparents.16
The increasingincidenceof single twinsand malevolentancestorscan be
explainedby the same seriouseconomic crisesfacingcontemporary Cameroon
thathave contributedto a risein sorceryat the nationallevel. Until the mid-
1980s, the countryseemed to be one of the most prosperousnations in
sub-SaharanAfrica.Between the late 1970s and 1985, it demonstrated a robust
economic performance in
with one of the highestper capitaincomes tropical
Africa(WorldFactBook 1990: 51). In 1986 thischangeddramatically when the
offshore oil industrybeganto decline,and the majorexportcropsof coffeeand
cocoa fetchedtheirlowestpriceson theworldmarketsincethe 1930s and 1940s
respectively (WorldEconomic Survey1990: 60).17 Percapitaincome fellby 22
percent.between1985-88 (WorldBank 1991: 1). In 1987 theCoffeeMarketing
Board, a governmentbody which managescoffeesales on behalfof farmers,
stoppedpayingfarmersfor theircoffeecrops. By 1989 many farmersin the
NorthwestProvincehad completelyshifted theircultivationfromcoffeeto food
cash cropssuch as potatoes,carrots,plantainsand beans.18 Farmerscomplained
thatearninga livelihoodfromfood cash cropswas not comparableto coffee
farming, since theyreceivedsignificantly lower pricesforfood fromtradersin
regionalmarkets. While thesechangesmaybe promisingones forthelong term,
particularly if theyencouragefood self-sufficiency, in the present,thereis less
moneyavailableto all villagers.19
The effects oftheeconomicrecessionarefeltby pettycommoditytraders, bar
owners,cattleownersand foodsellersalike.This includesKedjom villagerswho
hiredout theirlabouron otherpeople'sfarmsas a way of earningmoneyto buy
householdnecessities likesoap,oil, meatand kerosene.Fewerand fewervillagers
are hiringlabour,whetherbythejob or fordailypay.These groupsareintegrally
tiedtogether,so thatthe economicdislocationexperiencedby one group,such
as farmers not beingpaid forcoffee,has markedrepercussions forothers.Cer-
tainlyall villageinhabitants do not sufferequallyin thesecircumstances, though
evengovernment employeesin thevillagehavenotescapedtheconsequences.In
1990, manystaffmembersof the Kedjom Keku healthcentredid not receive
salariesforseveralmonths;nor did teachers,retiredcivil servantslivingin the
village,and membersof thebureaucratic elitein thenearbyprovincialcapitalof
Bamenda. The resultsof a weeklyhouseholdsurveyof fortycompoundscon-
ducted in 1990 showed thatmost Kedjom Keku residentswere makingonly
essentialpurchaseslikepalmoil forcooking,driedfishand soap.
Coupled witheconomiesat thelevelofhouseholdconsumption, manyparents
findit difficult to pay theirchildren'sschool fees.Increasingnumbersof people
in village savingssocieties (njangis)are defaultingon loans and those who

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564 SUSAN DIDUK

continueto contribute makeonlymodestpaymentswhichdiminishthenumber

and size of loans availableto members.Universitygraduatesand class seven
'school leavers'are returning to ruralareaswithoutworkprospects.Where for-
mal educationwas viewed in the early1980s as a pathwayto opportunity and
economiicaffluence, it is increasingly
seen as a costlyfinancialinvestment with
fewrewards.
FewerpatientsvisittheKedjom Keku healthcentreand nearbymissionhospi-
tals,whichnow see onlyseverelyill people. Hospitalstaff attributethisto lack of
funds.Parentshave no moneyto buy Nivaquin tabletsforinfants suffering from
malaria.Ratherthanseekingthe servicesof Westernmedicineand indigenous
doctorsand/ordiviners,as theyhad done in the past,villagersnow oftenopt
only forthe latterwho are less expensiveand can be offeredpaymentin kind
ratherthanin cash.
Many social problemsemergefromthese complex dislocations.While few
have theiroriginsexclusivelyin the recessionary period, it has significantly
exacerbatedand prolongedthesedisruptions withlittleimprovement in sight.20
There are pervasivefeelingsof powerlessness amongruralfarmers vis-a-visState
policiesand worldmarketconditions.Land disputeshave increasedas a resultof
pressures on land,sincelargenumbersofthepopulationhave turnedto foodcash
crops.It is truethatas cash crop farmers have shiftedfromcoffeeto food crops,
and have begun to sell food on the open market,theyhave shown ingenuity.
This move, though,impliesa rejectionof State structures such as the Coffee
MarketingBoard. Farmershave come to believethatto prosperfromagriculture,
theymust'go it alone'.

Twinrituals,'smalldies'andsorcery
Why is it thatKedjom villagershave soughtto explainthe risingtide of econ-
ormicand other misfortune throughmischievoussingle twins or unrequited
ancestors,ratherthanthe utterevil of sorcery?First,it can be explainedby the
factthatwhile ancestorsand singletwinsare capable of veryanti-socialbeha-
viours,theyare clearlyless disruptiveto the communitythansorcerers.Twins
and ancestorsare ambivalent.They can and oftendo act in sociallyresponsible
ways; theirbehavioursvaryaccordingto context,by persuasionand by the
degreeto whichpeople followthe recipeoutlinedby theindigenousdoctorfor
controllingtheirbehaviour.Beliefsabout sorcerysuggestthatit is farless mal-
leable. The unmitigated evil of sorceryis associatedwith an active,intentional
malevolence.Sorcerersare wilfully threateningin theirbehaviourand theirob-
jectivesare ultimatelyalwaysdestructive.21
In thissense,sorceryis much less susceptibleto ritualcontrol.Sorceryhas
attributesof thenebulousand shadowy,qualitieswhichadd to itselusivepower.
For example,in a situationwhichinvolvedsorceryamongtheMaka ofsoutheast
Cameroon,Geschiere(1988: 50) has arguedthat,'[i]t was not even possibleto
clearlyidentifytheinstigatorsoftheattack,letalone to findout exactlywhatthey
had done, whattheirstrategies or consciousaimswere,etc'. He mentions,how-
ever,thatthe diffuseness of sorcerydoes not obscurethefactthatsuch rumours
'can haveveryconcreteeffects' upon widersocialrelations(Geschiere1988: 50).
I would add thatthisis partlybecause even thoughthe effectsof a sorcerer's

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 SUSAN DIDUK 565

actionscan be counteredand smoothedover, the sorcerer'svengefuland ran-

corouspersona is not easilytransformed. Sorcerersare ultimately beyondhuman
control.
As a consequence,accusationsof sorcerycan neverbe takenlightlyand risk
realopprobriumand socialopposition.To divine,by contrast, thatfamilymem-
bershave somehowfailedto celebratea twinin theirmidst,or have overlooked
thedeathcelebrationofan obscureancestor,is nevermetby offendedoutrageor
denial.I wantto be clearherethatI am notsuggesting thereis some sortofsocial
'need' for the reduction of conflict.Rather, in the context of an indigenous
doctor'sthriving practice,thatis, fromhis/herperspectiveas an agent,it makes
much more sense to searchfordiagnosesamongstproblematic,but ultimately
innocuous twinsand ancestors,than to riskthe kind of reverberating finger-
pointingand socialblamethatresultsfromsorceryaccusations.
This is notto overlookRowlandsand Wamier's(1988: 124) perceptiveobser-
vation thatthe consequencesof beliefsand social behavioursassociatedwith
sorceryat the grouplevel may be 'highlystableand integrative', while at the
individuallevel theyare more 'fragile'and less stable.My pointis thatit is not
alwayseasyto distinguish conceptuallyor pragmatically betweenthe individual
and group level, particularly in the village,face-to-facesetting.Consider the
followingexample.In 1988 a Kedjom Keku manwas publiclyaccusedofsorcery
forplacingmedicineson the roadway,medicinesmeantto killa youngman.22
The gravityof his actionswas deemed so seriousthathe was banishedperma-
nentlyfromthevillagechiefdombythechiefand villagecouncil(kwyfon). A year
and a halflatervillagersstilltalkedaboutthecircumstances ofhisbanishment and
the horribledangershe had imposedupon the community.When, duringthis
same period,familymemberstriedto sell severalplotsof his land to othervil-
lagers,one man who wished to buy the land was told repeatedlyby his own
dependantsnot to make the purchase.Though the accusedwas no longerresi-
dent in the community,earnestquestionsremainedabout the power of the
sorcererto wreakhavoc. In thiscase,villagers believedthatanyonewho ate food
takenfromtheallegedsorcerer's plotswould become ill and die. Here individual
and groupfearsmergedas one.
A secondreasonwhysorceryaccusationsmaynot have increasedat the local
level of Kedjom society,in spiteof the recenteconomic disruption, is the self-
limitingfeatures ofsorcery.Kluckhohn(1944) and Rowlands& Warnier(1988),
amongothers,havedrawnattention to thebuilt-inchecksofsorcery.Those who
make accusationshave to be preparedthatthesecould backfire.The accused
mightoffera counter-accusation, or the originalindictmentmightignitethe
processofaccusationfromelsewherein thecommunity. While thisdoes notrule
out the use of sorcery,it constrains itsuse. Public accusationsof sorceryare also
unusualin Kedjom Keku because theyrequireunambiguousevidenceof a his-
toryofanti-socialbehaviour.Ifformalaccusationsdo occur,an obliquereference
will firstbe made in a publicaddressat the Kedjom Keku weeklymarket.The
announcer,who speakson behalfofthechiefdom'sregulatory society,warnsthe
sorcerers to be waryof theirbehaviourbecausetheregulatory society'sees' their
actions.While no namesare mentioned,the area in which the sorcererlives
is revealed.Assumingmanifestations of sorceryare susceptibleto ceasing,a

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566 SUSAN DIDUK

sorcerer'sbehaviourceases immediately followingsuch a warningand only in

veryrarecircumstances are stronger sanctionsneeded,such as banishment from
thecommunity. Even in thiscase,banishment occursonlyafterthethirdoffence.
Veryfew people, of course,act with the sortof blatantdisregardforsocial
conventionwhichwould riska publicpronouncement ofsorcery.Accusationsof
sorcery,therefore, cannotprovidesufficient explanationforthewidespreadmis-
fortuneand adversity facedby Camerooniansin thelate 1980s. Misfortunes and
societal disruptionfar outstripexplanationsavailable throughsorceryalone.
There are simplynot enoughavailablesorcerers to accountforall theproblems.
In contrast,it is relatively easy to findcausal explanationsformisfortune in
twin and death celebrations.Each offerspreciseexplanationsforphysicaland
socialillsandrecipesforactionwhichincurlittleriskofpersonalor socialdisrup-
tion. The case of my researchassistantis illustrative. Abonguh (pseudonym)
wantedto save some of his monthlysalarytowardsa bridewealthpayment.He
was in his mid-thirties, stillunmarriedand keenlyaware thatbridewealthfees
were escalatingrapidly.The recessionhad markedlyreduced opportunities to
accumulatefundsforsuch payments.Despite receivinga salary,Abonguhwas
savinglittleand had a long-standing reputationas a heavy drinkerand poor
moneymanager.He consultedan indigenousdoctoraboutthesedifficulties. The
doctorlinked his troublesto a twin brother who had died as an infant without a
deathcelebrationbeing performed. The solutionto Abonguh'sdistresswas to
carryout a deathcelebration.
Considerthe contrastbetweenthisexampleand sorcery,which is 'by defini-
tion, a concealed and deliberately diffusemode of action', less specificin its
practicaleffects(Geschiere1988: 37). Abonguh,was givena specific ritualpallia-
tivethoughtto solvehisproblems.Moreover,as notedearlier,twincelebrations
and deathcelebrations forunrecognizedancestorsarelessmenacingand subvers-
ive to individualsand socialgroupsthanis sorcery.This maybe partlydue to the
factthatancestorswith uncrieddies, and those laterdiagnosedas twins,are
frequently infantsor theyoung.Unrecognizedancestors,in particular, are often
dead foetuses,abortedchildren, or those who died at birthor shortly thereafter.
As such,theylackformal, juralpower or authority.
Finally,'fixingpots'forsingletwinsand celebrating thedeathsofancestorsare
remediesagainstmisfortune whichtranscend wealth,status,prestige,genderand
classdifferences.This cannotbe saidofsorceryaccusations.Evidencefromother
areasof contemporary Cameroonsuggests thatthepoor and powerlessare reluc-
tantto accuse elitesof sorcerybecausetheyfearthestrength of the elite'soccult
powers(Rowlands& Wamier 1988: 123). The weak generally findit difficultto
have their own accusations accepted. Villagers engage in lively gossip about
sorcerersamongstvillageelites,ratherthan in directaccusations.By contrast,
anyone in Kedjom societymighthave a forgotten ancestoror unrecognizedtwin.
No one is excludedbecause of wealthor power. As a consequence,thereare
rathermorerelatively innocuousmiscreants who mighthave causedmisfortune,
thanthereare potentialsorcerers. It is no accidentthat,as a result,manyfamilies
in Kedjom Keku can routinelypoint to a singletwin or newly remembered
ancestor.

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 SUSAN DIDUK 567

Kedjom villagers,ofcourse,do notalwayslook to theirown domesticcircum-

stancesfor explanationsof misfortune, nor do they always yearn for the
unproblematic and non-conflictual. Sorceryaccusations,as we have seen, do
occur. Futureresearchmay show thatcommunitiesselectone formof action
over another,dependingupon a numberof factors:(1) the degreeto whichthe
State toleratesdissent;(2) the accessibilityof provincialand nationaldecision-
makingstructures; and (3) how well villagersare represented
by theirown ethnic
groupin the Statebureaucratic elite.I have shownelsewhere,forexample,that
demonstrations byKedjom womenarea vocal andpotentvehiclethroughwhich
dissentagainstStateand provincialpoliciesis expressed(Diduk 1989). As popu-
lationdensityincreasesand farmlandsdiminish,women findtheiragricultural
livelihoodthreatened.In thiscase, theirprotestsare highlyvisible,public and
organized.These popularmodes of action leave no doubt thatprovincialand
Statepower structures are being challenged.Yet it is equallyclearthatat local
level both twinsand ancestorshave become increasingly centralto explanations
of misfortune.This onlyservesto remindus of Schapera's(1927) suggestionthat
twinship(and I would add ancestors)are muchbetterexplainedby reference to
the usualthanto thebizarre.

NOTES
This articlewas firstpresentedon the panel, 'ContextualizingTwinshipin sub-SaharanAfrica',
at the AfricanStudiesAssociationMeeting,St Louis, Missouri,1991. I would like to thankthe
followingfor theircommentson the earlierversion:Robert Leopold, Igor Kopytoff,Kathleen
Kuehnastand Kent Maynard.I am also indebtedto HastingsDonnan and the anonymousre-
viewersof MAN fortheirveryhelpfulsuggestionson the manuscript. Research among the Ked-
jom during 1981-83 was funded generouslyby FulbrightHays and the National Instituteof
Mental Health. Fieldworkduring1989-90 was supportedfinancially by Denison UniversityRe-
searchFoundation,Social Science Research Council and Wenner-GrenFoundation.I gratefully
acknowledgethe governmentof Cameroon forgrantingme permissionto conductthe research.
Finally,a SmithsonianInstitution PostdoctoralFellowshipfor 1991-92 has supportedthe writing
of thisarticle.The AnthropologyDepartmentof the National Museum of NaturalHistorywas
generousin providingofficespace, administrative supportand libraryresources.In particular,
MaryKay Davies, librarianof the Departmentof Anthropology, was invaluablein providingbib-
liographicassistance.
1 Nylander(1971: 154), forexample,has noted hightwinningratesin areasof westernNigeria
where 54.2 twinsare born for every1000 births,as comparedto ratesin the U.K. and U.S. of
11-12 per 1000 births.Imperato's(1971: 4) separateestimateof the incidence of twin birthsin
the U.S. is 9.9 twinsper 1000 births.Jeffreys (1953: 92) suggeststhat double birthsin many
Africansocietiesare nearlytwice as frequentas amongstEuropeans;in some areas 'with a thou-
sand birthsa yeara man aged thirty will have had cognizanceof 585 setsof twins'.
2 A variationon thistheme is the argumentthatkillingone child of a set of twinswill im-
prove the survivalchancesof the other.It is interesting, however,thatthe converseof such ma-
terialistarguments,i.e., the venerationof twinsin societieswith precariouslylow populations,
seemsnot to have been made in the literature.
3 The Nuer are veryastutein resolvingthe 'paradox of twinship',i.e. how can twinsbe two
in numberbut be conceptualizedas one? They simplyrelegatethese seeminglycontradictory
dimensionsto distinctconceptuallevels. In the words of Victor Turner (1969: 43), the Nuer
relate'the singlepersonality of twinsto the sacredorder,and theirphysicaldualityto the secular
order'.
4 The Kedjom are a patrilinealsocietywhere sons residewith theirparentsuntiltheymarry
and have theirown children.The lattergrantsthem the economic independenceto establish
theirown compounds.In the pre-colonialperiod men oftenmarriedin theirlate thirtiesafter

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568 SUSAN DIDUK

gainingsufficient financialsupportfromfathersor elite 'sponsors'who helped to underwrite

bridewealthpayments.
5 Throughoutthe Grassfields, Christianity has been a potentforceradicallycurtailingthe in-
digenousreligioussystem.Today, Kedjom Keku has a populationof approximately13,000 in-
habitantsand threeresidentchurches;Baptist,Catholicand Presbyterian, with each havinga large
and activecongregation.Still,it is clearthatin the indigenousreligioussystemsof the Grassfields,
therewas a linkbetween Gods and twins.For example,forBamessing,a chiefdomsome twenty
miles as the crow fliesfromKedjom Keku, Schmidt (1951: 15) writes,'three spiritsare wor-
shippedby the whole village;the supremeone causes the birthof twinsand fromhis foundation
the youngdaughtersof the royalfamilyfetchthe waterforthe annual rejuvenationof the chief.
6 Not surprisingly, the planthas culturalassociationswiththe ancestors,fecundity and renewal.
For example, nkungis also plantednear holes throughwhich all deceased chiefsare addressed,
and at shrinesthroughoutthe chiefdomwhere priests(vepfem) and othersperformbiannualrituals
to guardthe countryagainstwitches,enemies,diseaseand winds thatspoil crops. It is also pres-
ent at all ceremonieshavingto do withchildbirth where it is carriedin the handsof women, and
at celebrationsforthe birthof singleand double twins.
7 At nzowainold women put palm oil in the mouthsof youngwomen and rub oil on the legs
of men to enhance fecundity.In more mundanecontexts,palm oil is also rubbed on the body
foraestheticand healthreasons.In the pre-colonialperiod,it was used with castoroil as a cos-
meticon specialoccasionslike thatof nzowain.
8 My impression thatthereis a highincidenceof Kedjom double birthsis indirectly confirmed
in Kedjom Keku's annualbirthstatistics availableat the villagehealthcentre.In 1989 therewere
six sets of twinsper 288 birthsannually;in 1988 threeper 274 births;in 1987 zero per 272
births;in 1986 threeper 298 births;and in 1985 threeper 327 births.The rate of twinningfor
Kedjom Keku would be 20.8 birthsper 1000 birthsfor 1989; 10.9 for 1988; 0 for 1987; 10.06
for1986; and 9.17 for1985. Compare thesewiththe U.S. and U.K. figuresof 11-12 twinbirths
per 1000. These figures,however,are underestimates given thatall high-riskpregnancies,which
include double births,are referredfrequently to the AmericanBaptistmissionhospitalten ki-
lometresnorthof Kedjom Keku. In 1989 the Kedjom Keku midwifereportedthat each year
'several' mothersof twinswere sent to the missionhospitalas they approached theirdelivery
date. These transfers were not reflectedin the healthcentrebirthfigures.It seems fairto say that
the incidenceof Kedjom twinshipis somewhathigherthanin the U.S. and U.K.
9 Interestingly, when snakesoccasionallybite a person,theyare not consideredtwins,but the
instrument of a witch sent to kill its victim.Again, thisindicatesthe distinctionbetween twins
and witches.
10 Such powersare also attributed to carvers,traditionalphysicians,divinersand witches,again,
a commenton the ambivalenceof all power.
11 Migeod noted thatmany Grassfieldchiefdomsdid the same. In Bikom, a chiefdomto the
northof Kedjom Keku, twin boys were named 'Chia' and 'Ful', twin girls'Bi' and 'Bo' and if
male and female'Ngon' and 'Fwe' (Migeod 1925: 95).
12 Though I do not know the details,it appearsthatpalace single twins existedin the past.
The presentfon of Kedjom Keku, Fon Simon Vugah II, recentlyinformedme thathe has 'many
such twins'. They are washed with indigenousmedicinesto preventthem frombeing trans-
formedinto lizards,rats,caterpillars, snakesand toads.
13 One Kedjom Keku informant, who had lived outsidethe villageforsome time,gave birth
to twinsin the early1950s. Her husbandwent to theJonand 'made him take money and not a
child'.
14 Ardener(1970) and Lehmann & Myers (1989) have also pointed out the relationship be-
tween sorceryaccusationsand periodsof economic stressin manysocieties.I followthe example
of Geschiere(1988) and Rowlands & Warnier(1988), who do not discernneat distinctions in
Cameroon between 'witchcraft' and 'sorcery'as these conceptsare usuallydefinedin anthropo-
logy. I too preferto conceptualizemysticalphenomenaas 'occult powers' and will use theirterm
'sorcery'to referto thesepowers.It is worthnoting,however,thatthe anthropological literature
on FrancophoneCameroon generallyrefersto 'sorcery',while Pidgin-Englishspeakersin the
Anglophonearea speakof 'witchcraft'.
15 Sorcerydoes not seem to have increasedelsewherein the NorthwestProvinceeither.Fisiy
and Geschiere(1991: 266) allude to thisand attributeit to the authorityexercisedby chiefdom

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 SUSAN DIDUK 569

associationsand chiefsover its use. This argumentis consistentwith my observationsin Kedjom

Keku and Kedjom Ketinguh,where chiefsand villagepoliticalassociationsuse theirauthorityto
drivesorcerers permanently fromthe chiefdoms.
16 Kedjom differentiatebetweendeathcelebrationsthatare performedfor(1) biologicalparents
and parents'siblingsand (2) those performedfor other kin. It is understandablethat children
would celebratethe deathsof theirparentsas well as the siblingsof parents,given thatthe Ked-
jom have a Hawaiian terminologicalsystem.These celebrationsinvolve elaboratepreparations
and are verycostlyin cash and kind. For thisreason,it may take manyyearsbeforeall appropri-
ate fiimlymembersare financially readyto host the celebration.'Small dies' referto those per-
formedin cases where a death has been leftuncelebrated.These are typicallyoverlookeddeaths
or those which were never celebratedbecause of unusualcircumstances, as when someone dies
withoutheirs.Such death celebrationsfallon the shouldersof particularindividualsby default.If
an indigenousdoctorcalls fortheircelebration,theymustbe celebrated,thoughthe scale of the
festivities is markedlysimplified.
17 The Republic of Cameroon began offihore oil productionin 1978 and 'by 1984 two-thirds
of Cameroon's merchandiseexportswere crude oil' (Nafziger1988: 159). Today the countryis
experiencingseriousproblemswith its balance of payments,and its oil reserveswill be depleted
by the early1990s (World Fact Book 1990: 51-2).
18 Kedjom men have been the cash crop farmers, while women grow subsistencecrops. The
latterdo assisttheirhusbandsand othermale familymembersin the weeding and harvestingof
cash cropssuch as coffee.
19 This is borne out by a recentWorld Bank Report which arguesthatas male farmers in the
NorthwestProvinceof Cameroon shiftfromcoffeeto potato productionas a means of securing
cash income, marketpricesforpotatoesare more depressedbecause of increasedsupply(World
Bank 1991: 4). Women's income has also diminished.In the past theyoftensold some of their
food crops in order to purchasepettycommodities,but with more food crops being marketed
theysell less and at lower prices.
20 The United Nations forecasts slower growthratesin the Cameroon economy given the
slower growthpredictedforthe 1990s more generally(The World Bank 1991). Also, since the
supplyof coffeefromprimeproducernationscontinuesto outstripdemand, it is unlikelythat
Cameroon will have a marketforits coffeein the immediatefuture(World Economic Survey
1990: 60).
21 Fisiy and Geschiere(1991: 259) argue that thoughsorcerycan be used for 'constructive'
purposesas, forexample,in the creationor accumulationof wealth,'these more positiveaspects
of djambe[sorcery]are intrinsically linkedto its darkcore of witches'nightlyescapadesand their
cannibalistic attackson kin'. I would add thateven in cases where sorceryis put to constructive
use, it is accomplishedultimatelyat the expense of others.For example, among the Bakweri,
sorcererswere said to change theirvictimsinto zombies who were then forcedto amasswealth
fortheirmasters(Ardener1970; Fisiy& Geschiere1991: 255).
22 It is a verycommon beliefwithinthe Grassfields regionthatsorcererskill theirvictimsby
buryingharmfulmedicinesby the road or at entrancesto compounds.When unsuspectingindi-
vidualscrossthesepoints,theybecome severelyill and finallydie. Only divinersand indigenous
doctorscan offerantidotesagainstsuch perilouscircumstances.

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 SUSAN DIDUK 571

Jumeaux, ancetres et changements socio-economiques dans la societe

Kedjom
Re'sume'
Les anthropologuesont souventtraitele phenomenede g6mellit6en Afriquecomme un texte
culturelaux significations elusives.La positiondefenduedans cet articleest,au contraire,que la
gemelliteestmoinsexceptionnelleet moinsinsolitequ'on ne le croit.Les definitions changeantes
de la naissanceg6mellaire,modeleesparlesconditionshistoriques etpolitiques,etparlesdiagnostics
indigenes,forment l'axe focalde l'article.Des travauxde rechercheau sein de la societeKedjom
de la provinceNord-Ouestau Camerounmontreque pourcomprendre le phenomenede gemellite
commeun faitI la foissocialet biologique,il fautprendreen comptel'arcaneet l'anomalie,et les
analyseren tantque principesculturelsI la lumieredes relationsde productionchangeanteset du
conceptd'autorite.L'augmentation vertigineuse du nombredesjumeaux 'uniques' et la reference
croissantefaiteaux ancetrespendantles anneesquatre-vingt, coYncident avec un bouleversement
economiqueprofondaux niveauxnationaletinternational. C'est ainsique le diagnosticde grossesse
gemellaireet l'attributiond'ancetresnon-reconnus parles devinssontdevenusdes reponsespopu-
lairesaux capricesdu marche.

Department DenisonUniversity,
ofAnthropology, Granville,
Ohio 43023, U.S.A.

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