RAVENNA I N LAT E ANTI QY ITY

RJ\"!.'I1n'l w~s one of the mOST import:L111 cilies of laTe nnTi qll c Ellrope. Bel\\"~cn
AD 400 ~nd 75[ , it """1$ The rt""s jden~""e ofwesrenJ H.Olll:m emperors, Ostrogothi"
kinp;, and Rp:antine go\"~mo~ of Italr. whi le its hi~hop~ ,md archhishops ranked
~"eond only to Ih" IlOpt's. During this 35o.)"<~~r p~,.iod . th~ dry wa~ progressin~ l)'
enla rged and e nric hed hr remarkahle works of niT nnd ~rchitccn1l"l.', m ~ny o f which
still SUTvive to(iJy. Thus. R ave nn a and it~ mOnUlllCiUS arc of cri tical i1l11:>orTallCC to
historialls and arT hisTOri:ln ~ of The hIt<: :Incient world. This book pl"(wides n Wtn-
pr~' h c nsin: surn-y of R31'cnna's history :md m onumcnts in btl' anti'luit}', including
discus.~ions of scholarly c onrrovc~ie5. a rcha~ological discoveries, ami new interprl'-
rations of "rt works. As a synthesis o f the vol uminoll.~ literature on this topi c. this
1'01ulI1" 1)1"Ol'id",; an English _la ngl..l"ge "ntry point for rhe studr of this fa scinating
city.

Deborah _\1auskopf Dclipnnis is a:;$istant protc§sor of history at In diana Uni_

ve rs ity. She is thl' editor and transb tor of Agnel1us of Ravenna's Lihel" pomijlf'llis
M.-I...-i.u Rln'elI1I11fis. an d she is the exec utive ediTOr of Tbe tlIedicl."111 Nevin;.
RAVENNA IN LATE ANTIOlIITY

Deborah Mauskopf Deliyannis

~CAMBRIDGE
~ UN IVERSITY PRESS
CAM BRIDGE U""VE RSlTY P ROSS
umbridge. New York. ,\ 1dboomc, ,\1 od rid. up< T o,,'n. Sing.pore,
SJo 1'. 010. Ddhi. Duboi. T ok)'o

C... mb";dg< Uni,..,"';'Y 1'",..

3' A,..,nu. of the Americas. New York. ~y 1001 3·'47J. c.....
,,' ,,',.. ..,.", lwidg<_01'!(
In fom-..tiun '-'" ,h i> ,id~ ,..,..,.. ..,.mb";dgo_otg!9illoj' r836i"

" ~lbriJge Unive"';ty I'""" .01<>

nu. publi<,<ic<J is in cop)-'right, Subject '0 ""''"'ory ~:a;<ption

....t ro .h. ptmi ....... of r"l<\~ n . rolleqil'< li""".i ng .""",me"tS.
no "'p<oJuc. i,-,n of "'f ,.....
m.)' ",to rt"""
"'i.llou •• h< ~·ri.t<n
I'ern,i"''''' of C .. nt.riJg< U nil-,,"';'Y P", ...

Fin' pubiisheJ .0.0

Prin«d in the United St."" of Ame"""

/.ilmrry .jC"'grm C.,./oging ;n PrJoIicatiM ""'"

Ddi)~"nis. Deoo...h ,\b",kopf. '!)66---
R,,,.,,nn. in ,.. < . n6qui'Y f Dooo...h D<ii)",nn;',
p. em.
10000•• toibliogr>phical r<kr~r-.:a ,nd in"" • .
".,. 9i g -<>-" •-SJ671-' (hardbock)
L R"-<n",, (h.!),) _ Ci"ili ,... tion. , _R"-""",, (l"'ly) _ "!i"ory_ J. R.,,,nn. (h.ly) _
Am;qui!i.., 4- An - I",ly - R.,,,nn. . 5- An::hit<C1U", _ rwy _ R"..,,, .... .
6. R.,-.n"" (Italy) _ Buildings, "ructUre>. <Ie. I. Tide.
DG97S'. 'S"4S '010
9-+5'47.°' -OC1l '00j>0"'75

Cambridge Uni",,,i'Y P", .. ha, "" respons.itoili'Y for <he ",,"';',ena;

or aocur.cy of ~R> for .>:1<",,' or <hirJ.porty 1n1<"",' Web >it""
,dcrreJ to in thi. public><ic<J and doe. J>Ot gu. rantee <hat :ony ro<!1<nt
on.-..eh W eh ,ite, ;., 0 .. ,",'ill ",,,,,,in. """""'te or '1'1'''-'1''';'''_
CONTENTS

List of lllustrJtions
List of Tables
]' refilcc
"

CHAPHRONl
INTRO D UCTION
•
luwenn. C.pltol?
•
J I is",r,. of S<:h"brsllil' 011 R....'nn. l
Som~ Arrh,.oJul!iall Consider,,,;,,,,,
fl."·,,nn. ond Ihc I h"""<>gfllph)' of L'le Amique ,\n on,1 -\reh"",,"". "·S
CHAI'HR TWO
ROMAN RAVENNA ,.
The Origin' of 11."'"",,. ,.
-lhc Rcpllhi""" Ci.y .,.,
Cia"",: The Rom." Impcr;' I I lorho, .nd Fleet
The City ofR,,'.nn. in Ih~ 11.,,,,,." Fm]>ir. ,.
.\ 'lltird- ,lid Fourth-<..:cmury Crisi,' II
11."'011"" ChriSli,n Origtn,
"
UIAt'HR THRH
RAVENNA AND THE W[SHRN EMPIRORS. AD 400 -4119
Th. 1..,0" Cemury of the \ \. ="nl Rom.n Empi,..,
\In,-jllg tt,. C'pi.. i to fl. ..'.nn.
JU"cmlO '~' Gpi,.1
It"'"",, •••• "de IIIlprii
\"In C ONTENTS

Th" Uty \ \ .11s of R,wn". 5'

The I\',torm"",," H
Th PoI:>r<~» <:5
Other P"hlic B"ilrlmg>
O,u",he'S "
o.,
Chu"'h .... m th. Iionon.n I'e'iod
G,l1. PI""idi,. eh"",h", "
0,
S.n Gim .. nni Fungcliil.
Sonto Croce 70
Th. - ,\ 10"-;01.",,, of G.II. Placid i.-
The Ri", of ,h~ Cln,,,,h of Ro> enn.
The Coth.dr.1
The Onh"<1,,. B'p,i"cf)'
Th. Fp;",up.1 1'.10<.., ,~

O,her 1'.1';-';"1',1 Church l'o"",1.';on,

Tn. End uf 1"'I",ri,1 1U"",n.
'"
CHAPTER fOUR
RAV ENNA. TH E CAPITAL OF TH E OSTROGOTH Ie
KINGDOM ,0<
Tn..oocric >"d h.~, ,08
Theo<loric" R"-e,,n'
'Throdcric',I'.Io"", ".'"
Theodoric', Other SCCll],r Con."ro<;u"",
'"
'Ine _11>u.oI<"", of -n,cod~nc
The Os'!'<)gothtc Kingdo'" .fter Tho:od.ric to HO ".
, 5'

CHAPHR IIVl
RELIGION IN OSTROGOTHIC RAVENNA 'JO
,>,ri.ni"" on.! 'nO Goth, 'JO
s.". ',Ipolli".r<: .'<UO"O
11"""i<;s
,.'
r;: ,
S.mo SI,irito (,h< .' lri:in e.,hcJroJj ,i 4
Theln.n B'l"iste.y 'i7

,"'"
'I". Onhodox Church in Ostrog-"th ic R.",:",,;
'The C<If"I'a _-Jrri,-,,,,,,-jf,
The Forl)' Si>.,h-Ce",ury ehurche, "fCb""
The Orthodox Ch"r<:I1 .fteT l"eodenc ""
,,8
CONTE N TS

CHArnR SIX
RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE P[RIOD. AD .540600 '0'
Th. b,,'irolUl\em .nd 1",li'" l ro,ni>", >OJ
°lnc B)u,,' inc ~"""09u,,,' ,od 'he LO!nh,,,I~
Th~ E",,.l>I;,Ju,,em of. IIp,.ntine ,\d",;"i"r.l;on
The ,,,,,hhi"',,,,, of R.nno.
,,"
'I'he C .. hcd,..,l ,nd the Fl'i'"'0I",1 -n"01l" ""
":I
Churl'h lIuildio!(
'"
Church Iluildin)i: in 'he City of R"·,,rm. ",
S.ma ,\hr;' ,\Ioggiar" ,1>
San \'1>le "3
S.., .\ hchclc in ,\fric;""" '50
Sc St"phcll ''is
Othe,. Clt ... rd"" 156
Church lIuildin!( i" CI.ss. .
"
"

..,
St. Pml,,"<. St. F.lc""h.di,,!, '0,1 St. F "phe",i. iIlf mart! '58
So",', \pollin.", in el."", "

San So"em '74

CHAPHR SLVlN
RAVENNA CA PITAL AD 600-850
IUll"enn. o Co!'it.1 of the B)"Z:Int Ine rnrch".
,A rmhi,/",!,' .n,I»"I"'" 'The '\utOC"l'h.I}' Quo"i"n ,l!J
After the Exo",h"e
R"'cnn,, By".min. 'nd P"'t-Il)7.lntlllC Flit. ,,.,,
"4

on,. EllVim'U"."t ."d l'rba" Life ,88

AJl~nn .. h, ~.,'c"n.o Agnellu>. .nd the C.rolingi.n, '91

Appendix: Tables
Notes
References
Indel< '"
HI
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATION S

Plates
Ia. ",\ \,usolculll of G.Il. I)locidi •• ~ interior vicw looking towonl ,he
~.h
I h. ' j\ Iousolcum of G.Il. " Jacidia," Christ os .he Good Shepherd,
north lunette Illosoic
lb. O rthodox B.priSlcry. stucco deconotion .( the window rone
Ill>. Orthodox B'pti,tcry. mos,ics of the dome
IlIa. S.n!'Apoll in.re 1"uo,"o, mosoic of the north "",11, the Virgin .nd
Child H.nked by .ngels, ,nd the three ,\logi
III h. Som 'Apollin.re Nuo.·o, mosaic ofthe soulh w.l1, detail of
St. f., !anin leading me pr"""",;on of m,le saints
IV•. S. m'Apoll in.re N UO''', moso;c of the south w.n. R",CTUl' .nd
its "p.lotium"
TVb. Ari.n B.ptistery, mos.;cs of {he dome
V. CRP"'" =""""".,•. "jew of {he ch.pe]'s v.ults
Via. Son Vit.le, the presbitcry .nd.pse
VII>. Son Vit.lo, 1ll00';. of the south I'n,.hitcry won, Mcichisc<Je~ .nd
Ahd
V1l •. Son Vitole, mos.ic of the north 'P'" woll.Justini.n .nd his court
Vllh. Son Vit.]e, mosoie of the south opse ""U, "I"he<:>doro .nd her eourt
VIII •. S. nt'Apoli inore in Classe, ,'iew of the interior
\'Ilib. S. nt' Apotlinorc in CI3SSc, l1l0s0ics of the '1"" '':;lUlt

Figures
I, CUlTInt ",,,,,,,I pl~n of R.,','Tma, o,'erl.id with ,he I,," onti'IU" w.lls
w.t,,.w,},,with m.jor .",h.eologi~.. l . iles
ond
.' Tub; ]iui/i, "Iuse<> Nuion. le, Rovenn. .,
{>Ilg' "

,
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

,. ,\ lop showing R,,'enno in the Rom.n imperi.1 period. co. AD .oo

Funer..y stele of l>Ub~us Longidienus, 0 ship builder (jam- "'n'a/is) "
+
of Cia"". first century BCIAD. ,\losco N. zion.le. R,,'enlUl .,
5' Reconstrt>Ction of the l'om Aure. embedded within the Iote
.ntique .... ]], B
O. ,\ lap showing R,,·eoo • . Cia"", •• nd the Adri.tic coostline in the

,. fifth, sinh •• nd ninth centuries

/l lap of 11."''''''''. Cl_AD 480 "
•• G<:>ld soli~us of G. ll> I'I""i<li •. ob'-crse ond ,,"-crse, AD 4' 6-}0 "
<J

,.•
PI.n of the p.l""e. os known from ex",,,.. tions. co, AD 450
S.n Giov.nni Ev.ngclisto, pion of the e.rly fifth..c;entury ph.se "
u. S.n Giov.nn i Ev.ngelisto, pion of the modified churcb.
",,-cnth--tenth ",nturic<
"
"
,".,.
S.n Gim-.nni Vv.ngc!i" •• interior "ie,,-
S.n Giov.nni t:v.ngc!ist., ",,"onstn>Ction diogro:rn of thc mosaics "
of the triumph.1 orch ond.psc
,+
, 5·
The S.nto Croce complex. c.' AD 450
"'\lousnleum of G.II. I'lllCidi . ... exterior ,;e... from the snuthwest
""
,.
'0.
,
"/l I. usnl.um of G.II. 1'1..,;di.," plan., ground le"ci
"/l lausoleum "fG.II. 1'1..,;di.," W",t.no with, iun.'tW of d''''T
""
,•.
".
drinhng
",\ I. usoieum of G.II. p l..,i,li .... St. l ....·Tence. s"uth lunette mo,l>jc
"M.usnlelUn of G.II. p locidi.," m""ics of thc c<'1ltt.1 "",It 8,
""
,. I'I.n of Ih ""nn. 's • .,hed ... 1complex. including the Ursi.n.
C.thed ...1 (c •. 4"5). the Orthodo. B.ptiswy (4'05-5OS) • • nd the
'/'.".", Sa""",, (second century AD) 5,
". Orthodo. B.pti«cry. reconstn>Cted pl.n", ground ievel, with
c-urr.mt ,1"oT .nd font, .n,1 plan .. window I,,,''''

,,.
n. Orthodo. B.pti«ery. view of the exterior from the southeast '""
,+
Orthodo. B'p,i«ery. reco"stn>Cted cross senion showing the
origilUll .nd subsequent Aoor .nd roof lewis
Orthodo. ll'p,i"cry. ,·i.w of the interior f..,ing so utheast
,.
'J
". Orthodo~ B'p,i"ery. ,hrone in £on",.tic .rchitccru... 1""ClIC,
mos.ics of the middle •.one
'0. OrthodoI Baptistery. c~nt ... 1med.llion of the dome. depicting the "
,.
".
b'ptism of Christ
S.nt'Agotl Moggiore. reronsUUcted pl." "
.oj

',.. M'I' of 11.....,,,,, •• "'. AD BO .0,

G<:>ld 'riple solidus ofTheoderic (,he S"";g. lh. Med. llioo), gold,
3,3 em di.m .• ,\ Iuseo N.zion.le. Rome .08
Bronze dcanummiurn, ob"erse with bust of R,,,"en,, •• nd the
leg""d "Felix R,,'enn •. " reverse with. monog ...", of R,,-enn.

,,. surrollllded by • wr~3th

Pi.n of the pal..,e. os known from """" .. tions. "'. 516
" 5
,"
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
'"

p. ,\ ,",ble I'"nol depicting i-l cl'CIJics and the St.g of Cerinei., early
sinh cemury, ,\ luseo ",.:cion.le, IU'-enn.
H- ,\ lo\lsoleum of Theodoric, view from rhe west
'"
"5
". ,\ louwl.'.111l of Theodoric. ,-jew of the interior of rhe lower 1",-eI
J5. ,\ l. usolou", of Theodoric, ent.."c•. lower le,-.I
,,'
'"
". ,\ 1ausoleum of Theoderic, pion O! ground 10,-01 shOl"ing th.
structure .nd {he origin . l loc"iOll of the fence posts ,,'
,'.".
J\ lou",I<:1"n of Th",,,Ie";., plm of the "PI"" 1",-01
,\ lo"solc~Jm of Throdcric, monolithic c'pSlone
".'JO
". R,'<:onSlnu,,,ion of (he ,\ \,u,.,lo\l", of Theo<l.ric (bv
1-[eiden re ichlJ oh .nn ..)
..,. ReconSlnlction of the ,\ \" ...,Iell'" of Theo<lcric (by IX Angelis
, J'

.,.'.
d'Os<.r) OJ'
M.usol.,urr\ "f"ln."deric, I~>rl'hyry b .. htub n,,,.' in the "1'1"" TOorn 13'
. ,\ lousoleum "f Th,,~teric, -Z.ngcn frie," Tdid om'm""t " the
h.se <>r the ""I""",e 'JJ
H- ,\ lo"solc~lm of -Thc'O<lcTi<;, 'I)ur on the "'pSlone with th. inscription

'.
·S(.n)c(tu)1i Petru, " 'J<
.... Ari.n B'p,i"cry, h~.d of.n .postle
'
". s.",' Apoll;m", Nuo'·o, Ill"",i<; "f th~ ,,,u,h ",.11, Christ fl. n • • ,! !'y
• ngel, ' 4;
.'. S.nt' AIK)II;n"~ Nu",·" , r<..;onSlmct.,ll'ian (hj,~l) ",i,h
Slill-e,i,-r;ng h'''K1ue ' 1'' '' on,1 <h'1"'I,;n g"'y (north ",.11

.,. reconstrucrcd to match ,he . un'i,-ing south w, J1)

S.",·Apollin..c Nuom, "iew of the nonh n ..·c ",. 11 '"
'"
.'.
'19·
S.",' I\]'ollin.", Num·o, south colonn. de with ,he . mt.o
S.n" Apollin ... Nuovo, colu",n C.pilll
t i"
t; t
'0. S.",'Apoll;m", Nuo'·", Ill"",i<; of th~ nonh ",.11, ,h~ cit}' .nd IK)n
ofCl. sse
,'. S.m'Apollin.re N uom, m"",ic of Ihe north ",.11, upper 7.Onc.
Chri,~ coll ing SIS. P(~cr .nd Andrew
I'n

155
". S.",·Apollin. ", Nuom, ",,,,,,ic of the south " .. II. upper zonc,
Christ . nd the 'lK>Slk... 1t the Last SUI'l"" 155
". s.",' Apollinorc Nuo,·o, Ill""'ic "f the nonh w.lI, window 7.O]\e
(f.r Idl sid~), IWO mal. flgum; hold;ng' scro ll ,nd. codex
,.. S."" .o\l'0ll;n • ..., Nuo'·o, m"",ic of the soulh " .. II. deu;l of Ihe lefl
'!9

side ofthe "l'.l .. iw" n 16;

!S. S.m'Al'0llin. re N oom, di'gr." " of Ihe ;m.gcs of Cl . sse .nd ,he
R.n."nn, -p.IOI;u"," wilh the . ",os "'pl.""d ;n the ,60s sh.dcd 16)

". 5.", 'A I",U;n". Nuo,-o, m"",ic of the north w.ll. St,,- Gee;I ;•.
Eul,l i., Agnes (w;th Ihe I.mb), Agoth.,:ond I>dag;, ,0,
". S."" '\roU ;n • ..., 1"00'.... m"",ic frogmen! from Ihe west ,...11. he.d
ofJ ustin;.n '",,
". S.."o Spirito. ,i.w of Ihe interior 17)
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS XIII

S9- Th. Ari •.n C.rnedr,1(tod'r s.nto Spirito) .nd Ihptis,.ry,

reconstructed pion sho"'ing oct.gon .nd now-lost ,urrounding
'poc,," (sh . ded) 177
60. Ari.n B'pt;,t.I)·. exterior vicw 1;9
6 T. Ari.n B'pt;,tOI)·. cemr.l",ed.,lIion depicting the b.ptislll of Ch ri.t 1112
61. Ari.n B.pti.t.I)·. Sts. Pet.r.nd P.ul H.nking. throne 1 ~3
63' PI.n of R..·O",lO·S episoop. 1comple .. including the " .. hed ... l,
b'ptistery, ' n,1 ,·,ri ... ,lS I,uildings <>( the 'piSc/Jf'illm I R<)
6+ Ca{J<"" IlTCh~wm"/', sollth ",t ""terior ""II with lhe r.m.ins of the
eighth-cenntty "it·,.,.i,,,,, (?) 1 <)0

6;. Ca{J<lIJ. Qm'~wn·il,. I'I.n of the n.nhex .nd eh'l"'l 191

66. Ca{J<lIJ. Imi:.~srm:il" ',eW of thc n.nhcx f.eing nonhwest. Christ
t"""pling the I"''''t< 19J
67. Ca{J<II".srrit"wn·ik. northe.St .reh of eh'I",), ChriSt .nd the 'l><.>Stles '9;
611. Ca{J<lIJ. 1mi;~I",";I<, northw",,", m ::n of ""'1"'1. (.m.l .... ints 195
~. GrOlllld pl'n of th e b,silic. 'n,1 oct'g<Jn.I,,,,uenlre found at lhe
,ite of C. ·Bi.nCl. wilh oxc",.ted 'reas in bl:u;k .nd g"'y 199
70. j\lopofR.venn' .... AD 600 :0'
7 t. j\mll<' "r Agnellu .. noW in th~ c .. h~dr11 "4
7', '11m)(le nf fllo.i111i", . front "iew, ivory <on • w(~Klen f"'111e,
5400-5""' "5
7J. Timme of ,\ lo.i111i.n. p.nd depicting thc Annunci ..ion , '7
7+ ThTO/l c of ,\1 .. i111i.n. ,Iet. il frolll ,ide, joe,,!.> ",,,uming Joseph ,Ii
7S· S.m 'Apollin.", in CI1<sc. oolwnn, "f I'roeonnNi.n morhle. ""'"
from the n"rth .isle '"
76. S.",. ,\ lori. ,\I'ggior•• pia" of,he 'I's, "j
". Son Y""le. ,.;~w ofth. enerior frum ,he north "5
7R. S.n Vi .. I~. "'''',n<tTUCtcd or;gin.l gmullIl l' l'!l "7
79- Son Vi,,,I~. ~iolt drowings. t"'O ,;.".. -looking e. .. . nd looking
nonh ,,8
80. S.n Vi .. le. ""mnl """"gon focing south "9
8 L. S,,, Vi .. I• . ool "",n "'pinl frum the ground lC"d of the oc~'gon .1
'H
8z. S.n Vi .. I•. reroIlstr"",ion of ,he origin .1 "'otIJI~ rc'wt",.nt on the
outer w, l1s of the .",bubtory 'H
83. S.n Vi,,,le. mosoi"" of the nil It of the .pse , 19
8+ S.n Vi,,,I •. mosoie of the nonh .psc "'oil, deta il. he.d of ,\Iaximi.n ' 4'
85. S." \'""Ie. south side of the presbitel)' oreh '45
86. S.n Vi ..l•. moso;e " f th~ nonlt presbitel)' """II. ;nduding the Stol)'
of Ab ... ),.", '41
87. S.n Yltole .• reh .nd ,,,ult of the prNb;t.l)· 149
8R. S.n j\ iichcle in Afriristo. pl.n of origin.ll' roUl '5'
11<). S.n j\ iichcle ifl Afriristo. rocon<tructeJ mosoic of the "I"" .nll
triwnph.1 .reh, now in the Skulpt",e"s,munlung und j\ luscwn fur
1l)'7.•minischo ](W'Sl. S.. "liche Muscct, 1.U Berlin. Berlin. Genn",,)' '; J
 LIST 01; IllU STRATI O NS

<)0. S~m:AJ)OlJin~re in Chsse, plan, including the l:n er cnmp:1J\ile on

the north side :(,:
<) 1. Sant' Al)Ollinure in ChlSSt', view of the exterior from the southeast :63
9l. Sant' AI)OIlill:lrc in Cbssc, CQlllmn c'l piml of the COlnposite
",in.-1hlo.'11 acand1U.~ type ~ 6-t
93. S~nt'Ap.ollil1al·e in Cbsse, view of the ap'i<' and trium phal arch l65
<).j.. Sinopie (llnderdnlwing) from the lowe r apse wnll of Sant'Apollinare
in Classc. tod.l}' i.n rhe ,\'111:;;1:0 N azionak, Ravenna l65
9:;' Sant'AJ:><:lllinarc in Chs.se, the TransfiguraTion mosaic in the a p~e
vault; 1I\i;'(hllioll n"n!.:ed b~' )1oses, Isabh, t.he H and of God
(abon), ~rl<1 tfm:l' sheeJl n:pre.o;cnt.ing ~p{)sdc.< l Oi
9(,' Sant'AJ>Illlinare in Cbs..'ic, St. Apollinaris al1li (left to right) BishollS
Ecclesius, Sf. SeveTlL<, St. linus, and Unicinus li '
<)7. Sant'Apolli,lal'e in Chsse, !l1osaie on rhe north wall of the apse
depictin g ~!l1pel'Ors with Archhishop Rcp.,mnl< l i~
')8. Sant'Apullinarc in Cbsst:, mosaic on the 50uth "'all ofthc apst:
depicting Abel, Ml·1chiscdel, and Abraham an d Isaac ~i J
99 . San Sel'em, CI:l..~e , ground plan of the la te sixth-e... ntury basilica
(including irs ;'aIM ) 3lUl lnl.' enlicr eh~llCl.~ t<l rht: south, as rl.'n~lcd
from cxca"arions 175
100. Map of Ra'"enna, C:l. AD 840 (It the time of Agncllus) 176
101. San Viult, sarcophagus of the ... .xarch 1s3at· (d. 643), early
lifth-t'cnrury san:ophagus with scwnth-<:tntury in>eription : SI
10 2 . S~nr' AflOllinare in Cbsst:, sarCOphOlb'\IS of An:hbishop Grariosus
(d. ca. AD 789) ~9 '
10j. So-clilcd ~P~bce ofth ... Ex-n ehs," actuall), [be facade of a d'Ul'ch
ucJi(;,lIed to til<: Savior, ru iJ-eighth ~cntury 19!
fa", Sant'AI"ollinarc in ChISs<:, nf,uriflm of St. EI ~uch'IJius, ninth
l"t.,ntu ry AD
LIST OF TABLES

I. Rum,m empcroN png~ .lUI

~. Kings of 1t3J~· 30~

J. £X.lfchs (WiUllltTCSICd titles) JO'

..J. LO!1l b:lrd kings JOJ
5. Bishops of Ran!nna 30'
6. Popcs 30 5
7. Dimensions of R;lvenna's basilicas JO'
PREFACE

I ,,'liS first introduc<-'tI to the study o f Ravenna in Cecil L. Striker's graduate

seminar at the Un;~'crsicy of Pennsylvania. Lee o\'crsaw my dissertation on
Agncllus of Ravenna, and was th~ motivating force behind this book. [ am
cnonnously gr.ltcful to him for hiscnoour.lgcmcnt, for hisoommcntsoll the
various parts of the text, and for generously providing me with photographs.
My oolleages Ann Gmuchael and D iane Reilly have been constant sound-
ing boards for my ideas, and I am indebted to {hem for thcir advice and
support, especially toAnn for her insistence that I find a way to work plague
imothe book, and to Diane for her reassurance that I cou ld write Foran his-
oonans. Others who havc hdped un sl'••~ific questions indudeJunathan J.
Arnold , Thomas Brown, Paul Dutton, Andrew Gillett, Nicole Lopez-
Jantzen, L.wTence Nees, James J. O ' Donnell, Glenn Peers, Leah Shop-
kow, Eugene Vance. Dorothy Verkerk, and Edward Watts. I am also "ery
grateful to Kate Copenhaver, Seymour Mauslupf, Scott McDonough, Urs
Pesch low, M ary Ann SuJl i,':!n, and Eugene Vance for their magnifi~'Cnt
photographs; the lntcmct tru ly is a marvelous way of connecting pcople
with similar interests. Invaluable help "lIS provid~~1 by Rhonda Long of
Document Dchery Services at the Ilcnnan B. Wel ls Librdry and Mary
Bu~'£hley of the Fine Arts Libl'llry at Indiana University, and Paola Pilandri
of the SoprintL'ndem.a [It-'T i Beni Architettonici e Pacsaggistici di Ravenna.
Financial support, esp~'Cially through a prctcnure IC3''C, has been providl"tl
by Indiana University. I would especially like to thank Beatrice Rehl of
Cambridge University Press for her kind advice and cnroUl'llgemcnt as this
book took shape. and especially for her patience with my delays as the
manuscript was rompleted.
\Vhen I signl>d the contract for this hook, I had twO children; when the
manuscri pI was completed, I had three - it has b~'Cn a very busy three years!
Spending time with my sons,AJex, Harry, and Simun, has meant that I have
not traveled, especially to Jraly, as much as r might ha,·e. The boys may not
~vii
xviii PREFAC E

quitc uo(lerstJtH\ their mother's intcrest in thc late antique world, out onc
day ....'e will all gO to Ravenna and they wi\! underStan(\ my enthusiasm. My
husband, Constantine, has seen and understood; he has supported my career
from irs beginning with love, patience, and pranicality, and I dedicate this
book whim.
ABBREVlATlONS

CARR Cm"So Ji mlwrll m/fllrlr R,I<Jmm,lr (' 8i~'l/I(;lIt

HL P"uilbr D(I1(O'II, His/ori" ulllg;~baI"<IQrtl/ll
U' Liber P')JIlijiMfis
LPN. Ag'"dft,>, Lih('1' pum ijir"fi$ ud,'.rltlr NII1:t'JIWlli.,'
MGH I\lQIIIIIII<.,,'" grr1ll,mim.' iJIS/or-im
I'L /'lIIl1J/QgiJl Lilli,,,,
JUS flrl'lr/1/ Iliili{{/J'IlIII Srl'ipll1l'~s

xix
CHAPTER ONE

INTRODU CTION

Ravenna Capi(al?

Thc city of Ra,·cnna in northeaStcrn ICI ly lvntains somc of the mOSt spec-
tacular works of art and architecture to have survive.:! from late antiquity.
These monuments were created between AD 400 and 600, at a time when
Ravenna was one o f the roost imporClrrt cities in the Mediterl":lnean world.
After 600 Ravenna experienced both economic and political downrurns,
but the artistic and architectural monumems remained as a teSClmem to
the splendor of the Christian RotHan Empire in its early cemuries. and
as an inspiration both to later generations of the city's inhabitants and to
visitors. In the absence of an e:({ensivc body of writtcn sources for the late
antique city, the art and architecrnre have bl'COme the main source for our
understanding of Ravenna 's role in ltolly and the Mediterranean.
Sincc the ninth cenrury, Ravenna has been considered the "capital of
the lare antique west." This is what Ravenna 's own ninth-ccntury historian
Agncllus called it; it is the title of the four-volume history of the city by
F. \V. Deichmann, Rllt'mnll, Hauptsrlldt drs f/liitantikrn AbrnJlonJes ( I ¢g-
89), and it was thc title of a conference held in !OO4 in Spolcto, subse-
quently publishl-d as Ravmnll; do cilpitllir imprrialr 11 capitllir mmalr. The
word "capital" (Hauptsradt, capitolr) refers to the city's political function as
the residencc of tile western Roman emperors after 400, of the Ostrogothic
kings from 493 - 540, and of the rulers of the Byzantine province of centr:ll
Ita ly from 54'>"""75 I . These rulers, along with the bishops of Ra"enna, made
a determined effort to create a city that would provide a WOrtlly setting for
(he rimals that demonstrated their authority. But did la te antique rulers
wam the city to be regarded as a capitoll, and if so, did they suC'Ces~fully
convince their contemporaries?
In urder to addrc~s th is question, wc muSt fir~t dcfinc whJt a capit.l w.s
in the fifth and sixth centurics. The word as it is used today, defined as a city
,
, INTRODUCTION

serving as a seat of government, has no exacr correlare in late antique Latin

or Greek. E. Chrysos has recently noted that in latc antique sources {he
word capul is used only for Rome and Constantinople, and carries symholic
connotations, whereas the term mks imptritJlis, referring to the location
of the emperor and administration, really corresponds better to what we
would consider a capital city. ' Tnisambiguity - the fact that Romecould be
a cilpuf without hous; ng a central gO\!crmnent - "'liS the result of the p01itical
circumstances of the R0Il13n Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries. For
300 years the city of Rome had been the ~-enter of imperial administr.ltion
and the showplace of the empire's glory . However, Rome's 10000tion was
not I", rticularly convenient for admi nistering the affairs of an empire that
extended east to Persia and nort h to Scotland. The military emlICrors of
the t hird century spent less and less of their time in Rome, and other cities
rose to prominence as places where an emperor (or a would-he emperor)
might reside.' Aftcr a century of political diS;J rray, the emperor Dioclcti an
(!84- 305) took the momentous step of dividing the empire into western
and eastcrn halves ruled bycocmlICrors (augusri), caeh of whom had a junior
colleague «({ICSar). These four rulers and their administrations were oos(:cl in
different cities: iuitially tileS!' were Nioomedia and M ilan (fur the augum)
and T hessalonike and Trier (for the cllcSIIm). After 31 4 Constantinople,
founded hy the emperor Constantine, replaced N icomedia as the eastern
imperia l capital. Rome was conspicuously om itted from thc list of new
lopitlls, prooobly largely for strategic reasons, but it is also possible that
Diocletian hoped TO brcak away from Roman m1ditions that he felt had
[,,":en deleteriou> to the empi re in the pR-vious centllry, ancl in particular
that hc wished w minimize the threat of revolt hy powcrful military units
stationed in Rome)
Although mostof these cities had been important adminisrrativc centers
in the Roman pcriod (with the exception of Constantinople), none of thcrn
had pennanent stl"Ul"tUreS for housing the imperial court. After Diocletian
designated them imperial sears of government, each city began to build
facilities that would acoormnooate the imperial ccremonia l and the admi n-
isrration that would now be situated there.'; All of tht'SC new capitals looked
to Rome for inspiration, while at the same ti me reAe<;ti ng th e ne'" political,
administrativc, and cI'cntually re~gious circumstanccs ofthc empirc.S As
we will Sl'C in Chapter 3, the central feature was the palace, around which
were arrayed hippodromes, colonnadcd streets, fura, baths, and churches.
A new capital city that is intended to ~ ... break away from, in panicular,
dt-veloped elite or bureaucratic institutions ... " i~ known to anthropolo-
gists as a disembedded capital. A. H. Joffe's stlldy of ancient dis<'1nbed-
ded capitals notes that thl;' are I"CJ)' c:cpensiw, he<:ause thl;' ha"e to I""
built from scr:atch on a grandiosc seale, and highly unstable, especially in a
RAVINNA CAPITAL? 3

situation of political V"~riabiliry.6 The Roman Empire in the founh to sixth

centuries was extremely unstable, and while wnstantinople achieved last-
ing success, most of the other new COIpitals enjoyed relati"ely brief building
booms.) Ravenna, on the other hand, had a tenuous cxist~"Ilce in its first
century as a lllpital, but managed to hold on to its role as a political center
for a serond century and beyond. This enabled it to have not just one but
scwral phases of commemorative monuments, cumlliatiwly reinforcing the
scnse that Ravenna was a traditional seat of go,·cnl1ncnt.
Rivalry with Rome is a l>trsistent theme in the politil,,1and ecdesiastil"31
history ofRavcnna. Emperors had not livcd in Romc since z84, but the city
remained the showplace of the Roman republic and empire, the repository
of its history, and the home of the Senate, the group of powerful Jtalian
landowners whose authority waxed and waned in the course of Rome's
imperial history. Rome ".,.s the caput orbis, the "head of the worldt l'Ven
,,·hen political power was no longer ccntered in it. 8 Milan had been viewt"<l
as a riva l to Rome in the founh century, and this rivalry was inheritc<1 by
Ravenna when it was chosen to be the imperial residence after ¥,Z. \Ye
will discuss in detail the reasons for the choice of Ravenna in Chapter 3;
cerrainly ease of rommunication with Constantinople was a major factOr in
its enduring politica I success, but it aIso secms dcar that the ~discmbcddcd~
nature of the ciry was important to the emperor Honorius and his advisers,
as well as their successors. Most of the rulers who established themselves
in Ravenna did so deliberately in order to lx}Untcr the power of the Roman
Senate and later of the popes: we will s~ this in the case of the Honorian
emperors, of Odoacer, ofTheoderic the Ostrogoth, and l"1.'entually of the
llyzantine exarchs. Ravenna's monumentalization was thus an important
and succcssful component of a propaganda contest about authority in Ita ly.
Another factor that came to playa significant role in Ra"enna's history
was the rise of its bishop. [n addition to its secular importance, Rome was
also the cityof the pope, whose status as the head of the entire Church might
be contested, bUl whose authority in Iraly and the west was not doubted. The
bishops o f Milan rose to preeminence when the emperors resided in that
city, and once the coun moved to Ravenna, its bishops likewise rose in the
hicrarchy of the Italian church, cventually holding the rank of archbishop,
ranking serond after the pope and making periodic bids for autocepha ly,
or independcnl"e from the l).1pal see. In a society in which the authority of
bishops rivaled, or even exceeded, thaI of secular rulers, Ra,-ellna's bishops
and archbishops used the city's topography and monuments to stake their
own elaims both alongside the secular rulers of the eiry and against the
POI"'·
All these rivalries l,roduced a situation in which Ravenna's history of
urban development ran directly counter to the c:<periellcc of most other
• INTRODUCTION

western cities in the period from 400 to 600. Ravenna's period of pros-
perity coincides with ~ time in " 'hich cities throughout the Roman "'OTld
werC undergoing dramatic tTllll.\formations. 9 ' Ineeity o f the Roman Empire
had been a center of secular administration, with a dense urban fabric that
included public amenities such as {heaters and baths, aqueducts and >ewers,
clabonltc Roman-style houses for the elite, and evidence of long-distance
trade. By the year 6oomanyofthose features had disappeared from w(.."Stcm
Europe, replaced by towns centered on the church, with the bishop as the
main authurity figure, a mu<:h lower density o f buildings, meaner and less
architectura lly imcgr:ncd houses, no secular elite residents, fewer urban
amenities (except for chur<;hes), and a dramatic reduction in items obtained
from trade; the "ruralization of the ci ty" is a tenn often used. '0 Progres-
sive invasions, sach (Rome was sacked in 4[0 and 4)5, Milan in 539),
plague, and economic problems led to dramatic depopulation, a slowdown
in ne'" construction, and decay of the old urban fabric. The same processes
e\'enmally ocl~'TTed in Ra\'enna, hut at a different pace. Ravenna was nut,
as far as we know, sacked in any of the invasions or wars that beset the
Italian peninsula, perhaps testimony to its perceived invulnerability pro-
vided by the swami)'; of the Adriatic coast. R..'enna had a residt'llt secular
governmental administration until the eighth century, which led to differ-
ent political dynamics in tbe city than were found el:;ewhere." In Ravenna,
construction of magnificent new buildings continued until the end of the
sixth century; indeed, the middle years ufthe sixth century produl",d >omc
of the most dramatic and spectacular works of art and architecture any-
where. After 600 Ravenna suffered from the cumulative effl'CIs of the l"CO--
nomic downturn and the political cvents of the previous fifty years, but the
extra time had allowed the city to build up a collection of monuments that
few other cities could rival.
Rawnna may have been beautifu l and prosperous, but the literary texts
sbuw us a l"Ontemporarymf11wlitiin which Rome reigned SUpfl-me. Because
of its political importance, Ravenna is briefly mentioned in many texts,
from it"tters to bistories to poems, from the Roman and early medieval
periods. Fewof these offer praise ofthencwpolitical center. Roman authors
through the fifth century scorned Ravenna's marsby landscape, and sneered
at its flies, bad water, and frogs. " Emperors might live at Ravenna, but
they l-amc to Rome for the important l",remonial events that werc praised
in panegyrics. Byzantine authors mentioned Ravenna's defensibility, but
thought of the west in tenns of Rome, Even the Romans wbo "'orkt-d for
the Ostrogothie king Theoderie praised Rome's monumental past far more
than Ravenna 's glittering present.
Fur Stnltcb';c and t:(:unomic reasons, then, Ravenna maintained its politi-
ca l role through scI'eral changes of regime, but its monuments do not seem
HISTORY OF SCHOLARSHIP ON RAVINNA ;

to ha ,'e convinced cantem porariesof glory a r prestige. The process of cre-

ati ng a co"'~ncing capital city took zoo years, and the m0l1 umentali7,.atian
that we admire was completed JUSt in time far the <->{."Qnam ic and JXllitical
decline that was to spell the cnd of Ravenna 's dominance. It was not until
the ninth cenrory that viewers could admire Ravenna as a glorious lllpital:
l{avcnna was not commemorated in literary sources until Agncllus wrote a
history of the episcopal see in the R30!i, a century after the city had ceased to
be a scat of anything but local and episcopal government. O nly in the con-
ttxt of the Carolingian renaissance, as Ital ians began to dcvd op a renewetl
sense of urban consciousness that in cl uded pride in their Roman and late
antique heri tagc, " could Ravtnna's staros as a former capital of the west be
fully appreciated. \ Vhen we ta lk about Ravenna as a capital, then, we must
remember that we are doing SO in historical hindsight.

History of Scholarship on Ravenna

T hrough the cenrories, Raven na's history has UtlOlctl-rl the anention of a
v;!riety of authors and scholars. Stlrting with Agnellus in the ninth century,
medieval authors wrote saints' lives, sermons, and chron icles th at document
specific mo ments in the lity's history. From the fifteenth century, local his-
torians an d antiquarians produced ever-more-learned historical texts, as
well as publi shing the primary SOUK CS on wh ich these histories werc based.
\ Vi th the development of the disciplines of archaeology and art history
in the ninl"!eenth century, Ravenna began to occupy an ever-larger place
in the historical consciousness nat just of its own inhabitants, but al so of
outsiders. And with the rece nt growth of interest in late antiquity as a his-
torica l period , scholarly inteT<~t in Ravenna has exploded. ll erore we bcgin
to examine Ravenna's history and monuments, it is useful to un derstand
the way that these have been described and modified over the centuries,
because ea rly historians and artists provide us with crucial information,
particularly about monuments, inscriptions, documents, and other sources
that no longer survive.

Premodern Historiogrllphy

T he historiography of Raven na hegins with Agnellus. T he "'ay he pre-

sented his city and its history has heavily influenced our understandin g of
Ravenna down to the present. Historians' pr<:occupatiol1 ",ith Ravenna's
riY.llry with Rome, as described abo"e, origin ~tcs with Agnellus. Jndeed, it
is hardly possible to consider any aspect of larc antiquc R3"enna without
 INTRODUCTION

reference to what he had to sayan the subject. Cerrainly he is t he person

who construct~~ a past for the city on the Oasis of its splend id monuments.
Agnellus is Our source o f chmnologi~'31 infonnation for many of the Sur-
\~ving buildings as well as our only source for the many buildings that no
longer SUM"C, J\'iorl'Over, his preSCflution o f figures such as Galla Placidia,
Thooderic, and Archbishop Maximian has influcnced all subsequent ideas
about them. Although his text was not widely LTlown outside of Rawnna
unti l the nineteenth cencury, we can trace its influence from the tenth cen-
rury on in texts wrinen by Ravennate authors, or by authors who camc to
Ra,'cnna and consulted its archive . ' i
There is no external evidence for Agnellus's existence; everything we
know about him comes from the llassages in his &ok ofPontiffi 6fth. Church
of Rtn'.,mll (Uber p<Jntijimfis euksiae Rnvt1l"atis, U'R) in which he tells us
som~'thing ahout himself. AgncJlu.~ was hom circa Soo imoonc of the lead-
ing families of the city. H e becamc a high-ranking priest in the Ravcnnate
church, and ~cms to have bcen acti"ely imulved in lUnstruction and main-
tenance of antiquities and monuments in thc sec. Agncllus wrOic thc LPR
in the 8305 and ~os,l l The work consists of a biography of each bishop of
Ravenna from the time of the co!wersion to Christianity roAgnellus's own
day. D epending on the sources available to him, Agnellus tells uS about the
historical background, artistic and architectural parronage, JXllitieal and/or
ecclesiastica l controversies, and other notable events for each bishop. The
tc:ct was dirC<."tly modeled on the U,," fJwtifoalis of Rome, a hiStory o f
the papacy that by the early ninth century was widely known throughout
Europe. One of Agnellus's main preoccupations was the riva lry between
the sees of Ravenna and Rome, and he deliberately structured his text as a
response to the Roman version of [ta lian history. '· AgneUus was also pre-
occupied with the rights o f the clergy in the face o f oppression by bishops.
Both of these themes oolor his accounts of ind ividua l bishops and of the
hiStory and monuments assodatl~1 with them.
Oncof the issues that must bcaddrcsscd when using the LPR fOr studying
Ravenna '5 past is that it was wrinen s~"\'eral cenrurics after the most exciting
evenlS. Agnellus was wel l aware of the impact of Ravenna's material remains;
indeed, he exploited it througbout his te~t as evidence that Ravenna '5 history
waS equal to that of Rome. \Vhat he tells us, however, is not so much what
actually tooL: place in Ravenna in the fifth tbrougb eighth centllries, as bow
these things werc perceived in the ninth centllry, and this distinction is not
often appreciated by modem readers of the text.
Despite more than twO centuries of arehaeoJogiC31, historical, and an his-
torical investigation, it is remarkable how linle we know about late antique
Ravenna, and how much our ideas arc shap",d by Agnellus's al"<.Ullm of this
period. It is t\gnellus who tells us that Ravcnna was made the capital of Ita ly;
HISTORY OF SCHOLARSHIP ON RAVINNA ,

that lIishop Ursus built the cathedral; thaI Galla Placidia, Theoderic, and
Arch bishop Ma,imian monumenlali,,~-d the city; and that the struggle with
the popes consumed the seventh and eighth centuries. Since Agnellus's
staR1nents match the r~1nains of churches and \\'ails, they continue 10 pro-
vidt tht basic outline for Rawnna 's hi,wry. Agnellus him>clf us~'(1 as wurccs
a chronide or annal attributed to Archbishop Maximian, the semlOns of
Bishop Peter Chrywlogus, and a few documents; he otherwise looked at
bui ldings and inscriptions (many of which arc now lost), and rdk-d on
hcarj.ay current in the ninth century. Although today we have infonnation
from archaeology and bener access 10 more historical te~ts., we do not know
much more than Agncllus did,
After Agndlus, little else was writlen about the city of Ravenna until
the thirtlocnth cenrnry. 7 Biographies of wme indi,'idual bishops and saints
j

were produced starting in the tenth century, often taken more or less exaerly
from the Ll'R; there was an increase in production of these biographies
in tht thirteenth ("<'nmry.'~ In addition to hagiography, there wcrt sev-
era 1other texIS produced in this period that are interrelated, and probably
related to the manuscript of the LPR that remained in the archive. In the
first half of the thirteenth century, the list of bishops in the LPR was brought
up to date, with short entries written for each bishop, based on the U'R.
In the J !60s, twO works were writlt'n ahout Rawnna's history. One, the
Ardifulllio auillllis Rllumnne, is a short text describing the foundation of
Ravenna at the time of Noah and its SubSC<lu ent lunStru<:tion hiStory and
geography through late antiquity, largely based on Agnellus. T he other,
the Cbro1lica dT riuilau RI1Uf1I1IlIris, was based on the earlier texts. Shortly
after this, around J 296, the episropallist was codified as the Rru"mdi PlltnJ
by an anonymous author, possibly Riccobaldo da Ferrara.' ~ The Chro1lica
was subsequently continued and brought up m date, ending in 1346. This
upsurge in historiographical interest in the city is linked to the political situ-
ation at thctime: th~ rise of the commune, thcwars between the Guelf, ami
the Ghibcllines, struggles fOr independence from the Papal Stales, and the
eventual dominance of the ravennate da Polenta family from' '75 to '440.
As in the ninth century, the auwnomyof Ravenna was in question through-
out the twel fth and thirteenth centuries, and hagiographers and historians
were producing new works, often based on the highly proautonomous LPR,
to bolster Ravenna's status.'o
In rllese texts, the late antique period of Ravenna 's history is ag-d in gi ,'en
prominence, as arc the buildings. The main focus of both the Chrt)1licll and
theArdificatio is the built environment of the city. TheArdifoatio amibutes
many buildings to the Babylon ians and then to the Rom ans , but forthe fifth
Ctnturyon, hoth texts tltp",nd on the LPR ~s thtir main source of informa-
tion; indeed, the Chrrmica contains only four entries for the entire period
8 INTRODUCTION

between !lIO an d 1205. After 1205, the en oi es become more frequent, but
are concerned now with the seculaT poUtiol history of t he city, although
9:lme major building acti\~ties are descrihed, such as the reconstruction o f
the nave of the Ursiana cathedral in 13 r 4- It is thus not possible to rcron-
stroct from the Cb~o"ic,. m uch infonnation about the condition of the city
in this period, as could Oe done for the nimh century.
From the fift~'enth cenrury on, anti quarian historians of Italy bega n to
include infonnation abou t Ravenna in thcirworks. About 1413 the LPR was
l"Op;ed, alung with mOSt of the other historical texts, into one volume, which
toda y is housed in the Bibliotcca Estensc in Modena; all earlier manuscripts
ufthe tc:<ts were subsequently lost." The Cwi(;r Enrmis, as it is ~nown , was
consulted by several nOll-Ra,'cllnate historians, including Flavio Biondo,
who describc.-d Ra'"enna 's churches in his Hirrorillrum Ilb inc/inllli$l1( Rrtmllnrr-
rum imprrio D«lldN 1lI wrinen in the first half of the fifteenth century,
while Ambrogio Tra'"ersari likewise praiscd San Vitale and San!' Apollinare
in Oasse in letters written at about the same time, " T he infiuenl"t' of these
tCJ(ts in Ra.'cnna, on the other hand , seems to have dcclincd: Desidcrio
Sprcti wrote D r Ilmpliludine, <k nnSfln;QlIr tI de imtl1l1Tlllirn1( urbil Rl1urntl{lr
in [489, while Ravenna was un der Venetian rule (l44o-[SC9), uU! cites
Agncllus o nly once, aIthough he knew Bio ndo's tcxt. ' J
The LPN was rediscovered by Gian Pietro Ferretti, a native of Ra'Ulna
who became Bishop of La,"cllo (d. ! 557) and who wrote a history o f the
church of Rawnna that survivcs in manuS<.Tipt form .'"' Part of Fcrretti's
copy of the LPN survi,'es as our Sffond manuscript wimess to the tCXt; some-
cime before' 589 the original manuscript in Ravenna disappeared.'l T he
most notaule Renaissance historian of Ravenna was Girolamo Rossi (also
cited fTl'tjuen tly by his Latinized namc, H ieronymus Rubeus), whose Tm
Boola of Hirtories of JUromlll1 (Hirtorillrum &umnlltium libn dram) first
appeared in 157l , with a rcvised edition published in IS&!. Rossi dependcd
hcavilyon the LPN as a sourl"C for late antique Ravenna, and was infiuenl"Cd
by Agnellus 's presentation TO use buildings, works of art, and inscri ptions as
historical sources. He provides invaluable informacion about monuments
that survived in the sixteenth CCntury but are now lost.
T he eigh teenth cenrnry saw a new burst of interest in Ra"cnna and its
sources and monument.s. ,6 In [708 Benedetto Bacchini, thc librarian of
the D uke of "Iodena, published the first l-dition of the Ll'R, based on the
Codr.>: Ertm.i. manuscrillt that he had found in his liurary. His colleague
and successor at the library, L. A. " Iura tori, who initiatl-d the series Rmnn
Itl1/i[l1rum Scriptrn"es, IlIIblisbed Bacchini's ed ition along with most of the
other texts from the Codtx Esrtmis in two volumes of his new scries. A
new interest in late antique works of art also now l>t:l"alne (>vident. G. G.
Ciampini's V" rrl1 mCilimmru of ,690-9 include.:! drawings of many of
HISTORY OF SCHOLARSHIP ON RAVINNA 9

!{a,'enna 's mosaics, im'3.lua ble evidence of their lIre restoration state. Anto-
nio Zirardini, a Ra"ennate lawyer and historian, published a work entitkd
Drgli Ilnticbi rdijizii profllni di RITVfflnll in 1762; he also wrote a compan-
ion volume, Dr Ilntiqllis w;1'"is Rllvfflnllr ardifiriis, which was published only
in 1908. '{be papyrus docu mcnts surviving in Ra\'Cn na 's archive were fi rst
published in 1805 by G. Marini, in an l'(]ition that is sti ll used as a refer-
ence today, although it was largely SUpersl-ded by H. O . T jader's edition
of the '95°S. Count lo. larco Fa ntuzzi, also of Ravenna and a student and
colleague of Z ira rdi ni and "brini, published his six-vol ume wurk Munu-
mfflli rllvnmali dr' uroli Ifi 711= p" {a maggiflT" partr hwfiti, containing
the tem of ml-dil-val doaunl-nts in the arch episcopal archive, during the
pe riod ISo 1-+ Finally, the eighteenth century saw attempts at restoration
in se"eral of th e city's surviving monuments, most notllbly at San Vita lc and
Sant'A]Xlllinare in Clas.<;e.

M odern Historiography of RnVetl1lh

D es]lite the increasing scho larly interest in Ravenna's monuments, by the

early ninetl'Cnth century many of them "'ere completely destroyed or in
a very fragile State. Under Na ]Xlleon the city Ix'Came part of the Italian
Republic (I 796- I 8'4), and many o f its monasteries were dissol"e d; some
churches were del'OnS<.><;rated, uth ers were simply abandoned. At the same
time, the increasi ng interest in antiquities. and the new discipline of archae-
ology, led to t he first attempts to uncover Ravenna's lost past through exca -
vation .'1 As far hack as the late eighteenth century, local antiquarians were
ilwcstigating underground rema ins, and this activity continued into the
nin eteenth century; con,ouctio n of the railroa d started in 188 I, revealing
many ancicnt remains, especially in Classc.,8 The rel igious monuments and
mosaics al50 recti",,<:1 attentio n. Fili ]lpo L ancia ni and Alessandro Ranuzzi,
enginccrs emplored br the state depan:ment of civi l engineering, condu cted
excaVlltions and restoratio ns of somc of the buildings betwccn 1859 and
1897. From the 18505 to the 18705 a Roman artist narnL-d Felice Ki beI
was conunissioned by thc mun icipal gO"ernmentof Ravcnna to restore the
surviving mosa ics; he worked in the "mausoleum of G alla Pl acidia," the
Orthodox Baptistery, Sant'Apoll inare Nuo\'O, Sant'ApoHinarc in Classe,
and San Vitale, and his work was highly controversial, both ror the tech-
niques he used and for the iconographical dctails that he restored. '9 Mosaic
restora tion wo rk by the Ra,'cnnatc mosaieist5 Carlo Novelli and G iuseppe
Zampiga continued into the IB?os. The Musco Naziona1c of Ravenna
was csuhlished in 1885 , with its original ,,)lIcction representing that of
the C amaldolensian monastcry of Sant'Apollinare in C lasse, housed in
,. INTRODUCTION

tOe bu;l ding> formerly bdonging to the a<n«JiC1i"" "''''''''ar of S.n

\,i ..l<.
In dj'J7 the 1"li,n g<w<:mm<n' <St> h~; u.«l ,he Soprim<"cl"",• • ;
,\looum<rlti di 1(,,=>1.1. the Ii... ",do ""... u in It. ly. onder tl1< dif<C'
'"'" ,of ('""""'00 Riro , • n.ci .. of 1t;,.. "tIl. ....~ ~."'" on ~) 10«;00''''
the ",00<1.11 Dif<:rtOr GCJl<TlIi of Art> ond Antiqui n<> in 19"'>," !OCci',
vi~Of'l ~... to "''',... IU,'eruu'. Ilncirm m"num ..", to tb<ir otigin.oJ con·
ili boo, ~lt;dI "',,.,,, <hot .n:h~.1 i n'~" ; g.tiOIl tu.J to ooenn;n<
W"" til< origin,l ... '"_,.nO 1,,<, ><'<."fctiQm.nO OorontK'''' Iud to
be f'<1""'~ -" H. immetlj".iy ;niuue.! ~'<rl on til< '",.O>OI<um ofG.II.
P1KiJi,' . nJ S.n \ r,,, I,,. , nJ ""doc h;.Ie:IJe,.;,hip. .nJ ";th ,he "">UD<C
of Giuo<pj>< Z.mpig>. A1 ...... odro Au.>.roni. ,nd hi. <v<nru. 1 ",,,,...or
G u<q>p< Gen~ •• m,or"out< monum,,"" were '''''''''teoJ .nd te>tvtw.
G"roI. 0\.."...'" I"'blkltioo of th. """Its of many of the>< pro;.ru duro
ing ,I\< 1><'";00 from ,hoot '9'0 until the '93os, ' M Itiro hi""",I! ,,,,,, •
..... tl>< ""bl;<>tioo of me eight-vol","" , \ / _ , ; , IItW ~ dti
""".",' .Ii R.,,,,,,,,, (19J<>-7). ~'i>irn ron",;n d",~'ings m><le beli"" ."d
,JurinS the: =t.,...tion, br i'~ ml. go . nd !"~~n)n i , Sio«: ' ~91 II..-=n, ',
Sopnntrndenu Iu. been modilied, divided •• oo rerombi ..... wi"'. con_
fusing nun'", of n",.,... Th. OU'''"''t u.,figo",ti<)n.. ere"ed in '97" ."n_
~'" of the Soj>rintrndcnz> P'" i Beni ,\rcheoIogici d.trEmili. Komogm
(An::h>«lIogyl .nJ the 'iof>r\n,rn.Jen .. p<1' i &ni Ardi,,,,,,,,,;ci,, f"" iI
P"""'gg;o <Ii Ro"rnn. (Monument> .nd Envirooment)."
Ricci and Gerob pb)'ed an .ro,~ role in ,,;m"ioting other hi",lric.1
WQ<o in the oty. T1o< ;o..m.1 f'<fix R""""," .... h1nd«.l in ' 9" to publ ish
!lCool:trly "' ••,,"'" on the city ",d its tmII"ment~ ;, continued publk,Ooo
un,i l '000." Un,ior I/.i""'" ,n,i c;.,,,,b', , .. sp;«~ ' ''''~. <XCIV" ..... ,of
the sit< of tit" ·1', 1>«: of '[1,oodork" """"',,'' of S.nt'ApoIlin"" NOOI'Q
took j>I.e< .. ,~''''''' ,~.nd 19'~' " In 19'-1 the Ii.... ,~" b..,;d""of . ne"
edition of the LPR. "I; ted by Ale ... ndro T coti- 1I..""",i, ' pp<,,,,d intI>< n....
.... ie< of ,he R""",, 11.li"""" SMptorn. 'This ediOoo ~' .. """,", oomj>l",ed.
but h,; "'",. i..... infl"",,'i ,l; it "",,,in, <"rn~'" _ v<ry' in.dequoteiy
refe""""d. ~'hich h"e been used uncritically by monr " , h o i " , woo h,,~
su!>s<G .. ""dy 0'1,,1. u,", oft'" /.I'R ,
D.ring \\',,.M WI' I1I4"""n, .... bomlxoJ by,.., Alii< .. "hiCh . <>uited
in m.;o. d .m.ge to the """"'" of , ,," ('.;.,.,~nru E""gelis" .nd minor do m_
og< '" 0<"'" I..il ding>. Tbe Jes, ruct;"n ...... It"'i in ,n in'.,... "'"'I"ign ,of
""",,,,tion .nd ",,-.000 .ncr the W:lr. These clforu w<r< I><,ded by n.....
gr<"'1'" ofr"",.rchen. ..-.m< Ioc>I .od """" from "I"""'her<. In portic ..b "
f..-u lty . nti ..00""1> of the: Univ.,.iti. di ~. begin to j>I.y • p«><ni -
nem role in IU,'''''''' odIoI • ...rup. I" the '9S'" Gi"",ppe 8o>'ini, prof....,..
ofChristi,n .. ,-It~., boSOn "'","""", , n ,n" .,1"",roten«, the c....
1-1 [STO RY 0 1: SC H O LARSHIP ON RAVENNA
"

di Culturil mll'Arte RII V("I/{If~ t 8bl/lfillil (C4RB), which brought together

archaeologists, art historians, and historians from Italy and abroad . The
proceedings of each conference we re published in volumes of the same
name; the last conference took place in 1998 (vol. 44). Bovini fonl1(led and
was tbe director of the Istituto di Amichit~ Ra\'"ennati e Bizamine, asso-
ciated with the university but housed in the Casa Traversa ri in Ra\'enna,
which continues to serve as a c('mer for researchers studying Ravenna.
reli:r: Rm)(llllll and C1RB published numerous important studies of
Ravenna's history an(1 monuments, I.lUt there were no syntheses of the ma-
terial, except in books aiJlled at tou rist~ and popular audiences. The task of
producing a scholarly history of late antique Ravenna was underta ken oy
Friedrich nTilhelm Deidunann, a German scholar based at the D eutsches
Archaologisc.hes Institut in Rome. In 1958 he published a collee.rion o f
photographs o f art, architecture, and sculpture that he caned Friibcbristlitbr
Bllllft'll f/lld IHosllik;:ll VOlt RflVt'"llll(l . The accompanying oook, R(fv emlll,

HfluptSffldt ,lei ..piilflmiJ.'ell .41'clldlfllldes, Ges,bifb,c lmd i\1(JlIflllImtc ( 1969),

COJlt<lined a narrative of the history of Ravenna liS well as 11 section for
l.'ach surviving 1ll0mlllwnt, largely without any bibliographical rcferl.'nces.
In 1974 anu [976 twO more volumes (1.1 and 1.1 ) appeared, devoted to
detailed studies of the individua l mollumems, lhis time with full considera-
tion of all previous scholarship (although the reference system is very hap-
hazard). Finally, in 1989 Dcichmann publi shed volume 2, part 3, Geschi.-h,r,
T(Jpapgnlphir, Km/$f 1I11d Kllltll,., which largely repeats volume 1 in a llIorc
dense and comprehensive fashion, this time including refen:nces but often
summarizing <lrguments from the earlier volumes. Deichmann's volumes
arc fu ndamental resources for aU students of Raven.na, as will be obvious
from the foolllores ill this uook, although the ap pearance of comprehen-
siveness disguises the ract that some topics receive much more det;liled
tn:atment than clo others. Moreover, it is sad to ~ay that the massive amount
or Genn;m text has been off-putting for non -Gcrman vspcak ing stuclent~ of
late wtiquity.
Scholarly work on Ravenna did not stop ;lITer D eichmann; indeed, at
least 600 scholarly publications tbat address Ravenna ha ve appeared since
1989. III tht' 1990S, a series of edited collections in Italian began to meet
the need for symhescs in languages othcr than German. Thc serles Stolid
di Rntll"llllfl ( '990-6), pro duced under the genera l (lireetion of Domenico
Berardi and Cian Carlo Susini, comprises six large \'ohuncs containing
articles thar cover the entire history of Ravenna from the Roman period to
me modern age, written by the foremo st arc haeologists, art historians, and
historians. Two of these volumes arc devoted to the late antique period.
Several exhi bition catalogs and excavation reports with detailed scholarl)'
discussions have appc;lrcd in the last decade, as ha vc lavishly illustrated
 Key :
Known or excavated walls
Presumed walls
presumed ancien! water

* Archaeological s~e

1 Via O'Azeglio
2 Banea Popolare
3 Ex orti Baccineni
4 Largo Firenze
5 · Palace of Theoderic'
6 UPIM (Via di Roma)
7 Santa Croce
8 Porta Cybo
9 Padere Chiavichetta, Classe
10 San Severo, Classe
11 Padars Marablna
12 St. Probus

. __....., ,?- \,

=-'. --,---
,. C....-cnt<tr<:e<
['I. n of R.<eTlJl ••
o"rl ili d "' i,h ,he
L.. eontique ...... I,
.00 ,,·"Crw:l)~.
withm.;o.-
.n;h. e<>Iogic>l
,'res
SOME AIl.C HAE OLOGICAl CONSIDEIl.AT IO NS '3

collaborative stUitiCS on the "mausoleum of Galla Placidia" (1996), San

Vi tale (1997), and San Michele iI/ Ajri(im) (W07). Fina lly, the Fon(lnione
Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Mediocvo at Spoleto held a confe rence
on late anti<jue Ra\'enn~ in 2004, whose proceedings were pll blished in two
volu mes as RI/VC IIIIII: dll (I/pitl//r imperil/Ie" capit"/I' ffilTadt'. T here has as yet
been no sustained scholarly treatment of Ravenna in English , and this book
is imclHletl to address that void.
An.:hacologica l and restora tion work continucs apace in Ravenna, an(1
given the nllmbcr of questions about the latc 3ntique city that arc still unan-
swered, new in fO rmation will no douht necessitate revision of the historica l
profi le o f Ravenna in the decades to cOllle.

Some Archaeological Considerations

Givcn the shortagc of Contemporary wTitten sources for latc antique

Ravenna, archaeology provides crucially important information about the
city's topography, e(.'()Ilomics, and population . Before World War II, most
excavation was directed toward Ravenlla's churches, and to large structures
that could be linked to buildings mentionet! in the LPR; indee(l, associn-
tion o f archaeological sitt'S with Agnellus's text ('ontinues down to today.
But, e~pecially in the latter part of the twentieth century, other sitl!s, repre-
senting private houses, manufacturing and warehouse fJeilities, and walls,
h ~rbors, and othcr man-made fea tures have come to the tore. allowing \IS
[(J gain a much more complete picture of life in the late antique city (for

a map showi.ng major sites, sec Fig . I). Beca use many of these sites will be
mentioned in the cha pters that tollow, it is useful for us to understand some
o f the factors that have ('olltributctl to Ravenna's archaeologica l profile. is
Ravenna's ground level has been sinking fu r centuries, and this has raise{1
challcngcs for those interested in digging up the past. T hc land surround -
ing R,1\'cnna is subject to two gC'Olllorphological processes. First, Ravenna
is located in an allm'ial ba,in; the rivers and streams that flow into it hring
sediment with them . O ver time, except in periods in which it has been delib-
erately pre\'entt'll, th is sedimentation has filled in swamps, marshes, and
lagoons, eventually creating new sol id groull(\ along the shores of the sea.
This is why Raven na, tounded as a coastal port in the Ro man l}t:riod , ro{lay
sits 9 km from the Adriatic coastline. T he sedimentation along the shore
also contri butes to the second major process th~t has affected Ravenna,
namely the subsidence, or progressive lowering, of the ground level, which
has been calculated at approximately 16- l 3 em per celltury'>(,
These [VIO Jlrocesses, along with the continu()u~ occupation, destructioll,
spoliation, and rebuildi ng o f the dty. h;l\Ie produced ;\ sl'f'Jtigra phy in which
'. INTRO D UCTI O N

material from the Roman rcpuu1ic:ln period is found 4-f! 111 below the CUT-
rent grounillevei, Roman imperial materi~l is 3- 6 m below current ground
k'vcI, and fifth- to sixth -ccnturr material is 2-4 III below current ground
lerel. with grcatvari~hil i ty fr0111 place to place within the cityY Morl'{wcr,
Ravenna has aI ways had a watery environment. Although the swamps of the
Roman period aTe no longer much in evidence, the level of groundwater is
relatively high. Even Agnellus noted cases ill which things buried in previ-
ous eras were covered in water, and today most featun:s that li e morc than
a few meters below the ground surface a;c envelopel] in grou!1l[watcr. ,lj As
a result, pre-Roman and Roman remains 3rc sparse ill the archaeological
remrd and hard to excavne, and some sites, especially chosc excavate<lmore
than fifty years ago, are missing material from their lower leve l s.l~
A Hnal impediment to archa(.."Ological discovery in Ravenna. as in any
tit}' that has lIeen (:oncilluously occupied since 3ntilluicy. is the presence of
later structures, most of which post(lare th c medieval period. Some topo-
graphical problems remain insohlulc, while many important an:hal'Ological
discovcries of the twentieth century h;lve taken place du ring-or in ad\'ance
of the construction of ncw huildings, roads. railroads, and sewe.rs.
People h;l\'e been <Jigging up Ral'ellIla's remains since the sixth-cemury.
Archbishop Maximian moved the bodies of several or his predecessors into
basilicas that he constructed for their veneration . Agnellus describetl his
own investigations into Ravenna's hidden past, ~ome at the instigation of his
archuishop and ~ome on his o wn initiatil·e. Docum ented examples of delib-
erate excavation begins in the fifteenth cenrury; the history of arch<lcological
investigations in Ravenna fi:om the fifteenth to the nineteenth centu ry has
been cataloged by Paola Novara, who shows thar they were haphazard, and
even more haphazardly publishe(1.10 Early excavations wert! carried out by
local antiquari;llls. who often h;ld dose connections to the church.
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centurie~, Corrado Ricci and
Giuseppe Gerola sponsore(1 systematic excavations in lIl~nr of the churches
thanhey were restoring. From 1908 to 19'5 Gherardo Ghirard ini oversaw
the excavation of a large area to the somh of Sant'Apollinare Nuovo, the
site known as the "Palace ofTheoderic. M4 ' Throughou t the cellfury, the
Soprintendenza pel" i Beni Archeologici tlell'Emilia-Romagna has SIX"Ul-
sored and published rtl;lllY C:':C31'ation proj(.'t.~tS in Ravellna and Classc,
most not~bly since the 1960s under the direction o f Giol'~nna Berrnond
iVlontanari and i\-1aria Grazia Maioli. Sites excavated extensively indut-le
Poderc Marabina. Via i\ hrabina, Podcre Chiavichetta. and the basi lica of
San Severo in Classe, the sites of the Banca Popolare and Via D'Azeglio in
the heart of Ravenna, and the site known as Palazzolo to the north of the
city. Members of the Universita di Bologna'~ IstitutOtli Antichita Ravennati
e BiZ;}ntinc have also been actively involved in excavations, and after L996,
RAV EN NA AND LATE AN TI Q1.I E ART AND ARCH ITE CTU RE '5

the Istituto was reorganized as parr of the Diparrimcnto di Archcologia,

with a specific unit ba sed at Ravenna, the Fac(Jiti di Conservazione ,lei
Beni cultura li (Serle di Ran'nna ). Its director, Andrea Augenti, has initiated
a new Sl.'ries of excavations in t:ollaiJorat10n with thc Soprintcnclcnz~. ~'
A series of residents of Ra\'enna with historical and archaeological
expertise have worked alongside, and often in collaboration with , the
Soprintendenza and the University. In partiC1Jlar, many of the excan·
tions of Ravenna's churches halle been conducted by these scholar$. Mario
Mazzotti, a Ravennate priest, ht,'came involved with archaeological cxca-
vation in the late 193 os. He obtained a degree in Christian Archaeology,
and served as thl.' diret:ror of the archiepiscopal archive and museum in
Ravenna from the 1950S until his death in 1983' Nlazzotd excavated and
published extensively on Ravenna's history al1(l monuments, most notably
Sant'Apollinare in Ciasse, the Arian llaptistery, and Solll Frant:esco. In the
19605 and 197°5 Giuseppe Cortesi (head orthe Bibliot1;.'t:<I Classcllse) 31111
Arnalda Ront:lIzzi carric,l Out a campaign of tcst-pi t s~mp ling and exca-
vation in Ravenna and Classe, which revealed the locations of se\'erallatc
antique sites ind\Hling the hasilit:a of San Severo and the one known as
the Ca'Bianca, which have been variously published; Cortesi also oversaw
ext:avations at Santa Croce:1I
More than two t:enturies of archaeological investigation have produced a
bewildering variety of finds; these (lata are now being collet::ted and ~, nthe­
sized. Valentina M amelli has recently published a valuable catalog of the
sites 011 which ROlll~n lllHerial has been ti:lIlllll, ami has analyzed the results
to produce a comprehensive survey of Roman Ravenna."~ Enrico Cirelli,
of the Uui\'ersira di Bologna, is directing a pl'Ojcct to create G IS maps thal
represent all archaeologit:al illterventiUllS resulting in Roman and medieval
lll;\terials, whit'h will be all extraordinarily usdul rcsource.~5

Ravenna and the Historiography of Late Antique

Art and Architecture

Imagery from Ravenna is central to our cont:eptiolls of late antiquity; it

is not surprising, for example, that mOS;lit:S from S;lJl Vitale arc featured
on the con:r o f the encydopedic Lflt~ Alltiqllitr A Guide 10 Ib~ Portd,lfSimi
l/furid:¥> Ravenna's monuments have alway, been fUlHlamental to studies of
late antique art and architCCfure, both because they resulted from patron-
age at the highest levels of society anli because they are remarkably well
preserved. Ravenna's slln,i"lng mosaics from the firth and sixth centuries
oumumlier those of any other cit~" while Ravenna's political an(1cultural
links with Const;lntinoplc and the east IllC;}1H that artists ;}nd ;Jrt:hi tet:ts
.6 INTRO D UCTI O N

we re inA ucnccd by a vcry wide ra n ge of styles. Raven na thus occupies all

impOrtant place in I::vtry c hro noll)gic~l narra tive I)f medieval and Byzan-
tine art, and R,\I'cnna's mo numents arc cited in analyses of style. technique,
iconogra phy, viewer rccl,'ption, colo r th(..'Ory. 311{\ mally other su blccts of art
historical interest. Questions raised by the study of the art and arc hitecture -
about construction tech niques: building layout; architecnlral, sculptural,
anti artistic style; and iconography - also shed light Oil late antique eco-
nomics, communication, theology. (..'(;dcsiastical organiza tion, litu rgy, and
power politics. \Ve call usc them t() enlarge emf picture of life in late antique
R;1\'Cnna.
In this book, the lil.lrviving mon\lments wi ll be trcned individually in the
context of the hislOriC:<I 1 den:Jopmem of R ~\'e n na. In oruer to prol'ide an
overview of lhe an historical concerns thar will be presented in the indi-
.. idual seCtions, 1 wo uld like to in trodu('c some of the schobrly discussions
in which they have been feaUlrcd.
One 3rt historic3 1 methodology tha t has o ften been, 3n.{cominues to he,
appl ied to Ra~'enn3' s monuments is known as form3lism . Stylistic feat ures
that (1 0 not s.;-em ly pical of their time and place arc com pared to p05sible
analogues and models from other places. O nce compararive materia l has
been identified, the atypical features are attri butell to the arriva l of for-
eign designers and workmen, the promotion of a particuln r theologi('a l or
litu rgical illllol'ation, the nu ki ng o f a politica l st<l tement, or to the taste
or weal th of a patron . Depending on the sophistication of the analy,is,
th.;-se interpretations can rclate the art and archi tecUira l meaning to wider
c:ontexh; and cultural exchanges of the perioll.
Nlany of the features foun d in Ravenna 's buildings 30ci works o f 3rt do not
correslx)Ild to any one trall ition of art an.1 an:hitecture, and in particular are
ditlerellt from those uscil elsewhere in Italy. Because of Ravenna's specific
sta tus as a focll s of contact between Italy and the r::astern lvlediterranean
in IJtc antiq uity, the qucstion o f whether Ravennate art ami architecture
was intl\lenced pri marily from the eastern Mediterranean or from Italy
and the west has engaged scholars for lIlore than a cenru'1'. T his deha te
came out of the wider discussion of the o rigins of Chris tian an initiated by
Josef Strzygowski,·\i hut the I]uesrion was applied particularly to Ravenna
by G iuse ppe Galassi. Galassi 's RaN/il 0 Bisll1I::,iv, 1 J'l'/fI.wici di RILt'('/I111J r lr
Origin; dl'l/'AJ1t' lta!jll1lJl ( 193 0), was writtr::n as a response to 5tn.ygowski,
and asserted , hased o n the examples from Ravenna, that the cruci;!l point
of departure was nor in the fourth cellmry bur in t he Si:\ih century, when
"Roman" and " Byzantine." wh ich h ~d emerged from the same Ro mano-
H ellenistic Mediterranea n milieu, divcrged . For Galassi and mall )' other
scholars, the monuments of Ravenna represented a distinct " Ravennate
RAVENN ,\ AND LATE AN TI Q1l E ART ,\ N D ARCHITECTURE .,

l.Tllbi jillili.
Musco
N "1:i o MI~,
lla...:",,"
(ro ur\(",,")'
Soprinl<,,,Jenza
pe r i Ikni
Archilcltol1 ici
e P.,es;ol:gislici
.Ii R, ...enn~
IMi IHC -
ITALlAI)

~hool," which borrowed from a variety of traditions and remained influ-

ential for centuries."s Nevertheless, the contrast between East and \.vest
has continued to playa role in art historical discussion of Ravenna (lawn
to the present': Dddunanll was more inclined to emphasize Eastern models
with ~Wes rern" modificadons, while Eugenio Russo has argued in favor of a
greater n.'Cognition of western motlds, but insists that the major J ustinianic
buildings arc the product of a master bu ildcr frOIll Constantinoplc ."~
The <-"(Inclusions drawn from this type of formal analysis can be problem-
atic. There is a long tradilion in \ ,Vestern scholarship of depicting the East
as degenerate, which was Strzygowski's point; lraliall and other scholars
elevated the '"(IIllunit,IS of Christian art for nationalistic reasons.50 But, as
J as Elsner has pointed out, if those grand narratives are removed, fortnal
analysis appears to lose much of its force Y Models and borrowings must
then be understoo(! in their specific historical contexts, either as ~ymbolie
of tl1e aspirations of patrons and designers, or as evic!ence of trade and artis-
tic practice ofthc past. In any given case, answers are proposed, but given
the complete absence of documentation for this subject, such explanations
must remain hypothetical.
Let us examine Wtlle architectural examples. Most of the churches in
Ravenna from the fifth century anc! beyond make usc of impost blocks
(pu/viui), or truncated pyramidal stone blocks plnced between each capi-
tal and the springing of the arcade (see Figs. Il, 'W, 81, and 9l). The use
of impost blocks was an architecrura I innovation that became widely used,
particularly in Greece and the eastern Mediterranean, during the fifth cen-
tury. Ravenna's buildings arc often cited as lhe earliest examples of using
impost block~ in the west, and while early fifth-century examples are also
known from Naples and Rome, only at Ravenna were impost blocks used
.8 INTRO D UC TI O N

so L'Ollsistcntl)' in later ccnturics.5' Uh:wisc, most of Ravenna's churches

had apses that wen: polygonal on the extl::ri(Jf anll semicir(:ular on the inte-
rior, ~nothcr feature known from Constantinople and the eastern l\Icditcr-
ram'an in rhe fifth ccnnlTY, but rare in Italy. On the other hanll, IllOSt of
the domes and half domes in Ral'enna 's churches wefe cOlIsrrucred using
fllbi jitfili, or hollow ceramic tubes approximately 0 .10 111 long that we(e
imerlinket! all(1 arranged in eOllccntric rings. held together with cement
(Fig. 2). This tC,.'f,;hniquc was widely used in Roman architecture of Italy and
the west, hut dill not spread to the eastern Mcditcrr3tlCan.,' l
Taken together, these three features arc seen as typically Ravenna!c.
But what do!.'s this combination of feanlres Ill!.'an? Cl!.'arly, a variety of
architectural ideas were being combined ill llew ways. T his could mean
thnt e"J,tern nrchitects and/or craftsmen were brought to Ravenna to ouilll
the great churches of the lIew imperial capital, either be('au~e such crafts-
men did not exist in Ravenna, or to lend Constal1til1opolitanlu~tcr to the
Ravcnnatc structures, These maSters then would have adopted somc local
technill oes. Or were the illll)Ost blocks and polygonal apses foreign tcch-
niques adapted by loc~1 masters, and if so, why? In the case of Illarbh:
sculpture, it can be shown nO[ only that sculptur3l techniques and styles
were de rived from Constantinople, but that the marble itselF originated
in the eastern Mediterrnnean , which proves that there was an intel"t~st in
Ravenna in high-status art from the east. :4 ArchaeolQgica l evidence shows
that Ravenna's ports carri('d on a busy trade in wine, oil, and other goods
with both N orth Africa and the eastern Mediterranean , so clearly the city
was fairly cosmopolitan, At the same time, links with Rome, Aljuileia, and
espocially .M ilan were stroog, aod there arc many similarities of architccru.tal
form and IledicatiUtl between these cities abo. \Voultl these featu res have
impressed pt.-op!e as being typically eastern or western? Did p<,'ople notice
that decuJ'ative motit~ were 1110J'e similar to Rome than to the Aegean?
Tllbi fittili, for ('x<lmple, arc invisihle once a vault is (iecorated, Did impost
hlocks im press people as a rad ically d ifrerent element in a basilica? Given
that these features were used for two centuries, they must have acquired
meaning at some point, but we can only specu late aoom the reasons for
their USe.
The use of .l"polill, or reused building materials, is another feature of late
antique arch itecture whose meaning has lx:en fiercely (lebated .55 From the
tim(' of C o nstantine, religious and secu lar architectural monuments fre -
qllentiy incorporated rellSed marble into building dements and sClllprure,
especially columns and capitals, as parrs of their structure. A~ we will see,
in Ravenna most of the church('s of the firth century follo wed this trend
and included sculptural elements taken from earlier Roman structures;
RAV ENNA AND LATE AN TI Q1.I E ART AND ARC HITE CTU RE '9

mon:.'Over, Ra venna's walls and churches were usually built of reused brick.
Scholars {Iis~gret: over whether the uSt: (If these JPoli11 was r;ymlNlic (triumph
O\'er Roman paganism, for example) or whether thcir usc simplr had to do
with the availability and e:,.:pense of material s. In other words, was their
use meaningfu l, or practical, or both? Did it demonstrate rhe power of the
emperors to control construction of pl'eexisting build ings, or the power of
the church to demolish them? Or, by the time Ravenna 's buildings were
tonstructed , were Roman ,fpO/ifl simply considered de 7'ig lleur for impressive
public huildings?
The beaut)' ami com plexity of Ra ven n,l 'S sculpture and mosaics ha\'c Icc!
scholars to attempt to elucidate the meaning o f the images presentl.'{l there,
a stud y known as iconography. Frequently, studies of individual monuments
havt: arguell fo r one "real" iconogra phic nH:an,ing, presumably the meaning
th at was intell/led by its creators or patrons. More recently, scholars have
recogni7,ed that in late antique art, images may not have been intended to
mean just one thing, but may have been intended to evokc multiple mean-
ings and associations. As H enry NTagu ire has pointed out, early ChriStian
I.'xegesis was based on the (..'o ncept that any given Biblical passage might
be interpreted in several different ways. If Christian exegetes understOOti
the \Vor<! o f God to have more than one meaning, su rdy they would also
have expected religious images to be polyvalent, that is, to have more than
one way of being " rcad.~ !\,lorcover, the idea that a viewer might med-
itate Oil a set of image, and draw further ~ssociat io n s from thcm is one
that was proba bly understood and even expected by designers of reli gio\ls
decorative programs}"; In this book, therefore, no attempt has been lllade
to prcsen t an account of every interpretation ever alTered about a partic-
ular image, although certainly there are referenct:s to s ummarie~, particu-
larly those given by Deit:hmann, that do provide such references. Nor, in
most ca ~t:S, has one interpreration been singled our as the ~true" one; in
many ca ses several alternative suggestions arc presented that seem to work
in the context of the images' creation and location, and in sam!;' cases it
is suggeste(1 th;lt multi ple mea nings may be operating at the same time.
Prcsenting these muhi ple frames of reference is most useful ror explor-
ing how earl~' Christian imagery worked in the context of early Christian
Ravenna.
Finally, it should be sai(l that this book does not ant:11lpt to trace a com-
pletc hi story of the art and ardlitectuTe of R;l vcnnaj rather, it is collccin::d as
n history of the city of Ravenna in late antiquity, a city that islargcly under-
stood through surviving works of art and architecture. Indivi/iual monu-
ments are presented in considerable detail bccause such surveys are not
available, fo r the most part, in English, but comprehensive summaries of
'0 I NT RODUC TI O N

all of the scholarship on them w~s not practical, given the scale and focus
of this book. Rather>the monuments ~re pre~ented as tangillJe sources of
information about the city in which they were created, whose history they
hoth n.·th.-ct and hdpcd to shape. Through thei r 1>C211ty and complexity WI.'
can still todar experience Ravenna , ifonly in fragments, as did its inhabitants
1,;00 years ago.
CII A PTE R Two

ROMAN RAVENNA

The Origins of Ravenna

The main feature that determined the hi~tory of Ra"cnn~ in antiquity was
its changing hydrological situation. 1 T ooay Rave nna lics 9 km in lallrl from
the sea, but in the prehistoric and Ro man periods itW;1S located directly on
the Adriatic coast, at th e southern edge of the delta of the Po river. The Po
(in Latin, f>(I(IIlr) is the longest river tn Italy, Howing west to east through
a river basin that contains many of northern Italy's m OS t important cities.
The water<:ourses of the Po network have changed dramatically in the past
•• 500 years, sometimes naturally and sometimes because of human inter-
vention. In the Ravenna area, st:dimcntarion and subsidence have concealed
me earliest courses of the river and its hranches; reconstructions of the net-
work before the era of modem 11l3p5 is hypothetical , based on descri ptions
by anciem and medieval authors and e.'I:3l1lination of settlements, bridges,
canals, and other evidence of human illlcraction in the past. '
Ancient author~ include Ravenna ill the riverine network o f the Po, al1(l
most of thcm speak of Ravcnna 's environlllent as marshy; it seems dear that,
fr0111 its earliest days, the site of Ravenna was a pateh of dry land in a mostly
watery landscape. ' According to Pliny the Elder, in the first century AD
the southernmost branch of the Po entered the Adriatic at the city of Spina,
which is apprm:illlatdy 15 kill tu the north of Ra\'enna:! To the north of
Spina were marshes and lagoons. known to Pliny as the "se\'ell seas" (septclII
.Maritl), and other river branches e'-1:ended to the south in the direction o t'
R a\'e nna. ~ A large lagoon, separated from the sea by large, sandy duncs,
e,-isted to the smIth and ~'est of Ravcn na's site. Several rivers and canals
emptied into the lagoon. including the Lfl1lfOllf from the west, perhaps the
Vatrcllu s from the northwcst, and certainly the Bidclltc, the Ronco, and
the !\-lolltone from the 'jOuthwest. The exact configurations of the rivers,
lagoons, marshes, and (,,<l1l~ls Jrc comTO\'crsial,6 but all scholars agrcc that
 RO MAN RAVENNA

Ravenna, c. AD 200

":......:,ro
:::...____...::;
5!Xl m

lighthouse?
Adriatic Sea

I,• port ?

(cemeteri!tS)

Harbor I lagoon
Classe

3. Mopshow- in the prehistoric and early Roman periods, the site of Ravenna consisted of
ing lb"cnn3 larger ancl smal ler pieces of laml surroumlec] by water, and separated from
in thcRom3n
iml""riol p"riod. thc seacoast by a lineoflargc, sandy, coastal dunes.
"",.AD,oo Small groups of people und oubtedly inhabited this region far back into
prehistory, bur pre-Roman arehacologieal evidence is very fragmentary .i
Bits and picccs or Etruscan objccts dating back perhaps to thc sixth or
fifth century Be have been discovered in Ravenna, as well as pottery from
Greece and from ncighboring parts: of Italy dating betwecn thc fifth and
TH E O RIGINS 0 1: ]l.AVENNA
"

the third Centuries BC ~ From thc fi fth ccnUJry Be on, there were proba bly
settlements among the ri\-ers and cana ls of the area, perhaps even by peoples
o f di fferent ethnic origins.'}
\"'hat we know alxnlt the early history of northeast Iral" collles from
sc.'Htered references [Q the region by Greek and Roman authors, and from
archaeology. «I As far back as the m id- ~ nd millenniu m BC. inhabitallfs of
Greece hegan traIling with those of the Adriatic coast in Italy. Classical
authors gave a variel)' of rather nonspc-cific names to these Italian peo-
ples, who do not emerge from historical ouscurity until the sixth century
He, when the Etruscans, Venctians, and Um brians developcd into ordered
political and ('uIOlraI111lits that were recognizahle to Greek authors. Celts
from north of the Alpsalso began to settle in Italy north of the Po in the la te
nfth century BC, leading the Romans to label the region Cisalpine Gau l
("Gaul on this side of the Alps").
The origins of Ravenna were a mystery even to the Greeks and Roman s,
and our earliest textual Stmn:cs for the city (late only to the first century
BC. " CI;lssical authors disagreed about Ravenna's o ri gins: according to
the first ccnUlry AD historian Strabo, who was usi ng Greek ethnogr<lphic
sources, it was founded by dIe T hessaliam (9ETTaAWV KTkl"lJo) and then
inhabited by Ulll brians." Plin), [he Elder called it a town «()ppidmll) o f
the Sabines, ' 3 while PtOlemy in the second century AD identified it as a
city of the Celtic Boii .'·! T hese attrihu tions prohably do not correspond
to any ulHlcrlying "reality," but rather reAcct the manner in which each
amhor was conceptuali7.ing the entire region within his larger historical
program. " .M odern scholars have attempted to e:\vlain the place-name
"Ravewla" as derived from a river, Raul', with a suffi). - 1111 that migbt be
Pelasgian or Tyrrhenian, ,6 or from a wort! referring to gravel, with the
Etru scan suffix -rmUl ,(7 hut in fact we don't even know hall' old the place-
name is, since we first encounter the word Ral!('IIIJtl in the nrst century BC.
Vlhocver origi nally lived here, the earl iest archaeological evidence for
a permanent settlement at Ravenna dates to the Rom an occupation of the
region in the late third century BC T he Romans had first become involved
in northeast Italy a century earl ier; in the wake of the Gallic invasion of
Italy in 390 BC, Rome had formed alliances with vario us Italian city-states,
olrul throughout the fo urth century Be fo ught ,\ series of WolfS with Italian
peoples whf) rtsented Roman (IOlllinance of the peninsula. After the seeon(1
Samnite ''''ar (3:6 - 304 BC) the Romans began developing a network of
allied cities in the dirccrion of the Ad riatic coas(. In 295 Be they defeated
an army m;}de up ofSamnites, Gauls, Etruscans, and U mbrians at the Battle
ofSentinum, after which they established colonies snch as Rimini (fou nded
in 168 Be) on the horder of their new territory. The Carthaginian invasion
ill 218 Be, conducted by the general Ha nnibal, also influenced Roman
'. RO MA N RAVEN NA

ideas abou t the defense of italy, Jnd after the Romans fina lly dcfc:ncd the
Carthaginians, they extenJc(\ their hegemony all the way along the Allriatic
coastline, founding the city of Aq uilcia in dll Be.
At the same rime, the cconomit" network ~ Iong thl,' Adriatic emst was
also changing. Spina h ad been founded brGreeks in the later sixth celHury
Be and since then it had served as t he maior Adriatic port for the Po
rivcr hasin .'iI Diffit-ult political circumstances, first in Greece in the fourth
century Be and then in italy, partially disruptc(\ Spina's trading networks,
but it was prohably the silting up of its harbor in the mid-third century
Be th:n led to Spin:l 's ultim:ltc decline. '9 Ravenna in the third century had
riverine 3('CCSS to the Po, a brgc na Ol r~ 1 harooron thl,' Ad ri~tic, and dry land
on which to build a city. These were the right conditions for a cOlllmerci~1
port, and thcy led to thc construction of the first fo rti lied settlcmCll{ at
Ra venna.'"

The Republican City

R~v enn~ 's late antique w~ lls follow an irregular plan, but the southwest
corner incorporatcs three sides of a rt:Ctanglt:. Scholars havc long assumed
tha t the rectangular cornel' reproduced the outl ine of the original Roman
cit)' (Fig. 3), since a rectangular plan sueh as this, with a street gri(\ aligned
with two main rOJds intersecting in the center. was commonly used in newl y
fou nded Roman colonies and etti es!' The city, usually referren to as tht:
QPpidllm or as Rm'Wl/fl Ijllfld/'!l({/, until rece ntly was thought to h.we been
fou nded in the first century Be by the emperor Augustus.::
In 1980, a rchaeologisr.~ working at the '--'O nStruCtlon site of the Banca
POllOlan: (sec Fig. I), along the eastern line of the rectangle, revealed the
J'emains of a city wall that was mlleh earlier tha n anyone hall thought, with
pottery dating to the second half of the third century BC.'> The wall's
remai ns werc found 7.50-+75 meters below the current ground le\'el, and
consisted of a stretch of w<lll Z4 meters long <lnd ~.6 meters high, with ~
rectangular tower measuring 3.80 x 6 m et ers . :~ Both wall and tower were
constructed of ~(Iuare bricks of dimen~ions similar to those fouIHI in Greece
and southern Italy, and, unusually, each brick was stamped with a letter or
pair of letters, perhaps indieating whieh local producer had made each
br ick. ~ ' T he early date ofthis wall woulrl make Ra\'Clln;l the oldest Roman
fortificatio n, after Rimini, north of thc Apennines.1o
There is edrlenee that the lower (:Qurses o f the south and west walls of
the rcc tangle also date to the same period as the Banea Popolare waIL';
\Ve can therefore suppose walls for three sides of a rectangle; there is no
archaeological evidelt(:c for thc northern stre tch of w'lll, and so it is not clear
TH E REPUBLI C AN C ITY .,
whether the Padenna ;In(1 the jillmisdlullf LII1Jl1/lle 1"0r111e\1 the boundary on
this side, Or whether there was a waU on one Or other side of the water-
courses. " ~ These two waterways played an im(lOrtant role in the definition
of th!.' sir!.', and by the first n~nmry Be they were sllppk'rncnted by a new
canal, thefo.I:J11 LII"';SII, which emered the oppiduw from the west and also
Rowed into the Padenna. 'Q
"\Ill}' was this city wall ouilr, an(1 by whom: Unfortunately, in the absence
of any textual sources, we can only hypothesite about what was going on
in the area at this time. Ravenna seems to have lain just outsi(le the ag"
Glllli"'fconqucred by Rome in 295; in 206 the Umbrians ofSarsina allied
themselves with Rome, and it has been suggesterl that the scnl!.'ment of
Ravenna became at this poilU an all ied city (rr.liws forJrmtll )YJ Another
suggestion is that the settlenH!Il[ was fortified in the context of 1-lalUlibal's
invasion of Italy in ! 18 Be y v. Manzdli n()[es that it is likely by this time
that R;l\'ellna was becoming an important c0ll1t1H'rd~1 center that llccde(1
to be protccted from pirates)' F. Rcbecchi reads Strabo's statement that
~Rimi l1i , like Ravcnna , is an ancient colony of the U mbri, but both of thcm
have n .'Ceived also Roman (;010nie5," to mean that Ravenna was founded
by colonisrs from Rimini. H Rimini. which h;ld been fou nded ill 168 BC
was linked di rectly to Rome b}, the construction of [he ViII Fillmillin , and
in the 180s BC Ri mini was linke{1 to Other Roman colonies of Piacenz.a
and Cremona by the Vi,1 /Im/ili'l. Ravl!nna wa~ not dirl!ctiy on any of the
main roads, although thl're was a roadway that cOllnected the city to the Viii
1I<'lIIi/ill. It was not until 1 3 2 He that.the Romans built the Vi" Popiliil, \vhich
linked Ravenna directly with Rimini to the south and Adria to the north,
perhaps a sign of (hc Ra venna 's incrl'asing im porta ncc. '.1Tbe Viii POpili11
mUSt hal'e rUIl somewhere near thc town, but it is not known whctht'r it
woultl have gonc through the oppidlllll or to the C;lst along the line of the
dllnes. )j In sum, the wall show~ that a permanent community had forme{1
at Ravenna b~' thc late second century Be, hut it is nevertheless strange that
fhe city was not ment.ioned in any witten sources \lntil a hundred years later.
Repuhl ican R;lvenna had more than JUSt wall s. Material from the V ia
D'Azeglio excalration with third-cenrur)1 BC pottery includes a drainage
system on wooden piles, indicating a planned Roman setd ement, j6 and
bricks identical to those found in the carly wall were fou nd at the base of the
sewer system foun(1 in the nt'ighooring Via Morigia excavation);' The only
building that can defi nitely be dated to the republic;lI1 period, specifically
to the second century BC, is the atrium hO\l5e found in the Via D 'Azeglio
e~:cavat ion, with it'i polychrome mosaics representing the myth of the battle
betwcen the Argonams Pollux and Amictls}8 These fragments show that
th.e appidulII of Ravenna had a street grid, a sewer system, and some rel-
atively c!aoorate houses. Other structures in the republic;}n dty seem to
,6 RO MA N RAVEN NA

h3VC oecn cormfUl:tcd OUt of loca l materials, often perishable, like rce(ls
and wood, which have left few traces, but also I)ut of locally availal!Je
stonc. J\I Other fragmentary objects from the Roman republican period have
heen tound to the cast of the oppidlllll, in the area of the lan.'r "Palace of
Theoderic," suggesting that buildings, perhaps even a temple, were also
COllstructed in this sector nearer the sea. ~ o It has Ilot been possible to deter-
mine whether an eaStern settlemenr existed earlier than the constrllction of
the oppidmJl, o r (.X)[1tcmporary with ttY
Ravenna first appears in Roman historical sources in the (:ontC;\1" of the
Social anti Civil warS of the first centu ry BCi' Plutarch mentions that
a marhle st~nJC of Gaim i\oJarius still e.xisted in the first century AD in
Ravelllla. ~~ The Roman orator C icero in 56 BC described one Publius
Caesiu5 as having bL"Cn , before the end offhe Social War in 90 BC, " ... a
Ravennate from the federated people:'+! 'fhe implication is that Ravenna
was an allied city before 90 BC, and tha r even in Cicero's day Ravenna
held federate stan IS, although the city would be raised to the rank of a
ROmll1l7!l1l11ici{li/l1Jl sometime after 49 BC.~ j Julius Cacsar famously stayed
at Ravenna thl.' night before he took his a rmy across the R\lbicon to start th"
Civil \Nar in 49 BC..;tI Suetollius repom that during the course of that day,
Caesar had gom: to the theater and inspecte(1the site of a proposed gladi:no-
rial school.47 Those references represent the extent of u'ritten information
that we have about Ravenna in tht: repuolican period: a city that stoo(1 on
the fringes of the Roman world, integrated culturally ami politically into
the Roman sphere of influence.

Classe: The Roman Imperial Harbor and Fleet

Roman authors ttll us that Ocravian, 13tcr known 3S AUbruStllS, dt:cidell to

establish a permanent navy for the Roman state. Two bases for this new
navy were chos"n, one for the western !vlediterranean at Misenum on th"
B~r of Naples, and the other, for the east, at Ravenna. ¥! T he re~~ns for
this decision seem clear: Octavian had been involved ill two major military
campaigns that involved naval action, one against the pirate-Beet of Sextus
Pompe)', which culminated in the Battle of Naulochus in 36 BC, and one
against Mark Anthony that conchllied with the Batde of Actium in 31 Be.
Scholars Iichate the date of the fleet's foundation, hut it happened sometime
between 35 and 11 BC.~? For the next 300 years Ravenna would house on"
of Rome's main naval bases, which would have imporramconst:ljuences for
the city.
First an(1 most important, Ravenna's harbor had to be developed into a
facility that could hold, repair, and provision the ships of the fleet. Ravenna 's
TH E ROMAN I MPERIAL H ARBOR AN D ]:LE ET '7

harbor faci lities must have been del·clope{] already in rhe republican period;
the historian Appian says that in 39 Be Octavian "hrought war-ships from
Rave nna and an army from Gaul" and "ordered the building of new triremes
at Rome and Ravenna ," implying that Rave nn a was already a nava l sratiQn Y'
Octavian recognized tha l Raven na was ideally situated to l'OlHrol piracy in
the Adriatic, which \\'as a threat to O ctll\'ia n's imperia l peace, and that the
lagoon CQuid h~ developed into a facility capable of holding the entire Adri-
nic fleet Y Thus, utH\er O ctal'ian, the harbor was enlarged and stahilized.
Pliny the Elder in the first centllfY AD Ilescribcs the large canal, known as
the jQ.wI ;!lIgm'flf, wh ich joined the Po river to the harbor:"

Tllt;re is no ril'er ]the Pol known to receil'e a 1art.~r im;rt,jse thm this in so
shon a sp~ce; so 111llch so indeed th~t it is impelled onwards by tllis I' ast body
of wate r, anJ. in,'a,lin g the lan ll, flHln s ,Ieep lOhannds in its ('oun;c: henn'
it is that, although a portion of its stream is Jr:lwn olT uy river.; anJ can"ls
lx tween Ral'elllu, ;)nJ Ahinum, fo r u space of I ~ o m iles. still, 31 th e SIXH
where it d.isc:h"l'gcs the \'3st body of its "'''tel'S, it is s~ id to form scven Sl:ns. By
th e Augllsmn C:1l1aIIAlIglls/" fOSSIl i til(' 1'0 is ca rried [0 Ravenn", at which phlCC
it is called Ihe PaJusa. b,wing runner!)' oorne tbe name of MeSSOlniclIS. ' l1,e
nearest momb to this spot fonlls the <;xrensi",,; port known as Ihn ofValrt:nus.
where Claudius Caesa r, on h is triumph o"cr the Britons, entered the Adriatic
in ,\ vc~1 that dcscrwd r.nhe r the nUlllC Qf a ""~t palace th all " ship. Th is
JllQUTh. which w"s fo nllC:rly called by some the E rid'lIlian, has been Dr others
styled the SI-'inctk ltIouth , from lI,t cit)' of SI-'ina. a vc ry fX'werful l-'l" c~ "hiel!
formt'rly stOO<l in the vicinity. if W~ may form" condusiQIl from the ,UtlOU!lt
of its treasure de posited aT Delphi; it was founded by D ioltledes _,\t thi s ~t
the river V:ttrenu~, which Rows frolll the territor), of Forum Cornelli [Imolal,
swells tl.lt wattl'S oftbe Po.

The main hranch of the Po in this period was the hra nch that ra n through
SpitlajH what Plinycalle<1 the Pa<iusa i5 probably the same as what was later
called the Padenna. ;J souther n branch of the Po that was regularized under
Augusnls to creatc thc canal. ~4 ' [,he jQrS,l A IIgllSM tormcd part of a system o f
navigable waterways that li nked Ravenna with cities all :llong the Adriatic
coast as far as Aq uileia , as well as with the imerior of Italy. a system that
was used both ft)r f..·OtlUllcn:e and for official government business at least
into the sixth eelltu ry.H
\ <\' har happened to this watercourse when it rea<:hed Ravenna is nor dear
because of a lack of secure archaeological evidence. Some scholars have
proposed that part of the water was diverted into a new canal 350 III to the
eastofthe Padenna, to improvedreulation in the harbor's mou th by h aving
water flow direcdy into the channel, whi le the PadusaJPadClllla continued
to flow tl irenly to the east of the uppidll111 (see Fig. 3). ;(, H owever, E . Cirelli
has recentl y proposed th,lt the Padenna , ;Ii/.f the j"O.'Jll A lIglI,r tll, strengthened
,8 RO MA N RAVEN NA

by ma,sivc cement allil Illasonry embanktllcnts; 5~ 3([jaccnr to rhe IJPpidlllfl

the Padenna was 50-65 m wide. A paved r()ad 9 m wide, identinell uy the
CXC31'ators as the viti PQpi1i{l , fan alo ng the western bank of this canal to the
north of the ciry.5s At ~ poi nt ~ I{lng the casn:m side ofthc fossa IIlIgMffl, now
occupied by the Venetian fortress calted the Rocca Brancaieone, a second
port was developed. open to the sea and fed by the canal, which remained in
use until the fifth century AD or later.w Pliny the EI(ler nOtes that Ravetllla
had a famous lighthouse, similar to that of Ncxandria in Egypt, which is
thought to have heen located to the northeast of the oppidlllll, since Agnc1lus
in the nimh century refers to this location as ~at the lighthouse." In that
case (he lighthouse would have functio ned as a be~con tor the northeastern
harbor rather than the sou thern one. 60
Tht: mnin hnrbor of Rnl'enna was located just to the south and the west
of the oppidll1l1, perhaps as little ~ s 2 00 III south of the oppidlflJl's southel'll
wall.6 ' Vef)' little is known of its dimensions, Of o f the Illany buildings
that must have been erected all around it,6' hut a fa ir amount is known
about the structures built at the mouth of the l)(lrt. A channcllecl from
th ... Ad riatic into th ... harbor; the channel was 80 m long, and it widened
all the ilHerior, flowing around at least two sInal! islands. G) The channel's
banks wt:re strengtht:nt:d with qua}'s and wi th piles of ouilding ru bble. T he
mouth leading to the sea was fol'tifie{1 with very Strong moles, ma{[e of
cement, extending to the south and pl'esumably to the north . To the north
the coastline on either side was then provi(lcd with ccment barrier walls,
+5-5 m wide and 40 m long, to prevenr erosion. Th is canalled into the
har bor where the jQSSI1 A IIgllS1I1 entered from the north, wi th the Padenna's
lllouth slightly la rthcr to the west. One section of tbe harbor extended to
the west, south of the city of Ravenna, while another strt'tchell to the south.
Portions of the quays have been found in the excavations on Via S. Alberto
in Cla~se: the earliest constructions of the Augustan port were made of
large oal beams, strengthcned in the firs t century AD by large numbers
of ceramic fragments, and then finally re placed wi th brick in the second
century.Got
'We halle only onc piece of evidence for the size of Ravenna's imperial
fleet : JOHlanes ill the sixth century quotes a tt!..'"'- hy the early thi rd-century
historian Cassius Dio, now lost. tha t says there were 2 50 ships .6 ~ Because
the Roman navy is much less well dC)cllmt:nted tha n rhe army, even for the
imperial period, the main sources of information are funerary inscriptions
thnt mention the deceased 's ship, wh ich have provided names and types of
some vessels haseti at Rave nna (Fig. -{).66 The commallller of the Ravenna
fleet held the title p,.,lt!f~dll," t/iw;i.,·, and was subordinate to the f/l'lIrfrnllS
of the Beet at Misellum.6~ T he tourth-century N otititl DigllltllttWI men-
tions the "prefeCt of the Rallennatc nCCt, with responsibili ty for that cit)' of
HI E ROMAN IMPERIALI·I ARBOR AN D FLEET '9

,+. FII"c.or), stel c

of I'ulolill s LC>1lgi -
,jic""s,,, ship
builder (fobrr
"";·,,Ii~) "febsse.
fir~1 ~'('nrury
BCJAD. ,\lusco
N,r>;;ollalc,
R.:.'·cnM (coor_
1",,1' SOI,riolen.
d" llZa pcr i IJ;.>"j
.-\rchircllonici
c I'ncs:tggisrid
di R~"cnnn
1,\liBAC-
ITALIAI
CL:8.13· loI
95- 1 R:)

Ravenna "; this has been interpreted as meaning that the prefect of the Reef
was the ci\'ilian head of government in Ra\'enn3, althOllgh such an imer-
pretation is controversial, because we do not know how much earlier th is
siruatioll may have applied.Ok F ragrncnts of inscriptions from the first and
second centuries, found both in Ravenna ami dsewhere in Italy, seem rather
to indicate that Ravenna in lh e imperial period had a regular town council
with magistrates.6<;I
Ravenna's Reet sem its ships throughout the i\'Jediterr3ncan, as funer-
ary inscriptions for its sailors (c/nssillri ravrlllltlfi) have been t()llllcl in
me ea~[ern J\'iediterranean, the Aegean, and the Black Seas and on me
Danube.''' Inscriptions from Ravenna and abroad name at least 590 peo-
ple who wt;'re attached to the Ravennate Reet}' At least in the first cen-
tury AD , a large percentage of the navy was made up of Dalmalians and
,0 ROMAN RAVENNA

Pannonian:;, who received Roman dti ~cllShip upon their discharge afrer
twenty-six years of service':) One single inscription from the st:<:oO(I Or
th ird ccnt\lr-Y lists 100 individual members of the fleet, in appa rently
dcsn.~nding order of rank: c~rpentcrs (J1bri ), Ilpper-lt.·vel soldiers (hrllr-
jiri,1I"ji), flag bearers (vr:rillimi ), players of various kind s of horns «(Qnririm'.>,
fllbit'i1les, Illidl/(lfl)t';'J), lower-level officers (mboptiolles), lind on-duty soldiers
(WlflliJir,·J). It is interesting that on this inscription, all the names art: Latin,
indica ti ng perhaps a shift in the makeup of the navy. ;1 Other inscriptions
mention add itional occupations associate!\ wi th the navy, indlHiing sol-
diers (lI/ilirl's) and thei r officers «(r1ItllriUlIf'S and 0/itioIlCS), pilots (gllhc1?l11 -
rort's), underpilots ( pl'orrr,fr), men who ca lied out the rhythm to the rowers
( pIIIISffI'i), lll~SterS of weapons (1I I7l1iCllsfoJrs), rep~ir personnel (1IIIlIpbyhlm),
ax makers (dolal'mri), Aag beart=rs (vrxilliftl'i ). doctors (m~(lid ) . and 5criix=s
(scrib/lr) of \'arious SOrts. H Some of these insniptions give the person's cog-
nomen as ChISSiCIIS, or "mcmbcr of thc A(.'c[. ",5
The sailors of the fl cet wcrc sometimes married (a lthough thcy wcre not
legally allowed to be while enlisted), and were associilted also with s1:wcs
and frel.'u ml.'n, but thl.' ships do no t sl.'em to have been crewcd by slaves, \'VI.'
know that the SOilS and brothers of sailors also well[ into the navy. Scholars
estimatt= that thert= may have bet=n as mall)' as 10,000 tnt=n attacht=d [0 the
fleet, although they were nOt all resident at one timt=; and if even one third
of them had femalt= companions of somt= sort that would bt= a wry large
population that had to li\'c somewhere. It is likel y that many of them li\'cd
to the southeast. of the main harbor, in the area that cvenrually became tht;'
city of Classe. - 6
The pol·t city of Classc to the south of the harbor channel develo ped
slowly after the establishment o f rhe fleet. In the Augustan period, the area
was largely occupied oy cemcteriesF Only in the second century docs evi-
dence of habitation emerge. An imposing structure excavated under the
church of San Sevcro. dating to the early second century, contained several
rooms ~'i th elaborate mosaic pavements, glass wi ndows, and other indica-
tions of high statuS, and has heen inter preted 3S a public bath cornplex.- w
1\ street and sewer system de veloped, and evidence o f lower-class ha bita-
tions amI manufat:turing f.lcil ities have been i(l{'ntilled dating to ix=rween
the second and the fourth ccnt urics.-!j
The large military installation had a dra matic elfe<:t not JUSt on Ravenna's
population, but also on the surrounding countryside. In order to provi-
sion the fleet, Ra venna's hinterland was mobilized to produce necessary
products; one example of such a site, where a large Rom an villa has been
excavated, is at Russi, i4 km west of Ravellna along' a stream that fed
the harhor. \\fhile originally ;'I simple rustic villa that produced grain, in
the late first or early second century AD it' was transformed into a much
TH E C ITY OF RAVENNA IN TH E RO MAN EMP IRE 3'

larger-scale operation, producing grain and wine, with facilit ies for storage
and brge-scale production, presumably for sale to the navy.P<>

The City of Ravenna in the Roman Empire

In the first century AD , Ravenna as a city finally begins to appear in written

sourc(.'S.s, In historical works by authors such as T:lcirus :lntl Suetonius,
Rave n na is the hase ofthe fl eet 3nll its commanller, and is occasion ally I1sell
as a place o f exile Or refuge . ~' The satirist Martial and others complain
about thl.' Hies. frogs, ball wa ter, and other \1n pleasant fearures of the tity,
while others commend the vegeta bles, especially asparagus, grown in me
area .S; Finally, some authors commet)t on the nature of the city itsel f, ami
recanl its re putation in the Roman world.
The most not:lble feature of Ravenna for Rom an authors W:lS its watcry
location.H.! T he early fi rst-century AD author Straho, in his GCQgrnpbJ',
devotes II considerahle amount of space to the city, which he describes as
follows; ~'

Sitnated in the m :lr~h"s is th .. great f<:ity o f ] Rnl'ennR, hui lt enti. ... ly on pil"s,
and tnwe rsed by cnna ls, which yOIl cross by hridges or feny -ooars. AT the full
rid es iT is wa5hcd hy :t consider.lblc quanTiTy of 5C :t-WJTer, as well a~ hy The
river. :md thus the ~ewagc is carried off. :md [he "ir purified; in bCT, the district
is consil.fa<:d so saluhrious that th~ [Roman i govcmors have :;eluted it as a
Sp<)T to hring up and exercise the gbdbrors in. IT is a remarbhle peC1.lliarity
of this pbcc, th at, though situ ated ill the midst of :t m~rsh , the air i ~ per-
fecrly innocuous ... . Another remari.:"hle peculLuity is that of its vines, which,
though growing in th e lU :n-:;hes, nHlk.. \'<:1"}' tluidcly and yield a Inrge amount
of frui t, but perish in fUIlT or 11\"1: Y<:;Jrs.

T he phrase transl ated here as "built entirely on pi les" is, in rhe original
Greek, ~VAOlTayTJS SAT[; it has also been translated "built entirely of wood ."
Vitruvius, tOO, after noting that towns built in marshes 3re generall}' not
healthy, observes that: 86

Ihhe " "Jlled town is built among tlie lll:lrshes Themselves, pn)l'ided they are by
the sea, with a 1l0rdlern or nurth" aSTern ex posure, and are :IUove th" IeI'd of
th" ><:ashol"t', the site will he re:'soll"ble enough. For dit ches e:m be- dug to let
OUT the W:lter 10 the shore, ,100 ~Iso in times o f 5tol1 115 the sc" ~lI'elis ~nd comes
h:lCkjng up into the n),nshes, whe re its birrer hlend pI"e"ents the reproductlons
of the llsll~l m ~rsh <:1"t:'lnLres . .. \Ln imt.ln<:e of rh is llI\Ly be foun ,! in th" G~llic
I1lHshes surroundin g Airilll"n, R~venn :l, A<juileb, lInd other TOwns in I,laces
ohhe \dnd , dose by marshes. They are man'clously healthy, for tlw rea!>()IlS r
ha" e gi,·en.
 RO MA N RAVEN NA

In describing {IifTerellt kitHls of timber to Dc used for construction,

Vitruvius SIXaks of piles of alderwood usell as the substructure of buihl-
ings in marshy areas: ;<One can sec this at its beSt in Ravenna: for there ,\11
thl,' buildings, ooth pu blic and pnvate, have piles of this sort beneath their
foundarions."s, Excavations and soundings, for example at Via Guerrini
to the east of the cathedl'al and at Via C. Morigia in the center of rhe
oppidu1II, ha\'e shown that wooden piles were indeed used at the base of
Roman strucrures in Ravenna. s8 These wooden supportS would not have
heen stakes lifting the huildings up above the water/street k'VcI, but rather
p:lcking to ('re,ne a sta ble foulHlation, as found in other CXClll'3tcd sites
Stich a~ Spina.!!sl Although Straoo and Vitruvius present Ravenna as a
city surrounded by swamps, the archaeological evidence shows that while
there were lagoons and marshes to the south in the Roman period, no
evidence of a wet environment coul,1 be identified to the north of the
city:to
Ravenna in the first century AD was an important anll interesting city but
we still know rehltivcly little about its features. By the first century AD the
n:ptlblican city walls were at li:ast partially in ruins; at the Banca Papolan:
site a house was built on top of them ." Defensible city walls were aban-
doned throughom Ita ly in the early imperia l period, taken to be a sign of
peace within rhe empire.~ ' T races of Ravenna 's wall s mUSt still have been
vi~ible, as in AD 42 a large gate was built or rebuilt as a triumphal arch
in honor of the emperor Claudius (Fig. 5).1" The Porta Aurea ("Golden
Gate"), as it was later known, was on the short south side of the oppidll1lf, a
monulllental double-arched panal that hare an inscription COlllmemOrat-
ing itSCOl1strucrion .~ It was not a gate that could be dosed for defense, but
rather a monumental arch leading from the port to me center of the town,
as arc also known from cities such as Ancona and perhaps Pou.uoli; it is
possiltle that an existing gate wa~ modified to give it monumental form. Q;
The arch was destroyed by the French in 158:, hut is known from Renai s-
sance drawings to have been a double arch~'ay dan in ma rble, whose archi-
trave, su rmounted by twO triangula r pediment.s, was held up by six engaged
Corinthian columns; flanking the openings werc aed icll lae surmounted by
dipei dt'Corated with vegetation (one of which survives), and flanking the
acd iculae and the ga teways were more uceora tcd coloncncs: 16
The Porta Aurea's locatio n at the center of tht: sOtlth wall of the oppidll'111
has led to the conclusion that this region must havc remained at the heart of
the Roman illl perial city. It IS hypothesi7,.cd that the cmdo or the t/UUllllIIIIIJof
the Roman town ieli from the Porta Aurea northeast across me city, evenru-
allr crossing rhe JllI1l1ixdlllfJI to the northeast by means of the pow A"IIglI.rti,
which was exeanted in 1983 .97 Excavations at the site of Via D 'A.zeglio
uncovered a paved roadway, with a ma.~imurn width of 6 Ill, th;}t letl from
THE C ITY OF RAVENNA IN THE ROMAN EMPIR E 33

the Porta Aurea to the northeast. Tnis street nad been repaved several times 5. ]kcollstnlc-
starting in the republican period, first in brick and then in stone.~ Beneath rion of rh " Po rta
'\lIre~ " ",h.,<lde, ]
[he street ran :I sewer system <iaring to the secrmd century AD, which prob- within ,he la,.,
ably replaced an earlier sewer alrea(lr in place, into which the drains: from ."riq"e W3JlS
the houses flanking the ~treet discharged. 9'1 (a fter~bMud]i.
'<)67. fig. 7)
It is assumed that, like other Roman cities, imperial Ravenna would have
had a forum , a CIIpiw/illlll, a praetoriulll, and orher pllblic buildings such
as temples and places of emerraimn ent, but we know little about where
[hese werc located. , 00 Archaeological soundi ngs ha\'e revealed a large pu b-
lie piazza or forum at the jnnction of the Padenn3 and the fossa Lamiifl ami
ou tside the (Jppidlllll wall. Assuming that the original forum was inside the
oppidmll, this must have heen a secQmllllOllumenta l piaZ7..:1, perhaps a mar-
ket area, as it was associated with a large quar along the waterway and with
many fragments of late republican and ea rly imperia I amphorae. '0' Else-
where in the city, fragments ofeolumn capitals bear wimess to monumental
sculpture, probably associated with public buildings, temples, and possibly
even houses huih starting i.n [he first century AD. A pif'Ce of an architrave
with the inscription " Idijvi luli p(atris) p(alriac)" was probably part of a
Cocsm-em!l , a temple to the (J eilied Julius Caesar, huilt at the en(J of [he
reign of Augustus. ,m Numerous pieces of arChitectural sculpture dating to
the first and second cenruries arc supplemellfed by otners that date to the
third and fourth centuries; many of them survive because they were reused
in Ravellna's Christian churches in the fifth and sixth cenruries. 'O.1 Beyond
tht!Se frabrmcnts, howewr, we cannot say anything about Ravenna's public
spaces in lhe imperial period.
 RO MA N RAVEN NA

Ravenna's increasing importance and its associated population expan-

sion in the second century led to the further development of its infras-
tructure, and particu larly its supply of fresh water. '''f An aqueduct was
built, reportedly hy the emperor T rajan (98- 11 7 AD), to hring in water
from [he somhwest. ;<'5 Remains o f the course of the aqueduct have been
observed and excavated, and its rome is fa ir ly cetrai n; it began at Meldola,
35 km to the ~ou thwest, and Followell the course of the river Ronco toward
Ravenna and Clas~e. 'o"h How it crossc(l th e harbor is not clcar, but oncc
on the northern sille it r:ln along the eastern wa ll o f the QPpidlllll . A tower
that is currently part of the si.\:th-eentury nrchiepiscopal palace. known
as the Tnrn' SilllIsrm, perhaps originally part of a ga te in the republicm
walls, also served as the Cilstdlllllllltjlllll: , the water distribution tower for the
aque<luct. 101
\Nhile the oppidulIl seems to hnve remained the f(lCuS of imperial Ravenna,
the ciry 's IlOJlulation incrcased tlra maticall}' in the first and second centuries
AD, ~ml construction 3nd ha bitarions spreall outsille of thc original oppidullI
on all sides. Scvcral large houses throughout the city have been e"cavated,
most notably at the sites of Via D'!\zcglio, the Banca Popolare, Santa Croce,
and the "Palace of Theoderie." Many of these houses show ev idence of
modification ol'er time, generally keeping within the existing street layout
until the late fi fth century. T he houses of the republican and early imperial
periods follow the trends and ln yout~ f(lund throughout the Roman Empire
in this period. They arc centered on an atrium or peristyle, and surrounded
by dining rooms (/ridil/ill), sOIdies (/lib/illfl ), amI other rooms, with walls
of masonry or wood , and decorated with fresco and with mosaic or OplU
JW/i/~ floors. loll tn the second centtlry many of tbese bouses werc ncwly
del..'oratNI and upgralled, sometimes with the addition of hypocausts and
central hC;ldllg. " ~ At the Banca Popolare site, the so-cal led House of the
T riclinium was first bu iltin the tirst century AD on topof the QPpidlllJJ wall,
then substantia lly modified in the late st.:cond century wi th the addition
of a central-heating system and new mos~ic Roors and paint, and then
similarly modified again in the third century to indU(le a fountain. ' ' t> T he
elaborate floor mosaics as well as remains of furnishings, such as bronze
furn iture fittings dating to the second century, indicate a high standard of
living.'!!
\-Vith a large an(1 busy port, trade also increased dramatically in Ravenna
and Classe. \ ·Ve hear from VitTuvius that the ri,'er Po was used to tranSI)()rt
tim ber from inland to the cities on the Adriatic coast. <" and it is likely that
Ravenna gradually developed a mercantile identity. "} To the southwest
of the oppidll1l1 excavations have revea led evidence of ceramic production
from the first century BC through rhe first century AD, particularly of
term ,rigil/flti/ cups and heakers. ' 'i Ceramics produced in other locations in
A TH I RD- AN D FOURTH -CENTURY CRISIS ?

central Italy were a[so brought to Ravenna to be filled with wine from the
region, " 'hich was thcn exported to places throughout the Mediterranean
in the first to third centuries AD. ' 'J From the seeond cenrury, Ravennate
workshops were producing marble sarcophagi and other sculpted works.' ,6
Ravenna also imported a variety of products from throughout the
Mediterranean, particu[uly from the east. Remains of vessels containing
products such as wine from the Dalmatian coast and Rhodes, along with
some evidence for oli"e oil from Spain, have been found at Ravenna, ' '1 as
has a mid-scoond l'entury tombstone with an inSCTil'tion in G reek com-
memorating "Titus Julius Nico<;rratus the Rhodian." perhaps a wine mer-
chant. ' , ~ In the mid--second--<enrury marble from the island ofProoonnesus
neu Constantinople began to be imported into R:lvenna, to be madc into
sarcophagi and public monuments. ' '9 As mentioned above, the provision -
ing of the fleet must have led to an enonnous inerea"., in the amount of trade
between Ra"enna and its terrestrial and maritime neighbors, and the cre-
ation and maintenance o f one or more large ports fostere<1 the devcl0l'ment
of the city as a commercia l center.
Most houses, public, and cormnercial buildings "'ere located to the westof
the presumed jos<JI Augustll. The region between t he canal and the coastline
was the city'sccmetery wne, extending the length of the inhabited area and
then all the way down to Classe, where very large cemL'teries contained the
tombs of members of the fleet. The oldest ccmetcry that has been found,
dating from the first eenrury AD and "(mtinuing in usc until the fourth
or fifth century, was located on the east side of the jos<JI ncar the northern
port; "O the josya, constructed just prior to this, is not known to have had
bridges connecting its twO sides, and seems to have become the delimiting
fearure between the living and the dead. ",
Roman tomhstones provide uS with more information ahout the inhabi-
tants of thc city than wc will have for later periods. The r ,jO! people who
either lived in Ra"'~Jlna or came from Rawnn. arc knoWTl from the Roman
period, mainly from inscriptions. '" Based on agcs recorded on tombstones,
A. Donati has calculated that men in Ravenna lived to an average age of
23.40 rears, while members of the fleet specifically (s8 of the 85 known
malc epitaphs) had an avcrage age of death of 40.R6 rears. \Vomen (on the
basis of 29 epitaphs) lil'ed an average of !O.55 years. Thesc dara arc similar
to those cak1tlared for other areas of the Roman Em )lire. "J

A Third- and Founh-Cenrury Crisis?

The third century was a peri(Ki uf nisis in the Ruman Empire. In addition
to a demographic crisis caused br epidemic disease (probably smallpox)
,6 RO MA N RAVEN NA

and internal political insta bility. Italy was lx!set by external enemies; the
Alamanni invaded in z 54 anti a!f<lin in ~ 58- 60, and the Jutungi railled in
~ 70-1. ' t From texts we hea r little about R;l\'Crma in the thinl anti fourth
j

centuries. In 138, MaximU5 Pll picnus set up 3 m ili t~ry base in Ravenna to
deal with his rival i\-Iaxi minus Thrax, who was besieging Aquileia. "5 T he
fou rth-cenmry historian E:utropills reports that in 154 "the Germans came
as far 3S Ravenna." allil Jerome also says that rampaging Germans and Alans
came as fa r as Ravenna in ~6+ ' ''s T he nc:;:t historica l event r(.'Corocd for
Ra venna occurred in 304 when Diodctian assume!1 his ninth wnsulshi r
in Ravenna rather than Rome. " 7 According to several authors, during the
SllcceSSlon dispute of 306- 7 the western ollgllSII/S Severm Aed to Ravenna,
where he was capmred or killed by M~xillliall. ' ! M This SCilllry- evidence shows
thnt Ravenna at t h~ end of the Ihird century and into the lourth r~talned
a role in Roman provincial government. "Ve also know that sometime in
the third century Raven na b~"Callle the provincia l capital of F/tllllillill rt
Umf,ri{l, "~ and under Diocletian after J97 the pro\"ince was enlarged to
become Fl{{mill;1I d PicCll1Im, in the diocese of ltali{{ /l IIIIQ1IIlriff under the
authori ty o f the v ;mrills IM/iac in Milan .' )" 1-lowl..·vcr, after Diodetian's
reign ~I1J for the rest of the founh century, there is almost no recorded
evidence of imperial or nny other activity in Rnvenn3 "'.J'
Ravenna's importance umlouhted ly decreased because the Roman navy
su ffe red in the political and military insta bility of the third century_ I'>: Sep-
timius Severus seized the Ra\'enna fleet on his way to Rome in 193, ':;] and
it seems w have been used for various purposes In the early third cenfUry,
from tra nsporting troops to battling pirates, but in the later parr of the
century it collapsed, or, at least, there is no mention of any fleet from Italy
being involved in any of the invasiuns, raids, ur fighting that was ha ppening
all over the cmpire in thesc rea rs. Significantly, inscriptions with Il<lmes of
memlters of the navy disappear from Ra \"enna's cemeteries after the lIlid-
th ird ceJ1tur~, _ r.H T he Italian flee t did not entirely disappear, and seems
to have hcen part of the military reorganization undertaken by Diocletian
at the end of the century, bur references to Ravenna disa ppea r from both
texts and inscriptions. Scholars debate the reasons for this, whether it was
beca use o f Constantine's establishment of the new capital in Constantino-
ple or :lttribut;lblc to the general prodncialization of the army, but in ;lny
case the size and importance of Ravenna's Aeet, and thliS Ravenna's role
in gm"erJ1mcnt, seem to have been sharply re(luced by tbe early fourth
century. ' l:i Direct evidence for an imperia l fleet based at Ravenna comes
only from the Noritifl DigllimTlIII/ of the late fourth or early fi fth century,
which names the prefect of the fleet of Ravellna as one of the three naval
C(JtlIlIl;lmlers of Italy (along with A(IUileia and Misenum)_' JI\
ATHIRD - AND FO URTH -CE NTURY C RISIS? 37

The (led ine of the Ileer had an impact on R;l\'enna's wan:n'ourses also, It
is likely that in the thinl century, either be<:ause of the (I edine of tht: Aeet
or as a cause of it, the water systems in Ravenna's surroundi ng area had not
been properly maintained. Given three cenUlries of ji\l bsideno: md se(li -
mentation, the result was that the lagoon and the harbor had been drying
alit and filting with silt. Some e\'idence o f layers of alluvial deposits over
the Roman-era structurt.-s implies a perio(1of t.-xcessive ilO()(lillg in the areas
to the east of the oppiJl/1I/ in tbe later fourth century; at this time habita-
tion cease!1 at other cities such as Butrium ro the north, perhaps becal\Se
of hydrological changes, '}' By the end ofthe fourth century, however, the
fa;sa AllglISW easr of the Padenna had gOlle out of \l5e. '.IS
Many Italian cities were in decline in the third and fourth centuries, and
RaVel1l1a was no t:xception; lhe archaeological material shows a progressive
depopulation of the city after the mitl- thinl centu ry, prol);1bly as a result of
the invasions. ' JQ A m~jority of thc CX('3vatcd cemCtcrics contain burials fmlll
before the third century or after the fifth, bu t not in between.'*" Almost
all of the houses e.xcavll ted both in the oppidllll! and iIt the areas to the cast
and north were abandoned in this period, many of them after destrU(;tion
by fire. ,~: Only three sites contain evidence of activity in the later third or
fOlirth cenrury. At Via D'A~,eglio in the northwest corner of the Oppitfll'lll,
tht: "House of the Floral Thre-;holtl" was burne{1 in the third century but
then partially reused in the hurth by an elaborate privote bath complex
with Christian flOOr mosaics. The UPI)"I site cast of the QPpiauf/I along the
presumed/o)')"" AugllSTa had mosaics dating to the late third or early fourth
century. ' ..' Finally, the "Palace ofTheoderic~ provided evidence implying
continuous usc and a "ebuilding of the villa in eitherthe fOllrth or the e~rly
fifth century; if the former date is upheld by further excava tion, the build-
ing would probably represent the residence of the provincial governor or
military comIll3n<ler.'4J Thus, while SOllle activit}, continue(l, V. Manze1li
goes so far as to say th~t by the later fourth cenwry Ravenna was a city
ma de u p almost entirely of ruins. ' +1
Habitation seems to have shifted to the suburban areas, especially around
Classe, which shows a measure of prosperity in the third and fourth
centuries. ' ~S A.<; the we~tern part of the lagooll progressively tlried up, the
focus shifted to its marc southern branch, and to the arca jm11ledi~tc\}'
sollth of the harbor mouth. ' 4/) Homes eXca\'Jte{\ there, whilt: smaller than
the earlier mansions in and arOund Ravenna , were still being bui lt and main -
tained, '47 and in the latc fourth cenwrya wa ll encircled a new urban cCllter.
Building material from the former urban core of Ravenna was brought to
Classe to be tlsc<i in this Ilew constnlction,'4l!' and, as we wilt discuss later,
the new city became a focus of the earliest Christiall community. \Nhile
,. RO MA N RAVEN NA

tratling patterns changed in lb\'cnna in the thinl and fourrh tClUlirics, trade
did not come to a halt. Connectiom with the Aegean remained imp(JTtlllt,
and the ceramic evidence shows a dramatic increase in imports from North
Africa. loW
Thus, in the fourth century the re was still sollle life in rhe Ravenna area,
and perhaps even a certain level of administrati,'e and commercial wealth,
hut rhe dty was a shell ()f what it hat! been at its height in the second century.
The Gallic author Ausonius, writing around 385. <toes not mention Ravenna
in his " List of nohle cities," although Rome, Milan, At1Uilcia, and Carua
lIrc described. No one could have fOreseen wh:lt was to happen in the years
after -100.

Ravenna's Christian Origins

In Ra\'cnna as in moH cities of the Roman world, Christianity was intro-

duced ill the imperial period. Agnc1lus tells tiS that the first bishop of
Ravenna. I\pollil1ari5. was a dist:iple of St. Peter and was martyred at th"
time of [\le emperor Vespasian (69- 79). Agnellus took his info rmation from
a text that we know as the PIJ5Si(Hfillcti ApollilllJ ris, which was probably writ-
ten in the sixth or seventh CentUly.'j:" Both the PaJsio and Agnellus tell
us that Arollinaris wa5 sent by the a(XIscle St. P eter to Ravenna, began to
convert people and petfoTll1111iracies, was brought before a Roman judge,
tortured , and ended his life as a martyr.
Certainly by the mid-sixth century the story of Apollinaris 3S the first
bishop was established in it5 basic outlines. because at th<ll time a ch urch
was built in his hOllor outside Classe, presumably over his tomb (as nOted
in Chapter 6). Modern scholars, howcver, have expressed skcpticism about
the apostolic origins of Ravenna 's Christian commun ity. Archaeological
evidence from the cemeteries of Classe shows an identifiable Christian
presence only aft"f the late second cenrury. The first bishop of Ravenna
to be mentione(l in ~ny written text is Severus, who attended the Council
ofS~rdiea in 34 3.'5 ' Coins found around the tomb in which Apollinaris
is though t to have been ()rigina lly huriell date to 110 earlier than the late
second century. lind ccrt~inly to the mid- third century; the site b gener-
ally accepted as the original to mh of the founder-bish op. IS' T he TOmbs of
other ear ly bishops that were later endowed with churches were also built
omside CIa sse, indicating the port city's role as the focus of urban life in the
third and fourth cenruries. '5J It was claimed by F. Lanwni and A. Testi-
Rasponi, on the basis or these churches and Agncllus's statement that ~in
the hasilica of blessed Euphemia which is called rid Arlr/1'IJ1 he [Apollinarisl
RAV EN N A'S ct-!RIST IAN O RIG I NS 39

~ r st performed baptism," that originally the bishop of Ravenna was basell

in Classe rather than in the city of Ra\Cenna itself. '5-1 T his often-repeated
hypothesis C3nnot be sustained on the basis of Agnel1us's statements, espe-
cially si nce thl.'Te were two ch11rches de(hcated to St. Eu phemia, ami the one
called lid IJriarll1 was in dIe oppidlllll itself. A Christian focus in Classe is cer-
tainly possible, howe\'er, givell the state of Ravenna and C lasse in the thlrd
;11111 fourth centuries. ISS Attempts to establish (Iates for the eleven hishops
who, according to Agncllus, preceded Severus arc speculative; it is likely that
some of the bishops in the series listed hy Agnellus were invented, perhaps
in the sixth century when the episcopa l chronology was bcing established,
or perhaps by AgnclIus himself. 'l't'>
\ >\I)lile we are told by Agnellus (almost our only source) that Christians
were living in Ravenna ill the Roman period, he does nor descri he ;lny
church construction there until the early fifth century. The first Structure
that he memions is the chapel ofSt. Pullo, ~not far fmm the gate which is
called the parta NOlin," bui lt ahom thc YC3r 400. Il'" The large house CXC3"
vated at the north side of the Via D'Azcgl io site, richly redecorated in the
third and fourth ccnnlril.'S with mosaics that could ('onta in Christian sym-
bolism, lies JUS t to the south of the location of the church of St. Euphemia,
perhaps the one identilied hy Agndlus as lid Arirtelll and said to be the
location of Apollinaris's first baptisms in Ravenna. J. Baldini Lippolis nOtes
that there might be some kernel of tr uth to the idea that an ea rly Chri~tian
place of worship in the city was located hcrc. ' j ~ But other th ~n Sc\'crus,
we k.now nothing about the bishops or other personali ties of the church of
Ravenna before the arrival of the imperial Court in 40;.
 \
• _.- _- ..
•

-- -

-.-.- - --.-
•

-
...,,'-•---•,...\ --.1
.. . - ...
~
_• ..-
---"-"
•
.. -

6. Map sha"';ng
1U'·~n "" . CI:tIS<".
~nd , h" ,\d ri " k
w~),.l in cin tho;:
fifth, ~inh , and
ninth c,"'t urics
CIIAPTE R THRH

RAVENNA AND THE WESTERN

EMPERORS , AD 400-489

Shordy after th~ yenr 400, the western Roman em]>erors moved their base
of orcrati()n~ from Milan TO Ravenna. An imperia l residence was cst~b­
lished there, new walls were huilt to surrounll an essentia lly new dry, a
mint was established, and infrastructure ;lIld insti tutions were created in
order to make them comlllensurate with th ... city's new statlls. The bishop
ofR<lvcnlla was made 3 metropolilan with authority over fourteen churches
in the region , a dramatic promotion in the Church hierarchy, and the pn:s-
rige of the ecdesiasri('al see was enhanced by the episcopal]' of the famous
Peter Chrysologus. The first half of the fifth century saw a building boom
in Ravenna; the structures that have stln'ivcd are pri marily churches, !:lUI
residcnrial, commercial, military, and other strucmres were also built in
the region surrounded hy the new w;llls. No other Italian city saw growth
on this scalc in thc 6fth ccnnlry; Ravcnna st~nds out as an anomaly, a truc
tlisembetlded capital.

The Last Century of the Western Roman Empire

The emperor D ioclecian (z8 4- ) OS) reformed the adm inistration of the
Roman state at the end of the third ccntury: amollg his Illany innova-
tions, his dt'cisiotl to dividt' tllt' empirt' into t'astt'rIl 31lt1 westt'rIl halves,
;lruj to tlil'ide its administration among SC\'cr;l1 ca pital cities, woul(1 h;ll'c
lasting (:onseque!l(:es for Ravenna. In 324 Constantine rellnited the tv.'o
halvcs of the cmpire and esta blished his capital in the new eaStern city of
Constanrinople. Milan remained thc west's main adm inistrati vc center, and
after Constantine's (leHh the empire was divided again and his western suc-
cessors ruled from .j\ 'lilan. Rome remained tlle scat of the Roman Senate
and the symbolic ht'art of tht' empire, but lackt'd the pt'rmallent presence
o f the empcrors.
 Ravenna, c. AD 480

.-
Ell

(~
\
--
. III.~I'. \
-
.... 0': .... 0."1" "

~ 7 • "',,"_ _

.......
....... eFTs ..
~_" d - ,,~
..
-.~,. -,.,

.-.

,. M ~ l' o f
Ra'·~"n3.
1:;>. AD 480
TH E LAST CENTURY OF TH E WESTERN ROMAN EMPIRE

8. ('.ok] soIiJus
ofG.lI. PlxiJi •.
00-..,...., .nd
"""<rse, AD 4,6-
)0 (counesy
Dumhanon
Oaks. Brun.
ti~< CoIl«rion.
W .. hingtun,
DC)

In 394 the emperor Theodosius I, who had reunited the empire under
his sole command, established his son Honorius as emperor in Milan, and
his older son Arcadius in Constaminople. T heodosius dicd in 395, leaving
Bononus, age eight, under the guidance of Theodosius's military com-
mandtr (mngirtffmilirum) and trusttd friend Stili cho. The following yens
were difficult ones filr the western empire; the Visigoths, an immigrant
group who had Ix.en senk<! in the Balkans in the 37OS, were dissatisfi~-d
by their rreaOnent while serving as imperia l troops and were caught up in
the riva lry betw~'Cn leaders at the eastern and western courts. In 4Oz, the
Visigoths emen.-d Italy and raided filr a rear hefilre Stilicho ehased them
back to lUyria. To do so, he had to pull troops from the borders along the
Rhint River, which Wtre brtached in 406, and various groups began raid-
ing deeper and deeper into imperia l territory. In response, a general named
Constantine proclaimed himself emperor in Britain in 407; he moved impe-
tial trOOps to the continent todefend Gaul from the invaders, and the empire
essenti ally abandoned Britain. Sti licho, in addition to facing the disasters to
the north, w::I.S also deeply cnmeshed in Constantinopoliun IXllitics, and as
a result of complcx intrigues, in ¥*l Honorius had him arrested and killed.
Sulw.",!ucntly the Visiguths reapf'Cared in Italy, and after attempting to
supplan t I lonorius with a senator named Attalus, in 4[0 they sacked Rome
and then proceeded toGaul, where they were eventually settled by treaty in
the southwestern province of Aquitaine. Other groups, most notahly A1ans,
Sue"es, and Vandals, entered Spain in 409, where th~'Y began \0 establish
themseh-es. Consuntine and other usurpers continued to challenge central
authority until order "<I, re,tored by !-Ionorius's general Constantius in
4 ! 3· Italy was left relatively quiet for the last tt'n years of I-lonorius's reign;
how~"Ver, imperial authority had b~'Cn reduced in that short space of time
to Irnly, Nonh Africa, and part of Gaul.
Honorius is usual ly portrayed as wcak, indecisive, unsuccessful at nego-
tiating with harbarians, and inAuencc<1 by court favorites. Mort'over, he
fought with his sister Galla Placidia, one of the most cxtraordinary women
•• R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

of her day. subject of both andellt ;lIld modern romantic legend. The OU[-
lines of her life come from fifth-century chroniclers' who alSQ offer intrigu-
ing glimpses into the personality of Galla. although these probably tel l us
morc about (heif ;lmhofs than abollt the empress herself. '
Ae)ia Galla Placidia was born sometime oerween 388 and 393, [he daugh-
ter of' ]'heooosius I and his second wife Galla; she was thus the halfsister of
Honorius aud Arc;lliius.J She seems to have spent her youth ill Italy UI}(ler
the care of Serena, her cousin and lhe wife ofStiJicho. \Vhcn Stilicho was
mllfdcrcd in 408, Serena 311(1 Galla Placi dia were living in Rome; when the
Visigoths first attacked th e city in 409, Serena was acrusco of conspiring
with the enemy and was I!xenm~d with Galla P l acirli~'sconsent,ac<:onlingto
one source,4 V\'hen the Visigoths sacked Rome in 4 [ 0, the twenty-year-old
Galla Placidia was taken into custwly and carried along with the Visigoth ic
army into Gaul. As pan of a Visigothic pact with Honorius, Galla was mar-
ried to the Visigothic leader Athaulph in 4 [4 and went with him into Spain,
where she bore him a son who was given the hopeful name Thcodosius,
but the child died shortly afterward . Athaulph was assassinated ill 4[ 6 and
Calla retmlled to th\.' court of Honori\lS in Italy, where she was marri\.'d
(against her will, one source says) to the Roman general Constamius in
41 7.5 She bore him two children: lusta Grata Honoria (0. 4 [ 7 or 4 [R) and
Valentinian (b. 4 19)' C.onstantius was ma<le !ll1r;tL>tllS in 411, and Gal la was
named ,1IlgIlSft1 ; however, the~e titles were nOt recognized by her nephew
the emperor T hcodosius II in Constantinople.
Constantius died later in 4l [, and G~lla quarreled with Honoriusi in 413
she took her children to Constantinople to seek refuge with T heodosius II.
I-Ionorius died in the same year, leaving no children, aDd the throne was
seized by a government official, the p r illlkcI"illf 1101111";01"11111 John, who had
the SUpJXlrt of the Senate and of powerrul generals includ ing the Roman
Aetiu5. The eastern court decided that Galla's son Valentinian was the
rightful emperor, and the youth was betrothed to Theodosius's daughter,
Licinia Eudoxia . Theodosiu s sent an army headed by the eastern 1//agisler
milirlllll Anla bur to remove John and place V:!lentinian on the throne. G
!\etiu5 was orou ght over to Valentinian's side, and Galla took the reins as
regent for hel" son in 415 .
From 425 to 43i, G;l11<l was at the forefront of Roman politics.. which
remainc(l extremely volatile. Galla wa~ suspicious of, and often opposed to,
the IXJlicies of i\etius, and was said to havc attemptcd his assassinatioll; a
conflict among the three main genera ls of the em pire lasted from 42 0 to
433. Although Aetius eventu ally triumphed over his rivals, he had to spend
the next twenty years fighting against one revolt or invasion after another.
North Africa was lost to the Vandals between 41 9 and 4 39, largely as a
result of this infighting in It:!ly. Valcminian's marriage to Lidnia Eud o.~ia
TH E LAST C ENTURY 0 1: HI E WESTERN !tO MAN EMPIR E

was ccleurated ~rst H Constlllltinople and then at Rome in 43 7, after which

he tOok control of the empire in his own right. After 43 7 Galla fades from
written SOurces, although it is assumed that she was still innuelltial until her
death in 45 0.
By the late 4405, the IIuns h ~d emerged as a new threat to the empire.
'rhe I·hms had occupied the Hunga"ian plain in central Europe since the
late fourth century, a[1<1 had been actively involve(1 in imperial politics.
Aetius, for example, made c:~tetlsiv e use of them as soldiers in the wew:rn
Roman army, and the eastern empire hall al ternately fought them an([ pai([
them subsidies to prevent them from attacking. In 450. the new e,lstern
I.'mperor ,\>1arcian ended the ~"\lusidies to the Huns, and their leader Attila
lUrned his arllly agai nst the westerll empire. According to se\'er~1 sources,
his pretext was a scandal in the imperial family . lusta Gratn Honoria, who
had never married, h:1I1 an affair with her estate manager; when they were
discovered. her para mo ur was c.~''Cute(1 and she was im prisonc(\. She wrote
to Anila and told him that if he invaded the western empire. ~he would
m;lrry him lind he wou ld have half of the empire as her dowry. The entire
story is fantastic, but the fact that so many historians rcpeatell it tells us
something about late antique attitudes to imperial women and politics}
\Vhatever his motivation, in 45 I AcriJa 3ml his arm ies invaded Gaul. Aetius
formed a coalition rhat induded the Visigoths, and blocked Attila's advance
at Chalons. Atti la withdrew eastward, but in the following year he took his
army din..'Ctly into Italy. T he H UllS captured several cities, most notably
Aq uileia and Mi lan, but for various reasons Attib was c\'ell fUally persuaded
[(J withdraw.\! \iVhat Atti la might have done next we do not know, bu t he

died unexpectedly in 45 3 and his federa tiol) collapsed, endtng the HUJlnic
threat.
After Gall~ died in 450, conditions in the empirc WCnt from bad lO worse.>'
Valentinian, perhap~ feeling tha t he no longer needed his greatest general
to defend the empire from the I·runs, murdered Aetius in 454. Then he
was assassinated in Rome in 455 . Valentinian had two dallghtl.'rs, Eudo-
cia and Placi<i ia , who were married, respectiyely, to the Vamlal royal heir
H uneric and th e Roman senator Olybrills, neither or whom was a seriou s
contender N)r the imperial throne ill 455. (Olyhrius finally got his chance
in 472, but died shortly arter his ;KTessioll). Thc V;llldab, who had estab-
lished 3 kingdom in North Afril;a, raided Italy and sacL:e(1 Roml! in 455
taking the impcrial womcn hack with thcm upon their return to Africll.
The Visigoths aggressively attacked the remaining Roman possessions in
Gaul. T he imperi;}1 throne was occupied by a series of senators amI Roman
generals. while the eastern emperors sent their own cand idates selected
from rhe eastern aristocra<.y. JQ None reigned for more than four years, as
real power wa s wielded by other gCllcr,lis of less Roman background such as
,6 R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

Ricimcr, Gundobad, Orestes, and Qdoaccr. In the meantime, llooncoould

pay much attenti(>n to the Vandals Or the Visigoths, nor to the ropuiati(m
ofTt'aly, which was all that was left of the empire. After a complex series of
event!; in 474-6, the general Odoaccr took control of Italy, bm. rather thm
choosing a Roman to be emperor, he returned the imperial regalia w the
emperor Zena. He proclaimed himsel f king and pnfl'icills of the west, and
Zena tacitly accepted his claim. O(loacer set about stll>ilizillg the regions
around ItaI}'; he reconquered Sicily from the Vandals by 477, took Dalmatia
in 480, defeated the Rugialls of Norl<:utn in 48 7. and allied himself with
th e Visigoths and Franks. "Vith his borders secure, Odoaccr was able to
n.'store som!,' scmhlan<:e of Rormn law and onler to Italy, governing (or at
least minting coins) in the name oflino. lIe rub! haly for dlineen years,
until Zeno sent the Ostrogoths aga inst him.

Moving the Capital to Ravenna

At the time of {he Visigothic invasion of 40!, 1-lonorillS and his advisers
seem [0 have felt thaL i\'lilan was too har(1 to defe n(l , and so tile emperor
lllovcd to Ra\'cnna; the first i,mperial decree to ha\'e been issued at Ravenna
is dateu December 6,401 ." "I'he year 401 appears in almost every mo(iern
account as a pivotal (late in Ravenna ' $ history, even though no contemporary
authors Illcntion such a transfer in that year. " Vic do know that many of the
imporram events in fifth-cennlry imperial history took place in Ravenna,
and some of the emperors spent much of their time there.
,,\Thy Ravenna? Tbc llsual answcr is thac Ravcwla's marshy hinterlands
ma(l c it difficult to attack oy Imd, and as a result armies like the Visigothic
army that sacked Rome in 41 0 lefl Raven na alone. ') Socralcs Schola stkus,
writing in Constantinople in the l;In: 4ps, (Iescribes the establishment of
Valentinian rn on the throne at Ravenna: 'i

-1111:n agai n at thist:risis th" pra~'''rof thl' pious elnp.:ror pre\·ailed. Foran angd
of GOI.f, under the appearance I)f a shepherd, Im,lcrtook the gui tl ance of !\spar
and the troups which wer" with him, "ml leo him through the lI1,mihy bke
[AII,wry] near Ravenna - for in th~t city the usurper [John] was then r.::siding- -
an ti tll<:n: J"tain"d the milit1l.l'Y dlitf. Now, no une had e""r heen kIlOwn
to h~"e fOHlcd tha I lak" l>cfon:; hut God then rendered thut passab lc which
had hitherto been impussuhk. H av ing the refore CT=d the lake, ;IS if going
O\'~r dry ground. tlI~r fOllnd th.:: ipt.::s of th .:: city Opell, ano o,·erpow.::red til'::
uSIlrf>t'r.

ACl'()rding to Socrates it was Ra\'elllla's hIIJIIIl, or marshy bke, dlat gave

it an almoSt impregnable defense, 'S The defcnsible nature of Ravenna
MOV I NG THE CAIJITAL TO RAVE N NA .7

was mentioned in writings by the sixth-century histOrians j o nlancs anll

ProtOpius. Jonlanes, descri bing the fa<.1: that Alaric the Visig{lth dill nOt
attack Ravcnna in 408, says, HThis city lies ,lmi£1 the streams of the Po
UcnVl.'en rmrshes (poll/drs) and the sea , and is at:cessible only on one side....
Bur on the west it has marshes through which a son of door has been left
by a vel'y narrow entrance (1IIIolIlIgllsfi.,'jimIJ illf1'oiflillf ponll}."' (, Procopius,
in the Gorbie War, repeatS this description , with a military analysis that has
tolored all subsequent interpretations: l ]

'rhis dty of Rnl'eJlllll lies in I' le~'eI plain M th~ e .~trerlljt}' of the lonhon Gull',
lackin g! st-adcs!== ca . 380 Ill] ofhcingon the 5C~ , and it is so simated ~s not to
be e~5il~· appro~ched either hy $hip~ o r by ~ l.1nd army. Ships ean not possihly
put into shore there bee:luse [he sea itself p~ l'e nrs [hem br Forming ;;hoal~
for not less th:ln 30 sud"s; consequently the heach 'Lt RaHim:!, '1ltlWlIgh to
the eye of nmrinl'rs it iSYl' l')' 11~ 'lr "t hand, is in r~ 'llity W I)' far aw.l)' hy re'lson
of the b",eat n.-tent of the :;hoal wateL And a land army cannot appmaeh it at
all; for the r1Yl'r Po, alsu ealll'J the Eridanus, which flows past R;ll'enna .. . and
other nav igable rin:rs together with sOllie Illarsh~s (1Ih.lVOIS), encircle it em all
sides and so cau~ thl' city to be surrounded h)' watn.

Certainly Ravenna was perceived to be a defensible location, although Ihis

may nOt have actually heen the case; in fact Ravenna was repeau'<lly capturell
by armies in the fifth and sixch centuries, pro!'a!>ly !>ecause the mar~hes were
not as £1efensible as they were pcrccive£1 to be. 's
Sever;!l scholars have argued that Ravenna was chosen for reasons more
complex than a dubious strategic :ldv:lntage. F. VV. Deichrnann observed
that the development of Ravellna ~ftcr 4-0 2 came SOOI) ~fter the esta blish -
mentofConstantinople as the permanent residence of the eastern emperors
under T heodosius I and Arcadius, rendering sea contact between July lilld
the eastern Mel]iterranean more desirable.'Q Impel'ial couriers traveling
from Rome to Constantinople \·ja Brind isi coulrlll1ake the journey in twenty
days, bllt to be able to depart directly from Ravenna would have rc£1uccd
me journey tirne. 'o Communication with the east was particularly impor-
milt during the reigns or Honorius and Valentinian III, whereas after 455
the emperur~ wefe instead depemlent on the support of the western army
;Hld Rome's Senatc. and communic;ation with the C;lSt became less signifi -
clnt. Ravenna offered the addi tional advantage of l>eing ea~ily provisioned,
because it was an important part of thc maritimc nctwork. " Alternately, V.
Neri has notc£1lhat while Milan and Aquilcia had Ucen strategically impor-
[;1m in the second an(l third centuries, by the late fourth century the rivalry
Uctween Romc a nd i\lilan had increasc£1, an£1 RaVClllla may have been cho-
;;en to promote Rome at the opense of Milan, while Aquileia wa~ rejectell
as tOO cxposed to attacks from the north and cast. "
,8 R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

A tilll}1 rca~otl for the choice ofRavct1na may have been the ~ta tc of the city
in the year 40J . A!i n()ted in the previ()us (>hapter, an:hae(llogy has shown
that by thc thi rd century the city seems to have been mostly abandoned in
fa \'or of the porr city of Clas5c to thc south. V. Mam:dli has called what
was left a "palimsest" on which the imperia l administrators could build
an emirely new imperial city, full of relev3llt public buildings including
churches.' J In this, perha p~, Ravenna may have heen rather like Byz;lmiuln
before Constantine tran sform ed it. Und er Theodosius I, Christianity was
strongly promoted as the official religion of the empire, and puhl ic pagan
religious practices were banned. It has been ,lrguecl that at Constantinople,
Constantine eonstnlctcd a ~pccifically C hristian capital city, with a ("athc-
dr~1 ~nd palace in close proximity ~t the dty's core. ' + IIonorius may have
seen Ravenna in the same way, strategically useful and without a strong
pagan core, a blank slate on which a new Christian clpi tal could he built.
\Vc havc no evidence for pag-Jn telllpics at Ravenna, except for a Story that
St. Apollin3ris destroyed onc by his prayers, ~n(l that is a fopOJ of hagiog-
raph)' rather than necessarily a memory of a historical el'ent. '5 But we do
know that in the new impcri31 Ravl.'nna, thl.'cathcdral and the palace formed
the two foci of the city. ,(.

Ravenna as a Capital

The iclt:a that Ravenna became the capital of the western Roman Empirt:
really only hegins wi th Agnellus, who says that Valentinian III (4 l5 -55)
..... ordered and decreed that Raven n,1 should be tbe head of Ita ly (Cllplll
ItlllitlL') in place of Rome."'7 Agnellus's accoullts of the buii(!ing activities
of I-lonorius, Galla Placi{iia, and Valeminian Ul promolcd a legend th~t
has affected views of Ran:nna down to the present. Recently, A. Gillett
has presented a detailed analysis of the known residence of emperors in
thl: early fifth cent1.1f)' in order to show that despite imperial activity in
Ra\'enn;l, it W;lS Rome that was viewell by almost everyone as the true cen-
ter of the empirl:. The panegyrist Claudian e,xtols Rome as the emperor's
"true" home, but no contemjl<)raf)' author ever praises Ravenna in this
way. '~ Cdcllr:ltions of imperial accessions, consul~les, and other significant
milestones at Rome, HQlloriu s's construction of his mausoleum in Rome,
and Valentinian's ultimate transfe r of thc COurt to Romc in .no, arc fOr
Gillen signs that, even for Honorius, Rome was the sym bolic center of tht:
western empire.
And yct, clearly Ravenna did have a special status in the fifth cennl ry.
\Vhile Rome retainetl irs symholic value as Ctlplll orbi;', RavelUla never-
theless bec;lmc ;l S(·Jr:s imperii ("im pcri;ll residence") perceived as a phlce
RAV EN NA AS A SEDES IMPERII .9

where emperors mighl live and govern. llllleed, at rhe end o f rhe cen-
tury Pope Gelasius, addn:ssing the (Iutstion of whether the hishop of a
H?gia r:/lIifll.f ("regal city") should hal'e <l special status, lists l\'lilan, Trier,
Rave nna, ami Sirmium as imperial residences whose bishops arc not other-
wise privileged .'9 In rhe power struggles between Stil icho, Ihe Theodosian
dynasty, Ricimel., and dift'erent factions of lhe Roman Senate, the residence
of the emperor and Court was very significant, Stilicho, H onorius, and Galla
PladJia, among others. preferred to keep their tlisrance from Rome and to
govern from Ravcnna ;jQ others, including the ad ult Valcntinian I U and var-
io us cmperors of the Roman senatorial class, preferred to em phasize their
connections with Rome, Uavcnna was thus deliberately \lscd as an alterna-
rive [Q Rome, and seen ~s a viable alternative, so the city's physical makeup
ooth reflected and contributed to pol itical rhetoric)' Ra\.enna Illay not have
inspired an AUS{Jnius or a Claudian to extol it~ merits, hut for llIore than
thiny ycars it s!.'rvcd as a main imperial residence and scat of ceremonial,
and it is thi s half century that saw the city's dramatic growth from a ruined
to w n into something with much greater pretensions,

Ravenna as a sedes impn-U

\Vhat wa~ a ,'I'des imperii in the Roman world, and how does Ravenna fit
the defin ition? jOAfter the third century, the Roman Empire developed a
bureaucratic administr.nlon that was centralized around the person of the
emperor. vVe know that the imperial bureaucracy in the early fifth century
was extensivc; just how extensive can be secn from tbe Notitiil Diglliffltll'lll,
a liSt of civil atH! military government officials for th e eaStern ami west-
ern em pires that is thought to have been com piled between 395 and the
42 0S, H exactly at the time that the emperors were resident in Ravenna,H
Government officials of the central ~d m inistration include the P raetOrian
Pn:fcct of Iraly, the Masters of Foot and Horse in the Pres(.'nce, the Prae-
(JOsitus of the S<lcred Bedchamber, the '!\"1aster of the Offices, the Quaestor,
the Counts of the Sacred Bounties (taxes and provisioning) and Private
Domains, the Counts of the H ousehold Horse allli Foot, the Primicerius
o f the Sacred Bedchamber. the Chief of the Nota ries, the ClIstn:mis o f
tht: Sacred Palace, the M asters of the Bun:atlS of Memorials, CorreslJon-
dence, and Requests, and perhaps the Vicar of Italy, Each of the offici;!ls
had his own staff consisting of accountants, custodiam, chiefs of stall', assis-
tams, registrars, secretaries, clerks and subclerks, and notaries. Scholars
estimllte tbat the number of governmcnt officials who would have ocen
part of rhe central administration was well over 1,500, not inclutling military
pcrsonncl }S
so R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400- 489

"'here is no clear conSellSus about where a II these pcopl c lived and worked
in the fifth century. It is sometimes stated that the entire ~dministrati(m
traveled with the emperor in this Jlcriocl .J6 On the other hand, it seems
clear that at ll,';lst after 395. or even arrer Constantine, the eastern adminis-
tration senled down in tbe palace at Consraminople,17 and it is sometimes
assumeo that II simi lar establishment of adminisrration in the \Vest took
place at Ravenna, although on ;I less grandiose scal e )~ You can't put a
I .Sco-person uurc:llK'3CY in a place that docs not have buildi ngs to actolll-
modate them; and since, in the case of Ravenna, this ac<:ommodarinn had
to be huilt up from scratch, the emperors must havc intcndcd to livc thcrc
for a good parr of the tim!.'. It is likewisc often assumed that all government
officials served in Ravenna, yet the only seeure evidence for this are a few
imperial rescripts adltressed to oflicials there. C. Pietri amlJ. !\>Ianhews have
shown that offici31~ who helll the highest offices, who often came from the
great Roman senatorial families, liv(.'d in Ravcnna only during their t(.'nns
ofofficc)'i HowL<vcr, these studic~ consider only a handli.l of men for whom
we have information; in this period therc is no cvidence from inscriptio ns
or documents that can tell us abour low!.'r level functionari!.'s. Pietri con-
cludes that while cultil'ated arislocrats spent some time in Ravenna, they
did not make it into an intellectual center, although ther Jid stimulate the
production of luxury g()()ds such as marble sarcophagi and carved ivory in
th is period. qo Aristoc"aric houses such as the ont: foull(1 at the site at Via
D 'Azeglio, show that the city had a population of wealthy and important
people;+' and estimates of its population range from 5,000 to 10,000 , a
reasonable size, although o nly a fraction of the population of Rome ....' As
we can sec by looking at any modern capital to whkh some govcrnmcnt
officials come and go based 011 their terms of office, a fair ly large base of
career bUrCaU(Tars and pl'ople involved in serviccs (Teatt'S a lively urban
community, as we can see from Sidonius Apollinaris's satirical {Iescripcion
of Ravenna:""

... thl: sick promenade while {hI: doctors lie abl:d. the baths rret'ze while the
hous<:s burn, thc living He thirsty while thc burk,t ~wirll. thj(,vcs ~rc I"igiti<nt
whit", tht ll\lthoritil:S sleep. the clergy ]",nd lllone}' whik tht Syrian I1Ic rch~lI ts
sillg pS3lms, businesslllen light while sulditrs do busintss, me dd\:rl~' apply
tllt:msdv\:s to ballgamd, tile youths to Jkc, tit<: eunu L·hs w weapons, til ....
federate troops to letters ...

For now we can only surmise that th is is what existed in fifth-century

Ravenna .....
\Ve lIlay know relatively little about tlu: people who live(1and worked in
Ravenna, but we know morc about its physica l topography, which can Uc
RAV EN NA AS A SEDES IMPERII S'

compare!1 with the layout of orher similarly ranked dries of the late third
and fourth centuries, most notably Comtaminople and Milan:!S In Con-
stantine's new capital, the main governmental buildings were constructed
adjacent to the cathedral and the imperial palace, which was also flanked
by a large circus, the I Iippodrome. Colonnaded streets connected this core
area with the rest ofrhe city, punctuated by fora, baths, and monuments:l~
Protecte(1 on three siMs hy water, the city's land limit was walled by Con-
stantine, and new walls endosing a much la rger area were built during the
reign ofThcodosius II. Milan h3113 similar layout: originally 3 provinci31
capital and prospcrous trading ccnter, with the arrival of the imperial court
new walls, palaces, and other structures were built. "I'he late tourrh--ccnUlry
poet Ausonius, who compiled a series of poems in honor of the great cities
o f the empire, lists lor Milnn wnlis, a circus, a theater, temples, a pal nee,
a mint, haths, porticoes, and statues .~' Churches, although IlOt mentionell
by Ausonius, were a 11lnjor component of both Mila n 's and Constantino-
ple's topography. These features were fo und in various I.:Ombin3tions also
in other imperial cities of the: period,
Inside Ravenna's new walls, at least 50111e of these fa6lities must have
been constructed in the first half of the fi fth centu ry. The rransiormation
did not hnppen o\'(!rnight, and its chronology is unclear. Nlany surviva ls
are fragmenta l), and without context, for example a sculpted torso made of
porphy'')', part o f a statue of an emperor im ported from COIlstantinople,
whose original location is unL:nowll ..;.S Agnc-1 lus implies that most of thc
work was carried om under Valentinian III and perhaps especially during
the regency o f Galla Placiclia,4'J and this information is repeated in most
cuncnt histories of im perial Ravenna. This docs oat realJy make SCIl5C,
given that HOllorius is said to have lived in the city for almost twent~' years;
certainly SOllle, el'en much, of the construction that turned Ravenna into an
imperial city must have been begun during his reign .5" The main dements
for which we have textual, archaeological , ami architectural evidence Jrc
fhe city walls. the palace(s), the mint, and churches, and we will consider
each of these in rum.
It is o ften observed that in Ravenna the em perors were particularly
inspired by the cilY of COllstantinople. 'Ne will examine individual pieces
of c\·ic.lcnce for this, lmt here it shou ld bc pointed out that ;Ilmost all of our
written evidence (lares to after 550, Con~ra ntinople remained a model for
Ravcnna's leaders for two centuries, and we cannot say precisely whcn mo~t
of the Constanrinopoliun epithets were appl ied.'i' Moreover, although
many features in Ravenna are assumed to imitate lost Constantinopoli-
{an originals, we must also recognize that Ravenna was not simply a pale
imitatioll of [he eastern capital, hut a place in which new ideas aud clementS
were introduced illto [hc imperial repertoire.
S' R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

The City Willis oj R"vemul

Th(' urban topogr.\phy of Ravenna froll) till' late antique period to the
present has been defined by a set of walls that werc lmilt someti me in thl,'
fourth or fifth century (Fig. 7).5' The republican walls of Ravenna had
enclosed II rectangular space of appJ'Oximarely 33 hectares, although in the
fir~t ;lnti second centuries AD habitation had spread beyond these limirs
and the walls themselves wcre ruined, at least in plac('s.H The new walls,
many parts of which arc still pn:scnrcI] today, form a circuit 4.5 km long
llnd enclose an arca of [66 hectar('S. 51 The construction of thi5 wall was an
extraordinary CVI,'n( for this period in northern haly. In c\'cry other casl,'
tha t we know, cities were shrinking; Ra vcnn;l is theonlydty in which a new
wal l circuit endost:J a much larger an:a than its prcJL"Ccssor. )~ Agnellus tells
us of Valentini an Ilp 6

. . . here :lIld there on e:(eh side he ,(domed the streets of th e city with g rt';\t
w"lls, ~nd he Or(krcd iron b~T1i to be e!\do~d in the bowels of the w,til. Alid
so grcH " 'as his cart dla( (he iron h,u, not only appeared ornamenral, but ~ I,;o
if at some ame some orner people should Wal}[ to thn: ~ t en this ~·ir)'. ~nd if
not 'IS llI~n~' we'lpons l'oulJ l>e found ~s wert: needed, from these loars arrows
,mil bIKes ,mIl eve n swurds l"<.)ukllx: m,,,k; or, as "'~ said, th~ w"lls would
supply (he iron for some mher purpose. H e ~d derl lll\lch (Q th is wall of th~ city
kh'itill]. where formtrly it h~J hetn girdt d ~ s mer.:!y a town [oppidum [. An d
this empt:rot nwdc gre ~( wh~t \\',IS snwller in fomler times, and he ordered
and decreed lh ~ 1. Ravenna sho\lld I~ the 11(',1<.1 of Ital), ill phl~C of Home ....

Agncllus's accounl has been the basis of the ioterpretatio n of the topo-
graphical development of Ravenna; however, there has been, alltl continues
to be, consic.lcrable controversy about the d~tc(s) of construction of this wall
CirCU It .

A. T csti -Rasponi, as part of his 19~4 edition of Agncl lus's tcxt, proposed
that an original Roman core, RmJrllll1l 'Iliadi'll la, which corresponds to wha t
we ha vt: been calling the republican Oppidlllll, was supplemented several
times , once dtlri ng the rei gn of Valcruinian Ill, and once by Odoacer in
the later fifth century.51 T esti-RaslxlIli 's map i~ still sometimes reproduced
in studics of th e dty, It is only in the past tWO decades that scholars have
serio usly Cjuestionecl this view, and only very recently thaI' the question of
the wall's purpoSC and its rclationship to Ravenna's expansion in the early
fifrh cenmry has bcen c:\lliorecl.
N. Christie and S. Gibson's stucl yof the masonry of the survivingpamof
thc walls indicated that the cxpanded wall circuit was built at olle time, not
in se\'eral stages as proposed by Testi-RasponiY' This prollOsal has been
accepted by many subscq uetH 5chol:lr5.59 Christie concludes th;lt Ravenna's
RAV ENNA AS A SEDES IMPERII 53

imperial defenses stood 9 meter high and were ap proximately 1.~ meter
thick, which woulll make them lower than the walls ofVeron~, Mi lan , anll
Rome at th is lime. Thecircuit included several towerS, fourteen main g"Jtes,
and more than thirty posterns inclnding openings tor waterways, ~Il '-milt
as pan of the origiml plall.t'.o In the course of this new work, Claudius's
arc h was flan ked by round rowers and incorporated into the wall system,
al111 waS suhsequen tly known as the Porta Aurea, or "Gol(len Gate.""'; ' T he
walls were made mostl}' of reltSeo I:orkks,~' not surprising given that the
city's l3nliscapc wa s littered with rnins /'!
Vlh:u remains a mystery is exactly when these w:llls were built: were
they built because rhe co urt had moved thl.'re, or did the court move there
because the walls were already bui lt? Christie accepts Agnellus's attribu tion
ofthe walls to the reign ofVnlenrillian [II (42 ;-55)' One rcason he gives
for this d ating is the silnilari ty of the bricks in the wall to those used to mIl-
struct Sa n Giovan ni E\'angcii st<l and the Santa Croce complex, but Chri stie
admit:; that the similarities arc not secure en(mgh t()f prcci~c dating, and
Gclichi states instead that the bricks arc in fact rather cl iflere nti more-
over, in all three cases, most of the bricks were reused fro m earlier Roman
structures."~ Christie argues that in the years after 401, many new build-
ings had bl::ell built and needed (0 be defended; he suggests that (he Vandal
threat o f 4 39 might have been the catalyst.61 This seems very Strange. Surely
4 0 1 was a very (\aogerQ us time in Italy; how could H ooorius bui!(\ a palace,
mint, military barracks. and other sensitive structures in an unwalled area?
Only recently have some scholars nO[ed the contradiction that although
the rea.'iOn given for the coun's move &0111 l'vlil an to Ravenna is security,
the cit)' is no t thought to have had func tion ing walls UJltiJ 30 years afte r-
ward. P. f abbri i.~ one of the few to have suggested that the expanded wa ll
circuit was buill earlier, in the fourth or evcn thc third century. and th;1t its
presence was the reason that the court moved to Ravenna in 40 ~ ,(.6 while
S. Gc1ichi says that large wall s were built anticipating the need for many
govl.'rnment buildings after the transfer of the imperial capital."7
All of these hypo thetical suggestions ~re put forwa n l because of the rel-
ative \ac.k of either textual or archaeological evidence for Ravenna's walls.
Fabbri cites, as evidence tha t Ravenna alrea(ly had walls under Honorius,
Claudi<lJl's panegyric on HOllorius's sixth consulship, (\divcred in 404, in
which Honorius " .. . spoke, and mov!;!l! his standards from the walls o f
ancient Ra\'enna .... ,.[iS In 3(!dition, the fifth -century histOrialls Zosimus
ancl Sowmen mention the manning of the ~wa lls of Ravenna" by troops
from the east in the conte:.... of a proposed siege o f the city by Attalus and
AJaric ill 4 I o,{,o) while Socrates Scholasticus mentions the d ty's gates being
open when Ardabur's troo ps tool.: the city in 41j . Are "wallsn alltl "'gates"
simply poetical tOrtllS(synecdoche) meaning "cit}'." or do they refer to anual
 R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPER.O RS. AD 400 - 489

walls? At the least, we can s~ y that rhese eaStern authors wcre \·isualizing
a city surruunlled hy w31l ~ when des.tribing these strategically important
events, and r wou ld argue that the scattered bits of tell.1:ua l evidence do
sllggest that the "imperial" walls existed by rhe very early lifth ccnnll'yJ o
\-Vhen we rum to archaeology, we encounter funher conrradictions ami
dilferences of interpretation. V. ManzeUi shows that archaeology reveals
little activity outsitle of the oppiJulII in the fourth century, ~ ' although Classe
was being de veloped in this perio<l, and was enclosed by a wall at this time.;'
\-Vhy would the inhabitants of Ravenna in the fourth century create a grand
circuit wall to enclose ruins? On the other hand, E. Russo :1I1d A. Augenti
arglll.' rhn thl.' second (;onstrllction phase on thl.' ~ ite known as the "Palacl.'
ofThroderic" should be dated, on the basis ofcomparison with other villas,
to lhe fourth century. H'e will discuss the palace in the next secrion; but
if that date is substantiated hy further investigation, it would indicate a
major public bui lding projcct somcrime in the fourth century, in thc heart
of what was to hc<:omc the imperial city. Allgcnti notes thar this must have
been an e.'<tr3mur:ll villa because the walls were not built until the mid- fi fth
century,71 but in fact the existence of this structurl.' would beg the question
of whether walls might have been built to surround it. In the fourth cemury
Ra venna continued to serve as :I proviJlcial and perhaps even a military
(:enter, and we know nothing of what rhis might have involve<l. S. Gdichi
notes there is relatively little archaeological evidence for activity within the
walls o f Ravenna even in the fifth century; he condufles therefore that the
walls were builr primarily [0 enclose Pllblic buildings rarher than [0 contain
inhabited areasJ4
The date of the walls carmot be deternuned witbout add itional archae-
ological investigation. Taken all together, however, rhe t'\,idence suggests
that the wa lls were not bu ilt by Valcntinian III, but that Ravenna was tor-
tilied shortly before or after 40~ .

The J-Vnle,-c'o,wses

Ra venna's new topography did not only involve the laying {Jut of a new
wall circuit; the hydrology of the site was adapte(\ to the new urban con-
lines. As we have seen, the watery nat\lre of Ra\'enna was its (listinguishing
characteristiC in ancient literature, aTH! this was to continue for writerS of
the lare Roman Empire)) Sioonius Apollinaris, a Gallo-Roman ~ristocr at
who visited Ravenna in 467 on his way to Rome, describes the city in m'O
letters.-6 111 the first, which narrates the S{oty or his journey throu gh Italy, he
discusses the water supply in various places; he describes the watercourses
through Ravenna, in order to complain that nOllC of it was fit to drink. In
RAV EN NA AS A SEDES IMPERII 55

the Sl'C'OIHiil:tter, Sidonius describes Ravenna's Ales and frogs, a city where
"the walls fall, the waters stmd , the tOwers sink, the ships sit . . . . a place
that marc casily has a territory [tclTitori1l1llj than solid ground [tcnamJ," in
other words, a city o f hydrau lic instabiliry .77
The complex hyd rological system of Ravenna, which had contributed
to the city's importance as a naval and mercantile center, deteriorated in
the fourth anti fifth cenruries J~ The subsidence of the ground , to which
R:l\'enna was always su bjl,.'Ct, was Sli pplcmcl1ted by the neglect of the water
system, particularly the jossa Ill/gwtll; the separate t:al1al to the east of the
P:ldenna wen t outaf usc in this period. It is likely that the lIi(( PI/pilill, which
had followed the CO\lrse of the canal , continued in Ilse, becoming the main
road through the eastern parr of the new dty; this road was known as the
plllle'11IIlIiul" al1(l is now the Via di Roma (Figs. I, i ).~" The water that ha(1
once Rowetl through this canal was (liverted elsewhere in the city. In his
fi rst lctter, Sido n ills says of Ravenna:

... Above, the two-fold hr:mehcs of the Po w.1.Sh around and th rough the
town {O/,pidIlIllJ; kd ~wa}' from its main h(.'cI IIr puhlic dykes, through them
by divcrtecl channels it cli ,,-jclc~, diminished, with di,·iclccl flow, S() that part
surrounds th<: w,lIs pru"idi ng prot<:<.:tion, part 11.0ws within and prO\'ides
tnde, as com'enient:ltl arrangement for ~ummtrr~ as cpcci~II~· for bringing in
provisions ... !Io

\Ve have seell that in the Roma n period, the Padenna and the Lalllone
Rowed along the nonh and east sides of the oppidlllll, and the [oml [.II1l/ira or
A lImi.< passeli th rough the oppidll1l1 from east to west. Sidonius's description
implies that new canals were dug to create a branch of tbe P aden ll ,1 flow ing
around the northwest corner of the new city into the Lamone to provitle
~dd itionaJ defenses. 8 , It is reasonable to ass ume that this happened at the
sa me rime as the wall~ were lmilt (this channel was later known a$ thejil...sa
I I"'-o/Iis). Ra venna thus would havc become a cit}' largely surrounded by
water.

The PaJace(s)

There wa~ certain ly an iml}t:rial residence in Ra venna , and whether or not

it was called a pl/larim!! or "palace" at the time, it ix>camc known by this
namc in later periods.s> The ccntra lization of the govern ment bureaucracy
in the fourth century meant that the palace hatl to house a large staff of
officials, and it was the setting for thc elaborate ceremonies in which the
centrality of the emperor and his government were ,Iemonstrarell to his
suojCcts. Bj Emperors had sporadically st;lyed at Raven n~ in the th ird ;}nd
,6 R.... V[ NN A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

fou rth centuries, ~" so a n:. sidcncc suitable lor temporarily housing the L"{)Urt
must have existed . The permanent residence of HOll(Jrius and then V~len ­
tinia n IU, howcI'cr, required a mOre signi 6cant set of buildings. There aTC
faint hints in literary texts of {he splendor of this stnlcturc: two JXICIllS
written around 44 3 by Flal,jus Merobaudes describe depictions of Valen-
tini311 [II and his family on the walls and ceili.ng of a palace, perhaps one in
Ra\fenna. ~$
Our only textual evidence for imperial palaces in Ravenna COlllC5 from
Agncllus, who tells us:

J. Honorius wanted co bllil(l a palace in Caesarca, the arca bctwl,'cn

Ravenna and Classe, but his official Lauric-ius built instead a church
ue(licarcd to St. Lawrence (ch. 35); later Agndlus refers to the
"Laurentian palace" near the C aesarean gone hllflt' est tlkhlil pUI'ti/r
O/ulln:lI, ll'/ictt) [..llll rwti I'II/ario), so perhaps a palace was built there
too? (ch . 13z )
_. T hcoderic killed Ocloan:r in the pa lace At the La urc1 (ill ",tI/ltiu ill
Ltlllro) (ch. 39) - it is also nu:nnonecl in two sixth-cenw ry chronicles
that Odoacer was kil1e(1 ~il\ Laureto.":I(,
," Valentinian IIJ built a roral hall at the place called At the Laurel
(il1/0(0 qui dicitlII' ad Laureta). (ch. 40)

Thes(' passages tell us that by the sixth century, the palace that was
considered {O be imperial had [he name At the Laurel. "I 'his designa tion
probably imitates the name of the Jl:llace of Daphnetll.oqlVTJ ("Laurel") in
Constaotlnople, built. according to tradition, by Cooslantine.K, In chapter
132 Agnel1us 1listin guishes between the pllifftilllll '-"lIIn'lIIi and the pi/liIIilllll
'f'heuJuriCllmml later used uy the c.'{arch. implying that they were tv:o dis-
tinct structun:s;SB however, it is not dear whether the pll/atimJl Lmre/lri is
the same as the plt/rltil/'lll il1 LrJ/lrQ/(,d l.lIl/reM , a lthough the similarity of the
words has led to rnonern confusion.
The location of th is pabce, or of any imperial palace (if indeed I-Ion-
orills would have inhabited a different onc), is entirely conjoctural. It has
been suggested that the imperial palace must have heen locatetlnear San
Giovanni Evangelista, ot church known to h;l\'C been built by G;\lIa PhlC'itl ia;
it has been suggested that the palace quarter as describe(1 by Agnellus must
havc covered the cntire southeastern sector of the city. And it was even
suggcsted, although now discredited, that there \\' 3S a palace in the nonh-
western quarter of the dry, also built by Galla Placid i a. ~ A.s described in
the previous chapter, the only part of the eastern sector of the city to have
heen _~ubjecte11 to extensive archaeological excavation is the site known as
the "Pa lace of T heoderic," so identified occausc Thcoderic's church, now
RAV EN NA AS A SEDES IMPERII 57

- --
--- --- -
--- ----
,,
,
,
,

,
,
,,
\
\,,
'- ::::::I"J.
,,,,
\ ~
_---- " O ~
0 0

, \
,
, \,
,,
\
\, ,
,,
, - "
"\,, 9' Plan ohh.c

_.._.......... , p~l ~cc, ~s kllown

~ ---....---
.-- ,,
,,
fl ~ ,
,
\
frum nco'~.-
1;""$, "'•. AD 450
(a fter A"g~nli,

- --
- _ __I

o 5 10 lS 20 25 ...
,, ~Ard".·{) I{)gi.I
e ropognfi.>."
' 0<,)5, I;g. 6)

called Sallt'A1xlllinare Nuovo, was atf<Jchetl to it. It is often assullled, based

on Agncllus, th;1t this building must have been dilrcre:nt from the: palace o f
Valentinian HI, and perhaps also of Honorius, which would han: been far-
ther to the south. N. Duval goe:s so far as to argue tha t the remains found at
this site arc merely those of an aristOCnltic ho use, not an imperial palace.90
But it is hard to understand why Theoderic and later the exarchs would have
preferred to inhabit an old aristocratic house rather {han the forme r impe-
rial palace. Recent stud it!S have shown that on the foundations of a Roman
villa there was a major rd.)Uild ing in the fourth century, prcsumal>ly tonca te
the r~i(lence of the pro\·incial governor or mil itary commander, followed
by another elaboration in the caTl}' fifth century {Fig. 9 ) .~ 1 Another piecc of
evidence in favor of this interpretation is that the western entrance to the
palace is called by Agnellus and other sources Had Calchi," which probably
imitates the ChalkclXcAKTl ga te of {he Grcat Pa lace in Constantinoplc, buill
hy Constantine. \Vh.ile the date at which this !lame was appliell is uncertain,
an attribution to the fifth century is not unlikely.?'
,. R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400- 489

The l:xcav3tc(i arca was just part of what must have OCCll a much larger
JllmlniStrative mel resilientia] complex, txtenlling presumably to the eaSt,
north, and south, and flankcd on its western side by the plilfctllllffiQl-, or main
road. "I'he struct\lrcs that were built or adapted for imperial me on this sic!,'
in the early fifrh century were typical of luxurious \'i11as in [he late antique
world. A large colonnaded courtYllrd was flanked by suites of rooms on at
least the norrh and south sides. On the north sille the focal ('Ioim was a large
apscd hall, which was inrrcascd in site at some point ill the fifth century to
~ 7 X II m and was paved with a nmallie opus sertile pavement of imported
marble. Around and to the south of the courtyanl, the corridors and smaller
rooms were decorated and redecorated with mosaic pavementS; the rooms
to the south were el'entu;ll1y turned inlo a bath complex complete with a
hypocausr system ." j The,e dements of high-status living proba hI}' formed
only a part of the palace complex. Since we <10 nOt know the full extent of the
palace at any period in Ravenna's hiSTOry, we cannOt n:3th any conclusions
about how Ravenna's palace may have <:ompared ro those in other imperial
capitals.

Other Public Buildings

One of the mysteries of Ravenna in the late imperial period is how much
other construction took place within thc new city walls. As J. Ortalli has
noted, "Popular opinion has it that the transfer of the capital revita 1i 7.cd
the ci ty with new buildings and a higher urbanisric level. In reality there
is no memory of such a direct initi,]{ive by !-Ionorius; when it happened it
probably didn't integrate the eourt functionaries into the leX."al urban net-
work.It guaranteed to the city a good public appearance and maimcnance
of a certain technological vitality. " 'M It is inconceivable tha t the transfer of
achninistra tive functions to Ravcnna could 1/1)1 have meant an increase in
popu lation, but there is almost no archaeologica l evidence of widespread
construction activities in the city. Is this attributable to the nature of archae-
ological evidence, and of the fa ilure of earlier archaeologists to recognize
fifth-century materials? Or dill most of the population continue to live in
Classe at this time, with only ,1 few imposing puulic uuiJ<lings sta nding in a
landscape of ruins? The latter seems impossible to imagine - and yet, that
is all the ~' idencc we have.
One of most important structures to be built soon after 4 0 2 was the mint.
In the Roman Empire. coins could only be mimed in specific locations
authorized by the emperors; most imperial capitals had a mint (Rome,
Trier, i\-tiian, Constantinople, Thes~al onike, Nieomedia), as did other
OTIHIl.. I'UBLI C BU IL D INGS 59

major cities such as Aquileia. t\ mint was opencd in Ravcnna in 401, an

importmt inlli(;ation (>f the city's sUllden devation in rank Y" Ravenna's
mint produced a complete range of gol d ancl si lver coins from 401-55,
and continued, with some interruptions, ~traight thrmlgh to thc cnll of thc
cenrury and l:leyond, an indication of importance of Ra venna even arrer
the death of Valentini an 1.11.""-; A mint that produced gold and silver coins
re1luired protection. This leads to questions about its location. Agnellus
rcfers twice to a location "at the mint" (rid "IIIQIJeftnn) in the northwest
sector of the (;ity.'i' Dnnl1nent$, one from the year 57l and several from
the eleventh century and later, name <l region of the "golden mint" (mollrtf!
all1"<'a) as near thc palace in rhe eastern secror ofthe city. ~H F. W. Deich-
mann suggested that there must have been twO mints in the city, perhaps
one (the ""{JlJetlllffll~lI) for gold ami silver coins anl]rhe other, founded in
the late Ostrogothic or Byzantine period, for copper and bronze issues.1J9
In 1969, excavations at the UPIM site ~t the !.-"Orner ofVja di R om~ (the
pJmm 1Ill/ior) and Via Mariani, ncar the presumed entrance to the palace (sec
Fig. I) rcve3 led the southeast COrner of a large rectangular Structure. Very
thick exn:rior \\'alls surrounded a corridor and then an interior core of small
rooms that in turn surrounded a courtyard. At least two l:luilding phases were
identifiable, the laner of which dat"ed to the sixth century. This buildi.ng
has been plausibly identified as the 1"()1IfTd till/WI , because of it.<; proximity
to the palace, and otx:ause the thick walls and ~mall interior rooms meet
the defensive and production requirelllents of a mint. In addition, no other
large public building is identified from the written sources as having been
located in this area. 'OO
Tn other imperial cities such as Rome and Constantinople, an importam
part of the palace complex inside the city walls wa~ the public ractx:ourse
or ciI"ClI.<.'OI \Vas a circus built in the Cil)' of Ravenna? E vidence tor a circu s
in the imperial period is almost nonexistent. A poem written by Si()onius
Apollinari, in the 46os, which describes the emperor's appearance at a cir-
CIIS, almostcenainly refers to Rome.·O: The earliest real reference to a cirCIIS
in Ravenna is found in the Roman Libl'1" pOllfijim/js for the 640s, which tells
(hat the head of .Maurice, the mrfIlJ"ri/u, was ;'placed on a pole in the circus
at Ravenna as an example to many." I<» Agnellus mentionS;1 stadiuJII fIIbll-
Itu outside thc dr}' walls to the north, antI Dcichmann has suggested that
this was the IO(.."3tion of the city's racetrack. '''+ The fun that Agnellus does
not mcntion a circus within thc walls is significant, as most monuments
and topographical references can be rraced back to his text. Beginning in
the tenth century, a few d{K:ument.~ refer to a ci/"mltllli near the pJarea pllb-
lit'll ill topographical references for the soudleast corner of the city, 'os but
none of these later references provide evidence for the (late of origin of
60 R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400- 489

such :Ill cll tcrt:.linmcnt facility. Perhaps most signi ficalll. the GJllk author
Salvian, writing in the 4405, cOnt rastS " Roman plebs in the circu ~, ani] the
pcopk of Raven na in tlu.' thC"Jtcr. ... ',"00 Fi nally, gil'ell what we know of
thl,' location of gates, waterways, streets, and churches in fifrh- and si:"1:h-
century Ravenna, it is difficul t to know where a large circus could have been
located . All of the ci,'cuses built in imperial capitals in the fourth and fifth
centuries wefe over 440 meter long, a[1<1most wert' oriented north-south. '''7
1\'i. Johnson's suggestion that a circus was oriClHcd cast-west just to the
sou th of the church of Sant'Agata 10.'1 raises the problem that rhe (I istancc
between the Padcnna and thc pllftm lJIaiOI" at this IXlim was only 35 0 111;
if a cir,·us ha(l bccn squcclcel in here, it wouln havc bcen an impossibly
small one. E. Cirelli, on the other hand, proposes a circus oriented llorth-
south on the Wl..~t side of the plllf~{1 waior, which coulel have been 450 111 in
length. ''''I H owewr, all of these proposals are completely hypothetical; in
the absence of ally archa(.'Ologkal evidence, it is hanl to make the case that
Ravenna had a circus attached to the imperial palace.
\Vc havc cven less c\'idence for other public f:lcilities. ' ·Vith the arrival of
thl.' COllrt and thl.' cvcr-i ncreasing population of the town, anothl.'r prohlcrn
was the provisioning of the dty Hid ilS inhabil:lms. "o Sidon ius Apollinaris's
letter written around 467, alter <Iescribing the ca nals aroun d RavelUla, goes
on to say, " Hut the <Irawback is that, with water all about us, we could nOt
quench our thirst; there was neithcI" intact a<]uecluct nor filte rable cistern,
nor gushing spring, nor unclo uded well. On the one side, the salt tides assail
the g<lteSj o n the other, the movcment of vessels stirs the filthy sediment
in the canals, o r the sluggish Row is foul~d by the bargem~n 's pol~ , piercing
the bottom sl LIllC. " III Sidon ius seellls to be saying that T rajan 's aqu educt no
longer functione(i ;1 O! whether this was the situation earlier in t he century
when the emperors still resided in Ravcnm, or whether this is a result of
the semiabamlonmemof the city aftel· 450, we have no way of knowing.

Churches

Churches are the o ne set o fhuild ing~ for which we have much more sound
evidencc, since somc of them still sorvive today. In the post-Consta ntin ian
era it was expected that C hristian emperorS wo uld Imi l(1 chur<:hes, espe-
cia lly in illl])(Jrt3m cities, and in this one aspect, at least, Ravenna provides
plenty of suita blc evidence. rvl ajor parts of at least fi\·c strucrures from the
fifm century still stand and relatively de tailed information about others
comes to us from texts. Together these strllctures form an important part
of the corpus of early Christian art and architecture, and tl1U.~ have been
extensively stu(\ied by art histOrians for the last 100 years.
CHUI{CHES 6.

One striking feature cOlllmon to all of tht.:se bu ildings is that, like the city
walls, they were made of bricks that had been reused from earlier Roman
structu res. In addition, they incorporate columns, capitals, and other picces
o f architt..-ctu ral scu lphl re rhatwerc li kewise taken fro m earlier monu ments.
This useofJPo/iil is evidence for the ruined state of Ravenna, and for the large
amounts of reusa ble build ing materials a\'ailable in 400. Scholars today still
debate whether this was simply a question of practicality, or whether the
reuse of spolia had symbolic meaning. cspL'Cially of the reappropria tion o f
the Ro man past. but most o fthese discussions arc about the Cnmtantinian
period ." ) By 400 when Ravenn a's ch urches bega n to appear, botb migh t
have been tT\le: By this time it was expected tha t a noble church would be
built of spolill. and in th e case o f Ravenna, where speed was o f the essence
and a ruined city la}' all arouml, the use of '"poIiIl solve{] several problems at
once.

Churches;11. the HonQriOll Period

There must h,lVe been some churches in Ravennil. before the arrh'al of the
imperial court, bUT of those we have only vague references. Howt::ver, tor the
period after 400, we have ever mort:: cerrain evidence for the construction
o f churches ~ponsored by the emperors and by others, mOst notabl), the
bishops . The cathedral and baptistery complex, begun soon after '100, will
be considered in detail belo w. It should be no ted here that while there is
no evi,ience of imperial p:ltTonage of the cathed ral, it is not unlikely mar
H onorius and his family materially assisted the construction and decoration
o f these buildings, as they are known to have done ill Rome .
The only churdl specifically attri huted to the reign of HOllorius was
(Ie<licated to St. Lawrence, the deacon of the Church of Rome who, accord-
ing to tradition, was martyred in ~ 58. Lawrence bL'Came the object o f
widespread devotion in the late fOllrth and fifth centuries, ' 14 and was partic-
ularly promoted by the T heodosian dynasty . ' '5 T he early ,late of this church
is confirmed by a reference to il in a scrmon b)' Augustine or H ip!>O deliv-
ered about 42 5 . 1111 A~ usual, Agnellus is o ur main SOUrl.:e for the existence o f
this ch urch in Ravenna. H e tells us th at Honorius wanted to build a palace
to the south of Ravenna, and he commissioned his 11!(1/0r mhiclI/i Lauricius
to supen'ise it, but the pious Lauricius took the moncy and built instead
a church dedicated to St. Lawrence. Honorius was angry that his orders
had been (lisobeyed, but a vision of St. Lawrence induced him [0 ove rlook
this misappropriation offu nds. 1 1 ' Thc e:.:tramural church, built in an cxist-
ing cemetery, was a martyrial basilica rhat was used for funera ry purposes,
thus it funnioncd likc the fourth-ccntury basilica of St. Lawrcnce outsi<le
6. R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400- 489

Rome.' ,S Lauricius himself was eventually buried in a chapel dedicated to

Sts. Stephen, Gervase, and PrOtase, martyrs whvse veneration waS parti(:u-
larly promoted in the years ~round 400. I '" Agncllus quotes the dedicatory
inscription of the chapel that says that" Lauri6us dedicated this on Septem-
ber 19. in the 15th rear o fTheodosius rU] and Placid us Valentin ian IIlIl,"
thus in the year 435. 11 " Agnellus also tells us of llllother inscription com-
memorating o ne Opilio.'" who generously supported the church and was
buried in the south aisle. The church of St. Lawrence was demolished in
1553 and its lmilding I..Umponcnts were ta ken to various m her churches;
from the little surviving documentary evidence it seems to have been
a basilica with a nave and aisk'S separa tcd by rows of f\I.·clvc or fiftl.'en
coluIllns, but heyonJ that we knoll' nothing abou t its ex-dCt location or
appearance. ' "

GaUIl Plnddhl's Churches

Calla Placidia's chief claim to fame in Ra\'cnna was her S\lpport of thc
C hurch and her patronage of churches. An active promoter of religious
or thOlIo.~y, along with TheOtlosius U and his sister Pulcheria in the east,
she supported the C hurch at a time when heresies about the nature of
Christ were flouris hing, and she wrote to Theodosius II an(1 Pulcheria
in support of Pope Leo 1'5 position at the Second ('..ouneil of Ephesus in
449 ." .\ She was closely connected with variOIlS popes; shc had Qcen actively
involvc(1 in 3 .schisllI involving the p3Jl:lCY in 418-19," 4 and it is possi-
ble thar she gave ber palace in Constantinople to the popes, since in the
seventh ami eighth centuries their reside.nee in C.o nstantinopie is called
the "house of Placid ia.''' 'S She contributed to decoration and rellol'arion at
the basilica oISt. Pau l Outside the Walls an(1Santa Croce in Gerusalemme
in Rome. ,,6 Galla's piety is also highl ighted in the biography of St.
Gcrmanusof A\l XerrC, an ascetic bishop from Fra nce who visited the impc-
ri:lll'Ourt on business anti died while in Rayen na in [he 430S or 44os. "7
Her coim, mimed firs t in Constantin ople and then in Ravenna, Aqu ileia,
and Rome, tIepin her in imperial <.: m tume, with the monogram o f Christ
prom inen tly emhroi(lered on her shoulder, and, in some <.:3ses, [he Ha lllJ of
God holding a crown over her head, while on the reverse a personificarion
of Victory holli s a jeweled crOSS (Fig. 8). T hese lllotif~ were licrivcd from
the coinage of the eastern emperors, fi rst used for ThcodosillS II and h is
sister Pukheria shortly after 41O. "~
Agncllus makes C alla the star of his sectio n on imperial Ravenna, chiefly
beca use of her patronage of the C hurch. She is credited with the eOllsrruc-
dOll of the major ch urches ofSant,l Croce and San Ciova llni Evangelista in
C HUI{C HES

Ravenna, and AgnelJus says that her niece also ouil t a chapd dCIlicared to Sr.
Zacharias. Galla abo gave p recious objects to the church of Ravenna, ~uch
as a large lamp with her image on it and i\ chalice. ' '9 H er (XIrtrait, along with
i lll~ges of hcr chil{lrcn, could still b(.> found in S~n Giovanni Evangelista
in the ninth cenrury. She was a major supporter of one of Ravenna's most
notable bishops, Peter Chrysologl.ls (ca. 43 1- ; 0), and Agnelllls erroneously
credits a church dedic:l tetl to Sts. John the Baptist and Barbarian to Gal la's
and Chrysologus's joint patronage. 'J" As we have seen, Agnellus attrioutes
the construction of the walls an.1 pala{:es of Ravenna to Va J cntini~ n III,
which would also ha\'e becn sponsored by Galla .
Some of th(.> chllf,'h(.>s built by Galla Placidia still survive, and arc thus
extremely im(XIrtant for an undersunding of the development of art and
architecture in Ravenm at this time. As we will see, the form al1(l deco-
ration of these StrU('tures expressed new iconographies Ileveloped to link
Christianity atHl imperial rule. T he lise ofirnperia l l)Ortraits in church deco-
ralion was something new, rem inding the community of GOII's protection
o f imperial dy nasty and empire. T his iconography would be repeated in
other churches in Ravenna, literally creating a Christian ,·api tal through
the images found on its churches.
S.l.N 610 \'A"'N I [ '·ANG ELISTA

During a sea \'oyage the shi p carrying Galla Placidia and hl;'r two children
was beset by a storm. '3' T he empress cried out to St.John the Ellangelist for
protection, vowing to bui ld him 3 church in R,lVcnna ifrhe ship was spared.
Upon her return to Ravenna, she built this church, near to the small harhor
i.n (he nortbeast corner of tbe cit)', and arranged to have it decorated witb
mosaics that told the story of her preservation and glorifie(1 the imperial
dy nast}' of which she and her children were a part. 'J! \-Ve do not know
exactly when the church was built, but it wa$ probably shortly after Galla
and her children had taken triumphant control of Ravenna in -+ 25.
S~n Giova nni Evangel ista still stands, in large part rebuilt after it w~s
accidentally bombed by Allied forces in 'W orld Wa r II (who were aim ing
at the nearby train station), and, like all the churches of Ravenna, it was
redecorated and rebuilt st"\'eral times in its history: the floor was raised
;}nd repaved Ln 1 ~ 13, 'Jl ;lnJ the n;l\"e arc;lde aJHI II'alls wcrc raised in the
fifteenth cenrury, ').; T he church was the object Qf extensive re5torarions
from 1919- 2 I, and aftc:rthe bombing duri ng \'lorld \Var U, fu rther inves-
tigat ion was carried out as part: of the rcconstruction, T he original wall dec-
oration had been remove(1 in 1568, but written descri ptions have allowed
scholars to reconstruct something of what it might have looked like, and
we can therefore see how it tin; with Galla's general aims allil intentions as
empress.
6, R.... V[NNA AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERORS. AD 400 - 489

.- - -
.-~-

I
• ~ ~
• ~
• • ~
• ~
,,,
,

• • ,. • • ,. l\I AI
•
~ !Ii) ~

I D. San
Gim'ann, Evon-
"dis"" plan of
.:.:::.::1. =>ill' ...
- -
.he ~;Hly /if" ,_
""nm,,· phase
(uftcrGross_
"",n n,
r.g. :)
' Q6.+,
f
San Giovanni Evangrdista is a ba5ilica made almQst cntird}' of reused
R01ll31llllatcrials: brick for the walls. and first- to fourth-century colulIlns
and their bases and Corinthian capitals [0 scpar;ltc the nave from tht;'
aisles. ' 3, The original building (Fig. 10) had :In interior colonnade of nine
columJls on each side; newly carved im post blocks (tru ncated pynlll1i-
tlal StOlle blocks) were plaeN! bern'cen each capital anti the springing of
the arcade. T he upper parts of the walls arc later construction, bm they
originally comainc(1 windows both on the e>.terior aisle walls and on the
clerc$tor~' walls above the nave arcade, resulting ill an unusually brightly lit
intcrior. ,~6 \·Vhcn first built, rhe church was emerea through a narthex that
was 9 meters deep; no rth and south of the narthex we re small chambers.
approximately 7 x 6,5 meters, emered from the na rthex through arches su p-
ported hy columns. Rooms like this are well known from Greek ch urcllt~s
built ;It the same time. ' n T heir lo('arion is similar to the chapels/mausolea
at the end~ of rhe narthex o f Santa C roce, and Agnellus mt:ntions somt:-
olle who was buried in the eighth century "in the corner of the entrance-
way" of San Giovanni Evangelista, which might rl'fl'T to a sidl' chamber. ' 38
The narthe.'I: opened to the exterior through a colonnade composed of six
columns. and probably comained three doorways into the church, one for
the nave and one tor each of the aisles.
CHURCHES Os

"

, , ,

- -" .....
•
_ ..... ' "',_101, _M
_-" ,-, ' . .....• ..-. ....'_. •

1 I. Son Gio-
At some point the narthex WllS absorbed into the nave, wh ich was elon - .. nni F'''''~
gated to its preSent dimensions with twelve columns on each side; at this of,.,.,
Ii,,,, . pl.n
mOOified chll,.d.,
time an atrium was added and thc sideehambers wcre remO"ed (Fi g. T r). ' N
",,,,nth-tenth
No distinetion can he made between the original eighteen columns and the =,"~ . . (.fior
six that were added; al l {\I.·eney-four impost blocks werc made at one time G rx:&lIl."n,
in the fifth century. The impost blocks (and the ~ulumns and ~.. pit;als) of '<)64, fig. J)
the westernmost three bays of the nave must theretUre ha,'e been pan of
the origina l church, and Grossmann has suggested that th~1' were us~-d
originally in the narthex. ' ¥' The date of this modification is the subject
of controversy. It has becn suggest~-d that thc plan "'as changed shortly
aher its origina l construction, or that it w:lS mod ified when new mos.aics
wcre installed around 600, 'i ' Howcver, R. FarioH points out that Agnellus
refers in the ninth cent:ury to the nanhex of this church, and thus it is mOSt
likely thaI the changes should be dated to the temh or elevcnth century,
at the time of the construction of the campanile to the southeast of the
narthex. 'i'
The castern end of the na"c tcrrninat~"<l in an apse of the samc wid th ,
circular on thc i mcrior and polygonal (scvcn-sidcd) on thc c:<tcnor, as WllS
to OC><."Ome traditional for Ravenna's churches. Inside the alISo:, a bench
for the clergy, with a throne for the bishop at the center, ,,'as attached
to thc interior WllII, terminated at each cnd by columns that upheld the
triumphal arch over the apse. 'i l The allSc was vaulR-d with a semidome
made of I1lbi firrili, interlinked hollow clay tubes, but the layout of the win_
dows IJt,I0w the \':lult is also the suhj(.><."t of ,Ichatc. '+I The current apse,
 RA VINNA AND TH E WESTE RN EM PE RORS, AD 40(}-489

rebuilt in the [94°S (Fig. ! 2). conm ins seven windows that arc 2,75 meters
high, immediately below the level of the springing of the dome; these
windows ate separated hy douhle-eolonnettes, AO()ding the al>se with light.
The colonnettes date stylistically to the fifth century and came from the
Prownnesian workshops of ConStantinople, which implies that this fea-
ture was original to the building, although it has also been proposed that
the se"en-arch feanlre had been a loggena that aniculat~-d the wall surface
on lyon the eXterior of the bui Iding. '. 5 Below these windo""s the outlines of
three smaller windows, now filled in, can be ~en along the bad, wall of the
apse; either these were a lower row of windows-or they were the original
windows, with the upper wne add~-d later. Since no other surviving apse
from Ravenna has a feature like the scven-arched opening, neither windows
nor loggetta, and since in all other cases the apse windows are taller than
the lower niple array, we can on ly conclude that the o riginal arrangement
in San Giovanni was unique, whichever form it took.
The a]>se was flanked by two rct:tangular chambers that were entered
from the aisles; they measure 5 x 6 meters, and each of their e>;ternal walls
contains two an;hed windo~ approximately 1.5 meters wide and l meters
high. Below the level of the windows, the interior northern, eastern, and
southern walls each contain two niches ! X 1.25 meters and 0.56 meters
deep. These rooms are ohen called {JMInpbtrrir, a term that refers to spaces
wi th particular liturgical functions du ring the Eucha ristic service, but these
rooms ~"nnot have had this fun~-tion, sinl"t' they did not communk"te
directly with the apse. J. Smith has presented evidence that the north-
ern chamber, at least, had a hypocaust, or wall-heating, system in it, and
suggests that these spaces were used as libraries. As she notes, such side
chanlbcrs flanking the apse were known from many churehes in Ravenna,
but in each ease the function or funetions weTC different. ,. "
St. John is the on ly evangelist who frequently had churches dedicated
to him in late antiquity. Re\'ered as the author of the Gospel of John and
the Book of Revelation , biographies of him began to circulate in the early
fihh century, and included references to his conn~"Ction with sea trawl and
stonns. John's burial si te at Ephesus in A~i a Minor was marked by a fourth-
century church, and another church in his honor e. isted by the time of
Thoodosius I in the suburb of Constantinople Imown as the Hebo:iomon,
ncar a harbor and an imperial I",iace. '41 Deichmann asscrt5, on the basis
of a few later topographical references, that San Giovanni Evangelista was
built near the imperial palace in Ravenna. J-t8 Bur, while the eastern 7.one of
the city cerm inly oontained buildin~ that were part of the administrative
complex, there is no evidence that San Giovanni Evangelista was in any way
J "palace ehurch,~ as it is ohtn called. '.9
CHURCHES
"

" .s."
GioVlInni han_
g<lisu. interior
"-
One reason for it~ anribunon a~ a palace church is the apse mosaics, in
which IXlnraiu; of Christian emperors featured prominently. The mos.aics
no longer sUn'ive, but descriptions of them are found in Agnellus, in {\I.'O
sermons from the fourt~...,nth wnturywrincn on the occasion of the n-.:k'<l-
ication of the church, and in Ros~i's Historillrum Ritvnlfllltum. 'JO T he twO
reconstructions most often reproduced arc those ofC. Ricci and G. Eovini,
which differ mainly in their ideas aboUT the original window arrange-
ment; Ricci's inclusion of a sewn-arched opening ha~ been followed here
(Fig. 13). 'I ' '['he wall alXlvc the arch featured a depiction of Christ giving a
book (probably the Book ofRe"ebtion) toJohn the Evangelist, surroundt"<l
by the glassy sea and the 5<."\'en candlesticks mentioned in Revelation, ao<l
flanked by palm trees. 'J' Connected with this imagc was the inscription,
"For the l(l\"e of Q,rist the noble St. John, son of thunder, saw mysK-ries. n, j)
On either side of this image, or perhaps below it, appeared ships s.ailing on
the sea, perhaps with Galla Placidia and her family in at least one of them,
being savcd by St. John, with the inseri ption, "Galla Placidia fulfils her .-ow
on iJ.,.,half of her~clf and all of the~e.'" j~
Associated wi th thetrium]lhal arch wcre images often emperors, perhaps
bum in medallion~. Ros~i'~ and Bovini's drawings place them on the facade
of the triumphal arch, but the textual descriptions do not support this inter-
pretation. Surviving sixth-century examples of such scr ie~ of medallions,
including several in Ra"cnna, arc found on the soffit of the arch, and that is
 RA VINNA AND TH E WESTE RN EM PE RORS, AD 40(}-4 89

where they have been placed in this reconstruction. '55 Rossi lists them: on
the right, Constantinus, Theodosius, A=dius, Honorius, and TheodO'lius
>I.p.; on the left, Valeminianus II I, Gratianm., ConSt:l.nti us 1111 ?J, Gratian u~
>Itp., and Johannes "'p. These figu res link imperial rule, and Galla's family
members in partkubr, to orthodoxy; not:l.bly, emperors whose orthodoxy
was questionable, such as Valens, Valentinian II, and Constantius II, were
not depiet~-d. '56 T he epithet "'p. is probably Rossi's misread ing of NP, the
abbreviation for "iJbilimmur purr, a title bestowed upon imperial chi ldren;
th~ hoys may ha'"C been d~",aSt:d sons of Th l"()(iosi us I, ',7 or perhaps
Thoodosius >If{!. was the son of Galla Placidia by Athaulph. '58 Dcichmann
supposes that Rossi may have gotten some of the names wrong, either
because of his source or because they were degraded with time. '59 In any
case, the main male m lers of the Christia n empire are obviously the focus
o f this series.
In the apse itself. the semi dome comained a large image of Christ seated
on a throne holding an open hoo k in his hand that oomaintd a quote
from Matthew 5:7, "Blessed are the merciful, for God will show mercy
to th em."'oo Christ was surrounded hytwelve books representin g the apos-
tlL'S; this is an exmlOrdinary concept that is not known from any other
apse image, although Gospel books in bookshelves do appear in the St.
La wrencc mos:a ic in the "mausoleum of Galla Pl aci dia, ~ dating to exactly
the same period. Below the dome, probably just above the "indow level
around the interior of the apse, was the main dedkatory insni l'tio n: ,",

Thc empress G all o 1'laciJio with hcr <on En'pcror Placi,lus Volcntin ion ond
her daughtcr Empress Ilustol G rou I lonori. fulfil their >'Ow to the holy and

., ....
mOst bles.so..J 'IJOstle John the h.ngdist for their ddive"ll1cc from ,Imgcr

Symbols of thc evangelists may have flanke d thc windows . Below thc win-
dows ran another inscri ))tion from P5:llm 67(68)"9-3°' "Confinn, 0 God,
that which you havc wroughl for us; from your temple in Jerusa lem, ki ngs
shall offer you gilis."'6' Belo"· this, on the wall alx"'e the clergy's bench,
were shown on the right Tnoodosius 11 an d his wife Eudoci3, and on the
left Area dius and his wife Eu doxia . T he depiction ofthcse eastern rulers
in such a promincnt position underscored the wcstern court's relationship
with the cast. Givtn the inscri ption ahove their heads, it is )>ossi bie that
they were shown in the act of presenting something 10 Christ or to the
central figure on th is wa ll, Bishop Peter I Ch rysologus, who "'as depicted
celebrating mass in the presence of an an gel. ,6)
As far as we know, San Giovanni Evangelista is the first church any-
where to ~"Ontain imperia l portra its as )>:lrt of its dtcora til)n.' ''' San Gio-
vanni Evangelista's cntire decorative program emphasizes thc piety of the
CHURCHES

a . ; " glHNgo """'.,

.k>Iw _ E-'~c ,

.........
co, ~".""'...I"­
~

Silip"" Goi .. Pi«;i.. Sol.. _,.. WI/« PI<riI..

...,j kr,liJm.o, "....
.. "'" b,'JoIoo ....
F."".¢~ ,
..,....,..........
• .. '-<l.'1mo. bn.•
' ;"og<IH'

-
E," "._CIris<
_Mc_';"
'".,..' _ _
.....
d,~

. ........,_,
~"""

""..", p -
O<) ' q'"
_..... "'. of··
v.n....o..
'"'.... 11 -
e..<.c ..

I J. Son Gi<>-
'~TU1i E""ngoo-
Ii.... re",o,"",ruc·
000 d"lP"'m of
tho ....,..icsof the

....
triumrJ>ol.n;h
~

imperial dynasty and its connections to God and the Orthodox Church. All
of the inscriptions emphasize the role of kings in the divine plan ; even the
boo\.: held by the enthroned Christ in the apst: (I uotc~ the Beatitude of par-
ticular relevance to ruleN, emphasizing compa~sion and charity by those
in position~ of power. The "cry depiction of Christ on a throne under-
score~ the parallel i~rn hetween the earthly and heavenly rulers. Bi~hop Peter
Chrysologus, as we will see, was closely connected with the imperial court,
and he spt'cifical1y praises Gal!. Placidi. for her merl)' (m;m"ironJill) in his
Sermon 130. ,65
 R.... V[ N N A AND T H E WESTE R.N [MPER.O RS, AD 400 - 489

' I'he t:Onstruc tion o f a church in commemoration of the salvation of G<1lla

and her child ren underscorell GOII's protection of the dynasty, represented
br the portraits of irs mcmber.>, At this particular moment. G alla 's triumph
over the \15urpl.'r John, shl.' reminded (he members of the Ro man eli te estab-
lishment of her divine claims to power and o f the support of tbe rule rs in
the ellsrern empire, 1M

SM.'T,\ C R OCR

In a,ldition to San Giovanni Evangelista, Agne){us td ls lI S that Calla P lat:idia

built a chu rch dcdicated to the H oly Cross. and he notcs a tradition thn she
prayed there at night, prOStrate on the porphyry pavement, by the light of
candles. ,67 The church w~s built in the northwest pan of the new CilY, on
top of Roman houses that had been in rui ns since The t hird centu ry AD. 1M;
It retainell its original form until the later M iddle Ages; in th e late foutee nth
century the north- sou th arms and the chancel \I'ere removed, in the late six-
teenth Cl.'ntllly the narthex was Ill.'stwYl.'d , anll in 160 2, 7 meters of the west-
ern end of the nave was destroyed to make way for a street now named Via
Calla Placidia .' ~ Parts of the ch urch arc s(il1 \'isiblc; it W;JS I.'x1:l.'nsively I.'XC;J-
vared in the earl y twentieth cenIDry, in 1967-80 lind in the ((;80s-90s, and
so the history of the site and irs construction stages are well understood, ' ?O
The church dellicated to the Cross was built of reu sed Roman bricks;
the exterior of the walls were articulated wi th pila5ters and perhaps blind
arcades, a~ have survivcd for the southcnl chapel. Unique in Ravenna , the
ch\lrch has a ground plan in the for m of a Latin cross, with a single aisleless
nave ( I I. W III wille), wide transepts to the north and sou th , and a reClangular
chancel (Fig. 1-+) , 1;1 T he individual parts of the church do not foUow a
strict rectilinear Ilesign ; the angles of \'ariou ~ partS of the walls are Iluite
skewc!l, c~pcriall y the enJ~ of the crossarms. In pl:m, thc llU ild ing is vcry
similar to other cross-shaped chur(·hes buil t in capitalt:ities, especially the
BfUi!i{(/ l /po"o/am1ll and the R'.,-ifim Virgilllll11 (now San Si ll1 pliciano) in
J\<lilan, both built by Am brose in thl.' late fourth ccnnlry on the model of
Constantine's Church of the Apostles in Constantinople. 17: vVe know that
thc cross-ground plan was symbolically important; Ambrose wrote a poem
about the Bilsifim APOSfOlo/'//1I/ in Milan that says, "The temple has the fO fm
of a cross, the tcmple stands fo r C hrist's victor)"~ the triumph'I!, sacred
image marks the place." "3 Tht: churches in Milan and Co nstantinople
were, how,.'"cr, dedicated to the Apostlcs; ' H the adoption of this fo rm fOr
a church dedicated to the H oly Cross was a new and creative idea, and, as
we will see, the iconogra phy of the cross was given a variety of expressions
in the Santa Croce com plex.
Excavations have shown that th e rectangular chancel was raised 0 .26
metcrs above thc Roor !evel of the rcst of the ch urch, creating' a pla tform
C HUI{C HES 7'

NI<"

• ' 4. The S,Ul'"

Cmcccom-
• pl~x , ,,~ . AD 450
C"J" ptd f ru",
Gdi<:h i/No,"",,",
t9'J5. fig. pJ

(bWIII ), 175 tha t tht:ft: ~'as a st:lllicifculaf bench (lJllfhrolioll) arOlmn the inte-
rior of the re<..'tangular chancel,' ;1> as well as a raised pathway (soll'l1) along
th e nave leading to tbe pulpit (a mbo). AJI of these features show the influ -
ence of Con ~r-Jntillopolitan architecturalllirurgical treIHk '·i The chan-
cel was surrounded by adJiuonal rooms, some of which may havc \}cCIl
open courtyanls, dirtttly connectc{1 to either the chancel or aisles. J. Smith
has ~uggested that the entire complex was intended as an imitation of the
Holy Sepulchre com plt:x in J eru5.11t:1ll, with a large open cOIlftyan\' a small
shrine off that courtyard analagous to the shrine of (',.olg-orha, and o ther
rooms to racilitate the passage o f clergy and congrega nts during the Easter
ceremonies. r~~ An unusual feature is the presence, on the north and south
si{\es of the Jl;l\'e, of externa l colonn;}ded porches or porticoes, 4 meters
wide, which e~1:en{!et1 from the narrhex to the crOss-arms. Such external
porches arc not known from an}· of thc Othcr basilicas in Ravcnna, although
S~n Simpliciano in Milan h ~d a dosed passage along its nave wa lls. Santa
Croce's porches were use\i fo r burial starting at leas[ in the sixth century, ' 7')
although we do not know whether they were built for this purpose. T he
porches had figured mosaic J1oor~ with geometric allil \'eget31l1lOtifs which
were subsequently cut into or the llUri;}ls. ' So
7' R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400- 489

At irs western cnd, the (hurch was fronu:d by a narthex that was (j Illeters
deep a011 extended 4 m willer than the n~\'e, at least on the southern side,
where its presence has been dctcnnincd . T hc southern end ofthis narthex
was conneCted to a small cross-shapcl[ ch~peI that is now known as thl,'
"mausoleum of Galla Placidi;!." Excavations in the mid- nineteenth ami
early twentieth centuries showed that the chapel was entered through a
triple archway leading to a vestibule that was raised up a step from the levd
of the narthex; two further steps led from the \'csib\l[c into the chapcl. '~1
The triple archway wa, stlStaincI[ by nm columns set on bases of red Verona
marble, with colonncttcs on the sidewalls on inlaid marble bases.':!' T he
floor It.,,,'cl ofthe "m~us{lleum" was I I centimeter higher than the n~rthcx,
and the type of bricks and mortar are differem in the chapel from those of
the mait) church, which has led to the conclusion that it was built slightly
later than the narthex. , Rl
It has bcen proposc(l that originally there was a corresponJing chapel
~t the north end of the narthex, which is now relatively in3cccssiblc to
exca\ · ation .' s~ and that th is northern chapel might be the one described
by Agnellus as built by Galla's "niece" Singledia ncar Santa Croce and
dedicatell to St. Zacharias.'85 G. Pavan's description of the mosaics found
in e.~cavatiolls idelltifk-s the ones found by I)i Pietro in 19! 5--6 as dating
to the Roman period, all(1 they thus do not pnwide information about a
northern chapeJ. JS6 Gdichi amI Novara, on the basis of the most recent
excavations, indicate the existence of a vestibule on the north end of the
narthex, but do nor show a chapel. ,8; In the fifth ce1lfury this part of fhl;'
city contained sel"eral small chapels; one, for e.xampie, lay on the si te of the
sixth-century chutch of San Vitale . ,~S Tbus, it is nor neccssa ry to presume
that Sing-leilia's chapel was at the northern end of Santa Croce's narthex.
On the: other hand, San G iovanni Evangelista hall ch apels flanking both
emls of its narthex, SO it is certainly possible that the same layout was found
here.
The richness of Santa Croce's decoration is indicated by the surviving
mosaics in the ~lllausoi eum." From archaeology we know that the church
was pavcd in largc panc:ls of geometric Opllf smile and contained c:laboratc
wall revemt;'JU, al l madt'ofltlack, whitt', and polychrome mar blt'.•110) Agnellus
tells us that Galla used to lie o n porphyry roundcls on the !loor; these have
now Ilisa ppeareli, bu t their use is wel l known both in Ravenna and elsewhere
in this period. ' ~ \Vhat we know about the imagery in the main church also
comes from Agncllus, who tells \IS:

The Elllllt"eSS G~lb b\lilt the chll["(;h of rhe Holy Cross, constrllcted of most
prec ious stoncs ~n\l "ith carvcd smcco;q· gnd in rhe roundness of the fII"\:hes
there are mt:(rical "e~s reading thus:
CHURCHES

"John w.shes Christ at the font in the SCot of p.rodisc; where he gi~es.
h.ppy life, he poin" the ""Y to m.nyrdom,"
On the f:>c. de of thot temple, enteri~ g the m. in <looT'S, . bove the depicted
Four Ri "e,," of Porodisc, if you re. d the "erscs in heumeter .od pent. meter,
you will find;
"0 Christ , Word of the F.ther, concord of .11 the world, ),ou who know
no end, So .J<., no ],"gi~~ing. '.' The winged wim""",., ""hom your right
hmJ rules, s"md . round you s. ying 'holy' . nd '. rnen.' In your prese"""
the r;,'en; run, Aowing through the .ges, the Tigris . n,1 [uph,...t"", Fison
mol Goon _\ \~th you co~,!ucring, """ge crimes . re si l e~ ccd by true d.. th,
trodden for eternity under your feet_"

The first ,-ersc, abom John the Baptist and C hrist, impl ies b.alltisma l imag-
ery of the sort found in the O rthodox Baptistery, al though there is no evi -
dence that Santl Croce w::I.s used for ba ptism. '9J It is not dear whether the
pictures on the facade were in the narthex O\'er the main doors or on the
inner western waH of the ch ur(;h . ',," Agnellus says that the Four Rivers of
Paradise were depicted, and they arc also mentioned in the poem, which
SUgg(..'St5 that other clements found in the poem, namely the wing~-d wit-
nesses and the enemies trampled under Christ's feet, were also depicted in
mosaie, '9J In that case, the image would have been an apocalypti c vision
of Christ either stlnd ing or enthroned, rreading on a lion and a serpent
or b.asilisk, surrounded by the four symbol ic beasts andlor the ciders of
Revelation 4'4-4l, wi th the Riv..,rs of Paradise at th.., base, ,0;0<1 VariOIlS l'Om-
binations of al l of thes.e elements are foun d in other surviving mosaics from
the fifth and sixth centuri<:s; for exam])le, Christ s..,ated owr th.., Rivers
of Paradise and surrounded by the symbolic beasts survives in the aps.e of
J-Josios David in Th..,ssalonike,
The image of C hrist trampling he~st.~ deri ,~s from Psalm 9"<9J):J3,
and can b.., seen in various other works of art still existing from fifth-
<:enttlry Rawnna, namdy in Stucco in t h.., Onhodox Baptistery, on the
side of the fifth-century Pignatta Sarcophagus now in the Qua drarco di
Braccioforte next 10 San Frances-co, and in th.., mosa ic in th.., narth..,x of
the CilJXfltI tlrciv=vvi/t. A depiction of C hri st trampling enemies was also
found on the ,·cstibu].., of th.., imperial palace in Constantinople, and it has
been argued that its representation in Santa C roce fonns a kind of imperial
il'Onographica l rder..,ne<:. '\I] I-Iow~""er , its poPlllarity in other contt:Xts, for
example, as a moti f on clay lamps, ,,}8 an d the fact that two of its other uses
in Rawn na weT<! epis-copal rath..,r tha n imperial imply that th.., imag<: had
many R'SOnanC'eS in the fifth century,
\Vhy this church? There is stil l discussion about exactly when it was built;
some schulars ha,'c propused that it was bllilt between 4J 7 and 4~ J, when
Galla li,'ed in Ravenna with Constantius, '''''' wh ile others have suggested
 RA VINNA AND TH E WESTE RN EM PE RORS, AD 40(}-489

that it was bui lt aftcr 415."'" Bodies wcre buried both in the porches and
around the church after it was first built, probably after the end of the
fiftb cenrnry, and perhaps sub,..... juent to the C()nstruction o f the southern
narthex chapel. It bas been suggested that Santa Croce was intended as
a cemeterial church, '~' although since the burials date later than the first
pbase of tbe cburch, it does not seem that a funerary purpose was originally
meant.'"'
The construction of this church dedicated to the Holy Cross by an
empress, was most likely intended as a reminiscen~-e of the mUSt power-
ful and pious Cbristian empress, Helena, the mother of Constantine, who
was by this time famous fur her discovery of the True Cross in Jerusalem.
Helena had built a church dedicatt'd to the Cross in Rome, a fact of which
Galla Placidia "'3S well aware, since she and her chi ldren sponsored a mosaic
in that church also.' ~J '1'he Tbeodosian dynasty used the motif of the cross
on its C()ins as a symbol of victory (Fi g. 8),''''* and G alla Placidia may ban:
felt that the imperia l family should sponsor the veneration of the Cro>s;
perhaps she had acquired a relic of the True Cross, wh ich was to be boused
in this church, '0, or perhaps she felt that a church of this sort would provide
a suitable focus for au imperia l mausoleum.

When Calla Placidia died in Rome, sbe was probably buried in the imperia l
mausoleum at St. Peter's;'''" but by the ninth wnturythe legend had grown
up that she was huried in a side chapel in San Vitale in Ravcnna , and by
the thirteen th century this legend had herome C()nfused and her buria l
was atrributcd to the structure that is still known as the "mausoleum of
Galla Placidia."'OJ This small cross-shaped srructure, which now stands
d,>t.ched fro m .ny other building, "'3S Ori ginally .ttached to the southern
end of the narthex of Santa Croce.'oij It is therefore C()rrcct to 3ttribute the
l"(lnsrruction of this chapel to Galla's )).1rronage, and to see it as one small
part of what must have been 3 magnificent oomple~ . This chapel is one
of on ly thn-e late antique strucntrcs in Ravenna that retain their compk'te
decorative programs. It thus provides a small sample of thc ricbness of
interior decoration found in imperially sponsored buildings at this time.
\\'e will return tothe question of whether it was intended asGalla Placidia's
mausoleum.
The "mausoleum" is a small cross-shaped structure built mainly of reused
Roman brick,''''' "'hich may originally have been covered ",i th plaster
(Figs. 15, 16)."° The east-w~st branch m~asures 3-4 x 10.2 !11l'ters (inte-
rior), while the north-routh branch is 3.4 x ! T.9 meters, longer because
it originally l"Onnt"(;ted the srruCtllre to the vesti bule and narthex. Inter-
estingly. the angles of the C()rners arc not precisely 9D degrees, hut arc
slightly skewed so that each component of the plan is not a r~"(;tangle but a
CHURCHES

' 5. "Abu_
ooIeumofG:.J],
P!xid;': exte_
rior vi .... from
,he ,o,"h~·<s'
(I.how E. V."",,)

parallellogram. Origioally the ground IL'vel W3S ~ j>proximately J . 5 m lower

than it is today, and thus the building .....ould have had a higher profile.
Each o f the exwrna l walls is nticulatcd with a blind arcade, whose pilasters
rest on a plinth now partially below ground. '" The entrance wall, with

' ... 16. "Abu_

",",um of G.l],
P!xid;': plan
"grouOO 1","<1
(oft.,. Dekhm.M.
'9i6. l~ 8)

, •
 RA VENN" AND TH E WESH RN EM PE RORS, AD 40(}-489
"
the door that led to the vestibule, has no arcade, hut was cO\-en~d "im
marble revetment;'" {he doorway's lintel is a reused marble cornice with
a fiNt-Cenrury AD IhC'Chic friew."l Around the building. J brick cornice
complete with dentils on the underside marks the roollinc; behind the cor-
nice, wooden beams were inScrtl-d in the interior of the wall, presumably
for stability. Over the central core of the building a square rower rises I r tn,
topped by a brick oomice identical to the one on the lower leveL At the
summit of the centra l lo"'cr is a marble pinecone. ' 'i
The chapel's walls arc pierced by windows at three levels. Each of the
walls of the ccntr:lllOwcr bas a rectangular window just about the roollillC.
The "..,d, of the cast, south, and west anns have a window in the rectangu-
lar pediment (which corresponds to the lunette fonned by the harrel vault
on the interior). And at the level of thc exterior blind araldc, narro'" slits
are found on SL'ven of the wall surfaces (as shown in Fi g. 16)." I T he win-
dows now arc coI'cred with thin slabs of alahaster, a gift from King Victor
Emmanuel III in 1908_ II", 6 but it is more likely that they were originally
coated with glass.
Inside thc building, the space rcpeats what is dcmarcated by thc architcc-
rureofthe exterior. Each crossann is surmnunted by a harrel vault that rises
6.3 mctcrs abovc the original floor level, and the ccntral space is covcrL-J by
a dOlrnical vault (3 vault in which the dome continues dOlwn through pcn-
dcntives) to a height of 10.7 meters. Al l Olf the vaulting is done in brick; for
the dome, the bricks arc la id in conL'Cntric circles. In both barrel vaults and
dome, clay amphor.lc were laid on top of the bricks of the vaults, beneath
the roof, for support."?
The floor in the building today, made of marble opur uctift, was laid in
1540 whcn the floor level was raised 1 -43 metcrs above thc original IcvcL
The lower part of thc walls on the inside are sheathed in marble fL,.,.ennent;
the yellowish Siena marble is mostl y a restoration donc in 1&)8--1901, but
was based on fragments of giollo on(iro that werc presumed to hal'e been
part of the original dccor.ltion. ' ,8 A marble stringcourse with a bead-and-
reel pattcrn articulates the flat revctmcnt; a plain sUtero cornicc separates
the revetment from the rone of glass-tesscne mosaie that covers the upper
parts of tbc walls and the vaults (PL la).
The brill iance of the colors of the mosaic, the lavish use of gold, the
richness and l"lIricty of {he abstract dCLurati\'c motifs, and {he darity of {he
figural images are overpowering; a term often used to describe the effect in
th is small space is ~jewe1 box." Thc fact tba{ {he mosaic program has been
I)rcserved in its entirety has invited schOllars to identifY meanings uniting the
different pans, based on thc prcsuml-J origin and fu nction of the buildi ng.
Other studies have c:<amined the iL·()1logr.phic and styliStiC modds for th~
imagery, and stin others ha~'e oonsiden..'l:! the origin and number of artists,
CHURCHES

' 7. "Abusoiounl
ofG.n..
Plxidi.,. wc>t
onn with .
lunette ofd".,
drinking (l>OOt()
I"";'"t fUr
Kunstge><:hichte
der Johannes
Gutenberg Uni-
verSi"t ,\bin>.,
8;IJdmnboml:)

based on style an d technique. " 9 We will first sec what is depicted in the
mosaics, and will thcn discuss the meaning of the architecture and the
il'()nography l'()nsidcred as a whole.
The ba rrel ~aults of the anns arc covered with abstract patterns. On
the north and south anns, the vaults contain a regular panern on a dark
blue ground consisting of larger and smaller rosenes, worked primarily
in red, Ught blue, gold, an d white, which has been compared to F-"lstern
textiles (1'1. h). no In the east and west anns, the vault mntains against
a dark blue ground a gold grapevine that springs from an acanthus plant
I;() filJ the sp.Ke. At the center of each side, standing on a SOrt of l1lt1de-

labrum springing from the acanthus plant, stands a small gold male fig-
ure wearing a tun ic (dolmarica) and mantle (pI/Ilium) and holding a scroll
(Fig. 17); these have been interpreted as four apostles, as the evangelists,
or as prophets.'" The vine "·as a popular dl'COtative motifin Roman art,
adoptl"<l by Christians as a visual reference to John 15:1 : "1 am the true
'~ne, and my Father is the vinegrower." At the apt:x of each barrel vault the
Chi- Rho monogram of Christ with alph a and omega (Rev. 22 :13:"1 am the
Alpha and the Omega ... ") is surTQundl"<l by a red and blue wreath.
At the cemer of the chapel, the arches that suPPOrt the central tower are
marked out by abstract borders in completely different color schemes from
the vaultS. The eastern arclll1mtains a richly colored, three-dimensional
meander palTern,'" while the western ann is marked by a leafy, frui t-filled
7· RAVENNA ..... N D HI E W[STEltN EMI'E RO RS. AD 400- 489

garland rising from baskets al1<l culminating ill a gold cross ill a blue IlH.'tlai-
lion, all set ag;'lnst a white bad:ground. "l T he arches on both north 30d
south arc marked by a lozenge or scale pattern in shades of green and
turq\lOisc.
1lle mosaics of tile lunettes 3[ the ends of the arms are brillian tl}' con-
ceived {O acrommooa te a semicircular space with a window in the middle.
The lunettes in the east and west aflllS acc fill&1 with acamhus scrolls workel[
in green and gold. against 11 dark blue background . On a narrow ground-
line, two deer, entwined in the acanthus, face each other across a pool of
water, which fits below the window (Fig. 17)' This image visu al i ~,cs Psalm
41(41);1; "As a hut longs for springs o f wncr, SO my soul longs for fhce, 0
God": the use of deer as symbols of de\·otion and of baptism is common in
the fifth century.2: i
' nlC JUliette on the south arm is the first o lle vi sible to someone who
enters from the door on the north side. T he \'ivid depiction (;(Illsists of
three clements resting Oil a shallow green grounll, set against a h~ekgro\lnd
gradated in shadesofbl ue (Fig. I S). To the leftofth ewindow is II cupboard,
or (//71111";11111. that conuins four l"Odcx books labl:k'd as the four Gospels:
from du' top left, they are Mark, Luke, Matthew, and John. In the center
of the lunene, 1x=neath the window. is a metal gri ll on wheels over 3 roaring
fi re. To the right of the window, a haloed and bearded man dressed in a
striped i/11//JI(lti( (I and white pilililllll runs toward the grill. Over his righ t
shoulder he bears a large processional cross and in his left hand he displays
an open book whose pages ~e1ll to depict ~·ritin g. although no real letters
are shown.
The particularity of the clements of the !;Cene, and its prom inence on the
wall facing the entrance, imply that it had particu la r meaning in th is chapd,
and yet the idenri ty of this figure is l'Olllrovcrsial. "5 \ ,Vllile some have
suggestel] that the figure is Christ,"'" it is generally agreed that lx:cause the
person is drCllsed as a deacon. carrying the oujeets borne by deacons in the
mass, he must be a de~con and ma rtyr who was gril led alive. -, 'he mostwidcly
venerated saint who fits this descri ption is St. Lawrence, who, as we have
seen , was the objcct of particular veneration by the T heodosian dynasty. In
this interpretation. the presena.' of the cupboard with the GOSI>els is seen
as a symbol of that for which Law rence w~s 1t13rt)'rL"\1. Although in carly
Christian art La wrence is often shown l-oeing roastt:<1 on the grill, there are
also representatiom of him as a deacon carrying a prOCCllsional cross,"-
and the artist here has bri lliantly found a way to use the space defined by
the lunelte and the window to best 3(lvamage .' ,8 It has also l-oeen argued by
G . Mackie that this image instead depicts St. Vincent of Sa rag ossa, Spain.
anOther deacon who was tortured on a gridiron. Vincent'scult spreal\ widely
CHURCHES

, 8. · ,\!.uwicum
orCaI!.
PI.d Ji... S,.
l .. wre<>« ....... ,h
lunett< mosaic
(p/>oto K V."",,)

in the Mediterranean (including Ravenna) in the fifth century, and may have
been known to Galla Placidia from her time in Spain. Maekie points out
that Pru dentius's poem on St. Vincent specifically mentions books, which
are depicted in this image, and also says that Vincent hastened toward his
torture.' '9 No ea rly sources from Ravenna n3me this ehapd,' JO and in the
alJst,nce of any definite evidcn,"C onc way or the othcr, wc can only say that
in either case, the saim would have had special meaning for Gal la Placidia.
Here, because it seems the most likely solution, I will continue to refer to
the figure as St. uwrence.
Over the entrance, facing the 51. Lawrence panel, is a representation of
Christ as the ('rl)O<i Shepherd o f John 10:J 1- 2 I and 2 US- 17 (1'1. lb).' J'
Christ as shepherd is 3 oommon moti f in early Christian art, but this ren-
dning ofthe SUbjl·..:t is stri king in anum ber of ways .' J' Christ is depictc<l
as a beardless youth, with his hair flowing softly over his shoulders and
his head surrounded by a ha lo. He is dT(..'SSed in a gold tunic with purple
stripes, and has 3 purple pallium draped across one shoulder and lap; he is
thus not a simple shepherd, as he is usually shown, but a divine or imperial
figurc.'JJ \\,ith one hand he holds a tall golden cross, and with the other
he Teaches across his body to fl"Cd onc of six sheep that surround him in a
rocky pastoral landscal}C. The pose of Christ in a landsC3l}Cowes something
to late Roman depictions of Orpheus, es pecia lly those that show him in a
gold tunic and purple mantIc, as, for example, a mosaic found at Adana in
Turkeyfrom the third or fourth century in which Orpheus, scated on a rock
in a land><.."3jJC, wcars a guld tunic and sits in an ahnost ;,lentil.l pose to our
80 R.... V[NNA AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400- 489

Good Shepherd, 'H Among the plants growing in the scenc, palm fronds in
the backgr1)unl] are al~ highlighted in golll, perhaps emphasizing their role
in Ch rist's narrative. H ere as in the St. Lawrence panel, the backgrou nd is
light blue, amI shallows o f {he cross, Christ's feet and halo, and S0111e ofthl,'
sheep are rende red against the background. A pattern of three-dimensional
rocks defines the edge of the foreground . Once again, the image has been
tiesignetl to fit the space it occupies: The northern lunette does nOt contain
a window (since it would have been COll lH.'(;t cd to the narthex), Utit the head
orChrist, 5urroun.1c!1 liya gO] I] halo, falls in the spot in which the win l]ows
ll r c foun d in the other lunettes, emphasizing Christ's role as "light orthe
world." Moreover, the location ohhe image o f Christ alxwe the doorw ay
to the chapel echoes John 10 :7- 10: "I am the gateway of the sheep ... if
anyone enters by lIle, he will be saved, ami wiJI go in and out and riml
pasrure."'lS
The up]l!.'r lunem's of the central tow!.'r also each contain a window at
the center, surrounlle(1 by a dark blue tiel(1. We find t he same composition
on all fou r sides. Flanking these wiruloll's, standing on greenish blocks, arc
male figures wearing white stripe(1 u mics and pallia, with their right ar ms
upheld in a gesrure of acclalllation (PI. la).'3(' Each of these figures has
a differe nt physiognomy; some are beardless, some are bearded, and they
are assu mell to represent apostles, since the 1;\1:0 on the eastern lunette
can be identified as Peter and Paul. Paul is the onl y figure who gestures
across his body to the left instead of to the right: he and Peter face each
other across the eastern window, directing the \'iewer's attention to the cast.
Peter, likewise, is the only figure [0 hold something in his covered left hand,
appal·curlya kcy. Bcneath cach window, a palr o f doves either faces a small
fou m ain (north and south) or perches on the edge o f a hasin of water, frOIll
which onc of them drinks (cast ;llld we~t) . rep resenting the souls of thc dead
drinking the water of eternal life, the ~Iiving water" of J ohn 4 : 10-1 4 aod
Revelation ~ 1:6 .'37 The top of each lunette contains a represcntation of a
scallop shell sernidome in gold and white; beneath the fee t of [he apostles is
another grapevine on a dark blue background, and surrounlling the lunette
is a ribbon patlern o n a rcd backgrou nd, which unites the lower and upper
zones of the mosaic decora non. I • R
\-Vc finally reach the (lome over the central space (Fig. 19). Against a dark
blue backgrollo(l , 56 7 gal(1 eight-pointell stars swirl in concentric circles; at
thc apex of the dome is a gold cross whosc long arm points toward the cast
side of thc strucrure. Amid the arlllS of the cross arc seven stars, three each
in the spaces below the crossarm, and one in the upper left s pace. T hese
scvcn stars have been inter preted as the seven sta rs o f thc apocaly pse, or the
se\'en planet.~ , or thei r n umber may be sim ply attributable to chance. '!-J In
CHURCHES 8,

,~ -,\1....,. ....,
of Gin,
I'l2cid;.:
mosaics of th.
="Imd , .. ui<
(photo E. V,nee)

the lUrners ufthe dome, rising from striped douds uf red and light blue, we
see the gold winged figures of the four living creatures of the apocalypse:
counterclockwise from the southeast (the bottom right as you vi<.-"W the cross)
they are the Lion, the Ox, the Man, and the Eagle, which is the order that
the living crearnres around the throne of (JQd are listed in Revelation 4:7.
Already by the early third century Christian scholars associated these l'Tea-
tures with the four evangelists. and they appear frt"(juently in fourth- and
fifth-century art. '+<' Many schulars have argut~l that in this chapel the fig-
ures are on ly apocalyptic symbols, as they are not holding books, '4' but it
is surely significant that in the armlm'lIm in the south lunette, the Gospel
books are arranged in the order Mark, Luke, Alatthew,John (Fig. [8), thus
in the same order as the crearnTes in the vault. 'i'
The nighttime effect of th is ceiling is extraordinary, but the overall meall-
ingofthe dome', imagery has bt......, hudy debated by >cholar,. Certainly the
four living creatures are apocalyptic, as could be seven stars, om a nighttime
sky covered with stars, with a cross at the center, is not part of the vision
of Revelation; there the creatures surround a throne. A blue dome cov-
ered with stars was a well-known decorative feature in Roman art, but here
its meaning, with the indusiun uf the eros>, is nut de;u. Scholars have
8. R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

illlcrprctc{1 the cross as a reference ro the Second Coming of Christ frOIll

the east, the vision of the crOSS at Jerusalem in 351 ; the heavenly cross;
thc city of heaven; Ch riSl himself; Christ as creator of thc world; or sim-
ply as ;I symbol of redemption. It seems most reasonable to ~ssunll,' that
in th is particular context, the vault mosaic Illay not have had only one
1lleaning. ·~1

Call this collection of im ages help us to understand the chapel's original

function? Many schola rs have wanted to call it eitbtr a lIlemorial chapd for
a saintol" a mausoleum; the second intcrrrct~tion is the most common, with
the mosaics interpreted as expressing Christian ideas about death ~nd the
afterlife. However, the binary oppositlon between ~ memorial I.:hapel and a
m~usoleum has been oH:'rdrawni in fact, memorial cll;lpelS were freq uently
used for burial, while burial I.:hnpels were commonly dedicated to n saillt
or saints. as we have seen ill Ra venna il"e1f.'+1 The form and del.:oratioll of
our Structure easily allow for both functions to coexist, an(1 the IlIcanings
of the (le(:or3tion are most unclerstallllablc in this I.:ontext.
It certainly appears that one of the functions of this space was for the burial
of important people. \Nhen one entcrs the strm'mre, the first impression is
of darkness, and lhe chamber has been eompareJ to other Roman mausolea
that WCTC also Jimly lit.'45 T he funerary motif is reinlorced by the large
marble sarcophagi that are today located in three of the crossarms, where
thE1' fit perlixtiy. These sarcophagi date to the mid-fifth l.:entury; ,~6 we
do not know when they were placed in the st.ruct1Jre or who their accu·
pants were, but by the thirtecnth cenrury they wen: believed to contain
the hodies of nriou s late Ro man emperors. ' 4J The i lllag~ fo und o n the
sarcophagi correspond to, or enha nce, the m05aics in the va ul ts, wruch
implies that they were made specifically fo r this space, although it .~hould
be noted th;lt such moufs arc common on s;lrcophagi of th is period. '48 T he
funer:llY character of the buil(ling is also IlemOllstrate{! by the pinttone
011 the sU1I1m it of the roof. which ~Yll1bolized immortality in Roman and
early Christian art. 'oW Many of the images can be inrerprered as carrying
particu lar meaning rel;lred to death and the afterli fe; for example, the doves
and the deer drink the water of salva t ion .' ~o the landscape of the Good
Shepherd represent.. paradise, '5' and the delllt'nts in the dome rc:-fc:-r to the
LIst Jutlgmcnt. ' 5'
The depiction of Sf. Lawrence is the onl)' image that {loes not fit easily
into funerary interpretations of the iconography. Attempts to interpret this
scene to conform with an overa ll theological program (for example, that
the martyrdom of Lawrence represents the allegorical sense of salvation)
seem forced. ' 53 L aw rence is dea rly a celHral fOC ll S of the chamber since he
appear.~ in the lunette directly fac ing the entr;1ncc:-.lt is likely that tlle chapel
was dedicated to him, with an altar in the c:11sterll an n that would explain the
CHUI{CHES
"
overall orientarion of the imagery (es pecially the apostles and the (.TOSS in
the central tower) tOwanl the east. ')4 Lawrence's re putation cert~inly malle
him a su itable saint for a ch apel or a mausoleum in an imperially sponsored
church. Hi s prominence is cnhanec(l uy the way that this image fits into
the general decorati\'e program of the chapel. Lawrence is the only moving
figure in rhe whole space; everything else I·epresents ordered calm - the
Goo.l Shephcf(l, the books in the cahinet, the deer, the al>osdes, and the
stars in their tOUr.SL'S. Except tor Lawrcnce, c\·crythittg is outsidc of tillle
and space; and the heavenly peaee eontrashi \....ith the torments of the earth
repn::sented hy the m:lrtyr. Law rence literally and visually "leaps out" at
the viewer, crossing the boundary bl.'!"Ween the living worshipers an,1 the
mosaic stasis of eternity.
Another important iconographic motif, found both in the architecture
and the iconography of this chapel, is the trOSS. '5 1 In this cross-sh aped
chapel, .machcd to the cross-shapc<\ chu rch de(\icated to the Holy Cross,
the cross is held by IXlrh St. Lawrence and the Good Shepherd, and appears
also in the vaults and at the center of the domc. In each case it is a mul -
tivalent symbol. St. Lawrence's cross is both a sign of his nlllction as a
deacon and a symbol of his martyrdom in imitation of Christ; the GOOti
Shepherd's cross is both symbol of the flock that he leads amI s~llllbol orhis
passion. The cross in the vault likewise may represent the Secon(l Com-
ing of Christ, awaited oy those buried in the tom b, but also the symhol of
salvation for which Lawrence died, and perhaps a rdie of the True Cross
venerated in the main church. As we have noted , the cross was used as a
symhol of victory by the T heodosian dynasty, ami personifications of Vic-
tory bolding a long-handled jeweled cross appear on coins of the dynast)',
for example, for Theodosius II, his sister Pulcheria, Ho norius, lusta Grata
Honoria, and for Ga lla Placi{lia herself (see Fig. g). 'S6 The long-halllllet!
crosses held by St. Lawrence amI Ch rist echo this imagery very clearly,
and thus the chapel, ~nd the entire complex, reflect the imperial icono-
graphy.
Did Galla Placillia intend this chapel to be her mausoleum, even though
she was evcnmalJy buried clsewherc? Ultimately wc cannot know the answer
to this question. Certainly the richness of d!;'t"Orarion and rhe themes of the
images would have ucen suit~\.Jlc for su(;h a usc; it has also been suggested
that it was planned as a omial space for her infa nt son Theodo~ill s, who
died in Spain ." - Either St. Lawrence or St. Vincent would havc been a
suitable dedicatory saint for this Theodosian empress. Agndlus's account
of a cross-shaped building near Sama Croce that contained the tomb of
Singledia, whom hc identifies as a niecc of Galla, indicates that in this
area there were llIausolea of impOrtant people. All we call say is that in
~fth-ccntu ry Ravenna, the elite were: constructing elaooratc shrincs ;lnt!
8, R.... V[N NA AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400- 489

mausolea that they dccorau:d to reflect their beliefs and aspirations about
their faith.

The Rise of the Chllrel, of Ravenua

The other Structures that date to the early years of imperial rule in Ravetllla
afC the cathedral, known as the Ursiana, ;111(1 its associatc(l baptistery, whose
development is (."(mncctcI\ to the risc of Ravenna 's church in the imperial
period. Under the western emperors, Ambrose of Mil:lI1 had made the
church of M ibn second only to Roml,' in the It<l lian ecclesiastical hierarchy.
Raven na had a bishop, as we have seen, at least from the mid- founh century,
but none disti,nguished themsdves bdort! the arrival of the imperial court.
However, when the city's political importance increased in the early fi fth
century, the STatuS of the bishops of Ra venna rose dramatically.
At some point in this period, the bishop of Ravcnn3 was given metropoli-
tan status, that is, authority ovcr bishops in the surrounding area!5 S T hc
Diploma of Valcntinian rn, which bestows on thl.' bishop of Ra venna thl;'
pl/llilll1l and meuopolit;ln jurisdiction, lists fourteen subordinate bishops
and !lames a BishopJohn; hO\\'I;:\'<:r, [his UOCUl1ll;:tJt was shown in [h<: eigh-
teenth century to be a late sixth- or early seventh-century forge ry, an(1 the
name of J ohn is probably an errOr. ,.;" It s<:ents likely that both th<: emp<:rf)r
and the pope granted this statu s to a bishop of Ravclllla, despite opposi-
tion from the bishop of Mil;m.'.s.;. The first I;'vidence of:l bishop :lcring as
a metropolita n by consecrating other bishops comes from sermons deliv-
ered by Peter 1,'(\1 one o f Ravenna's great bishops, who. alter the time of
Agnellu ~ , was known as Chrysologus, or ';golden worll. ",,,.
Peter Chrysologus is Ravenna 's most notable bishop; his main cla ims
to fame art: his sermons, which were colJ e<:ted and publishell lJy his
eighth-century successor rcl ix . , 6~ Agncllus wrote the earliest biography
of Chrysolog\1S, based on local tradition and on his sermons, in which WI;'
lea rn that he was a native o flm ol a, appointed as bishop by 3 pope in about
430 _,6 4 The involvement of the pope in his selection is an indication of the
dramatic riSt: in status of Ravenna 's dlUrch; '~;: amI Chrysologus l)ec3me fOf
Ravenna what Ambrose hold oeen for the sec of Miloln sixty years col rlier.
Galla Placitlia lila}' have had somt:thing to (10 with Chrysologus 's devarion,
and in his Sefmon T30, per haps delivered JUSt after his consecration, he
praises her spccifically:'OiJ

Also pn:sentis the mothe r of the Christian. etemal, :md faithful Empire herself.
who. b)' following anJ imitating the blessed Church in her faith, her works
C HUI{C HES
"
of mercy. her holiness, ~nd in her re,'erence for rhe T riniry, h,,~ heen found
worth}' of paremillg, marrying, nnJ possessing nil hlll)l!ri,l rriniT}'.

Elsewhert: ChrysologllS prenches in glowing terms about the coopera tion

o f rulers ami thc church ;,6; he was obviously immenscly proud (If hav-
ing thc imperial f.1 mily 3S his congrcgants, and as wc will sce, hc workcd
actively with Galla Placid ia on the constr uction and fu rn ishing of ('hurches
in Ravcnna. Chrysologus was also activc in church polidcs, and in particular
was involved in the condemnation of Eutyches as a heretic at the Council
o f Ch alcedon of 451; a letter sur.'ives th;lt he wrotc to Eutyches before the
cou ncil. at the re'luest of the popc !6~
After the cmperors 1I10\'ell to Rome in the 450s. ann with the clisu nity
and eventual demise o f the imperial office, the bishop emerged as o ne o f the
major authority figures in Ravenna. Bishop Neon (ca . 450- 73 ) umlertoo k
several major builuing programs in and aroulHl th e city, which were comin-
ued hy his successor Exuperantius (473 - 7)' We know \'ery little ahout the
status of Ravenna undcr Odoaccr, other than the fact that he used it once
again as his ca pital; bll t upon the arrival of the OSfTogoths in Ravenna, it is
Bishop Jo hn (477-94) who is said to have negotiated a peace Ileal between
O doacer and the Ostrogothic leader Thcoderic that led to the for mer's
surrender ofthe city ill 493. =0

TllE CATll E DR ." L

The relationshi p betwcen Galla ann C hrysologus highlights one of the fe3 ~
rures o f Ravenna that is often pointecl om as charncteristic oflate antique
capital cities, namdy the linb ge hetween the palace and the ecclesiasti-
cal center. Ravenna's cathedral, " o with a rather unusual dedication to the
Anastasis (the Resurrection of Christ), became the centtal focus of a group
o f build ings di rectly controlled by the bishop.';! The cathedral's location,
at the eastern edge of the former oppid/flll , provided the city with two poles
o f authority; the em peror to the east, ano r,he bishop TO the wesr. '7' Evi-
dence for tht: linking o f these rwo areas by a colonna(ied street, as arrcsrc(l in
tenth-ccllrury and la tcr documents, has very recently been found through
excavation; I ,,; the cemralityoflxlth foci represen~ the confident incorpora-
don o fC hristi ani ly as partofimperi al ideology ill the mid-fifth ccmury! H
'There is con tro\'ersy over the dat.e that the cathedral "'as constructed, a
crucia l point of chronological informadOll that has uroad implications for
the development of the city. i\gnellus tells I\S that [he cathedrn l was bl1il t
by Bishop Ursl1s (hence it was known th rol1g-holll the Mi(l{lle Ages as the
Ursiana), a nd that itwas dedicated to thc An astasison Easter Sunday. ' 75 T he
pro blem is that there is no agreement on the date of U rsus\ reign; scholars
86 R.... V[ NN A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

place it ei ther from ca. 370-96 or from ca. 405- 3 I . This issue has importatH
ra mifica tions: if U rsuS waS bish()p before 40l, then the very grand ca thedral
would have been huilt before the arrival of the e m perors. indicating a high
Slatus for Ravenna that might have been an ind\lccmcnt for the emperors
to move the capi tal the re. : ~1I If, on the mher hand, the later dates for Ursus
are accepted, then the construction of the cathedral was a consequence
of the eventS of 401 }i1 T he dating i[epends all the interpretation of a
complex variety of texts, and on the qUi.'Stion of whether there was a bishop
n3mcd Jo hn hetween Ursu$ and Peter I. My own interpreta tion, hascd on a
close exam ination of Agnct1us's sourccs and research mcthods, is that Drsus
n.. igned fro m ca. .f0 5-Jl , followl,'d by Peter Chrysologus,'7 ft ~ nd thm that
the grand cathedral was a product of Ra\'enna '5 new imperial importance.
Raven na's current cat hedral. (lesigned by Gian FranCL"SCO Buona mici 3111]
begun shortly after 1734, was huilt on tile site of the e~r lier building thal was
largely tklllOlished at that tillle.'·ij Bishop Manco Farsctti, who initiated
the work, insistct] that the new str m.:turc should follow the outline of the
earlier buildi ng and lncl udc SOllle parts. including the tenth-century cam-
panile al1(l two si xteenth-c.:ntury side chapels. The Roor of the current
bullding is made up of reused marble from va rious sources, some dearly
taken from the older build ing, and some apparen tly brought from the lor-
mer church of Santa Euphemia; several large sbbs that had originally been
tl'llllSt'llllflt were lIlf)\'ed to the Musco .Arci\'e:;covile in the 1890S.' 8o

\-\Tha t we know about the late antique cathedral comes from records and
dr~wings of investigations made betweell the eighteenth and twell{ieth cell-
tu r ies and analp:e(l in det:lil by P. Nova ra. Vihi le we cannot know precise
details o f cither the pIau or chronolog)" we do know that the origlnal struc-
ture consisted of a nave Ranke{l b}' twO aisles o n each side, with an apse to
the cast, of the same wid th as the nave (Fig. : 0). The apse had ;\ semicir-
cular intCl·ior and a polygonal exterior (in eA-ect, half of an octagon), and
was crowned with a half dome made of tlfl,; fittili, both features that we
have already seen at San Giovan ni Evangelista . The basilica with dO\l ble
aisles was a type widely known in the fourth- and fifth-century Me(liter-
ranean ; certainly found in imperial cities stich as Rome and Mila n, th is type
of building could also be found in other, nonimperial cities . ~~' Ravelllla's
cathedral measured approximately 60 x 35 mete rs (nave and .lis1cs). It was
therdon: smaller tha n the Lateran in Rome (is x 55 m) allli Ambrose's
cathc{lral in Milan (8 ~ x 45 Ill), but was comparable in scale to the new
basilica built at Aquilcia jusc before 400 (ca. 72 x 3' m), although that
structure had only single aisles. Certainly Ra venna's new c~thed ral was an
imposi ng building, up-to-date with the main arch itccnmd dC\felopmemsof
the late fourth and fifth centuries.
C HUI{C HES '7

o OIthodox
6aphslery

N
... zoo Pl.ln o f
R:"·c,,,,~ 's <:";!fhe-
rlr~1comric.. ,

• •• •
, in cluding ,h"
U.,;bn3 C "d, ~_
Jr,l (~". 40;)'
U~iana Calhedral tile Orrho<lox
Bapti'1<"ry ('F o,-
•• • •• 50s), 3m l the-
,.,. T",," S"It/:iJrll
("""'onJ centuty

o • ,0 "' ..
o Torre SaluSIia
AD) (a<ioplcJ
ftorn N "'· ~I"". "L~
C"atto.lf::Iic," 11,)1)7)

Other information about Ravcnna 's original cathedral comes from much
later sources, the most important of which are drawings made by Buona-
mici at the tim e of the eigbteentb-century rebuilding. ,x, According to these
pictures, corrobora ted to some extent by written descriptions. the cathe-
dral's aisles were separated from each other by rows of fourteen columns
each, for a total of fifty-six columlls, which ran uninterrupted right up to
the eastern wall. Two acldiriona I columns Ranked the entrance to the :Ipse,
again as at San Gim'anni Evangelista . Buonamici 's drawing o f the navC
of the cathedral before its demol ition shows [ha t [he columns were sur-
mounted by capirab topped by impost hlocks. Novara cautions that the
nave arcade of the Ursiana was probably com pletely rebuilt at least three
times, ill the tenth, the fourteenth, and the sixteenth centuries, and thus the
impost lJlocks shown by Buonamici may not ha\'c [)ecn part of th ~ original
StfuCfurc.'8; Howcvcr, we have scen thnt impost blocks were one of the
characteristic feamres of fifth-century churches in R ~\'cnna, and wCre used
in the conremporary Orthodox Baptistery, so it is not farfetchcd [0 prcsume
that they were also used in the Ursiana. '~~
Agncll us's ninth-century description remains our main source of infor-
mation about the decoration of the cathcdral: :~~

H t lintd tht walls with LIlost prtdous ~wn<:s; 11" arraJlgt:J Jivtrsc tigur<:s in
LIlulti~("o lourd mos~icso'·er rhe vault of th" whole temple . . .. Ellscrills ~nd
P;J.u\ deeont<:d on<, wall ~urbec. on the north siJ", n<:xt to the altar of SI.
Anast:J.sb, which Agatho mad<:. 1113t is the waU whl"r<: eolumns;lre plan·,] in
88 R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

" row up roth" w,,11 ohhe main door. S:lti\l~ "nd Stephen decor~ted the Other
"":1[[ on the south side, up (0 the "l)(we-lllentioneu door, <Inti here \Ind dlere
{he~' h3d ciL,'\'ed in S(l.ICCO dilTer~nt allegoric:ll im ~ges of men :111<1 an imals ;\lId
quadnl llCtis, ,md they arr;lIlgcd thelll wirh greatest sk ilL ... AI)(l he rUrsusJ 1\1IS
huried, as some asse rt, in the ~forememioned Ursi an~ chuTch ... in front of [he
altar und .. r a porphyry stone, wh"rt the bishop stan1b \\'h"" he sings th .. mass.

It is impossible ro know when all this decoration may have been inserted;
Euserius, Paul, Agatho, Sati u~, and Stephen wcrc probahly not artist:i;, but
rather the patrons of the decoration, whose generosity was com memo-
rated by inscriprions. ,Rt; The original Roor was 3.55 m bdow the current
lerel, and eighteenth-century drawings indicate th~t it lIlay have oeen co\'-
en~d with mosa ic; traces lound in the ap~ indicate the presence o f marble
wall revetmem.'H7 Elsewhere Agnell us refers to a portrait of the late fifth -
century Bishop John 1 in the Ursiana , although what its context was is not
known. :RH If the dCL'Orarion of the ba ptistery is anything to go by, Ravenna's
cathedral must have been a splendid building, corresponding to the amhi-
tions of its bishops.
TilE OMT HOIlO X S",f"TISTRRY

Baptism is the sacrament that ma rks a person's entry into the Christian
community. In the early tifth century, Ch"istianity had only recently been
established as the sole publ icly celebrated religion in the Roman Empire,
and ideas abo\l[ baptism and convt;'rsiOIl wt;'re in a process of flux. T hrough
the fourth century. it was comlllon for adults to be baptiz:ed, often only
toward tbe ends of their lives, and most lim rgical texts that describe bap-
tiSIll through the fifth century assume that those heing haptiz.ed are adultS.
'f lte bishop was re(luireu to preside over the ceremony of baptism in h is
episcopal city, and w a ~ the only per~on who could (.'Onfer the H oly Spirit
by anointing and laying on of hands, which in this period were part ofthe
sa me ceremony. :fI? 'fh us, 3bollt the year 400 the bishop of Ravenna wOIlld
have been the gatekeeper, a~ it were, of the city's C hri stian community, the
prime actor in a semipublic ri tual enacted el'ery year on the el'e of Easter
Sunday. :<P
Special spaces set aside within rd igiou~ complexcs for baptism arc known
as early as the thin] century,l<;1 :m(] when C hristian buildings began to rake
on monumental form in the early fourth century, religious 3\lthorities in
Rome and elsewhere decided that it wou Id be appropriate to have a separate
space for baptism attached or dose to rhe c~the(lral. '9: Most of the struc-
tures built for this purpose were relatively small, with a central ized ground
plan (round, polygonal, or square) and a large tont in the centcr. 'o)l T he
Lltcran Cathedral in Rome, built at the tiille of Constantine. appa rently
C HUI{C HES

Iwl ~ separa te baptistery as part o f its original conception, a centra lhed

space with an Octagonal groll n(l plan .l94
N umerous explanations have been proposed fOr the choice of octago-
nal stmctnres fo r baptisteries.'lI) It was not a new architl.'ctural form; the
Romans built octagons as pa rt of elaborate villas, bath complexes, and
tombs. T he t heological suitability of the octagon for baptism was most
famous ly expre~se(l by Ambrose of At ilan, who, in a(ldition to bu il(ling a
new octagonal baptistery next to the catllc(INII o f Milan in the 37os, wrote
extensively on the meaning of haptism.:\ poem in Milan's bapristery that
is attributed to Ambrose sa id, "cight corners has its font, worthy o f that
number, it was suitable to build this hall tC.lr sacred baptism with this n um ~
ber ... ," identifying the number 8 as symbolic of baptism, because it corre-
sponds to the Resurrection o f Christ that took place on the eighth day.'!/>
There were additiollal layers of meaning: Both bathing com ple.xes and bap-
tisteries arc associated with water, and similarities with Roman ma usolea
associated b~ ptis m with the death of the catachumcn anl[ the heginn ing
o f his new life as a Christian.'9l" Finally, a freestanding octagonal build ing
is a striking add ition to a <:ity's landscapl.'. and baptism 3 11([ the bishop·s
role in the Christian community thereby b<:!came visuallr accentuated.''''s
On the model of ROllle :1 11(1 Jvlilan t he idea of an ocragonal , or at least
a centrally planned, baptistery spreall through Italy in the fi fth and sixth
ct'ntu ries.' <l\I
It is perhal" particularly significa nt that octagollJI bJpri sterics appear in
the cities described a bove that ~'ere rivals fur power and imperial presence
in the late fOu rth ancl early fifth centuries. In alldition to 1'.'[ ilal1 and Ro me,
AquiJeia also acqu ired an oc('lgonal baptistery, (0 replace (or supplement)
earlier l~s nota ble structures, in the late fourth celltury)OO Ravenna's is
also one of the earliest attested; it was initially built at the same time as the
cathedral, in the early years of the !l ith century. Is it a coincidence that in
the 4 30S Pope Sixtus ITl redecorated the Lateran Bapti stery, and that in the
450S Bishop Neall redecorated Ravenna's? There may have been religiOlls
rivalry between the two ,ees even in the fifth century)''' It should also be
notcd that this was nOl to be Ravenna's only baptistery; Agnel lus tells us
o f ()ne next to the Petriana church ill Classe, one associated with the Arian
cathedra l, olle attached to the Arian church we call S;}nt'Apollinarc N uovo,
and another, known only from excavation, was bu ilr somh o f Classe at the
site calleo Ca'Bi;1 11ca .3° : Of these, the only aile th ~t stil l survives is the Arian
Haptistcry, which we will e1..lImille in C h ~ pter 5.
Ravenna's Orthodox Baptistery was built 1j meters to the north of the
cathedral, and on exactly dlC same alis·nmem (sce 1'1 <:; . w ); both the Ursian3
and rhe l)aptistery were oriented to the southeast)..>"3 It wa, huilt of reused
Roman bricks, as ~n octagonal prism wi th fou r proj ..'(·ting apsiJioles at the
90 R.... V[N NA AND TH E WESTER.N [MPER.O RS. AD 400- 489

""'--
, -- '"

11. Or! hoo,,~

~;\prj51C1')'.
rn'U!l>trllcrcd
"I,,,, a1 ll""'''''!
le,-d , wj!h ~ "n::nI
,)..,0 ' ~" .. fom ,
~r1tl l'bl1 "t "'j,,-
dv,," Ic,-d (~ ft~r
D ~jdIll1~lln ,
!9j6, I,k 4
'1[,,1 ~)
C HURC HE S 9'

~~. Orthodu.>:
B~"cislery, ,-je'"
of the u,,:-
rior from th e
s" utheast

ground level (originally the ground level was ~pproxim~{ely J meters below
toJay's level))"'! Today the buil{ling has the footprint of a square with
rounded corners, but it is likely that originally the absidioles did not extend
all the way w the corners of the OCtagon (Fig. ! I).l°)
Viewed from the exterior, the tall ocugonal StruCtUre creates a striking
silhouerre (Fig. 21 ). It has been proposed that the top portion of the walls,
which arc ornamented with a blind fri eze consisting of twO double-arched
panels on each side, were a larer addition to the walls built at some time in
the tenth century or later to raise the structure's profile at a time when the
city's subsidence may have buried the lower parts of the buiJding;Joo but
other scholar~ argue that the rebuilding co uld have taken place in a second
9' R.... V[ NN A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

1 J. Or!hoJ".~
l:I~pfi"tt"ry.
rccon.rructed
no"" ""'tjo"
showing th~
original ami s~h­
,;cqucmllooran,j
rour 1~... e1s ("frer
" (I~t<>f. 19"5)

fi frh--{;cno lT), ph ase. when t he do me ~'as added )O'/ The sidcs of t he octagon
afe 5.0-5-3 mete rs lo ng extern:llly and 4.; me ters long internally.
T he original baptistery built br Ursus had a woode n roof approximately
1 1 III above the f1 oor ; J"'~ under Bishop Neon (ca. 45O-i3 ) there was an
extensive rebui lding ;llld rcd(:corating program, resul ting in the struct ure
that ~~r\'i\'es tOday (Fig. !3)}"'I A shallow dome, 9.60 meters wide at its
springing point and ris ing to a peak of '4.60 meters above the o riginal
Roo r, was constnlctcd of a dou ble t hickness of I1Ihifirri!i; at t he summit o fthc
dome. blocks ofl ight pumice replace(1 the tllbi, presum;lhly to create an even
lighter structure.;10 The exterior walls of the build ing arc only 0 . 6 0 meters
thick, which explains the l"Ollcern for the weight of the dome; moreover,
the masonry of the dome and its su pporting arches is Jlot bonded to the
outer ~ hell of brick, !Jut tor ms an inner ski n, as it were, to the structure,
held up by the interior arc hes and columns.}' I The dome is pierced by
eight small holes m ade of fllbi placed perpendicu lar to t he rings of the
dome, directly above the eight windows; these were probably for ropes to
suspend lamps in the interior, since the baptismal ceremonies took place
at night. HI Two smaller windows on the west and southeast sides of the
CHURCH ES 93

l 4' Ortl..:xl(j~
" 'pfist ... rv
• • vi",..
ohh~ imerio r
f.\cing SOUthC1lSI

building give access to the space between the c:.:lrados of rhe dome and the
roof. \1)
A. "" harto]} has re('ollstru('wl elementS of the baptisma l ritual based on
the writings of Ambroseof Milan and e~:plains how they would be performed
in this struCtu rc. ,li On the cvcning of H oly Saturday. the baptistery wou ld
be exorcised by the bishop and clergy, and the bishop took his place in
or in from of the southeast absidiole.l'5 T he baptisands emered from one
or the t\\'O original doors on the north and west sides (the door on the
west side is the only one that is still o pen tOday)\16 and were "'openetl " by
havi ng their ears and noses LOuehed. They faced west and rejccted the Oel'il,
then faced east and conhrmc(l their allegiancc to Christ. They were then
immersed threc times in the font at thc center of the floor. The font that
can he seen today, composed of marble and porphyry slahs and columns
3.45 meters wide and 0.84 meters deep, with a semicircular pulpit on the
cast side, was built sometime in tlte later A1iddle Ages when the floor level
was raised. However, it stands on the fou ndatiOllS of the original fOllt,
which, according to nineteenth-cemury e.~ca\'alions, was circular on the
inside and 3.10 III across. w Such :1 font, likc those in Nlilan and Rome,
provided a vcssel for thc bodily immcrsion of adult initiates who still fOrlll cd
the majority of candidates around the year 400. \18 After the immersion, the
bishop anointed the new initiates with oil and washed their feet. They
were dressed in white garments and proceeded, with their sponsors and the
derb,)" into the cathe/l ral for the Easter Eucharist.
9. R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

The beauty l ll(l mystery of this Ceremony were enhanced by the tlccora-
tion (If the space in which tht:~e rituals tOok place. Agnellu~ lkIys of BiRh(Jp
Neon :

~He Jecoratcd th" baptisteries of lh" UrsiallJ d lUrch most Gcautifully: he set
ur in mos~il' Jnd gold I(' s.~cnc the' images of the arostlcs and rn<' ir names in
the vault, he girded th l' sidc -wall~ wi th di!l(,-rmt t}'fx:s of swnes. H is name is
w ritten in stone lette..,;:

Yield, nk! n~mc. yield, age, to nc~mcss!

Behold the glory of the renewed font shines more beautifully.
For Neon, highest priest, h~s ge nero\1sl), "don}e,l il,
~ rrJngi ng aII thin gs in Ix:~\ltilill rc linemen!. I' I

The Ortho/lox Baptistery is the ollly late antique baptistery who$e inte-
rior decoration survives almost intact, and thus its decoration is extrcmely
important fo r understanding the rituals and theology of baptism in this
period. "Ve dln herc gct a sensc of the comple.,ity of the artistic program
and the splendor of its effects in a way that can be only imagined for most
of the other buildings in the late antique worl(1.
Tht: baptistt::ry is decorated with mosaic. marble, stucco, and paint. T his
is a relatively small space, 12 m across ami 14.6 m high, and one's natu-
ral impulse upon entering it is to look up, into the ever-rotating heavenly
realm of the domcY " But as thc c~'c travels hack dow n, it encounters an
ever-mon:-real and tangible space. From the glittery fl atness of the glass
mosaics in the vault. we pass through a mosaic wne that depicts a three-
d imcnsional rangc of architecture using borh glass and marble tcsscrac}'!
Below this is an architectural zone worked ill shallow Stucco rdief, consist-
ing of eo lonncttes and pediments framing winuows and figu res; and bclow
this, at ground h:\'el, a real ~eries of arches defi nt:s altsidioles ami emltra-
sures, the frames for the real Acsh -an d ~ blood partici pants in the drama of
baptism Y) As \Vharton has noted, the figures of the newly b~ pt ized, in
their white robes, would han.' been reflected by the stucco figure, and the
mosaic apostles aoovc thcm. all clad in white and gold, in 1I progressively
more dematerial ized world that finally reaches heavenY)
At ground level, the interior is surrounded by lin arcade supported by
eight reusetl Roman columns and third-century Corinthia n capitals rhat do
not match one another. T hese arc surmounted by impost blocks that {bte
to the fourth or fi!Th century, and arc among the oldest sUIi'iving e~.amplcs
of th is arch itectural feature in late antique Ita lyY o! T he flCXlr level and this
arcade have beell ra ised several times, so the original proportions afe no
longer visihleYs The arcade frames absidioles recessed into four sides of
the octagon. alterna ting with Aat wall su rf,lCCS tha t arc today co\'crc(1 with
CHUI{CHES 95

an ebloorate maro1e wall revetment, created at the turn of the twentieth

century on the presume<! basis of an earlier I!ecoration).(' The -..;sion of
Christ at the apex of the dome is correctly oriellted if the viewer is fac ing
(he absidio!e on the southeast side that presllmably cont;lined the altar or
mrone.
In lunenes above me absid ioles are mosa ic inscriptions that were first
recof(led in the latc sevcmeenm century, and WCfC renewed in the hue
nineteenth. They paraphrase or quote biolkal \'crses that relate to baptism,
as follows :

SOuthwest (h e~"il)' restored): "JesU$ walking on the 5<03 takes du, h~nd of th(·
si nking Peter, and wi tll the lord e::omm:mding the:: winJ ceased." (paraphrase
of '\1nn. 14:~9)
SOl1 lhc3~r: ~ nt cs:;c cl arc those: whoso:: iniq l1itic::s arc forgil'o::n. nncl whos.:: si ns
are <:o'·ered. messed is the man to whom the Lord has not imputed sin."
(Psalm 31[j~ 1:' -'~ )

northeast: "\Vh<:rt: Jesus bid asidt: his clothing- and put w~t<:r in a uasin and
washed th" f"ct of his disciples." (paraphT:lSc of J ohn I j:4- S)
northwest: " He makes me lie davm in green pastures; he IClds 111e by still
,,·atcl'S." (PsaJm ~l [ !JJ:!)

Each of the~t: (\uotes can be ~pt:citically related to the meaning of baptism,

and it is certainly signi ficant that the southeast inscription, the one direct]y
in alignmenf with the baptismal scene in the dome, spe<1ks directly to {he
concept ofhaptism's relllm"ing sin. The quote on me northeast side seems
{O be cvidence tbat the fee t or me initiatc:s were washed as part of (he cer-

emOllY, which A,mbroSt: tells us was a general practice in much of the weSt,
although not in Rome)" It has been suggested that the texts might refer to
image:; originally decorating the absidioles, but there is no tvillence either
way for thi s )'~ The spandrels above the arcade arc covered with mosaic
decoration depicti ng a gold acanthus scroll on a dark hhle ground. At each
of the eight corners the scroll forms a medallion with a gol(1 background
(hat encloses a male runic- and pallium-clad figure holding a book or a
scroll; these figun~s afe interprete(l as prophetsY') The soffits of the arches
;lrc covcreu with elaborate decorative mosaic bands.
Above a marble cornice, the set.'On{i zone, at the level of the windows,
is defined by eight broad arches corresponding to the ones below, which
support the dome (PI. It a). \Vithin tbese arches is an arcade created by
twenty-four coloonettes, again reused and not all matching (a lthough me)'
were originally stuccoed and painted to hide this fact). These colollnenes
are surmounted I,y matching Ionic capitals alltl plain impost blod.:s anll atOp
the impost blocks at each of the eight corners ;lrc additional StOlle llr;lckets
 R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPER.O RS. AD 400 - 489

carved wi th crosses 011 which n..'St the arches of the dome. The central unit
of each wall takes up about 40 percent of the wi{lth, anll is fl anked by two
slightly narrOwer ull its) 3° T lu.' wi ndows arc ~'4 meters high and 1.4 meters
wide, rather brge, e-spt..-cially for a space that was use(l primarily at night.HI
An elaborate decoration in stucco relief fi lls the spaces that flank the win-
dows, one of very few exam ples of SOlcro relief decorlltion to hllve survived
frOIll late antiquity, although we know that the.re were other ('(Jiltemporary
examples ill Ravenna, '.I' Each interstice of th e arcade cornains a n additional
stm:co architecnlral frame composed of flu ted pila sters ~nl{ alternating tri-
llngular or semicircu lar pediment'> sorrounding hal (.. sca llop shells. In these
frames are sta nding heard less male figures dad in nmics and pallia, holding
J.:xx,ks or scrolls that are either open or closed; some of the standing figures
seem (0 step out of their frames, creating The illusion of a gallery.J\! T ht!5e
figures, who are usually interpreted as the , ixteen prophets, were created
br two differen Tartists and were originally brightly paimed with the tunics
probably white like the mosai(~ figures bclow.m
The awkward spaces between the pediments and the arcade also hold
stucco figures. Twelve of the spaces (:o11tain bi rds or animals fa6ng a vast;'
or rlallt between them (PI. Ua)) 1i However, on the north and northwest
sides, four of these spaces conta in instead narrative re prescmations as 101-
lows, clockwise from the northwest sille: Daniel between (wo lions, Christ
dressed os a philosopher giving the low to Peter in the presence of Paul,
Christ dress('d as a warrior trampling the lion and a serpent, and Jonah
between two whales. T h e~ arc all motifs thar arc found on carved sronesar-
cophagi and in other media throughout Ravenna.Bti These particular scenes
had signi6cance for the baptismal ceremonies, as they represent triulIlph
over danger alld evil: hoth Daniel andJonah are Old Testament types of sal-
\';ltion and of Christ's resurrection, while the other two iJll;lges present the
triumph of Christ o\"er the old law and over evil. According to Ambrose's
liturgy for bapti sm, the catachu mens would he fucing the northwest wall
and looking ar these images precisely at the point in the ceremony in which
they were renouncing the Devil. Bi
Above the arcade, eight large arc.hes define the octagonal base o f the
dome. The inter....ening spaces and soffits of the arches are filled with more
vegctal and ;lbstnlct mosaic and paimc(\ decora tion. A new ground-line,
intersected by the arches of the {[ante, underlies a three-dimensional archi-
tectural wile rendered in mosa ic. Each side of the octagon corresponds to
a tripartite architectural unit consisting of a recessed niche in the center,
flanked by S(luare compartments with coffered ceilings (PI. Ih ; Fig. ~ 5).3111
On the southeast, southwest, northellst, and northwest sides the central
niche contains an empty jewelell throne with a purple and gold garment in
the scat, su rmounted by a /.:ross in a medallion, and the side compartments
CHURCHES 97

25' Orthooo.~
contain topiary and other garden imagery. On the north, south, Cast, and
L!~Jl{istcl)' ,
w~t sides the central niche contains an ahar with an open Gospel book throne in {,,,ms·
on top, and the si{lc COmpartlllCIltS conrain chairs beneath conch-shaped • j" """h it~clu,....1

scmidoll1es. The books contain inscriptions identifying them as the four ".:cn~, ",,,,,,,i.,.. uf
the midul e zone
Gospels, but the meaning of the four empty thrones is IlOt explained, amI
has been the subject of imcnsivc scllOla rly discussion. Such th roncs arc a
COlllmon motif in church mosaics of this peTio(l, 1l'J and hcre they have been
interpreted as Ui/llflSill (hoII-lO"O'iu, literally, "preparation of the throne")
referring to the Second Coming of Christ, HO as symbol s of the sover-
eignty of ChriSt,H' as episcopal throncs, and in various Other ways.He T he
overall program of this register, depicting a lavish and fantastical seuing far
remove(] from everyday life, lIlay represent the heavenly kingdom anaine(]
b}' those being baptil.ed.
Abovc rhe architectural register, ~cparared by a rcd and blue border, is
the dome itself, around which march the twelve apostles to wh01l1 Jesus
assigned thc mission ofbapri7.ing believcrs (PI. IIb). H1 T he apostles hold
jeweled crowns and arc (iressel] ill tunics with broad stripcs covcrc{j with
mantlcs; these costumes arc allernately white tunic with gold lllanl1c and
gold covered by white. Tbe apostles are processing toward 3 point beneath
the baptismal scene at' the apex of the dome and each is labeled b~' name.
9· R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

Peter leads the right side of the procession, followed ll~' An(lrcw, Jamcs, son
ofZeheilee,John, Phili p, and Bartholemew; Paul leads the left side, followed
br Thoma s, Matthew, James son of Alphaclls, Simon the Canaa nite, and
j\l(lc the Zealot}+! The faces arc individua lized: some 3TC shown as }'OImg
beardless men, some as older men with beards of brown or gray. Peter's
and Pau l's faces correspond to the portrait types fOl' these apostles lilready
established by the fi fth century, but the fadal features of the others do
not exactly match those of other surviving depictions. ;-l5 T he apostles arc
walking on a narrow green ground space that displays the shadows cast by
their feet, and stand in front of a d:l rkbluc background. They are separatcd
from each other by what S. Kostof call s a "plmt-<:andclabra, ~ ami above
and behind their heads a drapery swag encircles the cemral medallion; the
central dra pe elJecrivdy create:; the iHusion of:1 halo beh ind each heall. "I~
It is not dear to whom or to what the oll>osties arc offering tileir crowns. l~i
It is likely that the}' arc offering them to Christ who is depicted in the cell-
tral me(lallion }~H Nonlstrom's interpretation ofthe scene as reflecting the
ceremony of IIIf/'rlll) rOnJ1lllrilflil , in which senators offer gold wrea ths to the
emperor upon his coronation, resonates with the imperial ceremonial that
pervaded Ravenna at this time,3i'< However, given lha[ it was the apostles
and their successors, the bishops, who were charged by Christ with the
task of baptizing believers, A. \-\'harton's suggestion that the crowns are
being olfel'ed to the newly baptize<1 congregants is equally convincing. \ $0
It is likely that all of thcse as~iati on s were eithcr intended by the mosaic's
creators or experienced by its audience in tht: mid-lifth ct:(1(u ry.
\-\le finally reach the central medallion of the clome (Fig. ~6) . The ~eene
was heavi ly and cOlltrovcrsially restored in the 18 ; os by Felice Kj bel and
perhaps also earlier, but enough of the original survives to show that it
depletell the b~pt i sm or Christ. On the left, Joh n the Baptis t stands on a
nx l" prominence hol(ling a tall jeweled sta ff (which has been restored as a
cross, but may have been a shepherd's staff or crook). In the center a nude
Christ stands in th e rivt:r, while on the right the upper torso of a bearded
nucle man holding a green mantle an(l a reed is labeled as;1 personification
of the rivcr Jordan. The central axis of the depiction is the space between
John and Christ, highlighting their relationship in the context of baptism.
The hC<liIs of Joh n and C hrist, .John's h<lnd , the top of John's s[;lIf, and
the dove are all later reslOrations, an(1we do not know what was originally
there. For example, we do not know whether Christ and John had halos,
and it is un likely that Christ was originally bearded . It is equally unlikely
that John held a paten in his hand , and much more probable that in the
original composition he placed his hand on Christ's head, as was almost
universal in fifth-centuT}' depictions of this scene.HI
CHURCHES

,6. Ortt.:..lw!
Bop,i"e.", ce8'
,,..1 meJ.llion of
,he 00"'<, depict.
ingthcbopti>m
ofChru. (rhoto
S. ,\ t.usl:opf)

The central scene is set off from the apostle register by the mosa ic r~l'­
reSentation of a circular marble cornicc with egg-and-dart molding, which
crea tes the effect that one is looking through a hole in the center of the
dome srraight up into hea,~n. The action takes place against 1 gold back-
ground, which funhcr removes it from the natural world and places it in
a separate, divine space)l' T he s<.:ene as a whole dej>i~"tS the baptism of
Christ as reported in Mark 1:9-11 and MatthC'.>· P 3- 17, both of which
mention John the Baptist, the river Jordan, and the dove of the Holy Spirit.
Olwiously this scene represents thc prototypc for Christian baptism. It also
serves as a model for the ceremonies held in {he baptistery itself, with {he
baptisand identifying himself with Christ,John the Baptist with the bishop,
and the river Jordan with the deacon \\'ho assistt"<l with the immersion and
the dothing of the baptisand afterward.m
Many modern viewers find the figurc of the river Jordan confusing, but
it would not have seem~"<l unusual in the fifth century. Pen;onifications of
rivers as gods and goddcsses wcre common in Greck and Roman art, and
were quite commonly adapted for use in early Christian art, for example,
for the Four Rivers of Parddise.lH The riwr-god Jordan appears fairly
frequently in early Christian depiLtions of Christ', baptism and in other
scenes, such as the ascension of Elijah. l5l The river Jordan is personified
in Psalm "3 and the importance of the Jordan as part of Jesus's baptism
was strt'Sscd in fifth-century exegesis. For example, Rawnna's own Peter
Chrysologus preached a sermon for Epiphany (the date of Christ's baptism)
in which he nutes, referring to Psalm 113 and also u> Joshua 3: t4- 17, that
 R.... V[N N A AND TH E WESTER.N [MPER.O RS. AD 400- 489

the river Jordan (li{1not Ace fro m the prc:;ence of the Trini t)' at the baptism,
which shows that the pious need nOt fear (".oIl. In this image the personified
Jordan fuees the baptism scene, rei nforcing this point. \56
As the sening for the religious pagemt o f ba ptism, the interior o f the
O rthodox Baptistery overwhelms the viewer with color, texture, and im-
agery, creating, as Kostof noted, a visionary rea lm removed from ordi nary
space ami time. 1n
Til E EI' ISI."OI'AL P ALM: E

An important part of the cathedraI comple x was the residence of the bishop,
known as the epis,·(lpiIl1l!. As the public role of the bishop was enlarged in the
late antique em pire, his residence became a public space in which he could
give audiences, judge legal cases, hol(1 assem blies of clergy, and entertain
guests. Eviilen('e of cpiSt"opiti fr(Jm the fourth and fifth centuries is !'iparse. In
pJac(.'s such asMilan, Rome, Geneva, Naples, Grado, PlIfCn7,O, and Aquileia,
we know that onc c(Jmponenr was a large amlicnc(.' hall, in some ca~es richly
dccorated, H ~ but beyond th is there docs not seem to he any sta ndard layout
or type for a bishop's residen(·e. H9
Ravenna's episcopal pal ace is unusually well documented, th anks to
Agnellus and to its partial survival , which has allowt::d M.lv1iller to trace
its histOry ami significance withi n the broader context of episcopal resi-
dences in nvrtht::rn Italy. 1f1o One of the ,Iefining characteristics of Ravenna '$
rpis(()pilllll was that, according to Agnellus, it was 3n agglomeration ofi:luild·
ings that had been built by different bishops, making it an articulation of
the history of the episcopal sec)ti ' \.ve will trace the~ aclditions through·
out the course of this book, noting the significance of eacb addition in its
histOrical COiUext.-·I . ,
Nothing is known of the earliest ~pis<"upill"', but Agndlus assumed that
one existell near the ca thedral )"'~ It devdoped an)lI ml ;1 tower that W ;1S later
known as the TOITI! Stlitmnt, which, as wc havc seen in the previous chapter,
scrved as the water distriblltion tower for the allllcduct. "I'he fi rst distinct
building identified by Agnellus was the '"house which is called quinqul: IIrCl/-
hifll," built by Bishop Ncon. Qil/ll/Ilfe furl/hifll mClIns ;'five dining couches,"
and refers to a type o f high-status fl"iclillitl lll, or dining hall, that contains a
nidH: for a number of semicircular dini ng couches. Aglldlus descri bes the
dining hall as follows:

On e;lch side of the dining hall he huilt wo ndrous ,,; ndows, and he ordel-.:d
the I)~wmt:nt of the din ing' ha ll to l,t: (It'corHed wiTh diff.,ren t tYl~s of ,tones.
The story of the 1"5;11m which we sing d:l il)" th<lt is ~Pr:lise )' <' rhe Lord from
the h C~l'ens," rogethe r \,;th the Flood, he ordered to be paimed 011 the side-
wall flanking the church; and on the other side-wall, which is loc~ red over rh e
CHUI{CHES .0.
stre~m, he had it adomer! in colors with the sto~' of our Lorr! Jeslls Christ,
when.:Is we read, he fed so many dlO\ls~l!lds of men from five 10;l\'e5 \l.nd two
fishes. On one side of the interior facade of the dining h:11I he set ollr the
creation of the worlr! .... And 011 the oth~r facar!e was depicted tJl~ sto~' of the
apostle Pe ter. ...

Each o f these scenes wns accompanied by a po em in hexameter, which

Agnellus quoteS; tlu.· whole decorative effect was luxurious, and at the same
time presented rdigious S('enes with messages aiJollt the sanctity of food
and the rofe of bishops as the heir s of Peter .l~~ T his din ing hall was appar -
emfy ouilt i11llllediaH.'fy oehind the cathedral, adjacent to the foWtl AI/lJJis. 1(15
Dining halls of this type wefe typical of aristocratiC f~idellccs and palac~;
Nc..·oll's triciilliu1II, built at a time in which the imperial palacc at Ravcttlla
was largely unu:'>ed, emulate{! and perhaps competell \vith the imperial
palace, '(;¢ at a time in which the bishop was becoming the main :lutbor-
it)' figufe in the (;iryY'7
(Hil ER F.Pl ~O:; OPA L elillRell r O US P ATIONS

\Ve know less about other c hurch~ huill in Ravenna in the fifth century,
although iTsecms that much morc building activity was taking place. Evi-
dence for other constructions is very ~anty, anll, as usual, comes mostly
from Agnellus, ill some cases supplemented by surviving re mJ ins or arc h ~e ­
ologica l evidence.
One of the most notable churches built in the first half of the fifth century
was 3 large basilica founded in Class!! by Peter C h rysologus, app:lrendy
dedicated to Christ and namet] alter its lOunder as the Petriana; it was
completed by Peter's successor Ncon )68 Agncllus, who is our sole sou rce
for this church, [dIs us that iT collapsed in an ea rthquake in the mid-cighth
century and h~d not been rebuilt; he tells \1s;Jw

Nodlurch like it in {'(mstruction W:lS brgtr, ei ther in kngth or in height; ~nd

it wus 6'Tcatlr mlomc.! with prc(;iou.~ stones anu de(;()rJrcd with Illllici-colorcd
mosaics and greatly cndowed with gold and .'iiker and with holy "csscb, whiLh
ht IPeter] o rdered to he made. n er say that the re an ill1;1ge of the Saviour was
depicted ()\' .. r th .. Ill~in do<)r, the lik.. of which 110 man e(,uld see in pictures;
it W;lS >0 ,"cry bcautiful and lifelikc thut thc Son of God hi1ll~lf in thc Acsh
would not h3\'c disliked it, when hc prC3eheu to the n ations ....

Agnellu5 goes on to relate a legend aboutthc image of Christ, from which

we le~rn spccifica lly that the image was above the main doors in the narthex.
It is difficult ro know whether this srory provides e\·i<ience of an actual
image, given that dlC church had been destroyed for about a century before
Agndlu~'s day,JW but it is nOt implau:c;ihle, gi\'cn that images of Christ are
o ftcn found over doors in the chu rches of R;}VClllla. At the enu of the fifth
00 ' RA VENN" AND TH E WESH RN EM PE RORS, AD 40(}-489

century a baptiswry w'3s built next to the Petriana. This circumstance, and
the grandeur described by Agnellus, have led to the suggestion that the
I'eman. was founded to be a cathe.lnJ for the city of C las:;e, hut there is
no evidence for a sepa rate sec, and thus the I' ctrian. must simply have been
intended 1;0 serve (he large Christian population uf Cbssc, J7'
The location of the Petriana is today controversial; a site within the city
walls of C iasse was identified in [875,3;0 meters to the northeast of the
church of San S~"Vcro, and rema ins of mosaic and &pus sterile pavements
werc found. Some archaeological sondages and limited excavation werc
done in the 1 ¢OS; C . Cones; reconstructed a basilica, 78 x 43 .56 m, with
the nave double the width of the aisles, l)n"Ced~-d by an atrium that had
rooms flanking it !Dthe north and .... est)" T his would have been the largest
basil ica in Ravenna or C lasse, bigger than the Vrsiana cathedral. Rcren tly
A. Augemi has cast doubt on th e data and the prolXlSed rea)nstruction,
noting that aeria l photography docs not show an apse, but simply a large
space surrounded by smallcr rooms, which might or might not ha,·c been
a church. The identification of the Pctriana a.... aits further investigation;
excavations begun in 1008 will provide essential infonnation. J1J
Since Agncllus is our llliIin source ofinfonnation about churches that no
longer survive, it should come as no surprise that mOSt of the struCnlres
that he mentions are connected to one of Ravenna's bishops. In man)' cases
these structures contained the burial of one or more bishops, but this need
not mcan that the church was built by that bishop, or evcn ne<.:ess.arily
before his reign, since Agnellus al so tclls us that the bodies of bishops were
som~"times rcburied.J74 Of the fifth -cennlry bishops, Liherius 111 "115 bu ried
in a ehapel dedicated to St. Pullio, built just outside the ciry gate known
as the pr;nlJ Not'II. JiJ Vrsus was buried in the cathedral, Peter Chrysologus
in Irnola, N eon in the C hurt:h of the Apostl es, E:cuperamius in St. Agnes,
and John r in Sant'Agata Maggiore. fo.lost of these churches lay within the
fifth-~-.:ntury city walls, as did Santa CI"OCe and San Giovanni Evangelista,
which also contained burials.J;>6
One major basilica in the center of Ravenna was the church identified
by Agnellus as the C hurch of the Apostles (bilfi/iclI ApiJrtolorum), proha-
bly originally ded icated to Sts. Peter and Paul.J17 Agnellus impl ies that
this church was buil t before or during the reign of Bishop Noon who was
burk-d therc. liS Thc original church was completely rebuilt in the tcnth
or eleventh cemury; it was given to the Franciscan order in J :6J and still
surviv(.""S as San Francesco. The present church's twenty- four columns, cap-
ita ls, and imlXlSt blocks date to dIe mid- to late-fifth century and thus were
probably used in the original chu rch; the marble was imported from the
island of 1'n..<.:onn tSUS ntar ConscmonOI,lc, the first examl,le of this uscagc
that would become a rcgu lar feature of sixth-century churehes.l19 The crypt
C HUI{C HES
'0'

,
• t
.. """,
t • • • • • • • • • •

~
A ...
•
• • • • • • • • • • •
:) 17. S~nt'Ag,\ta
Maggio l'<:,I"'co n-
~tnlcr~d
(aft~r
rlan
Dc id,-
mann, 1<.l1(',
pI. 5~ )

of the tenth-century church was exca\'ate{! at various rimes in the {wetHi-

eth century, and a rectangular mosaic floor with inscriptions md burials,
dating perhaps to the sixth cenrury, was uncovered. It is nor known exactly
what form the church took, whether a basilica or a cmciform structmc; the
rectangular mosaic floor found in the crypt has led some to hypothesi/.e
that, like Santa Croce, this church had a st]\larc chancc1. 1 t'k> 'f he dctl ication
to the apostles, or to Peter ~nd P ~ul in particular, im itates churches in both
Rome and Consta ntinople.
Agnellu$ says that the ~uhde acon Gemellus built a church dedicated to
St, Agnes eluring the reign of Bishop Exuperantius (473- 7), who was buried
there. Agncllus hi1llselflivcd lIear thi s church, and says that it was IOC:-Jtccl in
{he center of the old oppiJlI7Il.lg j 'fh e entire site was destroyed in '9 36, but
parts of the church were still visihle in the early twentieth century, showing
that it had been a basilica made of spoliated bl'ick with a ru ne-coluTll n
eolonnade that ineluded impost blocks)'!'
Sant'Ag;lta Maggiore, according to Agndlus, is where John I (477--94)
was both burie{l anll depicted Oil the wall of the apse.lS.I Sant'Agata lies
in the eastern part o f the city, to the south of the Church of the Apostles.
t\ chu rch still exists on the site and contains elements from the origina l
structure, although it was damage(1 by several earthquakes anli radically
reuuil t in the fifteenth and eigh teenth cenntries}S4 Nevertheless, we know
that Sant'Agata was a hasiliea (rod ay 49,5 x 15 meters, Fig. 17) very similar
in design to San G iov;1T\ni Evangelista. It hold an apse that was polygonal on
the exterior, pierced by nve windows; more willliows in the upper walls o t'
the nave and the aisle walls; and small chamhers Banking the apse on either
side, enterecl frOTll the aisle5.18 ; The nave was separated from the aisles by
an ;lrcade of ten columns; the columns, bases, capitals, and imlX)st blocks
vary widely and range in date from the first to the sixth centuries, ind icating
that spolia were used ill the original construction, but the original set was
probably su pplementcd with additional materia l in the fifteenth century)1!6
1 0,," R.... V[ NN A AND T H E WESTE R.N [MPERO RS. AD 400 - 489

Parts of the church werc rebUilt in tht,: mid-sixth century, namely th e apse
vau lt (using fflbijiffili that were tilled with mortar) an(la colonnaded atrium.
Agncllus's attribmions arc sometimes wrong; for example. he sa}'s, ''In
the time of the Empress Ga ll ~ Plaeidia, as we havc fOllml wri nen , the same
Peter Chrysologus with the above-mentioned empress preserved the body
of blessed Barbarian with aromatics and buried him with great honor not
far from the Ovilia n gate. Anti he consecrah~tl the church of StS. John and
Barbatian, which Ba(luarius built. "3~ - A Baduarius was the commander of
the Byzantine armies of Italy in 575- 7; a chu rch built by him would have
been dedicated by Bishop Peter m ( 57o-8) . 1~8 The legend of St. Barbatian
as the confcssor of Galla Placidia is entirely de rivaovt,:; it was de\'eloping
in Agnellus's time, but the full version was composed sometime between
the ninth ami elellenth cellturies.lil<1 T he chu rch itsclf, in the area arOUllll
San Vitale, disappeared in the ('ourse of the sixteenth ('entury, and rhus any
information about its date is cntirely specu lativc)i,>O
Enough $Ccure evil{en('c testifics to a contimlal process of Christian mon-
umen tali 'a ltion in fi fth·century Ra venna. If lit the beginning of the century
most of the construction was attributed to em perors, after the 4 505 the
bishops took the leall in developing an ecdesiasric-Jl topography for their
city.

The End of Imperial Ravenna

Valentinian ill move(1 the court to Rome in the 4405, and is not an ested at
Ravenna aftel' 450. 10 the chaotic years after his assassinatioll aDd the sack
of Rome by the Vandals in 4'; , the short-lived emperors are attested alter-
natelr at Rome or Ravenna. It is notable: that tho~e emperors with strong
connections to the Senate and/or the eastern empire were proclaimed
emperor and ruled in Rome (PetTonius Maxim us, A\'itus, AnthclIl ius,
Olybrius, Nepos), whi le those who werc generals, or heavily supported by
generals CMajorian, Libius Severus, Glycerius, ROlllulus Augusrulus), took
many of their significant actions in Ra\'elllla.·1'i' Apparently by the later fifth
century, Ravenna and Rome were \'iewed as the seatS of the militalY and
the senatoria l cst<lblishmellts respe('tivcly. E<lch party I'iewed its Owll city
as a place that coulll legi timiz,e imperial a('tion, but as events pro\'ed, this
di\'ision was disastrous for the cmplrc. since no emperOr proved to be the
master of both factions at oncc.
After 4 50 , then, Ravenna's statu s as a capital was rather tenuous. T he
parallels between the development of Ravenna and Constantinople in the
early fifth century are striking,l?l yet Ravenna did not attain the heights
TH E EN D O F I MP ER!AL RAVEN NA '0,

o f the eastern t~pit~I )"' .' Constantinoplc, as a "new Romc," coul(1 ~dopt
many of the significant features, includ ing a senate, that made it a Roman
capital. Ravenna could not bc a "l1ew Romc" because the old Rome, with it~
Senate and lll(lnun1l.'ntS, was still therc; Ravcnna therdc)re filled only some
of tlle functions of an imperial capital.3SY I lowever, this ambiguity would
be partially resolved in Ita ly's nex1: po litical configuration.
 CIIAPTER FOUR

RAVENNA, TH E CAPITAL OF
THE OSTROGOTHIC KINGDOM

The sixth century was n pivotal tillle for Ravenna ill terlllS of the di rection
that its history as an urban elUity would take. T he increa sed si?,c and im]}()r-
tanee of Ravenna was n.'Cogni7.c(] and maint~incd even after the (lecline
of the imperial office in Italy. Odoaccr, the general who deposed the I,lst
emperor and aS~'umcd the title of King(£ltaly, was living in R:lVcnn a when
he was defeated and murdered by the Ostrogothic ruler Theoderic in 493,
and T heoderic in tllrn made dle city his main residenn:. Under Theoderic,
Ravenna truly ha'llme a capital city. Ostrogoths ad(lell to the ethnic mix
of the (~ity, and government offices attracted official~ from Rome :Ind other
centers . Thcodcric is cr edited in written sources both with repairing exist-
ingstrucmres and bui lding newoncs; from archaeology we know thatClasst:
toO received new life at this time. Churches were huilt for the Arian C hris-
tians in the city; Thoodt:tic also worked weU with Ra veona's Orthodox
bishops, who undertook interesting new buil{ling initiatives. Symbolically,
on coills ana mosaics, Ra\'enna was 1.:ompared to the capitals of Rome and
Constantinople, and it served as the symoolic and functional power hase
ofthe AlI1al dynast}' until the last 111e1l1 her of the line, Theoderic's grand-
daughter Matasuintha, was captu red there and taken fa Constanunoplt:
in 540.
Ostrogothic Italy has been the subject of intense srudy during the past
century, largely because of thl;' ("omparatively abundant ("ontemporary tex-
tual sources. Most of these texts were wri tten by lcartlNI Romans who liked
and worked with Theoderic. Ennotlius, c\'entl1ally bishop of Pavia, wrote
letters, poems, and a panegyric to Theocleric clcliverecl in 507. Cassiodorus
Senafar worked at the highest levels of Ostrogo thic government in 506-
I ~, 523 -7, and 533-8, and served as consul in 514; aoout 537 he published
a set of letters written by him on behalf of the va rious rulers he served.
Known as the VI/rill/', th~se 468 documents art' written in an elahorately
rhetorical Style and COI'!:r everyth ing frOlll legal eases to oRicial government
>06
RAVINNA, TH I CAPITAL Of TH I OSTROGOTH Ie KINGD OM ..,
Ravenna, c . AD 530

.. ' '.

-
... • -"
_.- e
•

-- ---
_.
7
. ... 7, ,,
....
.- \\ ....;;-- ....

,
--. ...-
--~
' -...;:::
.. -
. 0 •,
, •
,
"'""""

--

appointmcnts to correspondence with foreign rulers; they arc read by . 8. Map

o( &,.."n,.,.,
scholars for infonnation on twcrything to do with Ostrogothic Italy, In a.A D no
addition to his governmcnt work, Cassiodorus wrote hisTOry: a chroniclc,
the Cbn:mica, and a history of the Goths that is now lost (but is thought to
have been an imponam source for much of Jordanes's Grrica, a history of
the Goths writtcn in the 55os). An anonymous author, probably in the 5405,
wrote a history ofThcodcric's reign that is known today as the Anvi1yr1lus
Va/erial/US pars fJ'!fltriQ~. Pl"O\.upius of Caesarca, who was a staff officer in
Justinian's army of thc reconquest of Italy, provides historical background
and thcn describes in minute detail the war between the BF..antines and the
Goths in his Or brito gotbiro. And finally Agncllus's LPR offers certain very
useful infonnation aoout this period of Ravenna 's history. It is significant
that no tcxtS survi"c that rcA(~t an Ostrugothic I'crSl'c<:tivc;' as wc will
sec, this considcrably slants our views of the period. Thc litcrary texts are
,oS RAVINNA , TH E CA PITA L Of TH E OSTROGOTH Ie KINGDOM

'9- Gold
,ri ... ....IiJu,
ofThe.-.deric
(,he Se,,;g> lli'
MeJ.II;on).
golJ,3·)cm
Ji. m.,Museo
N ..i"".Io,
Rome (COllne')'
Mini""ro 1"" i
lleni • 1< Ani,itl
Cu ltu ... li-
S01'r inte",\e",..
SpOO"eper;
~.
Archeolog;ei
Ji Rom.)

supplemented by a few surviving documents in the arch ives of Ra~'cnJla,

and by fragments uf man\l~ri pts written in Gothic; archaeology and numis-
matics, likewise, have added TO our understanding of the Ostrogothic
kingdom.
As we interpret what these sources tell uS abom Ostrogothic Ra,'cnna,
and as we exa m; Ill' the tangible remains from this period of the city's history,
we will sec that the city and its monuments hoth reflect and provide us with
important infonnation about Thcodcric's ideology, Arian Christian belief,
Gothic identity, and Roman and Onhodox reaction 1;0 the new regime.

Theoderi c an d Italy

The people who would become the Ostrogoths were rclatiw latecomers
to tht "ba rbarian sl.:ene"; a number of small tribes living in the Balkans
from the 3Sos to me 'fSos, some of which were undoubtedly connected
to the Visigothic community, were gradually consolidated over the course
of mar century into one large group.' Theodetic's family, mown after
an eponymous ancestor as the Amals, had come to prominence under the
Huns, and after the death of Attila they and their followers were offidally
settled in Pannonia by the emperor Marcian in 455. The settlement was
TH EODER IC AND ITA l ~'

uneasy, and at various times the Amal-bl Goths rebcllc<l against (he empire
or fought with other groups in the same region .
Tn -+61,3 Theoderic was sent as a hostage to Constantinople after a revolt.
This was standard diplomatic procc(hm:, T'ht..·oderie, age seven, was to
be the guarantor of good behavior on the part of his father , Thiudimir.
\Ve know almost nothing about Theoderic's life in the capital ; as a noble
hostage, he would have been well housed, treated as a foreign guest of the
palace, and p~siblye{\ ucated ill Grcekand Latin.+ In 4700r 47 I Theoderic,
who was hy nowcighteen years old, was rcturnc<l to his people, and IlJXIO his
father's death in 474 he hecame its leader. H e and his troops spent the next
years fighring in \'ariO\IS wars, sometimes against the empire, sometimes
against other Gmhic factions, and sometimes as part of the imperial arilly
in Asia Minor. Theoderic built a reputarion both among his people and in
the empire: in 476 he was raisNI to the rank of jJilf/"icillS ami named IIlt1g-
;#('1' milituIJ/ pme.n-lIflllij·, and in :fS4 he serve<1 as the consul of the eastern
empu·c.
Tn 488, T hcoderic led his gTOUp of Ostrogoth5, now the dominant mili-
tary force in the Balkans, into Italy} Some sources say that this was 011 his
initiative, and some th~t it w~s at the cOIll mand of the emperor Ze110. 6 T he
target was Odoacer, who had begun (0 attack Ihe western Balkans. Pro-
t..'Opius tells Uii that the Ostrogothic migration into Italy was an entire tribe,
men, women, and children; estimates of the 1l\lmoer o f people ro nge from
::0,000 to 100,000 . 7 The war far Italy lasted fmm 489 to ..[.93, Thoodcric
had ta b:n control of most of Ita ly by 490, whereupon Odoacer retreated to
Ravenna, which was, in theory, attacbble only by sea. s Theoderic besieged
the city fat tbl'ee years; in 49~ he was finaUy able to assemble a Reet o f
shi ps to create a blockade, 3Ild in February 493, Bishop John served as a
mediator to negoliatc a treaty for shared rule, which c~lIcd for Thcodcric
and O lloacer to occupy Ravenna jointly . Ten days after Theoderic entere<1
Ravenna Odoacer was dead, apparently killed by Theoderic's own hand at
a banguet.9
Theoderic rounded OUi his kingdom by reconguering Sicily (an impor-
milt grain-producing region) from the Vanda ls in the carly 490S, and taking
owr the Balkan provinces of Dalmatia and Savia after 50+ He set about
buil(ling not JUSt a king(\om in h olly. but also a network of allies cover-
ing the former Roman territories in the west, by forging alliances thrOugh
marriage with several of the other Gertllanic royal families. 1O T he first mar-
riages were mane in the early to mid--f9Os: his claughtcr O strogotho Areagn i
married SigislIlun(l , son o f the king of the Burgumlians; another <laugh-
ter Thcodegotha married Alaric II. king o f the Visigoths, perhaps shortly
afterward, J I and Theoderic himsel f manie<1 Audofleda, sister of Clovis,
king of the Franks, in or shortly after 493, In or after 500 T hcoderic's
..0 RAVEN N A. H I E CAPITAL O f HIE OSTROG O THt C KINGDOM

wi(luwcd sister AJll;llafrida married ThrasarnunJ, king of the Vandals in

North Africa, and her daughter Amalaherga married Herminifrid, king
of the Thuringians. Thes,", marriage alliances clio not, however, produce
pcac!.' throughout Europe. ThcOIlcric's co-rulers continued to pursue their
own policies despite Th€Oderic 's exhonations, and his most nom ble fa ilure
came when Alaric [I was killed in barde fighting against Clovis's Franks in
507. " Thras3mUlui supporte{! Alaric's illegitimate SOil Gesalic as Visigothic
king against Thcodcric's legitimate young grandson Amalaric, but after
Gcsalic's dea th in 5 1 1 Thc()(lcric ruled Visigothic Spain as regent for his
granoson. 'J
Despite his c:>.1:ensive territories and his attempts to position himself as
the leader of the western rulers, Theoderie did not call himself emperor,
but ruled as re.\· (king). the title that had also been lIsed by 0<1oacer." 1 H e
deliherntely mime<l goltl coins only in the name of the emperors of COll -
stantinopl!.' (the Senigallia medallion Wig. : 91. which bears the only known
portrai t of him, was a sp<.'t:ial commemorativc is~ue , and on it he is ca lled rco\"
and prilm:ps).''j In 490, Theocleric hacl sen t an embassy to 2el10 reguesting
imperial n."('ognirion of h is tirle as rt'x in Italy, Zena seems to have ignored
the reguest alld died in 491: the m3rter was only settled ill 497 when,
according to the .4110IlYlJlll.> VlI lesill/lllt, the emperor Anast3sius retur ned
to TheoMric the insignia (ol"l/nwclirn pit/nth) that 0,103<:er hnd sent to
Constantinople. 16 i n ; 00 Theoderic finally vi~ited Rome, was welcomed
b~' the Senate and the pope, and was officially rccognil.ed as the ruler of
haly. ' i At the time he was celebrating his fricC/llllliill, the thirty year anniver-
sary ofhi~ rule as king. Interestingly, this assumes that he became ~king" of
the Ostrogoths in +70 arou nd the time of h is release from Const~ntmople ,
although his father (lid not die until 47+ ,8 Procopius notes that despite the
tille re.t, Thcoderic acted like, and presented himself ;15, an emperor: "in
fact he was as truly an emperor as any who have distinb'1lished themselves
in this office frolll the hcginnil1 g. ~ ' 9
In ' tal},. "'heocleric established himself at Ravenna and set about develop-
ing an administration with which he cou ld govern his kingdom. The Ostro-
goths, au gmemecl by the remains of Odoacer's followers and others, were a
very small minority in Italy, perhaps only about 5 to 10 percent of the total
population. Theoderic does not seem to have wanted to disperse his folloll'-
ers throughollt Italy; that would not have ueen good for military n:adiness
or group cohesion and loyalty, !O Archaeological e"iclencc from ccmeteries
and snippets of te:>.1:lla l information imply that Ostrogoths settled mainly
in northern and eastern Italy, especi;llly in Ligu ri a west of Pavia, along
the Adriatic coast ancl at strategic places in the Alps, in Picenum (sl ightly
northeast of Rome, on the east coa~t), allll, of course, in Ravelllla. " T he
exact medwlislll by which the OStrogoths were settled on Roman territory
TH EODER IC AND ITA l ~'
."
has been the matter of intense deLHe in reCent {b:acles. In SOl\le fushion,
The(lIleric, like O(bacer hefore him, used the Roman ~}'stem of hOJpitalitas,
by which the barbarian troops were a s~i gned a thi rd of something, either
aemal property or the land t~x assessment, as well ~s ha\'ing provision made
for their billening. "
Theoderic was well aware that he could Ilot rule Italy without the sup-
po rt of the powerful Roman ian(lowners of Italy. Members of the Senate
had quarreled with the fifth-century emperors atH\ su plXlrted Odoacer's
rule. The position of senators in the later fifth and early sixth cenmries
was the strongest it had been since the time of Augustus and represented
the t"\llminarion of a developmcnt fosterCl1 by the ahsence of imperial rcsi-
dence in Rome since the late third celltury.' 1 T heoderic cultivated Roman
senaTOrs and the Senate as an instirutiOll, he appeared with senarors in
ceremonies such as his anniversary at Rome in 500, he wrote many let-
ters to the Senate in which he commended sollie action or appointment,
and he employe(! many of them in his governmem. ThL'Y reciprocated by
sup]XIrting his aspirations and crcating a Roman rhetorica l structure that
praised them. The concept of civilifllJ, repeatedly mentioned in the Val"jap
of Cassiodorus and the writings of Ellnodius, ulH.lerpinned TIleoderic's
prog ram as a ruler, at least in the first two decades orhis reign."! Ci;;ilifllJ
in these text." means a society that is run accof{ling to the Roman legal
system and ordered by the norm~ of Roman city-hase!! government. '5 The
gO\'crnment Theoderic created was based on the old imperial bureaucracy,
amI many Romans served on its staff. H e also used Gothic leaders as advis-
ers, mil itary heads, anclloea] administrators. Theoderic's kingdom became
fa mous for the war in whicb Romans and Goths worked together. '6 \Ve
will examine his religious policie~, which display a similar tolerance, below.
Procopius notes that Theoderic "was c:.:cee(lingly careful to observe justice,
he pre~ervecl the laws on a sure basis, he protectell the lanll ami kept it ~afe
from the harbarians dwelling ro und ahout, Jnd attained the highest possi-
ble degree of wisdom and manliness. And he himself committed scarcely a
single act of injustice <lgainst his su bjel..1:s, nor would he brook such conduct
on the part of anyone else who anempted it ... and love for him among
Ix)th ('.JOths amlltaliall~ grew to be great ... . "'7
For the first three dccades of Theo(leric's reign, haly prospercd.
Theoderic actively promoted CI.."Onom ic and 1.."01l1merciai activit)', regula ring
trade and prices where neccssary.'s I-Ie maintained the Roman ta:< system
and was able to aCCllmu la te a surplus. The peace that hewa5 able to enforce,
coupled with his economic policies and a stable Jeg-JI system, meant that
bmh newcomers and Romans were able to settle down and get on wi th
life; '? at least, that is how it seemed in the himlsight of the Gothic war. A~
;j resu lt, haly cnjoyed a cultural rcn;} issancc; one ofTlK'Oderic's initiatives,
.n RAVEN N A. H I E CA PITAL Of HIE OSTROG O THt C KINGDOM

as ([cscribctl in Illall), letters in the VariaI', was the revival and n:.-stor:l-
tion of Roman Culture. '0 Theoderic patronized Roman scholars such as
Cassiodorus, Arator, Jonlancs, Bocthius, Ennodius, and I-Iclpidius, who
proli uccd medical and religious treatises, poems, pam,'b'YrlCS, and historics.
many of which were dedicated to him Y Greek texts were imported, trans-
lated, and commented on both by noted scholars such liS Boe{hius and
Cassic}dorus, atH"! lesser-known ([octor..., geographers, and othersY
Patronage of publ ic build ings and infrastructure W:l5 an important 3SJX'C t
of fr.;i1ifflr, a highly visible reminder of good government. n T hcodcric pro-
moted himself as a rcbuildcr of the infrastructurc of Roman Italy in the
tradition of Roman leaders of the p~st; he also encall raged wealthy Romans
to fund these works themselves. H Cassiodorus in his ClmJlliCil says that ~in
his happy reign many citjes were renovated , strong fons wen: founded.
marvellous palaces rose up, and ancient mirades were surpassed by his
gre~t works."'s In many letters in which he retluests rellovations of buil(l-
ings, Cas~io(loru s ha~ Thcodcric state the desire to fL'vi"e the glory of the
past)6 C. La Rocca has vcr}' usefully pointed out that T heoderic's rhetoric
about revival ami restoration of ami'll/itas was propaganda that, among
odler things, contrasted him wilh immediately Ilrecelling rulers who had let
the cities decay,3'l The portrayal o fT heoderic as a bui lder was a convinc-
ing indicator of his greatness for later historians; the AIIOIIJ" 1II1S Va/l'siulIttJ
calls him ~a lover of L,()nstruction and resto rer o f cities," while Fredegar, a
Frankish chronider writing in the sevcnth ccntury, recalls ofTheoderic that
"all the cities thar he ruled he restored and fortified most ingeniously with
wonderful works."lS G . Brogiolo, howe~·er, warns th.u despite Theoderic's
reputation as a great pa tron, and the dassic~l Roman rhetoric about cities
that appears in writings from his reign, in fact he contributed relatively little
to most of the dties of Italy which had declined greatly by thi~ pcriod.3Y
Certainly Theo(leric was particula rly attt:ntiYe to Rome and Ra-
vcnna. 4° Of Romc, Cassiodorus has him say. "what is wo rthic r than to
maintain the repa irs of that place which clearly preserves the glory of my
Sta te?," -I' At Rome Theoderic ordered numerous repairs to the walls. sew-
ers, palacc, Curia, Theater of Pompey. aqueducts, and granaries. 4l In one
letter, he grants a senator nallle(l Faustus leave to be absent frum Rome
for four months. but re4ui res him to rcturn, lest Rome. "the mos t glorious
place on earth ," ue {\eporula{ed. ~; But Theoderic's interest in monuments
of Roman civic life such as walls, baths, theaters, amphitheaters, porticoes,
palaces, and aqueducts also e:.:t:ended beyond Rome to other cities, such as
Aries, Abano, Catania. Spoleto, Parma, Pavia, and Verona.+! It is interest-
ing to note that the categories of structu res patronized by Theoderic divide
almO'it elluaU}' uetween monumental and functionally u~eful; and B. Saitta
has no ted that cvcn works tha t scem purely commcmorauvc contributed
TH EODER IC AND ITA l ~'
'"

ncvenhek'Ss to the development of industries that benefited the infrastruc-

tun: of his kingllom:'5 It is also interesting that m(lst of the items namtll
in contemporary sO\lrces are secular constructions; Thcoderic's church
patronage is not listed. ~lthough this is perhaps nOt surprising given that
me}' were built for Arian worship and all of o ur authors were Orthodox. ~6
' ·Ve are much less well-informed about T heoderic's attitudes toward
Ostfogomic culture; mOSt of our information that there even was such
3 thing as non- Roman culture comes from the period after T bcoderic's
death. P. Amory tr3ces a decline in ,;vililas rhetOric 3fter 510, anll the grad-
ual prcdominance of a different strain. o nc that had always been present, in
which the Goths' m ilit~ry prow(,'Ss was presentl.'d as the key to the sut'cess
of the Amal dynasty.'" Cyprian, a Roman aristocrat, is commended in me
Varillt' for knowing and teacbing his sons [he Gothic langll~ge .'l ~ Procopius
descrihes antagonism 011 the part of certain Goths to Amalasuimha's Ileter-
mined program of Roman civilit"y, centering on the ed uca tion of her son
Athalaric as not sufficiently mititaristic, but his aCl.:Ount uses stereotypes
of Goths and Romans to justify J ustinian 'S im:lsion of Ital),."9 Thus, while
there apparently was a Cothic reaction to dvilitas, even under Thooderic,
it is d ifficult to Ilin down exactly what was at stake.
Most written sources (with the e:.:ceplion of Cassiodorus) note [hat
[Qwnrtl the end of ThCi)deric's life there was a marked falling-off in his
tolerance. The telLni, which were written by Orthodox Christian wri ters,
usu ally attribute this to T heoderic's Arianism (and, of course, the JUSt judg-
ment of God ). In fact. in the last years ofThcoderic's life a very complex
set of political and religious circumstances were in rapid flux. In 5 dl me
eastern emperor Anast.1sius, wbo had been a supporter ofTheoderic. died
and wa .~ succeedccl by his guard captain J ustin. Olle of the things that hacl
contributed to the Romans' willingness to work with T heoderic was the
fact that since 484 the popes hall been in schism with the church in Con-
stantinople over the emperor Zcno's attempt to n..'Concilc Christological
don rine, and specifically over th e status of Ac;]cius as patriarch of Con-
stantinople. T he Acadan Schism, as it is known, was resolved by J ustin
in 519, and although in 510 a new theological controvcrsy (thcopaschism)
arose, tllat tol) was resolved by 523, and the IXJpes and Orthrnlox Romans
lx:g;lrl a nell' cra of rapprochemcm with Constantinople. The leadership of
the Ita lian church was also changing. Peter 11, who hall reigne{l as bishop
of Raven na for almost all of Theoderic's reign, died in 5~ o ; his succesSOr
i\urclian lived only one year, and EcdcsillS was then seatcd as bishop in
522. T hen in 523 Pope H ormisdas, wim whom T heoderic had good rela-
tions, died and thc new pope, J ohn I, did not sympathize with the aging
Arian ruler of Italy. At this rime, J ustin apparently began to persecute Ari3ll
Christians in his rcach, which inflamcd Thcodcric, who considered himsel f
... RAVEN N A. H I E CA PITAL Of HIE OSTROG O THt C KINGDOM

the senior l\riall king of the west. And, of course, anti-Gothic factions in
Italy took advantage of thtse events t(J urge reunion with the empire.
Al the same time, Thcodcric's plan for the royal succession was falling
ap~rt. One ofThc{}<lcric's main political problems was that ht,> did not hay!,'
a son to succeed him. III 5 [j he had married his daughter Amalasuintha
to Eutharic. a Goth from Spain who was supposedly of the Amal line.
Eutharic was named consul jointly with the em peror J ustin in 519, and was
atlopted as SOIl-at-arms by Justin, a dear sign that the imperial court rccog-
ni7.Cd him as T hcodcric 's successor. Howl:vcr, there arc hints that Eu tharic
did not intend to rule as tolerantly as Thcoderic had, and his clevation
may have exacerbHcd anti-Ostrogothic clements among the Roman elite,
Amalasuintha and Eutharic had two children, Adlalaric and Mat:lsuintha,
but E.mharic diell in )12, when Athalaric was only four or five years old,
In these circumstallces, the sources say that in his last years Theolleril:
bl..'C3 ll1e paranoid, seeing plots c\'I:rywhcre and striking out at those who
h3d formcrly sllpportc(l him, including, most fumously, thc patricians Sym-
m3chus and Boethi us, who wcrC ex('Cutcti on Thcoderic's orders in 514
and/or 515, Thl.' t\1rnarou nd was all the more striking as Bocthius's two
sons (who were SYlli llIachus's grandsons) had shared the consulship at Rome
in 52!, a mark of high distinctionY' Pope John was sell( on a mission to
Constantinople with various other oishops (including Ecdesius ofRavcnna)
to persuade the em peror to stop persC<.:uti ng and h)n:ibly cOllverting Arians;
the mission apparcntly failcd, and Jo hn died ill Ravenna upon his re turn in
p6 , The death of Thcoderic a few days later on Augusr 30, was, at least
later, "iewell by the Orthodox as a sign of God's rlisfavor. ,1 Nevertheless,
for the next several ye~rs Italy I'emained relatively peaceful.

Theodedes Ravenna

If the imperial staOls ofRavenna had been somewhat am bivalent, ' J'heodcric
malle the city indubita bly the capital of his kingdom, the 11Th.. regia ),
Although he co uld have settled his court in Rome, hc chose to develop
a form of governmem in which the Roman Senate \\'as respected as a
rather independclH componcnt, and he left Rome to the scnators.>,1 R;lthcr
remarka bly, after defeating Odoacer, Theotleric never again took personal
command of an arm)" but settled down in Ravenna, and to a lesser extent
Verona ~ n rl Pavia, where he built palaces';'! H e is known to have "isited
Rome only once, in 500, 3nli he seems mosdy to have stayerl in Ravenna
and its environs, As we will sec , at lcast t'.m palaces were built in the coun-
tryside around the city, l"oths, Romans, ambassadors, envoys, and anyone
elsc who wanted w sec the king madc thc journey to RaI'Cllll;l.SS
TH EODERIC'S RAVENNA ..,
30. BrQ "'.~
dccanun""iu,n.
o~'·cr.;c "1,h
hU 5tofR"'~nno
""d the I cg~nd
-Felix Ro,"cnn,:
r~'"cn;c with,
m"n"gramuf
Ra,... nn, s ur_
ro un ded by a
w.-cath (ro urrcs)'
Princ,",," Uni_
v~rsil)' N" mis _
malic Collection}
Theoderic, like Odoacer and the early fifth-cenrury emperors, spenr
time and money establishing Ravenna ~s a suitable center for his govern-
ment, C()nstru<..~illg both sacred and secular huildings there in imitation of
Constantinople and Rome.s 6 As in the imperial era, Ravenna's prestige was
actively rivaJe(\ lJy that of Rome. ,7 Thco{\eric seems to have recognized me
symbolic significance of this pair of cilies: according to Agncllus, a mosaic
prominently displayed in the palace depicted"m image ofThcoderic, I\·on-
derfully executed in mosaic, holding a lance in his rigln hand, a shield in
his left, wearing a breastplate. Facing the shield stood Rome, executed in
mosaic with ~Jlear:md helmet; and dlere holding a spear was Ravenna, fig-
ured in mosaic, with right foot on the sea, left on land hastening toward
the king. "5 8 Since the founding of Constantinople it had been traditional
to depict the two imperial capital cities as paired female personifications,
and it was also common to depict an emperor on horseback between female
pcrsonificalions}9 If Agncllus's descri ption is accurate, the importance of
Ravenna as a l>Ort city, "with right foot on the sea," was stressed in this
image, 3S indeed it would also be in the depictions of Ravenna and Classe in
Theo<leric's palace church (see Chapter ;). Thus, Theoderic introduct:<!
the new pairing Ravenna- Rome in his political iconography, and the
concept was I;lter reflected on Ostrogothic brom.\! coins minted respcc-
rively with the legends II/viall ROlli" and Fe/i.\" RI,Vtllllll (Fig. 30).6<> Finally,
although T hcoderic's thirty yeu anniversary celebrations took place in
Rome, the festivities associated with Eutharic's consulship in 519 were
apparently celebrated in both citics.6 '
\,l/e hal'e already seen that mOSt of what we know about Tht:oderic's
political and ideological programs come from Roman authors; and these
men do not seem to have been impressed with Ravenna . Under Theoderic
Ravenna became a center of education and literary eulrure, housing authors
who worked (or his government and who produced poems and philosoph-
ical, historical, medical, 3nd geographical texts.~' Yet, as in the imperial
period, although members ohhe upper Roman aristocracy lived in Ra\'ellila
,,6 RAVEN N A. H I E CA PITAL Of HIE OSTROG O THt C KINGDOM

while occupying government (X)sts, and up-an(l-coming members of new

fumilies carved {Jut exalted (;a r cer~ there, most retume(1 to Rome or to their
estates when their terms of of/icc were complctcd.61 Tbcoclcric may have
kept the royal court in Ravenna 1x'C3U5C of its porr, but the Rormn sena-
torial aristocracy does not seem to have liked it; none of the various poets
and authors retained by Theoder'ic praise his capital city. Enllodius, in his
panegyric to Theoderic, praises his buii(ling activities in a general way but
docs not lllcntion Ravcnl1a;~ even Cassiodorus, who spent many years in
Ravenna, rcscrvc~ praise for Romc.6~ This complete absence of praise for
a capital city [J1 the context of a lively literary culture is surprising: imperial
Milan, for example, had been the ~'lbj(,."Ctof a lamlarory poem by Allson ius.
One is forced to take one of two choices. Ei ther T heoderic's attempts to
creatC' an imperial capiTal completely failed to convince tht: Roman aris-
wcracy; or Tht:oderic'!'i audience was really the Goths and nonaristocratit
Italians, who seem to havc had no role in Romc, littlc int:cnrh·c to take up
scats in the Senate to which rhcy were entitle(l, and whose focu s was on
RavC'llna. u. Ra venna's central role in Ostrogothic policy can be seen in the
iss\ling of do nativC5 to Gothic soldiers: grants of money givl.'n to all Gothic
soldiers had [Q be picked up, in person, in Ra\'enn~ .t·? Clearly this was ~
way of rdnfo rcing mi litary and/or group loyalty in a situation ill which The
Goths were (Iis persed th roughout Italy. It reinfOf('ed their personal con -
nt:ction with the king, l)llt it also brought all Gothic soldiers to his capital
cit}', where they could see the splendor of his kingdom.
vVe know relatively linle about how Ravenna was laid outin ' l"heoderic's
time (rig. 18). One often-repeated idea is that there was a Gothic zone, a
particu lar area of the city where Goths lived and worshiped, in the 1l00,th-
eaStern part of Ra"elln3 .'"~ Thi.~ has been argued primarily on the has.is of
maps showing the distribution of churches identified by Agnellus as Ari~n
(on the~e churches, see Chapter 5). The Arian episcopal complex was to
the south\l'c,t of this ~ rea. A church dedicated to St. Eusebius was ou tside
the nonhern portil S. Victori:;, and Theoderic's mausoleum was outside the
northeastern corner of the wall.l-Iowever, it shc)Illd be noted that a church
dedicated to Severinus, a sail][ beloved by Arians, was found in the center
of the old oppitlltJlI.0 There were At'ian churches in Classe and Caesarea,
and Thcodcrie made the former imperial p;Jlacc his own ;Jnd ;ldded to it
a large basilica (ledicated to the Savior. i\'Ion:o"er, dO<.:l.11l1t:nts show some
Goths living side by side with Roman s. ~O Thus e\'idcnce is too scanty and
inconclusive to propose a concentration ofCoths in one part of the city.
Under Theocleric the population of Ravenna swelled to its largest size.
perhaps as large as 10,000'; 1 The city probably retained a large number of
government functionaries from previous administrations, since as far as we
knoll' Odoaccr had continued the ;ldmin istra tivc practices of his imperial
TH EODER IC'S IlWEN NA
'"

predL'CL'Ssors. information about Theoderic's administrath'c system comes

largel}' from Cassiollorus's Vnrim: and indicates that the chid officials of
thc ccntral governmelll wcre based in R,lI'cnna Y High government offi -
cials \lllder Thcoderic held office for longer periods of time than in the
imperial period and thus the society of the court must have oeen some-
what more stable in this period. tn aciditiOtl to the government and palace
officials, hath aristocratic an(1 bureaucratic, a municipal dite served as the
llIagistrates and members of the local mrill, or tOWJl counciL T he few docu-
ments that survive from the Ostrogothic period inllicate that these officials
consisted of notaries and tlfhrllio//cJ, bankers and businessmen, dOCtors and
lav..yers.n "f he names of both Jews and people from the eastern Mediter-
ranean are found in inscriptions and in the VI/riM, although it is interesting
that of rhe artisans al1(l businL"Ssmen, none have recogni1.ably "Gothic"
nnllles except for \Vilinrit the scribe, whom we will meet again.N
The members of Ravcnnate sodery under Theollerlc JjVC(\ in an urban
center that wns being changed and modified to suit them, as has I..::en
demonstrated by archacologica 1evidence (ound at the Via D' Azcglio e;\ca -
vation in the northeastern part o( the old flppidlllIl . Since the second cenUiry
BC twO houses had faced each other across a S-Ill-wiJe street, but now in
the late fifth or early si.xth century the street was blocked off by a room
that served as a monumental entrance to n new, gran/ler house hu ilt to the
north of the street, with a second, etllully grand house built to the ~outh,
perhaps both opening on to a Street to the west. The main roollls on both
rhe north and south sides werc covered ~'ith elaboratc mosaic and oplls.rcrtile
HOOTS. n These bui ldings must have hou sed members ofTheoderic's COUT[
01· rhe Ravennate upper classC5; and {he rnod itlcatioll of the imperial -era
street network ilHlicates new urban pri(J r itie~ at work.
Major works were also undertaken at Classe's port, although it was no
longer the naval station that it had been in the early imperial period . PnJ·t
o( the Augustan harbor was now completely dried up, accord i.ng to .1or-
oanes, who says, "{har which was once a harbor now displays itself like a
spacious g'Jrden full of trees; but from them hang not sails hut apples.~ "i6
Ncvertheless, Cinssc continued to function as all importllnt commercial
IX)rt througlu)Ut the Ostrugorhie period, aetivdy encl..lUnged by Theoderic.
E.xcavations at the site of Podere Chi;wichetta hal'c rel'caled a section o(
the port cit}, thnt Annked the canal lea{\ingto the hnrbor. The islnnd in the
centcr of the canal contained paved roads, shops, and food vendors, and
was linked by a bridge to rhe city to the south. On the somh bank, at rhe
time of T heoderic, a major Street W;lS repaved ami buildings in this area
were modified, rebuilt, and systematized with continuous porticoes. A row
of large warehouses and pu blic building~ fnced the cana l through Ollt' such
portico and to the Street 011 their other side through another; on the other
uO RAVEN N A. H I E CAPITAL O f HIE O STROG O THt C KINGDOM

side of the Street were production facilities such as a ceramics kiln and a
glass furnacc .- r From the many thou~aO{ls of ceramics fragments found on
these sites, we can identify import~, especially from North Aft-iea, but also
from Palestine <lll{\ Syria, the Aegean and Asia -,,"'l1nor, Egypt. Lusirani3,
and Sicil)' (mainly wine, but also oil and honey).' ~ The imported ceram-
ics are significanr because in much of inland Iralr they had almost entirely
disappeare!\ hy this time, demonstrating the anomalous Sta tuS ofRavelll1a)!.1
It was dearly in the royal interest to suppOrt commerce and trade in
Ravenna, both for the p1lrpoSCS of catering to the mcmlJcrs of the com-
munity, lind for provisioning the troops who were stationcd thcre.1k:r T he
archaeologica l f...vi({ence is horne out hy various letters in the Variae that
specifically deal with ttonomic llIatter~ in Ra velUla. ~"I ilitary provisions
wt!re most important, espt!cially wint! and oi l; ill two It!ttt!rs Cassiodorus
refers to the IIIt11/siQ at Ravenna, which must meall tht! military encamp-
ment. Om.' of these letters cOlllmands that supplies be sen t to Ravenna
from htria, ~ntl in another Cassiotlorus notes that Istria is "the store-room
of tbe roya l cit)' {ttrhis rt!~iffr (ellil pt:llimil). , . . Istria clearly refreshes our
hard-working COHrt {c(f/lliMI<'IISfS ('.\'{IIbilfs). it supplies the imperiulII of Italy;
it feeds the nobles on its luxuries, lesser men on its output of fOOti stu{fs, and
almost its entire produce is enjoyt!d by tht! royal city."~' Cassimlorus grn=s
on to nOte tha t these supplies art! to he brought to Ra venna by ship, either
directly acros~ tht! st!a, or via the network o f canals that linked tht! entire
Adriatic coastline. s , That Ravenna was the storehouse of the royal admin -
istration can ~ 1 50 be seen by ~ letter written when Theoderie w~s at. Pavia,
commanding that grain stored at Ravenna he loaded onto shi ps an ti brought
to tbe royal court,!!] The 1I1'{,:1 rl'gill, like the other major Roman capi tal cities,
also (!istri butN! grain to it.<.: citizens to prewllt civil unrest.!t1 Pn.K.:opius
mentions gr~in warehouses within the city of Ravenna.s ) The iillpoTl~nce
of shi ps is u!l(le rscoreJ in a series of letters written in 525-6 , commission-
ing a fleet to be based at Ravenna, "which might convey the public grain
supplies and, if necessary, oppose enemy ship5, " ~ CI~sse, its harbor, and
its warehouses thus formed a vital part of the royal administration.
Quantities of building materials and possibly wo rkmen were imported
frOIll the eaStern Mediterranean umler Theo(leric; at the samt! time, tht!re
were also workshops for luxury itellls in Ra\'enna th;l t may have continued
to exist from the previous century. Large nllmbers of sn)ne sarcophagi from
the car l}' sixth century still survive in Ravenna, and thei r sculptural style and
iconography show infl\lenccs deri\'ed both from Constantinople and from
earlier local practices:~j LU)lressive manuscripts were made in Ra venna: A
Bible copied from one made in Ravenna in the early sixth century names
Bi_~h(lp £cdesius as the origina l spon"or. an(1 an O rosiu~ manuscri pt hears
the namc of onc "Viliaric magister amitluarius,'" who m,l y Ix: the same as
TH EODER IC'S IlWENNA "9

the \.Vi liarit "podws (scribe) named on a Ran:nnare dOCUt1lelH written in

55\. ~1l A Iettt:r in the Vrw;flI: from Theolleric to a marble-worker namell
Daniel givcs the latter a monopoly on the furni shing o f sarcophagi to the
inhabitants of Ravenna, but abjures him not to overcharge griL"ving family
members for his products,S., Other than these fragments, there is liule other
tangible evidence of manufacturing or crafts in Ravenna, although it is gen-
erally assumed that norable ivory-carving, gold -working, an(1 manuscript
workshops were located here, largely on the basis of stylistic and icono-
gra phical similarities hetween these porrahle works of 3rt and the mosaics
ami sculpture foun d in Ravenn,l'S buildings.!/<'

Tbeuderic 's Pollices

The p~lace w~ s the preeminent symbol of royal authority, as was recogni'le(1

by Theol{eric ami his propaganllists. Cassiodorlls's Var;ne fa mously refcr
twice to the importance of the palace: "it is truly worthy of a king to decora te
his palaces I {I«!,lIilll with buildings," and at greater length, as part of the
formula for rhe appointment of the palace architt!Ct:9 '

1l1ese fhallsJil1llm' ] are the rlelighrs of our pf)wer, rh e worthy face of our nlle,
the public witnes~ of 0 \11' kingdol1l~: they arc shown to admiring alllb.lss;ldors,
;md :It urs[ sight one bdie\'cs th,n 3S is the hOl15C so is its lord. An d moreover
it L~ the grcJt del ight of a most prudent mind ILc., o( the king] to rejoice
perpet1.lally in a most beautiful habit:ltion and to rdrc$h his spirit, worn out
by public e~re~ in the pleasure of the arch itecture.

Other accounts also mention Theoderic's construction of palaces. Cas-

siodorus in his CbnJ1lie/f refers LO Theodc:ric's aJmirrmJ" {I"wt;", and Enn-
(Hl ius in his panegyric says, "I see an unhoped-for beauty rise from the
ashes of cities and the palatine roofs gleam !.>verywhere under the plenitude
of civiliw.r."?' Cassiooorus uses the {llilatillll! at Ravenna as a synonym tor the
cou rt ~nd royal government. \Ve have already seen in the previous chapter
that a site to the east of Sam'Apollinarc Nuovo has occn identified as the
"'palace ofTheodt'ric. n T he rime has fi nall~' come to discuss this palace in
the context ofThcoderic hiJl1sel f!
The I ll101l)'lII1lS V"/C.r;llIIIU says that at Ravenna Theoderic "complete(1
the palace, but (lid not dedicate it; he completed porticoes around the
palace ..,.j, T his indicates that he was workingon a pa lace whoscconstnlCcion
wa~ already undeT\\/ay. As we h~ve seen, the archaeologica l site in question
shows evidence of pa latial construction going back into the fou rth ccntury,
with extensive renm'atiOIlS and additions in the early sixth century, includ-
ing thc COllStruction of Sam'AlXlllinarc Nuovo, attributed by Ag-ndJus to
. .0 RAVEN N A. H I E CA PITAL Of HIE O STROG O THt C KINGDOM

Thcoderic. A. Augcnri's recent study of the diftcrcnr phases of construc-

tion concludes that some significant rebuilding t(lok place duri ng the early
sixth century (Fig. 31 ). A large tr iconch triciiniUIIl to the cast of the great
apsed hall ami its adjoining rooms was built, measuring almost 15 meters
east-wes[.9~ T his space was paved with a multicolored marble mosaic floor
whose centra l figural panel depicted the m}.thological story of Hellerophon
anti the Chimera, surrOUlllletl by personi fications of the Four Sea~ons with
acrompanying inSt-liptions in hexameter, all of which were images with
imperial connotations.9 < A semicircu lar apse was also addcI] to one o f the
r001l1S to the cast of the great hall, and both this rOOm and the hall werc
newly paved with mosaic, as were the floors of the (.'(lrririors around thl,'
counyarJ . Other modifications were made to rh e rooms at rhe sou thern side
of the courrya rd, inciu(ling new mosaic pavements in some of the rOOIl1S,
and this construction work also extended farther south. Finally, pilasters
were added to the external walls o f the com pie;.;, whether for decoration or
to reinforce the wall is not dear.<>Ii The magnificence of the de(.-orative pro-
gTam is cchoed in a fragmc nt of an oration (ieli\'cred in praiseofWirig'is and
Matasllintha aroullIl 536, in which Cassiodonls praises a palace's decora-
tion: "The marble surface shines with the saJlle color;ls gems, the sCHtered
gold gleams . . . , the gi fts of mosaic work dd ineate the circling rows of
StOn~; and the u'hole is adorned with marble hue::;, where the waxen pic-
tures arc ,Iisplayed.""; In other words, the existing palace was utilize(\ and
refu rbished in thc 13tcst dccon tive modes, which both emphasized conti -
mlity with the past and added [0 the \'isual splendor o f T heoderic's court.
It seems clear from evidence provilled by Agnellus and to some e.-..:tent by
later topographical refe rcnces that this was Theodcric's main palacc , and
lIloreover that the t'ntranc~ to the palace was just south of Sant'Apollinare
Nuovo, opening OntO a cercmonlal plaza. In front o f this ClltrJ Il CC T hea-
deJ·ic erected a bronZl;! e(Jue~trian statue of himsel f, probably imitating the
statue of i\'l arcus Aurelius in Rome, which at this time 1l13y have stood
in the cou rtyard of the Lateran palace, and similar equestria n stanles in
the Augusteion in Constam inopley8 T he statue was not the only way in
which T heodcric placed his irn printon the palace in Ravenna. T he image of
T h(!(xleric I)t'tween Rome amI Ravt'nIl3, described al)(lVe, is said uyAgne!-
Ius to have been lot"ated "in the palace which he built in this city IR;}vennaJ.
in the apse of the dini ng hall which is calle(1 By the Sea, above the gate.
and in the fac3de of the main door which is called ,,€I Calehi, where the
main gate of the palace was, in the place which is callen Sicresrum, where
the church of the Savior is seen to be. In the pinnacle of this place was an
image of Thcoderic.... '.....) The word siCl'('.ff/ll/l is thought to be a degener-
3tion of a wortllike O'EKPE'IOll , O'EKp ETC:p IOV , or in Lann, SII<-risfitt, SUrfflll'ill1l1;
the words imply some sort of official gO\'CfIllllcnt function. '<Xl The whole
THEODERIC'S RAVENNA ",

-- -- ,,
---'- ---
-- -- - --
,
,, :,
,, ,
, :
,
\, ,,
,, ,,
, ,,
,,
• ,,
,, ,
,, ,,
,, Coolly.'"
,,,
,, ,,
,, ,,
,, ,,
,, ,,
,, , } " Planofthc
, ,, 1,,1;ce, as

---
~ _'n
,,
I! .,---
r""" O:<C"",
-~
",, ,
,
-- -- -'
,, lioru,QI, 5'6
(. flor Augenti,
• Ar<:hroIogio
o " < 1"l>.>gT>1i.:
10 is ", ,. _
\,- -'- ' '"'5, 6g, 8)

passage is ,'ery difficult to understand; many scholars have interpreted it

to mean that the image of Theo derie was in the pinnacle over the ma in
gate of the palace,'oo A closer reading of the tCXt indicates that it was the
dining hall that was O\'eT the main gate and that the image ,,",s in its apse. ' QI
We must remember thai Agnellus would not have seen the original mosaic
to which he refers in the past tense as though it was no longer there. In
any case, it is dear from the aC«lunt of this image that the main gate of
the pa lace was located beN-'een Sanr'Apollinare Nuo"o and the ruin that
is often erroneously called the "Palace of the Exarchs," but which was in
f.H.t an eighth-cennlry church dedicawd to the Savior, The entire entranl't'
complex was intended to recalJ Constlntinople, and thus to impress botl,
friends and foes with the legitimacy and power ofTheaderic's rule,
As noted, ' Ibeaderic Sl'('nt almost his ('ntire reign at Ravenna in the
imperial palace and perhaps in several other residences around Ravenna,
Excavations have revealed three grand sixth-century villa-type structureS,
containing apscd halls, baths, elaborate mosaics, and other indications of
." RAVEN N A. H IE CAP ITAL O f HIE O STROG O THt C KINGDOM

wealth and intcrprcrc{[ as huming lodges or rural palaces: these existed

at Meldola, 35 km southwest of Ravenna along the cOurse of the Bidente-
Ronco River and the aqueduct; at Galcata. 50 km southwest of Ravenna: and
at the interestingly named Pal37.wlo, 8 km to the north of the city. ! 03 T hen:
is no conrcmporary evidence to link any of these srruC[ures directly with
Theoderic, and ind eed they merely indicate that a wealthy class residing in
Ravenna was building country houses in the surroul1lling area. The struc-
ture ar Palnwlo, measuring ca. 44 x 55 III and taking the form of a forri-
nC![ villa with associated hath structures, is oft-en idcntinc([ as t he pilla/iII'"
71l1J(/irll7J1 tha t Agllcllus says Thcodcric built on an island, not far from the

5(,'a, in a hath, six miles from Ravenna , during his thn:e-year siege of th(,'
City. '001

Theoderic's Other Seell/flr CQllsU"lIcti(ms

Various pieces of evidence e.~jst for T hcodcric's other build ing wo rks in
Ravenna. 'l 'ht: best docu mented of thes(,' is his repair of the aqlleduct.
vVe have already seen that, according to the report of Sidollius Apolli-
naris, Ra venna's Roman aqueduct was no longer functioning in the 460s.
Theoderic's reStoration of this aquetluct was seen as a ma jor feat: T he
Allfm)'llllls VIl/UitlJIlIS says that "H e ITheode ricl "esrured the aqueduct of
Ra \lenna, which the ruler T rajan had built, and after much time he intro-
d\lced water," and Cassiodorus in his CiJrQlli({l also specifically mentions
the restoration of the aq ueduct. ' 0) The reconstruction of the aqueduct
was confijmed ill 1f)38 by the discovery in Ra\'CllJla of lead fisllllll~, or
water pipes, with rhe inscription DrQlI/il/lIS] N{ostflj Rex TluMrril'lls Cil'i-
tflti Il'dJidit. 'uIi Moreover, in a letter, T heoderic declares to the landowners
arQun,1 Ravenna that he has a particular concern for a{lueductS ami charges
thelll to clean out all the bushes and sapli ngs that have grown in the channel
so that "we will have a fit maintenance of the baths, then the pools will swell
with glass-like waves, then the water will cleanse, not stain, an.i it will not be
ahl',lYS necessary to rewash things ... if sweet wa ter for drinking shall flow
in, all that is used in our food will he better, since no ti:)()d seems pleasing to
human life where clear sweet water is lacking." 'o; It is worth noting in this
context that aq ueducts in majo r Roman cities sti ll seem to have functioned
in the sixth century, and new ones were still being built, for example, as
reported by Procopiu s. Rome's aqueducts sri II fu nctioned in thc early sixth
century, since they are said to have been eut hy vVitigis during the course of
the Gothic \Var in rnid-celltury; Constantinople's aqueduct was cm dur-
ing the Avar siege of 616.'0<> From these examples we can see that one of
the actions taken by a besieging ,lrrny was to cut the a(lueduct, al1(1 we can
TH EODERIC'S RAVENNA u,

p. Marble [lond
dcpicring !-lcr·
cui.,. "nd the
Srug QfCcr;neia,
~arl)' sinh cen _

"'ry,,\l uSCQ

Ra'·cnn3 (u) ur.

I<=>)' SUl'rinl~n _
d<·nz:I peri Ikni
Archi!r!!OIl;c;
c P"<:>"ggi~Tid
.Ii H.""cnn"
l.\IiBAC-
TTALTAI)

speculate whether Theoclcric himsclfhad comriburcd to Ravcnna's water

decline {luring his three-year siege of OdQ3Cer.
Three letterS from the Variac ordcr individuals or groups to scnd fine
building materials to Thcoderic's capital: From Aestuna, from the Pin-
cian Hill in Rome, and from Faenza he rccluests old marble and columns
mat are lying around, "so that our desire for the adornment of that city
Illa~' be gratifie(i. """) Some of this lIlaterial must ha\'C been intended for
Lhe palace, but in Vllrim: 1.6 Thcoderie asks Agapitus, the Praetorian Pre-
fect of Rome, to send marble workers and mosaicists from Rome for rhe
construCtion of a /'(15ilifll H crmh$. " D There is no other definite inforllla -
oon, te:l.-tual or archaeological, for this structure, although a sixth-ccnulI),
marble relief plaque depicting Hercules and the Stag of Ceryneia, now
in the Musco Nazionale in Ravenna, may have been executed as part of
a series of the Labors of Hercules to ciecorate this basilica (Fig. J1 ). '"
The location and nature of thc building are controvcrsial, since the only
... RAVEN N A. H I E CA PITAL Of HIE OSTROG O THt C KINGDOM

evidence for it comes from this letter. In the pre-Christian Latin trad ition,
a bllsilica was, as Vitruvius says, a ~hdtere( 1 pu blic hall oil the forum;' "
however, by the sixth century the word ('lIs;I;("1I was a wonl used almost
exclusively for eh'lrches. f1 '; Cassio<ionls docs nor usc the word clsewhcn:
in dIe Vllrillf, where la rge royal halls are called 111111/('; the srrucrure and its
dedication to Hercules imply that some classical noaditiOll was consciously
being rdived for Ravenna. Agnellus twice refer~ to;l agio I -hl"w/lIIli1, which
he says was the location of the cathedral and not far from St. Andrew
J\'lajor,lI-I thus in the center of the old Qppidlllll and possibly nC:l r the forum.
Somewhere in this location stood a 5-meters-tall statue of Hercuk:s holding
a sundial on his shoulders, which was supposedly eft.-cteel by the emperor
Tiberius and sun'ive(1 until 159 1. Some scholars have thus proposed tha t
ThOO{leric's basilica was probably llssociated with this region, and must
have heen a secular civic building in the heart of the 01(1 Oppidll1ll ."; On
the other h311(1, Cassiodorus's letter begitl.~ by saying. ~it is indeed worthy
for a king to ado rn [dc(omre] his pal~ces with lmildings." Another group of
scholars has therefore seen this build ing as part of the palace. of which, lIS
we have seen, we know very little. "" The fact that "nsi/imp were not nor-
mally p;l rt of palaces remains problematic, and thus the question remains
open.

The MtIlISO/e'11l1 ojTbeoderic

From his own day to the presem, the extraordinary Structure in which
Thcoderic was buried has been considered one of his moSf remarb ble
achievementS. '" The AIIOIlYlllllS Vi/luitlllllS poim:> out the features that are
still considered worth), of notice today: "while still alive he made himself
a monument ( 11101/1/1/1>'11111111) of blocks of stone, a work of marvellous size,
and he sought out a huge rock to place on the top."",,8 This description
re Aects Jerome's aCCOl1nt of the tomb of the ancient TIller Mausolus of
I-lalicarnassus, which was extant in T heoderic's day and was widely known
to ancient and mediey,l l authors; Cassiodorlls lists it as one of the Seven
\ Vonders of rhe \Vorld. "9 In many respet.:ts T h('(xleric's mausoleum is
uni(lue, and he probably intended it to echo the famous tom bs of ru lers such
as lvlatlsolus 3n(1 VariO\l$ Roman cmperors, while at the same timc testi~'ing
to his own unique greatness. The fact that it today ap pears incomplete,
and that it is unlike any other known SlrUCfUre, has made it the su bject of
much speculative interpretation. Some have wamed to see it as a wRoman"
monument, whereas odlers have read it as something slrange and therefore
"C'..othic"; it is possible that this ambiguity, which was so much a part of
·rheoderic's politica l ideology, W;}S intentional.
THEODERI C'S RAVENNA "S

jJ. ,\ busol<wn
ofThrod. rie,
vic'" from ,t..:
~ ·<St( phoIo
s. ,\I>wJ.:opfj

Lot:ated juSt outsi de the northeast mrnerof the city wall at the time it was
constructed, the mausoleum wou ld have been dose to the small harbor and
~"Oasdine . Th e site by within Ravenna 'seemclXry zone, and graves excavated
to the southeast in the mid- nineteenth century contained jewelry identified
by archaeologim as "Gothic.~ "o Agncllus refers to its location as "at the
lighthouse" (ad forum); as we have seen, Ravenna had a famous lighthouse
in the Roman period, mentioned by Pliny the Elder, wh ich may h ..'e given
its name to this area, ' "
The first thing to note is that. unlike any other building in Ravenna,
Theoderic's mausoleum was built not of brieL: but of limcstone that ,.une
from lstria, across the Adriatic Sea from Ra~enna. '" The wall surfaces
pr(.-sent beautiful S<Juared ashlar blocks, shaped to fit together pcrf~'ttly
using the technique of I1nathyrosis. in which the inner surfaces of the ashlar
blocks arc made sl ightly conca,'e, so that a perfect fit has only to be atta i n~1:l
around the cdge of each block. Somc of the blocks "'cre can'Cd in situ to
create the interior wall ~1Jrfu~'Cs; for example, on the interior of the lower
chamber. thc corner angles are not made of joins between bloc ks, but instead
la rge blocks have been shaped in place with the comer angles cut out of them
(Fig. 34). T he arches and lintels are made using "joggled mussoirs," blocks
cut with a zig-zag that links with the next block (Fig. 35); this technique,
whi le used th roughuut the Ruman Empire in the imperial period, by the
sixth century is known to h..'c been used only in the eastern " -lcditerr.l11ean,
..6 RAVENNA . HI E CAP ITAL Of H I E OSTROG OTH Ie KINGDOM

H. ,\tnllsoicum
o f T h ~o.dc ri ~,
'-;ew of rhe in'c_
rioro fd,~ low~r
lel'el

which has led to the suggestion that Theoderic imported architects from
Syria or Asia Minot (Q construct his lOmb. "l Beneath the finely crafted
surfaces, the interior core of the wall s consist.~ of irregu lar blocks of Stone,
smaller fragments, and mortar, ';4 T he entire weighty strl,lCnlre rests on
a platform of brick ami mortar that is at least 1.5 m deep and rests on
the Ilatural sa nd, which extends in 3 circle 7.9 In beyond the corners of
the mausoleum. I '5 Originally a fence, com])Qsed of metal grilles supported
by thirty carved marble piers, LZ9 III high, su rrounded the building at a
distance of +8 m. " ~ T he care taken with the design 31ld engilleering of the
buildi ng demonstrates era frsmanship of the highcst Ic\'cl.
Tht: mausoleum itself is a centrally plannell building with ["wo srories;
each Story is visually articulatecl o n the exterior and h~ s a vaulted cham-
ber on the interior. Centrally pl anned strllCQlres arc typical of Roman
elite mausolea, and it is often noted that T hoo(leric's mausoleum imi-
tates Roman im perial mausolea know n from Rome, Spa lato, Milan, T hes-
salonike. amI Constantinople. "; Although 1Il0St of these strucrures were
made of brick, therc is evidence that some, such as the mausoleum o f
Augustus in Rome, were plastered and painted on the exterior to look like
stone. d Despite obvious similarities. Theoderic's mausoleum also con-
rained some significant differences frOIll contemporary imperial mausolea.
One difference is the fact that while some pre-Christian Roman mausolea
had an upper and a lower chamber, after the rourlh century imperial mau-
solea generall}' had only one level, amI were usually attached to adjacent
churches.' ''I Thcoderic's tOlll b was a frcestaluling monum cnt, and although
TH EODERIC'S RAVENNA
'"

35. ,\ busukull1
o f Th ~<;>dc ri ~.
cnlrnncc:. lower
len]

it has been argued that one of the chambers took on the functions of a
chapel , this layout is found in no other contemporary royal tomb. Some
fourth-century pre-Christian imperial exam ples from the Balkans, such as
the mausoleum of D iodetian at Spalaro and twO funerary strucrures found
at Gamzigral.l , with which Thcoderic would certainly have been familiar,
were not ana chell ro churches and had two stories and were moreover made
of ashlar masonry making them better models for our monument. I JD \Vc
will return to this question.
Anodtcr difference is that imperial mausol ea generally had circular or
octagonal ground plans, whereas Thcoderie's build ing had ten sides at
ground level (Fig. J6). Explanations of dlis feature usually center on dte
writings ofBoctilius, who wrOte a treatise on mathematics in which number
.. 8 RAVENNA. HIE CA PIH l O F T I-IE OSTROGOTHI C KINGDOM

36. M,uwl"",,,
o r Th"od~ric.
pbn al gruII"']
IC"d showing th
stnJcruf"(" ~nd Ihe
"rigin~lloc"lion
"fth" fi:nc~ 1>O!o"t!<
("ft~r H eiden_
reichIJoha",, <;"S,
''.I i I. fig·l3 i)

symbolism and Pythagorean ideas were explicitly discussed, ann whose

knowledge was specifically praised by Cassiodorus. Ten was considered by
Bocthius to be a perfect nmnbcr, symbolic of heaven, and by this rc~soning
would he a vcry appropriate layOut for a tOmb.')' If Bocrhian mathemati-
cal theory influenced the construC[ion of Theodcric's tomb, '.!' Thcoocric
was aiming for originality rather than conformity with established imperial
tr:J(litioll.

37' ,\1nusoicurn
of Th<:o(ic:ric,
I'lJn o rlh~
"PI'"r ]""d
(otter Hcitk n-
reich/Johanllcs.
' 97 1, iiI:, I I)
TH EODER IC'S IlWEN NA "9

Let us examine the bu ilding b ,d by level. T he exterior outline of the

lower level has ten sides, with the entrance on the west side. On each o f
the other nine sides, a niche with a rectangula r plan and an arched top
(1,44-46 met(.'rs wi{k, 1.41 mcters deep, ami 6'50 mcters high) rakes up a
majority of the wall surface and creates an undulating eff"ecr. A comice runs
conti nllously around the exterior at the level ohhe springing of the arches
of these niches; a drawing made ca. 1 500 by Giuliano da Sangallo shows
nnother cornice n the tOP of the lower stor}', but no trace of such a detail
survives.' ;; The geometries of the lower !t..·vc! arc ~'I htle and hrilliantly
worked out. The interior room on the lower level is cruciform; the ends o f
the cross ~rms arc not Rat, bllt each have three face ts which arc angled ~o
that they arf' parallel to the exterior walls and niches of the deeagon. In the
cast and west arll1S, the angled facets an: carved in the up per corners with
~eashells , a funerary symhol. Two small slit windows, one above the other,
pierce the center of the wall on the east side, while in the north and south
arms of the cross twO similar windows pierce the side facets of each end wall.
A simple cornice runs around the entire interior space at the level of thc
spri nging of the barrd vau lts, whi<.·h are made of long ashlars (!<ig. H )'
There is no evidence of any other imerior derorarion on the walls or
vaults.
The upper le\,el has a smaller diameter than the lower, and a platform
1.30 m wide runs around the exterior; the upper doo r is directly above
the lower, although thcre is no l'vidence of a stair('j$c giving access to this
Icvel (Fig. 37)' T hc structure herc is dccagona l up to thc level of the cor-
nice al)(we the door, but then becomes circular. Nine sides of the dOC"Jgon
(excluding the walJ witb the door) al'e articulated with shallowly ca rved
rectangular Iliche~ tOpped by projet:cing lunettes ami separated hy pilasters,
with triangublr brackets projL'Ctlng at the upper level on the corncrs, Ranked
by adclitional slots (Fig. 38). This wall aJ·ticularion is part of some more
complex decorative plan for this k>\'el; it is not clear whether the decora -
tion was originally com pleTed ami was subsequently completely disman-
ue(l or whether it was never completed. '·\of The statemenr in the 111I01l)'lIIllS
VllleJ/II/lm' rather implies that the structure was completed, but only because
it does nOt say that it was left unfinished. Also, since st\'en years elapsed
octwecn T hcodcric '5 death ,1l1d the start of thc Gothic H'ar, it secms likely
that it wo uld have ut:en completed after 516 even ifnot before, although,
of Course, the original design 111igh t then have been 111OOil1cII.
There has been a great deal of debate abmJt what the original decoration
of the upper exterior story was (or was imemle(l to be). One suggestion,
made most forcefully by H eidenreich and Johannes after detailed exam-
ination of rhe architecture, is that only a Rat wall articulation was origi-
nally intended, decorated with relatively sha llow relief,;ls well as statues o f
 RAVINNA , TH E CA PITA L Of TH E OSTROGOTH Ie KINGDOM
'J"

j 8. ~h"""eum
ofThroderic,
~,hkc"l>­
"""".(j>hoto
C L, Snikerj

winged victories set on the comer brackets (Fig. 39). 'J5 While their stat-
ues arc somewhat fanciful, this reconstruction corresponds to some of {he
imperia l mausolea in the Balkans, which, unlike dIose in M ilan, had a pl ain
upper exterior drum set back from a lower colonnade. On the other hand,
S<.>vcral scholars ha"c propos~~[ that there was originally mcant to be an
arcaded loggia or gallery surrounding this level, composed of shon bar-
rel vaults perpendicular to the walls of the decagon and support~-d by the
lu nettes and slots in the walls (Fi g. 40). 'JO Such reconsrructions are based
on the proposa l that Thcodcric's mausoleum im itated imperia l mausolea
in M ilan, in particubr the now-lost chapel o f San Gregorio at San Vit-
tore al Corpo, the buria l place perhaps of Alaximian or Valcntin ian [I, and
the chapel of San Aquilino anachcd to San Lorcnm, each of which had
an exterior loggia or "dwarf gallery" at the upper level. 'J) San Aquilino,
at least, had only one interior chamber, and morco'-er the loggia was set
31)(l\'e the window w ne, thus did not Rank a door; on the other hand, both
Mausoleum z at Gamzigrad and the Tomb of M ausolus at H aliCllmassus
had a colonnade at thc upper levcl, and some depictions of the Holy Sepul-
chre show a similar arrangement. ,)8 Since ultimately we Cllnnot know what
was intended or what was built, we can on ly conclude that given the variety
of models available to Thooderic and his architects, anyone of the proposed
reconstructions would have carried connotations of classical monumental
tombs_
The upper chamber is circulu on the interio r, 9.zo meters in diameter,
with a small square niche (1.8 meters wide. l .z8 meters dccp, 1.90 meters
TH EODERIC'S RAVENNA • 3'

•• ·•.-
• .•-'

-
•

,
• •

, • " , ,

•
..
39· Re<:rm -
~[n.Jctio n of th e
,\ iuuso]eum
of Thcodcric
(b)· H cidcnr<:-
•
e.
•
• , , •
-. • • i~ h/J <lh"nn "",
t9i 1)

,+ 0, R~"''')n­
srn,cti"" () f Ih e
,\busol~um
ofTh eodcric
(hy Dc Angcli~
d'/Asn l. '9(0)
.,. RAVENNA . HI E CAPITAL Of HI E OSTROGOTH Ie KINGDOM

-I " )\I,,,,,;oI<:ul1l
nfThc:(Xlcric,
Il<>rp h)'ry Imhtul,
'U"" in th ... upl) ... r
room

high) set imo the east wall directly opposite the clltrance. '.19 T he walls 3rc
articulated by a cornice at the level o f the lintel over lhe door. Above this
cornice is a window lOne: four small windows 3rc inserted ahove the lloor.
Small windows f3L"e directly north and south, slightly larger windows face
northeast, southeast, northwest, and southwest, ' -1 0 and a window facing
directly to the east takes the form of an equal-armed cross. Above the niche
in the eastern wall, below this window, 31lotllCr cross is carved in high relief
on the keystone of the arch. Above the window zone is another plain cornice
and surmoll!Hing the whole is the monolithic dome. In the center of the
dome carl be seen the outline of a circle. shallowly can'cd and cmbossed as
though it Qriginally helll plaster for a fresco or mosaic (the painted cross that
appears today is medieval Or later). ' 4[ Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century
descriptions mention a figural mosaic floor in thislevcl, although we do no t
know if this was origina l or from a la ter date. T he floor of d,e upper level
was remade in 11)03, at which time a drawi ng was made of the vaulting of
the lower chamber. [4'
'VVhere in this structure was T heoderic buried? Agncllus says, " But it
seems to me that he has been cast out ofhis tomb, and that vcry marvelous
vcssclJying there, made of porphyry stone, was placefl before the entrance
of that 1lI0IlnSftri Il1ll." ' 4 1 Since ' 9'3 a late antique porphyry bathtub has
S[{)ori in the upper chamber of the mausoleum, which is presumed to be
the object that AgnclJus describes (Fig."I ). It is impossible to determine
whether T heoderic was really buried in dlis vessel. Certainly the bathtub
had imperial cOlUlotations, as only cmperors were allowed to own objects
THEODERIC'S RAVENNA '33

• c
".- -c_ , '., - -,

4'. ,\hU>Olcum
of Theodoric,
· 7.... ,g<nfri...
relief orrument
.I1he ba", of the
""I"t<.>ne (pOOto
C L Striker)

made of porphyry, and it was the right sire for burial. '+I But in which
chamber would it ha"e been plaecd? It seems mO'lt likely that Theoderic's
body was in the upper Story, to avoid the Hooding that besetS Ravenna, and
in order to be dircctly under thc dome. As therc is no evidence for stairs
00 the upper Story, the oomb chaml,"",r would ha,"e becn ina<:l"t'ssible after
Thcoderic's burial, whercas thc lower chamber wou ld be used as a memo-
rial chapel. ' ~5 On the other hand, in earlier imperial mausolea, including
those in the Balkans, the lower spacc was used for the tOlllOs and the upper
chamber for a shrine" The cruciform layout of the lo""cr chamber is similar
to chapels such as the "mausoleum o f Galla I'laLidia,~ which, as we have
seen, may not have been an imperia l mausoleum but ceminly was simi-
lar to a type of late antiquc mausoleum---chapcl. Thus, somc scholars have
proposed that the upper chamber was the intended memorial chapel, while
the lower space would have oontain~-d the oombs ofTheoocric and his fam-
ily. ,.r We do not know when Theoderic's body would have been removed
from the tomb, as our terminus illite quem is Agnellus in the ninth ccnrury,
nor do we know whether other members ofThcoderie's family were orig-
inally intended to be buried there. There is no r~"OOrd, for example, of the
burial place of his grandson Athalaric. Once again, therefore, we are left
only with specu lation.
\Ve finally come to the uppermost level of the srructure and its amaz-
ing roof. Above a flat wne into which thc windows are set, a band deco-
ra ted in relief with a ~-urious "tonb'S" (Zfll1grnjri«) pancrn marks the tran-
sition to the monolithic dome (Fig. 4!). The mausoleum is capped. as the
' J< RAVINNA , TH E CA PITA L Of TH E OSTROGOTH Ie KINGDOM

.~ .~--~
4j. M"ts<>Ieum
of Theodoric. #!",
,,,,,""Hhe ,
COI"'OIIC with
,he in""';!'';'''.
• . .•
"S(2fI)c('u)<
Potru>" (photo
C [_ Striker)

Alwnymus remarks, by a single huge slab of stone (Fi g. 38). With 3 diameter
of I o.76 meters, ;t is ].':>9 melers high and estimated 10 weigh over 300 Ions;
itS summit rises 15.4' meters alxwe the original ground 1<-»,cl. At the tOp
of thc dOlnc thc rock has been carved to (orm a shallow ring 3. 7S m~1.crs
acros>, at the center of which is a raise<.! rccungular platfonn (0.76 x 0,5'
meters). '~l At the edge of the roof, CoIrved out of the same block of STOne,
are twelve ~"Venly spaced spurs, pierced on their undersides, and inscribed
with the names of apostles on their oUler edges (Fig. 43).' ~
The placement o f the monolith was an imprcssi"c teclmica 1 feat; indeed,
it may have bcen toO diffi~.,".tl t for the buildcrs_ A large crack on the south side
of the monolith is thought (0 hal"c de,·eloped at thc timc it wasplaccd on thc
mausoleum. '49 Sinct the spurs arc not symmetrically dispo~d rebtive to the
doors and other features of the building, it is thought that when the cracking
b<.'gan, the archiK>cts simply left it where it was. T he Spllrs themselves may
have becn used to help movc the monolith; it has oc'Cn proposL'<i t hat a
massi"e earth ramp was construct~'<i, up which the monolith was drawn,
and that the spurs were used to attach ropes to lift it into place" ' so
And yet, the spurs ~lInnot have been only functional, bl.'l.lIUSC in that
(1ISC they would have been remOl"ed after the dome was in place; they must
have sef\l~-d some decorative or symbolic purpose. Some have seen them
as imitations of the spurs that were used to load the edges of domes con-
structed of brick or cement, such as can be seen on the (much later) dome
of Hagia Sophia in CunSLIntinopJe; ' J' or, Cl.mll'lctely different, as imita-
tions of a large tent, or to look like a mural crown, or simply to render the
TH EODER IC'S IlWEN NA
'"
monolith visually less heavy. ' 5' But why were there tv..c1n: of them? IIHIced,
ten woul(1 hal'e ueen a choice m{)re consbttnt wi th the de<:agooal grouoll
plan. That the spurs also had a symbolic pUrpose is seen from the fact
that thl..'Y arc inscribed with the tollowing names clockwise from the south,
each preceded by the abbreviation SCS [sanctus]: Petrus, Simeon, Thomas,
Lucas,Marcus, Matthias, .~·1al"tholom (aeu)s [tor Bartholomaeus], Feli ppus,
lohannis, lacopus, A.11I1reas, Paulus. ' 51 This is not the srandarlilist of apos·
tics known in the West, for c.~ample, as na med in the Orthodox Baptistery,
San Vitale, and the capella arcivcscovilc, since here the evangelists Lule anll
NI ark arc included instead of Judas Zelotes and one of the J ames. Beca use
this list of names is similar to those found in the eastern J\'lediterranean
in the sixth century, including perhaps in the church of the I loly Apostles
in Constantinople, some scholars have concluded that Theoderic wishe(1
[{) be Imriell in the s}'mholic presence of the aposcles, like the emperors in
Constantinople. IH \-\lhile it is curious that Theoderic's tomb woul(1 wntain
a ('.onstantinopoliral1 list of apostles w'hile the Orth()(lox churche~ Imilt at
the same time do nOt, the cllstern origins of the workmen, and Theoderic's
own experiences in Constantinople, make it a plausible suggestion.
As already nmcd. many scholars have re<ld Theoderic's tomb as symbolic
of the ideology of his reign, and iJ1 particular it has been seen as 3 sign orhis
rule as both a Roman and as an O strogoth. The differences between this
monument and Roman e.xamples are there tore somerimes taken as evich:nce
of "Gothicness." It has been propos('d, for eXllmple, that the lower level is
"Roman" while the upper level instead contains ~ a nticlassici7.in g~ feafllres,
because that is when! Theoderic's tlOliy was to lie. 's;; F. '·V. Deichm<lnn
has traced the histOl"y of this idea ftOm the ~vcntecnth ccntu ry througb
twentiecll-century German Nazi icleology, showing that it has more to
do with romantic ideas of "Germanic" llcsthctics than actual historical
cI:illence.';6 Nevertheless, the monolith, for example, has heen interpreted
as a holdovcr from Theodcric's "Gothic" past, as a rcm Lniscencc of the brge
rocks placed on prehistoric tom bs, ('ven though such tombs arc not known
from any of the regions in which Theoderic lived or visited. ' S' Since, as
we have seen, thc monolith was viewcd as someth ing unique and differem
alxlllt Thcolleric's tomb, it is certainly possillie that he intended it as a mon-
ument to his own uni(lue power, without necessarily having any "Gothic"
connotations. I ;8
T he one feature that most scholars 3gTce is not 3 Roman ()ccorativc motif
is rhc relief band lust below the bonom cdgc of the roof slab (Fi g ..p ).
Called a ZnllgClljiics ("frieze of tongs") by Heilienreich al1li Johannes, it
has been linked to decorative motifs on "Germanic" jewelry, and is oflen
identified as the Ilistinctive fearure that keeps the mausoleum from being
wholly Roman in inspiration. Only one of Heidenreich and Johannes's
." RAVEN N A. H I E CAPITAL O f HIE O STROG O THt C KINGDOM

examples has an Ostrogothk context: the gold cuirass or harness fitting

exc3v~te(1 near the mausoleum in 1854 3n(1 now bst. '59 Otherwise, the
motif compares most closely with one used as a bonIer all early sixth-
century brooches made in 5<Juthcrn [)l,'nmark.'60 T hus. whi le the 7~lIIgt'lI ­
ji-its is an abstract ornamental design of a sort that might ha\'c been found
on jewelry made ill the sixth cenrury, we canllot assume that such II motif
would have been read as typically "Oslrogothic" or evell "Germanic" in
this context. Once again, it appears to be a sign of difference or uniqueness
of the sort that we h~\'e seen in other clcmcntl; on this monument.
As a memorial to T hoodcric's reign, the mausoleum has been em inently
Sllccessful. 'fhe mystcries of it:; meaning that amaze and bemuse mQ{lern
viewers were intenlied to do JUSt that; Theoueric and his advisers were COIl -
structing a tIl0nUllH!llt that might stri ke different chords with The dilferent
(.'onstituencies within his kingdom, Romans, Goths, and others, a durable
testamen t to his power and his claims to greatness th~t would keep his name
~Iivc down through the ccntllrics.

The Ostrogothic Kingdom after Theoderic to 540

In the kingdom created hy Theoderic, the king was the linchpin bef;\l.'een
competing factions of Romans, Goths, and €:\1ernal tOrce:;. Theoderic was
successful because his vision and his abilities inspired respect or fear from
~II sides. f'or a variety of reasons his successors did nO[ have the abi lities
or the favor:lble poli tical circumstances to ~mable them to maintain the
balance. i\'iost of our i ofor mati 011 about this period comes fro m {h_e history
of the Gothic 'Nar written by Procopius, who was a member of the staff
of the BYl'.3ntinc army that rcrolUlucreeJ the peninsula. \Vhile, as we have
seen, Procopius admired Theo<leric, he was hanlly an impartial observer,
and his constructs of " Roman" and "barbarian" identity, for c)(3t11pic, arc
stereotypical in the extreme. t G, Our other major source for this period is
Cassiodorus, who mnrinuerl to serve the OStrogothic rulers, notably as
praetorian prefect from 533 until :B7 o r 538, and more than ,60 of the
letters in the Vilrillr were written after Theoderic's death. These letters
continue to be <lbout routine administrative matters; C<lssiocJoru~ seems
intent on stressing the peacdliiness and normality of the kingdom. ' ~:
However, the kingdom was anything but peaceful and normal. After
Thcoderic's death in 516, hi s eight-year-old grandson Athalaric was pro-
claimed king under a regency headed by his mother Amal:Jsuintha. 'IiJ
Amalasuimha had been given a Roman education and could speak se\'-
eral languages; Procopius says that she ·'administered the government
and provcd to be endoll'cd wi th wisdom and regard for justkc in the
highest {legree, disl)layillg to a great extent the masculine temper."' !>.+
TH E OSTROG OTH Ie KIN G DO M MHR TH EO DERI C TO 540 ,,,
Perhaps with T heooeric 's suppo rr, she atrcmpted to c{lucate her son in
the Roman manner. As wc have al ready seen, this Iloes not seem tIJ havc
cndc,lred her to a powerful faction o f G othic warriors of the COll rt who fel t
that his martial a bil itics wOllld thm be compromised. Procoplus tells us chat
these men removed the young prince from his Illother's care, and resolved
to bring him up "more barbarically" (~a:pI3aPIKW'HPOV), which llpparently
in\"oln'~d drunkenness anti debauchery, so that Athalaric died ill 534 from a
wasting disease. AmalasuiJlth.a prodaimcd hcrsel f queen in association wi th
her cousin Theodahad , the son of T hL'vdcric\ sister Amalafrida. Thcoda-
hnd was noted far his love of GreeD-Roman lc:lrn ing and of otber people's
property, tor which hL' had been ('alled to aC("(lUnt by AmalaSll intha. She had
thus apparemly alienated enough of the G othic nobility that Theodahad
was able to imprison her on the island of Vol sen a, where she was mllrdere(1
in 535. ,("
Amalasuintha's murder pn.'sellfC(i the eaStern emperor J us ti nian with a
political o pportunity that wa~ im(l{)s~ible to rt!~ist, ~i nce she hall 3ppealcd
to him for su pport. In 533, ] ustinian had hegun a 'l uest to reeonquer the-
wcstern empire; hL' had sent an ar my, led by his general Bclisarills. against
the Vandal kingdom in North Africa, and had won a remarkably quick
victory. Amalas uintha had w ri tt~ll (0 J ustinian, asking for his sllppon o f
her rule when she oetame (Iueen (in the same way that Theoderic 3ml
Athalaric had ovtained imperial support for theil' rule). H er death pro-
vided J ustinian with a pretext for war, ,66 and even a cause in the person
of her dallghter Mat;lsuintha. who was now Theoderic's only legitimate
heir. In 535, Belisarius took a small army to Sicily and con(luered it for
J ustinian; Tbeodahad was 6rst conciljatol'Y and then de6ant, and Bclis-
arius hrought his army to the Iulian mainlalHI. Naples was capture(] in
late 536, and thell Bdisarius cnrercd Ro mc; Theod ahad was deposed lllld
murderell, replacell by a Gothic leader named \.vitigis, whQ married Mata-
suintha. ,",Vitigis besieged Bclisarius in Rome from 537 to 538, but the
imperial army was rei ntorced, and Witigis had to fall back to Ravenna. A
new imperial general, Narses, appeared on the scene, confusing the Roman
military command, and \Vitigis scored some victories, including the rccap-
[Ure and sat:k o f .M ilan in 5J9. After Nar ses was recalled to Constantinople,
Bdisarius Jeci{bl that the quick way to resolve the war was to capture
Ravenna. A fleetCllf the ci ty olfby sea and armies besieged the land and riyer
app roaches. The des peratc Goths finally surrcndered the city to Bdisarius
in March of 540; ,6; the army entered peacefully, and \Vitigis. l\Jlatasui ntha,
and other Gothic nota bles were sent to Constantinople. T his ended the
fi rst phase o f the war.
P roeo pius's accOunt reveals the meaning of Ravenna for the GOdlS
and partkularly for the Amal dy nasty. AlIlalasuimha fulc(l from Ra\'Cllna,
where she n:si([e(l after putting ([own a plot against her. 168 As a letter by
." RAVEN N A. H I E CAPITAL O f HIE OSTROG O THt C KINGDOM

Cassiooonis im plies, she was vcry aware of her predecessor Galla Placid i;! ,
also a regent for a young son, whose works were so evident in the
citf.,/iq Agncllus reports a Story that Amalasuintha built a hOllse where
there was in his day a chapel dedicated to Sr. Peter n thl,' O rphanage; this
was in the western part of tbe old oppidlllll, and thus fa r away fro m the
main palace. '~ 'fheodahad e ..iled her from Rave nll;! so that he co uld rule
there. T he first thing that \Vitigis (Ii,l when he was chosen as king was to
consolidate control of Ravcnnn, and it was there that he married NLn3-
suintha, who was prc~'l1mbly living in fhe palace,l;1 T he appro:lch of the
imperial army against Ravenna was viewed by Goths as something to be
a\"oided at all costs.' !' Perhaps because of Ravenna 's reputation as being
impregnable, the Byzantine generals did not start wh;!t might be a lengthy
siege until they could be assu re<1 t hat they would not be attacked rrom the
rear. '· ' Ravenna was therefore left in peace until 540, unlike ()[her 1tlajor
cities such as Napl e~, Rome, and ,\1ilan. Noconstruniol1 works in Ravenna
are credited to Athalaric, T hoodahad, \:Vi rigis, or Matasuintha, although,
as we have seen , it is perfectly possible that projects hegun under T heoderic
were l'Ompleted by his successors . It is notable that, ;ls at other times in thl;'
city's history, Ravenna was spared a sack in [ilis war, which allowed the dty
to continue as a govern mental center.
The surrender of Ravenna did M t mean the end of the Gothic king.
dom; other kings ru led from o ther cities until 55+ However, the capture
o f Ravenna meant the capture of Matasu im ha and the royal treasury and
marked the end of any pretense that a Gothic ki ng cou ld be the heir o f
Theoderic.
CIIA PTE R FIVE

RELIGION IN OSTROGOTHIC RAVENNA

Arianism and the Goths

The proposition that Chri~t w~s a crc;nion of Gl)(l the Father, and hence a
subordinate being, is attributed to Arius, a priest of Alexandria (d . 336).
\Vhilc many church leaders accepted Arius's formulation, others \'I,~hc ­
mently opposed il, and the debarc over the nature of the Trinity ener-
gized the Christian world at a (ritical time. 'rhe emperor Constamint:, who
publicly suppt)r[c<1 Christianity after 311, called an assembly of represen-
tatives from the entire Church at Nicaea in 31;. Arianism was condemne<l,
the firs t heresy to be so defined uy
an ecumenical council, and the tCflll
hQ1II00IIS;O," , "of the same substance," was used in the new creed to I:lllphasi7.c
the equality of Father and Son. Despite its condemnation , Arius's theol-
ogy retained numerous supporter5, and was developed in different direc-
tiOlls in the following decades. Supporters of N icene belief often labeled as
Ari;1ns ;111 those who opposed the hOllloousian formula ~Glory to the Father
and the Son and the Holy Spirit, ~ using instea(l the phrase ~Glory to the
father through (pIT) the Son in (ill) the Holy Spirit.''' ' Vhill' all "Arian"
grO\lps believed that Christ was not equal in stams to God the Father,
and that the Holy Spirit was a being create(1 by Christ and/or the Father,
their exact beliefs abou t the Trinity varied: Some believed that Father and
Son were '""1iL:e" (/Jo/JIoios) but not the same as each other, while others, like
[unomiu s and his followers, thought that the twO were completely different
«(I1I/Jo1110ios). '
Several of Constantinc's key advisers and Constantine him se1fhad Arian
sympathies; his son Constanti\1S I I. ~'ho ruled the empire from 33 7-01, was
an Arian (of the /;011/0;01 va riety), as was the ea,tern em peror Valens (364-
78). /\1 though Arianism was condemned a second time at the ecumenica l
Council of Constantinople of 381 at the urging of the tmpel"Of Theodo-
sius I, ;Ind no su bsequent cmperors supported it, Arians contin ued to cxist

' 39
 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

ill parts of the empire, esp(."dally the Balkalls and Italy. 1 '" Barbaria ns" who
wen: Arian ~en-ed in the imperial a rmit:~ in Constantino ple, anll thus there
was an Arian presence in that city also unti l the timeofJ ustinian:-I
Somc Goths and/or their slaws wcre ap parently alrcady Christian in thl.'
340s, before they entered dIe Roman E mpire. III 341, U lfilas (sometimes
called ",,Iulnla), a Goth , was consecrated in Constlllltinopie as the bishop
for these Christians; at that time the- tl'Clesiastical hierarchy ill the eastern
capital dty was Arian, and fourth-century historians attribu te the Arian-
ism o f the Goths to Ulnlas) Ulfi las prodm:cll a translation of the Billie
into Gothic, copies of which sunive and arc our primary evidence for the
Gothic Iangllage .t; Ultilas, accon\ing to a letter wrinen by his pll pil Aux-
enuus, emphHically bel ieved ill a Christ created by the unneated Father,
which pm mm somewhere to the radical side of the btJllloiru' party, but not
as far as the llllhrJ/!lOios side, and he may have changed his theolo!:,'Y between
341 and 383.1 Gothic Christians wcre pl.'r.~ecU{ed hy sollle pagan Visigothic
leaders, but as a result of various ncgotiation~ and treaties with Valens in
the 370S, the V isigoths, or at least their leaders, II'ho settled in the empire
in 376 had commim:d to Ulfilas's version of Arian Christianity. ~ However,
the Goths in the fourth and fifth centuries were not a religiously unified
gro\IP, and some Goths followed more moderate lorms of Arianism ,? some
were Ortho(kJ)(, and some rem ained non-Christian. I<>
The Ostrogoths 110 not appear as:I distinct group until the 4 50S; it issaid
that they had converted to Arian Christianity by the time they entered
Pannonia in .f55. \Vc do not know how or when this ha ppened; then:
seems to have been in fluence from the Visigoths, as the O strogoths in
h al y used the Gothic Bible produced by Ulfilas, wbich wou ld bave been a
lIl!)re radical version ." O n the other ham!, B. L uiselli cOllvincingly argues
that TIH.'oderic in particular, and the O strogo ths in general, are likely to
have been int1uencell by a more moderate lorm of Arianism followed by
Visigoths who remained in anti around Constantinople in the mid-fifth
century. "
The importance of Arianism for the Osrrogoths in Italy is a hotly debated
topic; the sources arc too scant)' to tell us anything about personal belier,
and we have nothing written by an Arian . Some scholars helieve that
Thcooeric USN\ Arianism as a way to keep the OSlrogoths uni fied and dis-
tinct from their Roman neighl)()rs.'l Others nOte thar there were both
Roman anti Gothic Arians, 'i and that the theological differences prob-
ably didn't maner much to anyo ne O\Jtside the church hierarchy, " or
indeed that Theotieric's modera te Arianism could be accommodated by the
Orthodox. It; In facrir seems likely {hat all these fa cts were {rue: At times Ari-
anism was used as political and theological justification for uniting people,
A RIANI SM AN D TH E GO TIi S

;J;J. Arialllbl,lis-
,el)'. ~ e"d of an
0p05.k

either in fa vor of or against it, while at the same dm e the creed of individ-
uals was flllie! and mutable and did not nee(j ro (;orrespond to any ethnic:
iocntiflcation. '" Thcooeric's attitu(lc toward Arianism was almost certainly
colored by his experience in Conmnrinople. When he arri ved in 461 (he
Gothic-Alan generals Aspar and Ardabur comrolled the imperial arlll)' and
their Arianis m was tacitly [DIcTated , but anti-Arian riots and persecution
were part of their overthrow in 471. ,11
 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA
'.'

The chief ecclcsiological issue of the carly si.~th century was the dcbJtc
between Nestorians, Eutychians (mon1)physites), miaphysites, and those
in between. Ncstori\lS had said that Christ had two separate persons, one
human and ont! divine; this waS condcmnl,'{{ at the C0\11161 of Ephesus
of 431. In response, Euryches had proposed thar C hrist had only one
divine nature, which had completely subsumed his human nature (mono-
physitism). Euryches was condemned at the Council of Cha\cetlon in 451,
at which il was stated tha t Christ had two natures cornainc(1 in one person.
The C hakcdonian position was accepted hy the t:hurchcs of Rome and
Constantinople. However, some theologians, especially io Egypt, rejected
Nestorius, Elltyches, IIlId Ch~Iccdon, ami instead proposed tha t Christ had
one natu re that was both full y hum~n and fu lly divine (llIi~physiriSlll). All
sides, unl ike the Aria ns, accepted the elluality of the three persons of the
Trinity. lloth Nestorian and miaphysite positions had many supporters,
a nu attempts to find a cotllprOlnLse between the different parties l'()]lsumcd
milch I)f the si:\1:h century. In this conto.1:, Arianism seems to have been
almost ignored, at least in eastern theological circles. Tn the \\'est, howel'er,
th ... presence of Arian nllcrs produced a different th"ological climate.
Odoacer had ruled Ir~ly as an Arian for thirteen years before the arrival
of the Ostrogoths, a pparently without ecclesiastical conflict. For much of
Theoderic's reign, the popes were in dispu te with the Constantinopolitan
church over the emperor Zeno's attempt to reabsorb the miaphysitcs into
the imperial Church and o\'er the election of Acacius (484- j 19) as the patri·
arch of Constantinople. Acac1us was regardcd as not guitc Chalccdonian
in hi s conception of the natures of Christ, bur this had nothing to do with
Arianism . .In addition, from 498- 506 the Roman clergy could not agree on
Ollt' legitimatt' pope. Amory notes that the popt's seem to havt' regarded
both Odo;lcer and Theoderic as mllgistri militlllJl and not cmperors, and
thus their personal beliefs wen: not a lllattl:r of ma jor cOllcern. IQ The
/ 111(111)'11111' V(flcsi{IIII1~' praises Odo~cer as SOl11t,,'One who "was of good will and
followed the Arian doctrinc ... ," and says of Thcod"ric, "hc so governed
the two peoples, Ro mans and Goths, tOgether thar although he himself
was of the Arian doctrine, he nevertheless did nothing against the catholic
religion .... " 10 Intleed , hi~ tolerance of Jews was equally well known and
dis;lpproved of by his Onhodox critics; in a letter to the Jews of Genoa is
follfl<] this falllOus statement: "I cannot command your fa ith, for no o ne is
forced to believe against his wilL ''' ' Luiselli argues that this tolerance was
a rcsult of T hcodcric's moderate Arian theology, unlikc thc morc radical
and imolerant Arianism ofthe Visigoths and Vandals. "
It was only after the accession of the eastern emperor Justin I in 518
and the suhsequent re"oiution of the Acacian Schism in j1 9, that Arian-
ism came once more to the forc, perhaps b~'a u sc of increasing pressure
ARIAN ISM AN D H ·l E GOTH S 1.,.3

from rhe B~l zantines, who were now supported by the popcs.'J vVe hear
from the AlIOII)"flIfS VnlrS ;lllIIIJ of three-way religious conflict in Ravenna:
some O rthodox Christians burned <l synagogue, and when the Jews, sup-
ported by various Ariam, appealed to Theooeric, the Orthodox were pun-
ished. This, according to the author of the text, shows that Eutharic, the
son-in-law of T heodetic who had been I'a ised in Visigothic Spain and was
consul ill 5'9, was an enemy of the faith! "' J\Ioreover, in the early 510S
Boethius wrote n\'o short works o n dl(~ Trinity, which arc spl,.'Citically
directed against Arianism, amI arc concerned to show that the Son was
consubstantial with the Father. Vllhile Bocthius', critique is fairly mild,
the fact thn thl.' treatises were wrinl.'n show that hI.' and his party were
gathering arguments aga inst the Arians.'5 The treatises are dedicated to
a deacon john, who has been assumed to be the man who in 51 3 became
Pope john 1.,6 The AIIOJI)Wlllr depicts Theoderic acting more aIHl more
anti-Orthodox, including his imprisollment of the pope, an(1finally, illlllle-
(liately before Theoderic's Ilc;nh, .. . .. the j ewish Symmachus schO/,}st;LlfJ",
at the order of a tyrant r;lther than a kjng, issued an edict on Wednes-
day, th(.' !oth of August, in the fourth indinion, in th(.' consulship ofOly-
brius, that on the follo wing Sunday the Arians would t<lke possession of the
Catholic churches. " 'i This was presun)3bly a retal iation in response to jlls-
tinian's similar actions against the Arian churches of Constantinople.'t'i By
the judgment of God, accor(ling to the author, Theoderic died before thi~
could be carried Out. Arianism had th us Uccomc an issue in T heoderic's la~t
years, with political , ethnic, and theologica l issues interrwined, bur overa ll
it seems that the [>ojitical aspects were more significa nt than th e theological
oncs.: Q
A.. the capital of Theoderic's kingdom, Ravenna became a t:enter of
Ari;1n Christianit}' in the sixth century. There must have been Arialls in
Ravenna throughout the fifth century, perhaps among sol(liers of the impe-
rial army and certai nly under Odo;lcer)" T here is only very scanty infor-
mation abollt Arian ch\1fch organization in rhe \..-est. It seems that in gen-
eral it was much less centrally organized th<lll the contemporary Orthodox
Church, with one senior cleric or bishop associa ted with th e royal court and
a netwurk of s,ur rdoffs tilr other areas, rather than a centralized authority
such as the pope)' Theoderic's t:hurt:h was based in R;lvenn;l and R;wenna's
dOCll1uents :Ind monulllents proville us with most o f what we knQw about
Ostrogothic Arianism.
Evidence for Arian church build ings comes almost entirel y from
Ravenna. On the basis of slight documentary references, churches in Rome
and other cities have been proposcd as of Arinn foundation or usc, Illninly
lX"Cause of their associations with known imperial, O stl'Og(lthic, or Lom-
bar(1 Arians, but the (lata arc tOO scamy to inform us of whether these
.... REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

churr.:hc5 were continuously Ar ian in the whole period. In any case, little of
their architecture Or art survives)' OUf most de t~iled evidence for Arian
churches in Ravenna comes from Agnc11us, who links them with T hcodcric.
Agncllus clcscribc~ rhe Tl,'dcdicatiol1 of former Arian churchl.'S to Orthodox
worship under Archbishop Agnellus, sometime between 566 and 570:.13

-nl<,r...rorc this most bleSSed om: [An:'hGishop AgndJus1 reconcile d ~11 d ll.-
churches Qf the Goths, which werc built in Ih~ times (If the Goths or of King
T hcodcri". which w..,rc h<:ld hy Arian bls"h(x,d and the sect, doctrine an d
credulity of the heretics. H e r"mlldled th.., church of St. E uschilti priest and
martyr, which is located not far from the Corbndri:m [idd outside thc d~'.
on NOl'cmocr tJ. which Bishop U n im tllHlus Lolli lt fro m its foun(hltions in tile
twcnty-fourth YC llr of !(jng '1bn.derie. And likewise hc rce(mcilCd the chu rt·h
of St. George in the time of Basilius the younger. as is told in its apse. He
f('concilcd the churdl of St. Sergi us, ",hk-h is 100'ated in tht: city of C lass<: nt:xt
tn the l'irMilln'lIlII, and that ,If St. ZclW in Cae~an:·a. Indcl'd in the city of
l{:lvcnna the church of Sf. ' i1l(:c ooorc, lIot f;lr from the hOllse of J)roc;don.
which hOll$<: together with ~ bath and" 1I1onasttrium to St. Apollinaris, which
was uuilt in the upper story of th" house. w"s th" "piscopal pabc" of that
IArbnJ church. And wiler" nuw tllere is :llllflIlIlSl..,.ilflll 10 th" IIUly and ahw}'s
inviolate \' il1fi n .\lary, then: W'l~ thl' b'lptislcry of the l'hurch of the Sllid rmr-
trr ... . The nJore the most bJe~std Bishop Agndlus reconciled the l'hurch of
St . .\1:1rtin the confessor in this city. which Kin g: Theoderic foundcd , which is
c;l lled the Golden j·Je;we n.

Agnellus hased his account on the imperial decree thin gave Ravenna's
al'chbishop all {he properlY of {he Gothic churches and on imcriptions
that he foutItl ill tht' churches, namely those in St. Eusebius, St. George,
and St. Martin. He refers later in his text to epi.f(opill built by the Arian
bishop Unimundus at Sr. Eusebius ami St. George.3 4 Fina lly, he mentions
an l'a/(o.iff Gorhom1ll ill the northeast part of the city, which docs not seem
to be one of the buildings reco nciled by Archbishop Agnellus.J5 'f here
were thus se\'er~l churches in and around R ~venna dlat were used fu r Arian
worship b~' the mid- sixth cemury. Some of thesc arc linked by inscriptions
to the Tt'ign ()fTheo deric, but Olhers might have heen older, although there
is no direct el'i{lence for this)6 The ded icatee-saints d ted in the document
arc probably n:tletlic;ltio ns alter their reconciliation; SIS. George, Sergius,
iViartin, and Theodore arc all soldier-saints, which could be interpreted
as the heavenly army act ing against the Aria ns, or perhap s as a preference
of Archbishop Agnellus, ~ former soldierY Sr. Eusehius of Vercelli was
a nOlable ami-Ariall fourth-ce ntury bishop, as was St. Zeno Verona,or
and by the 5; o~ St. i\'lartin was also viewed in this way. On the o dler hand,
there were many holy men named Euscoi us in the fourth century, indutiing
ARI AN IS M AN D H ·I E GOTH S 1..,.5

Eu~chiu s or Nicolllcdia, who wasvcncratcd hy Arians, as wasGL"orgc bishop

of Alexandria ))!
Om.' other piece o f evidence for AriaJl c hurches in Ravenna comes from
a papyrus in whi{:h thl.' c1cr!,'Y of an
I'fdes;fI legis Gorborllm S« ; hI{lSfilS;e sell
sollie property. The document is dated [Q 55I, 1~ thus after [ile Byzantine
reconquest of Ravenna but before the reconciliation of the churches under
Archbishop Agnell us. The clergy listed on [he (loc ulIlem (those who signetl
it in Gothic indicated by italics) arc the following:~u

(II. 82-85) ... uni"",rsus daus, ic.ltost Optarit tot Vitali:mus put:S[,(ytto ri).
Sunitofric.lus c.lbc:(onus), Petrus sulxliac(unus), \·Vi liarit tot Paulusclaici nee nOli
<:t Minnulus ct Dallihd, "' n cuJila, .\ ·liriea et Sindila spocJ t i. Costila, G udcli,'us,
Gudcrit, Hos[,ut et ikncnat1.ls ustiarii, ' Vi liarit <.:t Amala thells icJem SIX.".I.::i ....

(signarurcs. II. SR--136);

t Ik Ufiw/lJIl'i papl1 ,,[1'11 < tf> id" bllnd'lII wri"ai .

signlllll t Vit''.IJjan; prnt!sh(vtt:ri), s(upr.l)s(eri p)ti "end i tori~, qui fI'.Ici.mJre
invcc,illiratc oculonllu susc ribcrc non 1}()l1lit, signum f [ceit].
II.- S mijllifi'ip,IS di.11·ull ImllJfllI lIIcillill' "findidl'.
ego Petrus, ~u btliac(onu s) ~clisic g olice Slnc te An~~tasic ...
signu m t WiJiarit clerid, s(upra)s{crip)ci \·.:nditoris, 'lui faden [te l
in\'~dllirate oculorum suscriberc nOll pon/it ineffiJue signu m f [ecitl
cgo PJl.dus. clerie ns eelesic legis Gothorum s(~)n e(t)~c An;lsrasic . ..
ego 'Vi lli cn~nr [M i nnnlll.~ I ...
ego ' gilJ [Danih d J ...
ego Thcudila de ricu5 n ' J.·siae s(upra)s(cript.l~·) kgis Gorhl.lTum s(an)c(t)c
Ana.loTask· . • .
lk .Ha ila bol·JI·~iI blmdnll mei",,; "fm~/id'l .
signum 1 Sinthi1i3nis Sl}()(il-i s(upra)s(c ri p)mc "Jsiliea~ C'..othorum
signu m t ('.()5{iianis u5tiari i $(upr.l)s(crip)tac hasilicae Gothorum
sign um t Guddi"j ostiarii s(upr:l)s(~rip)t a t". basilicac Gothorum
sij,'Ilum t Gu deri t ustiarii s(upra)s(cri p)tae [,asilkac Gothorum
signum 1 Hoshlll u5tiarii s(upra)5(eripIJc·) b3si l iCJ~ GothoTUm
siJ,'llum t BcnenJti lIstiarii s(uprn)s(cripta... ) basilicl.· GOlhonl1ll
II: IFiy'"rip bul:llrds blmd"" '11Jrinlli "fmdidll.

Al though most o f the names ;l rt Gothk, there is no indicil tion in the doc-
\I1uent that th~e deri{:s were net:~saril}' Arlan, or for thar l11aner even
Gothic. Amory notes tha t the fact tha t only a minority signed the docu -
ment in Gothic implies tha t the majority of the Arian clergy did not lise
the Gothic language, hut only Larin, and that it is not possible to idemi£}'
peoplc as either necessarily Arians or Goths on the basis of their Il<1In cs.~1
The fact that in [he 55 os the Arian church o f Ravenna, in the absence
o f a bisho p, was selling property to the Orthodo.~ i~ perhaps an ind ication
,,6 REll G ION I N OSTROG OTH Ie RAVEN N A

of both politica l and financia l straits. h is perhaps surprisi ng that the COIll-
plete sur rre~sion of Aria nism dit! no t happen until after 565;'!' T. Brown
attributes thc previous lack of interference to a wish to absorb the Goths
pcacl.'fully within the Bp:an6nc regime,'l) It is significa nt that anri-Arim
polemic was something developed l>y Jusdnian's gm'ernment in order [0
justi!)' the conquests o f Africa, hal y, and Spain .'H In the 560s, the BY7.an-
tines were faced with the increasing th reat o f yet another nOll-Orthodox
group of b~rbarians, the Lombards, who, it was fd t, might become Arians,
and this might have in(luccd them to ta ke a stronger action against the Arian
churches under their 3uthority.-+> In any case, the document of 55 1 is the
lasr witn ess to an Arian prl,'sencc in Ravenna, but the mcmory of here rica I
or ig in~ wou ld become part of rhe mystique of O strogothic ru le associated
with the glory of T heoderic.

SOllt'Apollillare Nl101JO

The church most closely associated with Theoderic is the one that he built
next to his palace, known since dle later ninth century as Sam'Apollinare
N lIOVO : V' Agnellus the historian describes this church as "the church of St.
i\<lartin the l'Onfessor in this city, which King Thoolleric foumie<i , which is
called the Golden H eaven .. . . Indeed in the apse, if you look closely, rou
will l1nd the followi ng written abo\'{' the windo ws in stone letters: ' King
Thcoderic made this church from its foundatio1l5 in the name of om Lord
Jesus Christ.'"+i Based o n th is inscription, it is assumed tha t T heo<leric
dedicated the church fa Christ, and that it was rededicated to St. Martin at
the tilIle of its eonvcrsion to Orrh(J<l mT :l ~ This transformation was appar-
ently accompanied by a ra <lieal renovation of the mosaic decoration along
the nave walls, which we will dis(:uss in detail.
Agncllus provides further information about this church :

And h" [Art'huishop '\f,'neiJusl r"t'ondl~'u [to OrthoJo.xy! the [mptistery o f the
"hurch of Sr ..\'lartin ~nd dn'orated it "ith mosaic; bu r the ~psc.,f that Chlln::h,
greatlysh'lh:n uy 3n earthqu3ke. fell in nlins in th", reign of ArchbishopJ ohn V
th e younb",r [r. i !6- 44J . Aftcrw~rJs he aJom",J the LuilJ inb'S uf the \, 3U[\ with
"o lurs. (LPN. dl. 8y)

In hi~ IArchhishop Theodore's, r. 677-<)1 ] reign the l1UmaS!,-rilfJlJ of St.

Theodore the Jea~oll was Guilt uy the plII,.idll~ T hcoJorc, not [Ir frolll thc
place which is ca[led /If/ Cb"k!;i, ne.n to the chuft:h of St. ""I~rtin the conf"ssor
which is called the Golden H eaven, which King Thl'O(lerie uuilt, but rt:storcd
under thl' power of that uishop. (LPR eh. 1 H,j)
ARIANISM AND TH I GOTH S
."

H. Sam'·
ApoI li.... '"
N uovu. """'" ic
of the....,th ,...11.
Chri .. ll.o nk"d
by .ngd. (photo
£. V.,..,.)

T hus the church, according to Agnellus, also had a ba ptisK>ry and later
a chapel dedicated to St. Theodore, but no evidence of these survives:f9
T he main chu rch, except for the apse, is one of Ra"cn na's bcttcr. prcscrv~-d
basilicas, an d the only one fur which tbe decoration o f the nave walls has
surviv~-d .
T be church lay immediately to the northwest of the "pabce of
Tbcodcric," and was apparently closely connected to tbis building. In most
of the scholarly literature, it is calk-d the "palace chapel" of T heooeric,
although in trutb we know neither that this is what it w.lS nor what such
a designation wou ld mean in the early sixth ce ntury.l° Presumably it was
the place where T heoderic ordinari ly worsh iped an d in which certain royal
cercmonies tooL:: place, but we do not Imo'" exactly what these "'ould have
been.>' As we will s~"C, interpretations of the mosaic imagery, both that
which survi,'cs an d tha t which is now lost, often focus on the close connec-
tioll!; between this church and the rOJlllI court.

Architecture. The original church buil t by T heoderic had Ix."cn modifi~"d

(...·en by the time of Agnellus because tbe apse coHapscd in an earthquake
,.' REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

in the carly eighth Lellttlr~' ; the upper part o f the west f;lcaJc is thought to
have fa llen at the same time}' Bomb ([am age in V,rorld ' ,Var I md World
,"Var II a1I0ll'ed excavation anti im'cstig.ltioll of various partS of the building.
In 1950 the foun dations of the original apse werc cxnvncd; rhe uaroqul,'
apse, which had been constructed in the sixteenth ('entur~', was shu t off
from the church by a reconstruction of the origi nal apse made on the basis
of comparison with th e apse ofSaIlto Spirito; many rceem photographs of
the church show this reconstructed apse. This n::construction in turn was
removed in 1990-6 an,1 the harOt1ue apse has now been rcopcnctl to the
church.
"l'hL'Odcric's church, lil.c most of {he other religious strUCt\lrC5 in
Ravenna, was buih of reused brick as a basilica with a nave, single aisles tha t
wt!re half 350 wide as the nave, and an apse directly connL"Cted to tht! nave that
was five sided on the extt!rior and St!mieircular on the interior (Fig. 46).)"1
\ Ve know nothing abou t the eleva tion of the apse, but fragments of tllN
.Iimli founel in excavatiom show that it was va ulted in Ravenna's cu~t01mry
manner.54 Both the layout ;md the dimensio ns 3re very similar to those
of Sa n Giovanni Evangelista, founded by Galla Placidia and ostentatiously
imperi al in its decoratioll;5j Theoderic no doubt intended to evoke the
earlier rulers of Ravenna in his new build ing .
The original ROOT level was 1. 15 - 1.50 m below that of today; the entire
colonnade was raised in the sixteenth century together with its arche:;, with-
ou t modifying the mosaics on the walls above (no lIIean technical fead).
Originally, then, there must have been another hori7.On(31 zone bctwt;'en
the arcade and the currell[ lowest mosaic 'Wne. This rnay have been dec-
onlted with giJded stucco, as Agncl lus describes, and was set oIT from the
upper mosaic zones by a mar ole cornice with a palmette and egg-antl-
dan pattem.s6 Agndlus repo rts ~ stOry that the elaoorate marble floor of
the basilica was miraculously {\amagetl to prevent a rfX VOIlr!,donllJ/ from
stealing the materia ls. From his use of the term i (/Sh"ll ("slab"), and from
excavation, it seems that the floor was made of deluxe polychrome OpUJ
sertifr.5- Originally there may h;lve been a narthex or atrium of some sort
at the western end ofdlC build ing, with three doors leading into the nave
and aisles. s H It is )x)ssible that anmher TOmB, llerhaps even the baptistery
lllemiOllNI by Agnd lus, was found at the no rt hern end of the narthcx.w
Another door on the wall of the south aisle, \x:low the mitlelle window, led
directly into the palace ::'o
The nave colonnade. of nvelve columns o n each side, had bases, ca pita Is,
and impw;t hlocks fashioned from marble from the island of Proconnesu s
ncar Constantino ple, all dating to the early sixth century (Figs. 47,48).
They must have been made and exportetl as a set, the earliest such example
ARIANISM AND TH I GOTH S ' <9

• • • • •

• 46. Son"_

t ""pollina,,,
1''''-'''<>. =:on-
ruuc",d pl.n
(hi.d)wi,h

l . . .--. .
still_..i"ing

'' ' - ' ' - boroquc.f"<

....:1 chapel> in
gtOf (f'IOfIh .... 1I
I~..~..='I~ re<"OfIS"""""]
'0 ""'!<~ the
,.....,.....,..,...,.. t ""n; ling !IOO tit
""II)

from Ravcnna. 6, The Corinthian capitals, variations of a type known as II

/irll, arc decorat~-d with rather flat acanthus leaves, and the impost blocks
contain only a cross on the side that fatts the nave (Figs. 48, 49). Both
columns and capita ls have ;ncis~-d in them Greek leners that refer to the
workshops in which thL)' were made; the same marks are found on marble
in churches in Constantinople and Ephesus. 6'
On the walls above th~ na..., 1I11.:adc upen ~k..."CJl winduws, ~"Urrespunding
to the arches of the arcade except at the eastern and western ends (Fig. 47).

47. Som'·
ApoIlina ...
I'uovo, ,;<w
Qfth< nonhn"~
""II (rhotoc. L.
S.riker)
,,0 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

The aisles were also lit oy windows on their ourer walls, nine on each side
(only the windows on the southern side survive) (Fig. -l8). The t':\1:eriOr
wall su rfaces of thc builrling arc enlivened by engaged arcades of pila sters
that su rround the windows. RecallSI,' thl,' spacing of thl,' windows of thl,'
nave is different from those of [he aisles, this external articulation \'isually
produces difie rent rhythms. 6 ) T he ceiling was apparently made of gilded
beams all(] coffers; we do !lot know if the one ,lescribed hy Agnellus wellt
back to Thcodcric's tim e, but we do know that th e buildi ng was died
in m3ny btcr sO\lrcc~.
(orfllm IlIIn:llfII
Liturgical furnishings gave :ldditional articu lation to the interiOr orthc
church .6.f 'fhe apse was raisc(1 abovc rhe level of thc nave hy a step. More-
over, marble triIl/Srl/IllIt· , or openwork screen p~llelS, enclosed a space in
the nave that enell(le<l west ro the third pair o f columns, ami an tim/II) was
placed farther west. All of this material was also made of Pr()(,OIllH!sian
marble, produce(1 in the East. All tha r survivcs of the ambo is its ccntral
section, (lccorated with geometric morifs and crosses very similar to other
examples made in Constantinople in the early sixth century (Fig. IS) . ~ 'i
The chan<:el screen in the church rooay consists of a plllfrll7ll , or solid flat
panel, that is can'ed on the one side with ~ Chi- Rho lIlonogr~m over a vase,
t1anked by peacocks and a grapevi ne an<1 on the other side a Ulan (Daniel)
between twO lions, also surroundetl by acanthus, grape, and other vines.
This panel also seems to date to the early to mi(l-sixth century. T hree
trt/lIsmmru , two almost square and one n.'Ctangular, also make up part of
tht;' modern chancel screen; they too afe necora[ed with geometric figure s,
crosses, hirds, v~~s, and vines, and have an equally vague date. Di fference s
in style betwet;'11 these IIlIIIUJ/Jlflf ~nd [hose known to have been installed
in the Byzantine perio(1 have led scholars to posit a workshop 01X!rating in
Ravcnnil, influCIKC(i by the Consuntillopolit~n styles, th~t may have cre·
ated some o f these. In the apse of the chll rch today is an altar of marule
inlaid with grct;'ll st;'rpentinc, which was designed to hold rdies. It is sur·
rounded by four porphyry collimns with rClIscn Roman capitals ann bases
of white marhle, which form the bottom part of a riboriulIl, or t;'anopy over
the altar, although originally the pioct;'s mar have come from Theoderic's
palace."'" All of these furnishings date [0 the earl~' to mitl- sixth century,
and it is Jlot dea r which of them were provided in the O strogothic period
and which ar rhe time of the chllrch's rededicatio n to Orthodoxy.6; Sint·e
worked marble in large quantities was iml>ortcd from Constantinople
th ro\lghmJt the sixth century, resolvi ng this question is significant with
regard to the question ( If whether there were local workshops operilting in
Ravenna as early as the Theoderican period.
,.6. Son"·
ApoIU ...,..,
I'o:"""""""oh
"""-ude ..ith
thcomoo(phow
,\b'Y AnnSol •
Ii ....... Blu"-""
Uni,''''';'t')

411- Son,'·
Apolli .... ,..,
NI>CWO,ooIu","
co l';w (J,oo,o
C. L S'riker)
 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA
'S'

Mostl;cs

Sant'Apollinarc Nuovo is one of onlr two churches (thc other being Santa
J'l'iaria MaggIore in Rome) that preserves the dcwrarion of its nave walls,
and these mosaics are spectacular and complex enough to have pro\,jded
material for generations of scholarly analysis. T he collapse of the apse in
the eighth century was a major loss for OUf knowledge of the overall icono-
graphic program of dcwration of Thcodcric's church. T he apse was the
main foells of any basilica, an(l its imagery was the cctltcrpiL-cc of the entire
building. Agncllus, as aixwc, tells us that Archbishop Agndlus decorated
thl,' apse and side walls with prm;cssionai images; however, Agncllus could
not halle seen the original apse, and thus we canllot interpret his statement
to tell us anythlng about the apse's decoration.
'f he mosaics of the nave walls are divided into three horizontal registers.
The lowest 1.0[\(.', 3 meters high, contains imagery in olle long strip that rU IlS
from west to cast. At the west end, we find depictions of the cities of CIa sse
(north wall [Fig. jol) and Ravenn;l (south wall [PI. IVal). Out ofthesc cities
march processions of saints offering crowns; o n the north wall, vi rgin saints
are led by the T hree ;\"bgi (figs. 'fi , 50. and 56) to the Virgin and Child
(PI. 11[2), while Oil the south wnll twe nty-six male martyrs (PI. Jll b) oITer
their crowns to the enthroned Christ Wig. -1 5)'
The middle W il e, also 3 meters high, is at the level of the windows,
R ect~ngular frames fill the spaceS between the clcven windows on cach
side, each occupied by a stand ing male fig ure . At the eastern and western
ends, in the absence of a window three fnlllles are placed in a row, for a
tota 1of sixtccll 6 gurcs 01) cach side o f ,h c church. T be spandrels abovc each
wilH!Ow art' fi lled with hirds facing a vast' .
Fin'llly. the UPPCrtllOSt wne, approximately J. [ III high, contains alter-
n~ting rectangles. 'rhe spaces over the male figures of the middle z.one have
a striking dark blue background against which i~ set a colorfu l shell c.upola,
edged with pearls and "'<lth a jcweled crown suspended in the middle, capped
by a pair of doves facing a gold cross. The intervening rec tangles, which
measure 1. 37 x [.15 Ill, present twenty-six scenes frolll the life of Christ:
thirteen scenes of the ministry o f Christ on the no rth wall and thirteen
scenes of the Passion on the sou th.
One other sma ll fragme nr of mosaic now toune! on the western entrant'e
wall, a hearl of a ruler that is labeled J ustinianus, may also date from this
period.
Close analysis, bmh of the style and rech ni(lue of the mosaics and o f the
mortar in which the tesserae arc em bedded, has shown that these mosaics
were not all set up at one ti me, our rather in nl'O phases. Since .;\gnellus tells
ARIANISM AND TH I GOTH S '53

5'>< Son" ·
"I'o/Jinon:
Nuovo. mo.... ic
of, .... nonh ...·,".
th«itpnJ port
of a.... (rhoto
C eop...t..~.r)

us that the church was built by Theoderic and dcwrated at the time of its
rededication to Orthodoxy under Archbishop Agllc1 lus, it is assumed that
th~ twO phases uf the mosaic de<.:o ration l'()rrcspond to these e"'~Jlt5. In part
because of their excellent preservation, in pan because of their sensational
(\-'Ven sinister) erasure, the mosaics have excited lively scholarly debate in
the last century. The most extensive arguments haveroncerned the meaning
of the stnlcture identified as the 'palatium," and the meaning of the cycle
of Christ'> life and passion found in the mp register, and whether it can be
lin ked to Arian theology. Othcr points of thc decoration ha"c also been the
suhjel,:t uf debate and each o f these will be dis<;ussed in the luntext of its
ronnection to the overall program.

The Chrift%giral Cycle. T he Chtistological tycle consists of panels in

which a few figures (ranging from two to fourtt'Cn) are presented against a
gold background, each rel're:;enting a scene from the li fe ofChnst. 68 In most
cases the figures stand on a nalTOW gn'Cn ground; in some scenes furniture,
arehitC<.1:uf(', or more complex landscape is presenwd. The images are small
and in each case the minimal elements allow the viewer dearly to interpret
exactly which scene is depicted.6oJ In order from wt'St(entrance door)meast
(apse) , the scenes depicted on the upper register of the nave walls arc the
fl)lIo,,;ng:
'54 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

North W~11 South \ ,Vall

Jc~..s hea ls the p3r:11ytic of B<.:thcsJa J<.:s"US appears to Thomas an d apos1.k,s

Je sus sends demons inrn swine
Jesus heals th e paralytic of C~pem:lllrll
P"r:Jhle of the sheep and the goars
Panl],k: of th e I',oor widow's mite
Pan!.>]" of the Ph aris"" and Pu uJic an
Je~IIS T;lises L:\~'H'\lS
Jesus 'lilt! the Samaritan ",(,man
Jesus with the hC llIu rrhabring o r
C ,mn ,mjre \\'Ol1lall '"
J eslIs heals the two hliod Illcn
Jesus calls Peter and Andrew (Fig. 5 I)
J~'sus multiplies brt'ad ,,,,II Ilshcs
' 111t' w<,dding' ,It C,I11:I;'
J esus ~PllC,m; on the roacllO Emmaus
Two .\J' arys and lhe 'mgt:! 'It the ICIIIIl>
J esus is le d to the crucitixioll
jesiis [)Crorc l'il"l<:
Judas 's rcpo:mance
Peter's denial
Jesus prophesies Peta's deni'll
Jesus Ix-t{m~ Caiapha;
Jeslis ['I\.:en prisone r
The hetraY:l.1 h), Jutb s
J<:SIIS prnys in the G.lHlen of Gethsclll"ll<:
T he L:1sr SlIP]>U (Fig. p)

BCCUll.~e of differences between these cycles and others known from the
same period , and because of discordances within the erde and the rest
of the decoration in the church, many scholars have e:>'""pended much ink
attempting to utH.lerstand what rhe artists and the creators of this program
were doing. A few obvious points can be norell:

• The ~enes from the ministry (mi racle~, pO I·ables, and historical events)
do not occur in the order that they arc found in the New T estament,
ahhough Jesus's first miracle. the wedding at Cana, is found at the
e:lst end . The Passion cycle begins at the east end 3l11illlo\'es hack
chronologically through the church to thewest. Note that the window
zone has no direction, but the procession of the lowest zone moves
from wc~t to east.J. Elsner has noted that the dcnia l of one dirc·edonal
n:ference point deliberatdy creates disorientation on the part of the
viewer, emphasizing the transcenden t reality of the depiction s . ~'
• The two scenes that immediately flank the apse, namely the mi racle at
the wedding atCana and the Last Supper (r ig . 52). IXJth are dire<..1:ly
connected to the mcaning of the Eucharist that takcs place at that
eml of the church; likewise the next two scelH~S, the Bread and Fishes
and the Prayer ~t Gethsclll;1tlc, also relate liturgically to the alta r}J
Otherwise, while some themes call be fOut1l1 in corresponding north
and sou th pair> of images, for the most part the two cycles seem to be
independent of each other)-f
O n the north wa ll Christ is shown as a bear(l1ess youth; in the P:lS-
sion scenes he is a matu re bearded lI1an. No o ther known narrative
cycle uses twO different pictorial ty pes of Christ. D id this have some
meaning?
AR IANISM AND HI E GOHIS ' 55

S I . S3n,'-
'\ I,ol ljl13,."
NUO\'u. Il1os;}i.;
o f (h~ nOrlh
w;lll, ul'f>"rz"n~ ,
Christcoll'"g
SIS. P«cT ,,,,d
Andrew

• In the Pa ssion cycle there is no depiction of the Crucifixion itself,

although this is not unusual in the context of late antique 3rt.-' T he
focus is instead on [he Resurrcction.

By the early sixth century there existed a wclJ-Ilevelopcd konog raphical

repertoire of scenes from the life of Christ, although no surviving group

p. $~nt'­
'\I"OUin3rc
NIl"'·o. ",,)5,,;<:
"f!he so,,!h
wall, uppcr w nc ,
Chr;st~l\d the
"1'",11"", at the
I."", Supper
.,6 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

of ima ges is as extensive as the cyde in Sant'Apoliinare Nuovo. Colk>c-

tions ()f scenes an: fou nd, (nr example, on late antique stone sarcophagi, on
catacom b paintings, on pilgrim flasks fWIll the I-Ioly La nd, on the cypress-
wood doors of the eh,ITch of Santa Sabina in Rom e, on carved iroril.'S SIl("h
as the Brescia Casket, the British Museum box, and rhe bookcovers in the
T reas ury o f the Cathedral of Milan and the Hibliothequc N a tiona l e, i~ and
in manuscripts suth as the St. Augustine, Rossano, Rablmla, and Sinope
Gospels. These few remains from ~ vast (:Orpus of images (Tcatc(1 in the
fourth to sc:..'vcnth centuries demonstrate tha t the i1.:onographical clements
of certain popular scenes had become fairly standardized by th is period,
and the choice of which clements ro include on ~ny given work was very
variable. Parallels with many of these other images ha\'e been noted for the
Sant'Apollinare Nuovo (:ycl~, n some close enough to indicat~ co mmon
(.'urrent" hut although some s<:holars have wallte(l to interpret [his as evi-
dence of direct influence frolll Syria or ROllle,;S it is better to understand
our mos:lic; as part of a MClliterra ncan-wide visu~l tradition .
Detailed studies of tbe style, techni'l ue, and indeed the ty pes of tesserae
IIsed on the north and south sides ind icate that n \'o different workshops wen:
responsible for creating each side . .Nlost Ilotably, on the north side mar ble
tesS(! rae 3rc used tor t he faces, hands, and reet of the ligures, but glass
tesserae for mOSt of the rest of the compositions, whereas on the south side
(except tor the Last Supper an(1 Garden scenes) the ll1o~aics afC all made of
glass tesscral,,i9 P.J Nordhagen says that the former technique is typically
Byzantine, whereas the laner is ltalian ;ko some have tried to argue that the
different fJcial types are the result of the preferences of these workshops.
H owever, R. J ensen notes that the costume and halo o f Christ arc i dent ic ~1
on IXJth sides, implying that if there were two workshops, they were using
the sallIe \'isu~l vocabula ry, and thus the distinction was d clibc r atc. ~'
' l"his distinction lJt:twe~l1 the beardless amI beardell fuces of Christon the
two sides of the nave is one of the 1I10St striking aspects of the Christological
scenes. ~! Could this represent some aspect of cloetrine? One of the pro b-
lems with attempts to interpret them in this way is the fact that many doc-
trines existed in the early sixth century. The main theological issue debated
with AriallS was the equal status of Christ ill the Trinity. \Ve do not know,
however, what sitle Arians took on the lifth- and sixth-century <)uc.stion of
the dual namre of Christ, although later they \I'ere accIlsed o f (lenying his
human nature.s. O. von Simson argued that at Sant'A poliinare N uovo the
bea rdless Christ rep resents Christ's divine nature and the bearded one his
human nature, and that Theoderic ap proved this quasi-Nestorian, Roman
response to miaphysitislll; but this seems ulllikcly.8~ R. J ensen argues
that the two faces in Sallt'Apollinare NUQV(l ind icate the transformation
ARIAN ISM AN D H ·l E GOTH S '57

of Christ from miracle-working Son of Man to ;l glorified Son of God,

a transfimnation that took place at the LaSt Supper, when J esus tdls the
discipk'S "Now thc Son ofNTan has ocen glorified, and God has heen glo-
rified in him 0' (John J 3:3 J), which she i{il.-nrifil.'S as an otherwis(.> unknown
Arian theological belief. s5 "'-'hile this is pla usible, and wou ld certa inly fit
with the portrayal of Christ as 1"1'.'1: GI&r;i/e on the lower level, Jensen offel's
no textual t:\'idence to hack up her contention. In fact, the distinction
I>ctwcen the tWO types of face cannot have been unique to Arianism for
two reasons. First, tbese mosaics were not alterell when the cburch was
cOllverted to Orthodoxy; and second, both a be3J"ded and a beardless Christ
arc (lepinl.'{l in different placl.'s among the m{l~i(:s in both San Michele
ill . iji-iciJCI) and San Vita le, Orthodox churches that were executed later in
the Celltu ry. Thus, while the different ph}'siognomies undoubtedly were
~ignifi(:ant, their mean ing must have been appl icahle to Orthodox belief
also.86
Some scholars h~ve attempted to reall clements of Ari~n theology into
the choice of 5('cnes or the way that the scenes arc depicted. For example,
R. Sorries and R. Zanotto propose that the mosaics i lhlstr~n: p~SS.1gCS that
Arians interpreted ;lS proof of the subordination o f the Son to the Father. 8,
Sorries further 3rgUl::S that thl:: imagL'"S themselves, in keeping with Arian
theology that emphasized Christians as followers of Christ, prominently
feat\l re the tQllowers of Christ by induding diS(:iples in every s(:ene and
by illustrating miracle scenes that turn witnesses into followers.88 Unusual
clements in individlla l scenes arc also examined for !\rian meaning.Be;
One pro blem with all of these in terpretations,;ls A. Grabar pointed Out,
is tbat we do Dot really know enough to be able to reconstruct sixth -centu ry
Arian theology or litur!,'}',?" i\'ioreover, all of the scenes come frOllI the
Gospels, which were aCl.:eptcd by all theologica l factions; and as such, all
were suuject to interpretation by every faction. For example, Arian com-
mentators argued that Christ's statement at the Resu rrection of Lal.arus
indicated his subordination to the Father,9' bllt Orthodox theologians
argued the opposite. An image such as this, therefore, coul(1 ,erve either
theology, as indeed could allY passage from the Gospels. This explains
why ther were not altered or remo\'e(1 when the church was rede(li(:ated
to Orthodoxy; as Gospel scenes, they were oy definition acceptable to ;lllY
Sttt.
Other scholars havc takcn a more functional approach to the choice of
sccnes by anempting to link them with the liturgy that wOIlld havc been
enacted in the church. C. O. Nordstrom rightly criticized A. Baumsrark's
proposal that the images reflected a liturgy from Syria, but Nordstrom's
own proposal that the s(:enes followell Italian liturgical readings more
·s· REll G ION I N OSTROG OTH Ie RAVEN N A

closely is likewise valid only for some of the imagcs5" It is possible that
the liturgy used in the Arian t:hurch at the time ofTheo(leric, for which we
have no cvic\cncl', did incorporate all of these particular Gospel passages
and perhaps the ~amc was done by their Orthodox successors.9 ) A prohIl,'1U
with the lirurgical explanation is the absence of all image of tbe crucifix-
ion. Scholars usually exphlin this by noting that depictions of the crucifixion
WCfe very rare in late anOl}Ue art,~'! but the crucifixion certainly wa~ the cen-
tral feature of the Easter liturgy. Thus, if the images were to correspond
to a litllfgica! L'ydc, it surely woulll have been depicted . Another general
objection to any didactic function for these scencs is that the images nrc so
small and high l ip thar they wOllld harely have heen visible to congregants
directed to look ~t them Ys It th us seems better to conclude that liturgies
and ~rtisric representations of Christ's life, both of which reRected ideas
ahout what was illllM)rrant in the Christian message, Ilevelope/l sitle by side
and mUTua lly inAuenccd each other.

The i't'lale Figures ill ,be Wi"dow Zone, At the level of the windows we
see thirty-two fu ll-size malt: fib'1lrCS (there mar originally have been thirty-
four), e~ch of whom wears a whire lUIlic with davi and a white mantle with
gIlJII'llladia , hol(15 n red codex book or a scroll, and has his head surrounded
by a silver halo. Eleven have books, twenty-one have scrolls (Fig. 5_~ ) . Note
that the nro figures in the northeast comer are restorations. The figures
stand on slllall green squares against a solid gold hackground. They have
different faci al characteristics; some arc bearded and some beardless. They
are very similar TO figures we h:we already seen, for example those in the
lower lel'ds of the Orthodox Baptistery, and Ijke the otbers, al'e assumed to
be prl)phet.~ , e"ange1ist.~ , allil/or patria n:h~ .0 Since, unlike the saints, they
arc not labeled, they seem to represent "biblkal authors" ill a generic sort
of way, n:infQrcing the primaq' of the written \.vonl o f GOIL NIany late
antique texts descrilJc the various ranks of the glittering heavenly COurt,
and M. J. Roberts colll'incingly 3fgtles fhar rhe figures of the second tier
form part of the heavenly Court that surrounds the enthroned Christ and
Virgin, which will be discussed fur ther in the following section.'>;

Christ and tbe Virgill , On the n~l'e wall immedia tely to the right of
the apse, Chrisr appears seated on a lyre-I"ackell, gem -studded throne",{l
dressed in imperial purple and gold; the cross in his halo is likewise gemmed
(Fig. 45)' T he right side ofthe mosaic is a restoration and we do not know
exactly what was being hel(1 in Christ's left hand (the poimeli scepter dates
to the mid- nineteenth cenrury); a sixteenth-century description says that he
held an open book with the words "'Ego sum rex gloriae."?') T he figure has
been a central part of art historical interpretations of the image of Christ
ARIANISM AND TH I GOTH S '59

Sj. Sam'_
ApoI li ... ",
1'.: uovo, ""'" ic
of the north .... 11,
",j,.,t.y". .......
(for ldtside).
two male fig.
u""hoIding'
""roI l.nd , rodcr
(pho<o E. V."",,)

as emperor. I~dced, with his purple robes and throne he docs incorporate
many ~ymhols that viewers would have r~"'1)gnilcd ~s shared with emperors,
a suitable image in the chapel of the king. "'" The Virgin, tOO, is scated on
a j~"Wekd thronc, hut she is dressed not like an empress, but simply in a
purple runic with gold clavi and a purple mnphoriM, or ovennantle, part of
which forms her headdress, a depiction that had become standard in the
eastern Mooi teIT:lnean hy this time (PI. ilia). '0' She sin; On a red cushion
with gold stars and holds hcr right hand up in a gesture of blessing. The
Christ child wears a white tunic with gold elm); and a while mantle like the
flanking angels. lie holds his hand apparently in a gesture of acclamation,
but of whom? This imagedcservesas mnch serious examination as has hcen
devoted to Christ on the opposite wall.
The pairing of an enthroned, bearded Christ with thc Virgin and Chi ld
is found elsewhere in early Christian 3rt, for eX:lInple on ivory panels,' o,
where they arc not read as expressing any parO('1tiar Christological dOC(J"ine.
\Vhen we note that the enthroned Christ is reflected in the bearded Christ in
the passion panels above, and the Christ chi ld mirrors the hcardless Christ
in the miracle scenes, this parallelism SCL'1l1S to he the h<-'St explanation of
why Christ is depicted differently in the Christological scenes of the upper
wne. An interesting question is, since these two images arc found on the
nave walls, what was originally depicted in the apse? Would there haw
. 60 REll G ION I N OSTROG OTH Ie RAVEN N A

been a th ird image of Christ there, and, if so, what form coul{l it have
taken?
Thc angc1s who flank thc throncs arc dressed in white robes with gold
clavi and their heads arc surrounded by pale bl\IC halos (the two tl) thl,'
right of Christ art' restorations). Bent'<uh their feet, flowering plants hint
at a landscape. In their covered left hands the angels hold long wands, of
the sort that wou\(\ be held by the b()ninrii or silelltllrii, court officials who
l1ankc{\ the emperor in imperial ceremonial, T he angels who stand between
the three Magi and the Virgin p rc~cnt the procession to her with gestures
of their hand,; perhaps their COUlltcrp,lrts originally did the same on the
smuh side, I";

The Il:datium allIl Clon'c. At the western t:l1I\s of the nave wal ls are render-
ings of architectural tonllS thnt are labeled as the cities of Ravenna (PI. IVa)
and Classe (Fig. ,0). Thcse depictions \I'cre crellted in the Ostrogothic
period anll originally inchuled male figures, suhsequently removed , whose
existence is witnessed by mosaic shadows and fragments. Ob\' iously the
interpretation of the strU(;nJre depends on what was removed as well as
what sun'ives; we will therefore discuss the erasures in the comext of the
buildi ngs, whose Il)ean ing has been the subject of t:xtellsive conjectu re.
On the southern wall, we St:e at the celltt:r of the structure a large triple-
arched opening surmQ\l1lted by a pediment; rhe central arch is the widest,
and its background is gold . On the cornice above the central arch is the
label PAL ATIVi'vt; in the pediment above this there was once an imagt:
that was subsequently replaced whh ;} plain gold field. On either side of
th is centr,11 structure ettends an arcade of th_ree smaller arches, with a win-
dowell uPI>t'r stOry and roof al)(Wt:. V/ingell victory figures fill the span-
drds abovc the colonnade.'t>.: The openings of the colonnalle. like the
two arches flanking the central one, are nlled with a llark purple back-
ground . On the right side of this archit<X'tural unit is a large stone gate-
way, labeled CIVITAS RAVENN(/\$), with rou nd towers flankin g a singlt:
entrance and three small figures depi<..1:ed in the tympanum over the open-
ing. Finally. within or behind this complex can be seen other strllctures; to
the left and right of the celltral pelliment we call see what look like hasili-
cas all(\ rotUJlI.];l~ or other centrally pl;lllncd structures, with a wall behind
them.
The image of the (iv it:,~ Rm.II'/II/(1.' corresponds to the image labeled
C l.ASSIS or CIVITAS CLASSIS 011 the opposite wall .' ~ Most of the
upper-right part of the Classe mosaic is a nineteenth-century restoration
b)' Felice Kibei. but what survives shows us the port of Classc, with three
shi ps ill it, u;l. Ranked hy towers thar represent the entrance to the harOOr.
Evcn jf this mosaic h,ld been made before Thcoderic ordered his great Aeet
ARIAN ISM AN D H ·l E GOT H S .6.

of warships to be constructed in 51;, it uJHlers(;ores the importance of sh ips

aod the pOrt to the capita l and the kingdom. To the right, the cityofClasst:
is prescntcd as a sol id wall, with a white tower midway along and <l gateway
at the right side. Buil<lings were de picted within th(.'Se 'A'alls, in the s~mc
way as in the Ravenna mosaic, but the o nes \,isible today are llIostl}' KibeI's
inventions; the only original one is the round building at the filr left, perhaps
an .:l.Ill phithcater.
As we have secn, the paJrlfilltl1 of Ravenna represcnu:d the heart o f
ThL'O lleric's realm, and this image with it~ label mllst have heen 3n impor-
t,l nt represent~tion of this royal ideology. For over half:l century. scholars
have de bated whcther the {lil/(/rilllll image represents a rca l or imaginary
residence, and in ei ther case, what it means symbolical ly. At face val ue, the
imagt: depicts a facadt: mllJposed of colonnades tlattki ng a proiecting cen-
(fal pedimented entrance . Such a facade could have heen found eitller on
the exterior o f the palace or as o ne si{\c of a colonnaded courtyard within a
palace, pcr h ~ ps lealling to the throne room.''': T his ~imp l c explanation is
perfectly sati s~vil1g.' o-'J
However, somc scholars have not.:d that in latc antiquc art, b\lild ing
facades are infrequently represented and tliat often the front and sides o f a
thret:-dimensiona l lJuildi ng are laid out side by si(It:, as, for example, can be
seen in the basilicas depicted behind this very image. E. Dyggve therefore
proposed thot this image represents the pedimented end an(\ colonnaded
sides of an o pcn courtyard used fo r impcrial ccremonial. of a ty pe lIsl'(I, for
t;'xample, in rht;' perisrylt;' of the early fomth-ccntllry palace of the em peror
Diocletian in Spalato. 'OC) T he pediment surmounting an arch, acconling to
Dyggve, created a frame for the emperor on ceremonial occasions, as seeD
in repre~entatiom such as the image of Theo(losius I on his late fourth-
century silver dish, or 1"i~w)riIl1ll. " O N. Duval, noting that the idea of all
open-air audience hall is nQt supported by other examples, interpreted the
image as represcnting both the exterior and thc intcrior of an apscd basil -
ical audience hall, similar to depiction of basilicas in the ninth-cennll"}'
Utrecht Psalter. '" These theses [urn on twO 'luestions: How did images of
architecture relate {O actual strucrures, and how was architccture used to
present and/or represent authority? Both Dyggve and D uval assume that
in blte antiq uity, three-dimensional buil(\ings such as oasilic;}s or Ilcristylc
cou rtyards were depicted in a way that, to the fwenty-first-cenrury realist
viewer, looks like a flattcni ng out of the component dements into a twO-
dimensional line, o r even, accordi ng to D\1\'a1, representing the interior
and e.\.1:erior of;} huildi ng in the same image. Following this reasoning,
both scholars reconstruct narrow buildings with facing colonnades whose
~hort end provi(led a \'isual focus in which rhe ruler appeared, that is, some
son of basilica.
.6. REll G ION I N OSTROG OTH Ie RAVEN N A

For m;ln~' reasons the three-dimensional thesis is lIllcolwindng. "· T he

cl)mr3rati'i~ material consists of only the Spa]a!!) peristyle, some early
fifth -century mosaics from North Africa, and the Utrecht Psalter, all com-
pletel" different in tillle and place from si:\th-ccnolry Ravenna . F. \ V.
Deichmann ami N. de Francovich argue thH dIe Spalato peristyle was
not a ceremonial area, and {hat the arcuated lintel 01· pediment was found
on many images 3[1(1 buil(lings with no imperial connections ."; The pe{l.
imcrH of the {llIlfltiulI/ , unlike the Spatato peristyle and the mi.trurill/l1, sur-
m{Jllnt~ not one but three an:hcs. The artists of the Christological (:ydc in
the upper zone do not seem to have had difficulty distinguishing between
thl,' interior and thl,' cxtl,'rior of buililings. AmI mOSt significant, although
ignored in most studies of the pillmilllJl mosaic, is the fact that behind the
roofed arcade are uuihl ings that sym bolize [he city of Ravenna; ' "l the arcade
fronting them is thus much lIlore li kely to represent a flat wall than a three-
dilllension~l interior space. Thcre arc Illany depictions from late anti(luiry
in which an assembly ga thers in fron t of an arcade: Constantine ~d(lressing
the citizens of Rome on the Arch of Constanti ne; various sarcophagi such
as the "Sarcophagus of Stilicho" in i'vl ilan or the two san.'OI)hagi now in
Sail Francesco in R..!venna; "5 the T rier Ivory, which depicts some part of
the imperial palace in Constantinople;"fI or, even 1110re closely, the apse
mosaic of Santa Pudenziana in Rome, which <Iate~ to the 430s, and which
also shows a roofed arcade with elab(Jrate buildings hehiml it. The Santa
Pudenziana mosaic is usually understood as depicting a heavenly Jerusalem ,
and C. Fmgoni has suggested that here a reference to J erusalem is intended
also. "7
A I'elated question is wbether this mosaic is intended (0 be an accurate
represt'lltoltioll of Theoderic's palace ill Ravclllla or simply portrays an i<le-
alize<l image of a palace. ! ,8 The palace in R3venn~ is known from sevcral
written sources to have indu(le<! porticoes, as we saw when <liscussing the
imperial mint ill the pn..>\'ious chapter. ' ' 9 Mon.-over, the excavations of the
palace next to Sant'Apollinare N uovo have revealed a colonnaded court-
ya rd with a main entrance into the audience hall on the widest side, not
the narrow end .•", The main gate of the palacc probably fronted a plaza to
the south of the church. It is likdy, [herdI:Jre, that the p,t1atimll entrance
depicte<\ here is olle of the faca(les of Ra\'ellna 's palace. although it may
contain d emenTS that art' mOre symbolic of allthority rather than were nec ..
essarily foulHl in any precise location. '"
The doorway at the right side is interesting in its own right (note that it
is uften omitted from reproductions of the mosaic). '" T hree small figure s
in the arch over the doorway represent i.n the c,enter a male figure in a
tunic and mantic, holding a cross over one shoulder ami a book in his other
hand and tram pling a serpent; he is Ihl nkcd uy two other m;}lc figu res.
ARIAN ISM AN D H ·I E GOTH S .6,

\,ve havc <llready seen in the prcvious ch<lptcr that the figure of Christ
trampling the basilisk and serpent was quitt popular in Ral"enna even in
the ea rly fifth century. and it is therefore usually asserted that lhi s figure
represents Christ between twO apostlc5,H3 although elscwhere in Ravenna
Christ is always dressed in purple. "~ On the Chalke Gate in of the Great
Palace in Constanti nople. Constantine and his sons were depicted treading
on serpents, and this image lIlay also be recalle<1 here, although again the
figures arc not wearing imperia l purple or military costumes. "5 D. Longhi
proposes that the central figure represents St. Lawrencc, who, as we have
already seen, is depicted in this pose in the "mausoleum of Galla Placidia,"
alrhough Longhi does norl."xplain who the other figures arc. This gatewould
merefore be the portll SIIlI Lorrll:'o mentioned in sever~ 1 early sources, me
gate at the southem end of the pllltt'£! maior that led out of the city to the
church of St. Lawrence and to Classe. , :~ C . Frugo ni sees thi~ image as a
1)c1l(lanr to the lost image in thc pc(lilllenrof the palf/tilllll, '" but that is oilly
speculation; at the le~st we can say that this image was not <:ontro\,crsial to
Orthodo.~ red ...'Corators, whereas the first image was.
What build ings arc depicted behind the pala ti ulll facade? W ... sec, on
the left and the right, ~ basilica and ~ centrally planned building. Interpre·
tations have ranged wi<ldy, from those who identi fy particu lar buildings
in Ravenna, to those who fee l that this representation pre~ents Ravenn a
as a type o f the hea\'enly Jerusalem. !:~ T he pairs I(){.li.: very much like the
combination of church and b~ ptis tery that we have already encountered ~t
the Orthodox cathedral. A. Testi-Rasponi proposed that onc of the pairs
represented the Arian cathedral with its baptistery. built, as we will see, on
the Orthodox model. ' Iy M. G. Brcschj, buildi.ng 00 this, suggestcd that one
pair was the Ortho<!ox and the other the Ariall cathedral ami baptistery, anll
that this mos;lic was ~ syrll hoi ofTheoderic's [;llllOUS religious tolerance.' \<>
M. Johnsoll thought that tht1, were the Arian cathellral ~nd I>aptistery ami
S~nt'Apollinare Nuovo itself with its baptistery, along with S. Andrea <lei
Coti, thus all strUCOlres built by ·fh coderic.'J t All interpretations must
remain hypothetical in the :ll>sence of any labels.
The pairingofRalrelllla, the city of the palace, and Classc, the city or the
fleet, indicates the value of this region to the king; :llltl indeell, this meaning
woul(1havc been JUSt as acceptable to the Byzantine rulers who later used this
35 their p~la<:e <:hun::h. I)' There w~s ~ well·{levdoped rrad ition of depicting
pairs of cities on twO sides of a church, especially Jerusalem and Beth lehem,
which can bc seen, for example, on the triumphal arch at Sant ' ;\pollin~re
in ClaS'ie an<1 on the arc,h above the apse in San Vimle. ,.vhile c. Frugoni
arg'ues that here Ravenna plays thc role of J erusalem and Classe that o f
Bethlehem, 'H I would suggest instead that prohauly the tw O Holy Cities
were depicted on the triumphal arch of this ehun:h also. directly associ~tcd
.6, REllGI O N IN O STRO GOTH Ie RAVENNA

with the Virgin (Bethlehem) and Christ (J erusalcm), and that the depictions
of Ravenna amI Classe at the west eml were penllants tl) those depictions.
The nave ill1l1gcs would thus represent mediation between the real world of
Classc and Ravenna , as c).:-pcricnccd by onl! e nteri ng the church at the west
end, and the divine realm represen ted by the Iloly Cities and the Ileavenly
Kingdom at the eastern end. IJ-1

Modifico/ioltS to the paJatium 11111/ Clnn"e. In the Ravenna gateway and

in the intcrcolumniarions of the pa/flfil/l11 facade, except fo r the central
arch with the gold background, '-'j stood ligures who wc re purged in the
Orthodox rcdcdicnion of the church (Fig. 55) ' The fi~rurc in the Ravenna
gateway at the right Illay have been seated, ,]6 but in the intercolumniacions,
figures stood with their hllllds raise(l in a gesture of acclamation. On the
first, third, fifth, and eleventh colulllns, respectively, from the left we can see
the rel1laitl~ of hands belonging to these figures ( Fig. 54)' T hey must have
looked very like the figures of the Publican an(l the P harisee depicted in the
north wall's upper wne. The figures between the columns were clreful1y
excised , tessera by tessera, and replaced with the curtains seen today. rn
the pediment of the central arch of the pllliltim11 a figure or figural group
was also purged. Most scholars want to see it as a de piction of Theoderic,
be<:ause, as we have seen, Agnellus describes this sort of image very precisely
in relation to the main gate o f the palace. H owever, R. Fariali ha~ shown
that the shape of the section e.xcised could not accommodate a depiction of
Thcoderic on horseback befween fWO standing figures, 50 that at most this
might have been an abbrevia ted version of that image. ' j 7 Finally, Classe also
had IigUl"e5 standing in front of the walls which were subsequentl y el'ased:
five stalHling figures can be itlentified, apparently male, as the outlines of
their ankles and feet ("an be made out (Fig. 55)'
It is curious that the hafllis of these ngure~ were allowc(1 to remain.
\V. Urbano notes that in any d<11l11l11riu 1JIt'lIlfJ,-iil( the point is not to com -
pletely erase a figure from memory, but to remi nd the viewer thar the fig-
ure has been erased; Urbano interprets the hands a~ such a signal, making
thc \'icwer "rem ember to forget." '3 ~ It is likely all these figures somehow
defined the depictions of Ravenna amI C lasse as belonging to Theoderic; the
architecture was thus, as de Franeovich and othe rs have called it, an " ar("hi-
tecture of power, ~ and even when Stripped of inhabitants, it ~til1 unde rlined
the im portancc of Ravcnna's palace and its port to the admi nistration of
au t hority in sixth-cennlry haly.

Tbe ProfessiOIlS o/Saints. When Thcodcric 's palace church was converted
to O r tllOdox Christian worship by A.rehbishop Agncllus in the 5605, it was
ARIANISM AND TH I GOTH S 'Os

5+ s.m··
ApoI li.,.",
I'uovo. """"" ic
of,"" ...... ,h
""U . de .. ilof
the left .ide of
the -po;tI.,;um"
<r/>o<o '\Iory Ann
Sulli ... n. BI.Ift""
Uni.e"';'!')

rededica ted and redl'COrated. O riginally dedicated to Christ, it was now

rcnaml-d in honor of St. Martin, a late foun h-ccntury ascetic, mon!.:, and
bishop of the city of T ours in Francia. Veneration of St. Manin had Ucen
growing in popularity in early sixth-century Italy, and from the 550s o nward

5 5· Son,··
AJ>'>I Ii... ",
Nuovo, di,,!!""""
of the ;mag<."S
ofCI.ss< . 00
'he Ro'-enn.
"["I.,ium"
,.-ith ,he ."""
'opl>ee<l in the
,~""""
(. ft", Penni
!.«:o. '000+)
. 66 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

he was being viell'ed as a partit\darl~1 cffct:tivc intercessor against l\riall

enemies. n~ The choice of Sr. Martin as a dedicatee of this church was thus
both an aJlti-Ariall sta tement and also a JXllitical statement invoki ng the
alli a n('O~ offhl! Byzanti nes and the Franks in thl,' fJCC ofthc Lombard rhn.!3t;
the fact that dle erJrchs cominued to use Theoderic's palace em phasizes
the political nature of the dedication. I'lo
Agnellus the historiall attrihutes some of the church's del'oration to
Archbishop Agncllos: 1il

... he IAgndlus l de corated tht apse ~l1d both sitlc-walls with irn'lges inmos"ic
of processions of mmt~'rs and "i["gins: indeed h", bid ol'"r this srucco ("o""""u
with gold, he sm~k 1l1l11ti-colorccl stones to [hI.' sidc-wllI~ and compoSl.'d ,I
pa\'el11cmof wondertill cut mnrble pil.'el.'s. lfrou Il)Qk 011 irs f:lendc f)n the inside
j'OIl will lind rhe image of Emperor JusTinian ~nd Bishop Agnellus dec:or,lre d
with gold 1l1OS<lics. N o church or house is simibr to mis one in be:llllS and
,-"Off.: rs of its !;!; i1 ing.

\ Ve do not know how Agnclll1s kncw whic h decora tio n his namcsake SPOIl-
sored , but research on the fabr ic of the nave mosaics has largely borne
out his attributions. Specifically, when the church was reded icated, what-
ever was o riginally (lepil·ted between the pa/mil/III and Christ, and between
Cl~sse and the Virgin , was replaced by processions o f haly figures:'4:

From R a\'~nn 3 the m,lrryrs lead forth. on the men's {south] si d~ . going to
C hrist: from CI~s>c the "irb>ins prOl'ced, pr<K!;etiing tu th!; holy Virb>in of
virgins, and the M3~ going before them, offering gihs.

It has heen demonstratell by analysis of the mortar heds beneath the te'Sserae
th~t the mart)'rs. \'irgins, and Nh gi were made later than the r est of the
images on the wall, at the same time that the palllfillm and Cla~~e mosaics
were mod ified . 'H T hi s modification was rather cruddy done, as it can be
clearly seen that the ground line changes hem'een the first of the three Magi
and the an gel in front of him (Pl . l ila; see al~ Fig . 55). It ~hou lcJ also be
noted that parts of dlese processions arc modern restorations undertaken
in the mid- nineteenth cen tury, specifically mOSt of St. Martin and the parts
above the w;}ist of the three J\1<lgi, alt.hough in each case part of the original
mosaic $un'ives. '·100 All that remains of St. Marri n is part of his sho ulder
and back (PI. m b), enough to determine that he is wearing a purple rather
than a white mantic, but not enough to say whether he too is offering a
crown (Martin, unlike all the others, was not a martyr). In add ition, o ne
fi fteenth-cemu ry source descriocs the procession as led b)1 St. Stephen, the
fi rst martyr. and scholars disagree about whether another figure woul,1have
ARIAN ISM AN D H ·l E GOTH S . 67

~ r octween Marrin and Christ in the original rClIlmld ing, or whether Sr.
Stephen might have been adllell sub~elluently .'4 s
T he twenty-two female martyrs (plus three Magi) and the twenty-six
male sa ints arc separated from onc another by palm trees, datl.'-bcaring on
me women's side (and in a few cases on the men's). T he saints include the
following, from east (the front ofrhe procession) to west: ' I"

Fema[t .\hrt)'rs O rig-in ,\I~[e Saints Origin

C"sp~r N/IIgm· f.\'laJrtilll.lS TouTS

.'vtc1t:hior 1III1gm C k mi [n)s I"'P"
B~lrh ils;\r milglls SYSlllS I~P"
Eufi{mia] Ch"lc~don LlUn.:mius Rotnan l!c;,co n
l>eb.gb Antioch Yppolitus pope
Agll rhll Rome Comclius pope
Agllc~ ROllle C iprianus C~T[h ~g"
Eubti~ Sp~in C,ssi~nt1s imuh
C~el'i[in Rome 10h;111nis Rome
L u~'i" ROllle Paulus R"me
Crispina Africa Vit~[is .\1ibn/ Ravenna
V~!cri " .\'1 ilan/Ravenn a IGc r" J"si us .\·Iibn/ R ""c n n~
ViJleentio ' ~7 Africa? I'rumsius Mjl.,n/ R,,\"eona
Perpdu ,,"~ Aftie" Ursicinus .\ 1ilanlRav<; nna
Felieitas Africa NllffiQf [Nahorj Milan
J \Lstin~ l'"du:1 Ft"lix .\·!ilan
i\na~(35i:l. Simliu m Apollin~tis R3\·Cnna
D aria Rome Seha.~rian\ls Milan
E mertn[ian(a) Rome Demit.:r Thess:llonike
Paulina Rome Polic~rpus Smym-:r./Anrioch
Vic{ori~ Sabina Vineentius Sar.lgossa, Spain
Anatolia Sabina Pancratus Rome
Cristina T yre C ilsogonmi Rome
S;\\'iru Rome Proms Rome
E ugenia Rome Iaclin Jtus Rome
Sll hi Jllusl Spo1cro

One of the striking visua J features about these saints is the uniformity of
their [)(lSeS, e..xprt'ssiolls, and dress; indeed , comparison of these scene~ with
a more naturalistic Roman procession scene such as that fou nd on the Au
Pacis of Rome is a standard examination qut:stiOn for unde rgraduates. The
female saints, in particular, have the same hairstyle (with different hair
color), rhe same costmne (except for derails of orn ament), rhe same rilt of
me heall, and the same expression; the only difference among them is that
some have their right' hand covered and some do not. The maJe martyrs,
like every orht'r group of male saiIlt.~ that we haw seen, have varying hair
. 68 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

color am\ fucial hair, diAerclU gtl1f111lf1dill on the mantlcs, and differently
ornamt:ntt:([ crowns. They tilt their heal(s at slightly different angles to one
another, and also vary as to whether their left hands arc covered, but the
overall impression is of sameness. '4?
Only three saints are \,jsually singled our: Martin by his purple mantle,
the fOllrth male martyr Lawrence by his gold tunic (PI. JJJ b), "O nnd rhe
fou rth female martyr Agnes (Fig. ; 6), who h3~ a lamb at her feet (3 pun
on her name, Agnc5 = rlg1l!u). ,i\'iartin was the Orthodox dedicatee of the
church, anll was nor a martyr; the latter circumstance might C~.:pI3in his
purple cloak. '" There isc1c:l rly some significance to the fourth place in the
pnx:l,'ssion, thl,' position shared by Lawrence an{1 Agnes. '):' The leader of
the female saints, St. Euphemia of Chalcedon, is not visually distinguished,
but her position here is ceruilll), a reference to the 3nti-Arian Council of
Chakedon of 451. 'n
The specific sain ts in the proccs~i ons arc those who arc know n to have
been venerated in carly chu rch litanies, specifically litanie~ of Italy. O. von
Simson tabulated litanies for Ravenna, Romc, and Milan, :111<1 showed that
many of our saints appear in more tha n one of these. especially the lengthy
Canon of the Mass of Milan. 'H However, as none o f the Canons list more
than twelve female sain ts, denrly the creators of the mosaics, intent on
producing parallel ma le and female processions, ha(1 to step outside the
confines of the liturgy to come up with additional female martyrs. IH As
can be seen from the table, a ma jority of the saints were Italian, with
severa l from N orth Africa and Spain; only Euphemia, Pelagia, Anastasia,
Christina, D emetrius, and Polycarp were from the eastern l'v ledirerranean .
The order of the saints in the procession docs oat follow any of the known
litanies; atte.mpts to make se.nse of it, to explain Apollillaris's relatively late
place as a "courtesy" to roreign martyrs, for example, arc llo t convinc-
ing. Many saint:; whose vener.ttion is documented in Ravenna are mis~ing
hcre.' ,1i
vVhile the connection of these saints with liturgical practice offers insight
into their meaning, it should he nOted that lists of martyrs are not found
only ill litanies and othcr liturgical sources. H istorical texts snch as Euse-
him's His/ol'itl I'Cd['sillstiCII are virtual catalugs of martyrs. E usehius wrote a
sep.l nltc work called TIJ/~ MflrtY1:f uf P(tlcitim!. and Gregory of Tou rs wrOte
Clo,)· of th~ li'!tlrtyl's, which includes many of our sa ints. Poems by au thors
such as Venantius Fortunatus, for example, his Dt· v;rgill;t,1tI:, containlistsof
saints and martyrs. vVhile these influenced and were influenced by litanies,
they ill ustrate a general interest in compiling lists of notJhle Chrisdans for
particu lar purposes, and 1 would argue thal dIe saints in dlC processions in
Sant'Apollinare Nut)Vt) re present a similar compilation , who_~e choice was
based upon conditions rh,lt we can llO longer r('constl'Uct'.
ARIANISM AND TH I GOTH S

56. s.m'·
Al'oI li.... '"
I'O>OV<>. rrn>aic
of the north ,,~II.
St<. C",e6li,.
Eu"li',Agn<'
(.,..;th the lamb),
Ag:Itha, .nd
PeI.g;. (photo
,\lory Ann S,,)-
li'~n. BI"fFtoo
Uni•• "';'!')

As for the three Magi (PI. JI[ a), they represent, among other things,
the men who would have led a p~ssion of wmncn into the church. ' j;
But the Magi also ha"c sc"eral othcr signifiC1lnt meanings in this context.
"'-lany depictions of imperial coun scenes include representations of foreign
peoples paying tribute to the enthroned nller, and the Magi , alway~ depict~-d
as eastern foreigner<;. here l)rovide anothL'T visual link 00 this concept. ' 58
More signi ficantly, whilc the Trinity is almost never depicted in late a ntiquc
art, rcpre$t'ntations of three figures, such as the three M agi, can Tepre$t'nt
the concept of the Trinity. '59 Thus. the placement of the three Magi at
the head of the procession of \"irgin~ was ahnost certainly an anti -Arian
statemenT. That these Magi were, at least later, interpreted in this manner
can be secn in an exegetical passage included by Agnellus as pan of his
description of this image: ,60

Hut why ore they depicted in different dothing ond not.1I weoring the same
g.nnem? Bec.use the .nist followe<l di,·;n. Scripture. I'or C'SpOT offered gold
in, re<ldish gonnent r...... rimm"''''] .• nd in this g.m,efit signifies morri.g •.
H,lth.""r offered fronkincense in • yeUow g.mlem, and in this g.mlent signi -
fies virginity. Alekhior offered myrrh in • multi-rolored cosrume (...... Iilllmi.
and in this costwne signifies penitence. He who wem firs•• weoring • pur-
ple m.mle [ug"m ], through it .ignifi.. the King who w.,. oom .nd suffered.
He who offered his gift to the Newborn in • mu1ti-colored m.mle signifies
 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA
' 7°

~hrollgh this th"t Christc:: ~ re, for ~Il the we"!">" unci ",::IS whi ppo:cI hy the \':\1"-
ious injuries ilJlJ Ji\"ers;;, blows of the J ~ws. Of hilll it is wriHen, "He h'ITh
borne ollr infirmities :lnd c~rried ol1r sorrows: lind we h:ll'e dlOUght him :IS it
wen: " leper," etc., ~ncl thcu, "he '01'115 wounded for OUI" iniquities, h., w"s c ru-
cified for O llr sins." H e who offered his gift in white signifies that He exists
in divine cb ,iry aft .... th" ,""surre-crion. For lik ... wise the three predous gifts
conLlin divine myste ries in them , th'lt is, by goM is meant reg'll wealth, by
frankincense the figure nf the prk!'t, by myrrh death, thus through all thc$C
rhings they show him 1"0 be the one who undertook the i n i qllirie~ of men, th"r
is Chrisr. ... \Vhy did not foul", not si.~, 01" IlOt.tWO, lout on ly these dlfee come
from the cast? So that ther might ~' n tircl)' 5i~'1 1 ify the perfect ple nitude nf th~'
T rinity.

This e.~egesis of the three ,\Il agi seems to have been culled from an unknown
sermon thnt no longer exists, perhaps one written by a past bishop of
Rallcnna. ,6, The fact th~t visual n:ferenccs arc found in a sermon indicates
the way in which sermon and image might work together in the course of
the liturgy. In particular, this scrmon cmphasizes the divine and human
natures of Christ and the COnsl! bstantial T rini ty, both concepts that were
particularlyanti.Arian.
It is often remarb:(1 [hat, except tor [he Nlagi in the procession, scenes
from Christ's infancy arc ahsent from the church. It should first be nOted
that much of thc origi nal mosaic (lecQration is mi~sing, and in parti<"ular the
mosaics of the triumphal arch . In thc church of Santa Maria Maggiore in
Rome, [his is precisel}' where scenes from the Infa ncy are rlepicted, whi le
the nave walls comain other sorts of typological narrative scenes. Thus.
it is perfectly possi ble that originally such scenes were present. fl>' Sever~1
scholars have interpreted their ahsence as evillence that Arians were uncom·
fortable with anything indicating the InLarll;!uon, '()3 although the depic·
tion of the Virgin and Child, even without the Magi, would teml to refute
th is.
'W hat do these processions represent? Agnellus himself draws attention
to the fa n that traditionally the <;()uthern side of a chu rch (the right as one
faces the apse) was where the men stood, while the northern side (the less
prestigious left sille) was allocatCl1 to the wo men . "~4 T hus, the processions
of saintS :lJld \'irgins correspond in gender to the congregants bclow lhclIl.
P roces~iQns of saints lx:aring crown~ were found in several other religious
buildings in Ravenna, most notahly the O rthodox ~ n d Arian Baptisteries . In
Sant'Apollinare Nuovo, became all rhe sainrs excepr Allartin were martyrs,
it is usually assumed that they are offering the crown5 o f their martyrdom to
Christ and the Virgin, an association made particularly strong by the after·
ings of the three lvIagi to the Virgin at the head of the procession of virgins.
ARIAN ISM AN D H ·l E GOT H S ",

The congregants, who would offer the bre;ld ;llld wine of the E ucharist in
the cOurse of the ceremony, would thus imitate and he associatell with the
martyrs and the i'bgi; indeed, von Simson notes that the bread offered in
such ceremonies was calIe{] COrfmor and was made in the form of a crown. '!)j
The congregalHs, mirrored by the saints, are themselves meanl to imitate
the sacrifice of the martyrs. [61>
Another explanation that work, ill parallel, already noted. is that the vir·
gins and martyrs, and thc male figures above them, represent the hC;l\'cnly
<:omt, which {;ontinually venerates the enthroned Christ allli the Virgin .
In this interpretation, like the apostles of the Orthodox Baptistery but in
an even more vivid way, the pose ofthl.' saints offering crowns to the ruler
reRects the Roman imperia l ceremony of Il IIru1ll fOIVIIIII·illlil: ,6, lords and
ladies ot" heaven, dressed in rich, gleam ing robes, crowns, and jewels, pay
(fibute to the emperor anll empress of heaven. Such a depiction would lJC
evocative of the e~rthly court of Thl.'o(leric's palace whose pl~ce of \\'o r·
ship thi5 W3S. ''''~ Desuiptions of snch a he3vcnly court, whose members
present gifts as they represent their cities, arc found among the writings
of Vcnantius Fortunams, a poet who was educated in Ra venna in the 550s.
Such ;l coun should also be consi(lered to include the lll;lle figures of the
mi{ldlt;: zone. , (~) And one lin;ll possibility: saints are often ({epicted receiv·
ing crowns from Christ; a nearby example is seen in the apse mosaic of San
Vitale. 'fhe ~aints in Sont'Apollinare Nuo\'(J might abo be n~a(1 as receiving
their crowns in these images, in much the same way thJt A. \Vhanoll has
interpreted the apostks in thc Orthodox Baptistery. ' ~Q

What Wns Origillnlly TIJ(:re to Be Replnced! C lose analysis of the tesserac

and mortar showell th~t the oottom row of green and a top row of galll
were part ofThcoucric'soriginal mosaic. It is thu s vcr)' likely that a 5imilar
field of figures walking on a green grounll against a gold background was
originally depicted along the walls. It is usually asscrtc(j that the original
proccssion must have been of·f hcoderic ami mcmbcrs of his court, setting
out from Ravenna and Classe, since that s{''Cne would have h~d to be replaced
in a political and theological rededication of the church. 'i l While we may
never know for certain what was originally there, therc are various prol)lcllls
wilh this pro\Xlsal. ": It i5 based on tWO weak ~ssumplions: ( I) 5ince uOlh
San Giovanni Evangel ista !·; and San Vitale contain imperial images, it is
likely that Thcoderic also had political imagery in his church; and (; ) since
Thcodcric tried never to upset his Orthodox S\lbjccts, hc would not havc
had anything roo overtly Arian depicted here.
On the ~rst poillt, ifThcodcric's church were similar to the others with
impcrial imagery, it is more likely that he woultl have had himself Ilepicwi
 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA
'7'

ill the ap!>C. \Vhilc it is true that we know relatively little aOOut what was
depictt{] on nave waJl~, there is no other example of such a <:Ourt prOces-
sion known (rom any other late antique chllrch. '-~ Thc closest example,
th!.' walls Ranking the altar in San Vitale, which \'on Simson proposed wen:
inspired by the original mosaics ill Sam'Apollinare Nuovo, ,~~ 3re located
in the presbytery o f the church, wh ich is not a basilica with a longiOldina l
nave. 'i(, In Santa Maria J'l'Iaggiore in Rome the tl3H~ walls are decorated
with biblical scenes. Ac(;oniing to textual descriptions, much the same sort
of depictions were fouml in the church of St. Scrgius at G37.3, St. Marlin
at Tours, and St. Felix at Nola; St. Nilus of Sinni recommends this dcc-
oration for the nave walls of a church. 'n Many sunriving mosaics depict
saints on th e w~lls of churches, for {,x~lllple , ~t St. Catherine's church in
Simi, at Jlorec, and in Ravenna's mpelltj (m~i,!eMJVil.. (see Fig. II):!), although
none of these examples includes llave decoratioll. l3ut there are 110 te:\'tual
referenccs, t"o pics, imitatiolls, or any OTher !,.'Vi(lcllce for a court proces-
~ion that covered the walls of a basilica's navc. 'i~ If this were indec([ what
was originally found in Sant'Apolli nare Num'o, it would ha\'e ocen a dra-
matic m:\\' iconographical form , linki ng earthly s!"'Cular power with th,Jt of
heaven.
Tht: assulllpliOll thar Theoderic wuu l(1 not have had overtl}' i\rian
imagery in this church is based on a circular argument, since if there
had been something ovt:rtly Arian here, then all our assumption~ aoout
Thcooeric's religious attitudes would have to be rel'is('d . Sun'iving tl'xts,
incillding a fragmen( of a calendar from si~1:h-cenUJry Ravenna, imlicate
that a whole host of saints and martyrs were venerated by the Goths -
some Arian , some Gothic, some just generically Christian, and both male
and female 'i9_ more than enough to have populare(l the walls of this
church with figures who were incompatible with Orthodox Byzantine ide-
ology. Such a proce~sion woul(1 provi(le the most obvious m oclel for its
own replacement, and would have elIllall}, well hav(' presented th"" court
of heaven, as we have seen a very common metaphor in late antigue
literature.
Regardless of what was originnlly there, W. Urbano is SUTely correct that
the partial erasure of figures in Sallt'Apollinare Nuovo, which retained the
hands nnd dedicatory inscription, were a way of reminding people of the
con{\emnation, emphasizing rhe disgrace ra ther than erasing all memory
of the Arian past. 'so T he very fact that we aTe still wondering alXlut it
indicates how successful this st rategy was!

Tbe Hl'lId afJ"sti"iall ? O ne final fragment of a mosaic survives from the

lare antique church, tile bust of a lllan dressed as an emperor, and labeled
ARIANISM AND TH I GOTH S 'n

57. San,'_
,\poI lina«

fno;;m""'
from the "''''t
,,~II.hddof
Justini.n (phooo
C Copenh,,,"e,)

Justinian (Fi g. 57). '~' Agnellus tells us that pictures of Archbishop Agnel-
Ius an d the emperor Justinian were fOund on the interior enrrance wall of
the church, dt'COrated with gold mosaic. ,8, In the sixteenth century several
autho~ mention portraits ofJustinian, Theodora, and a third person who is
variously identi1ied. Girolamo Rossi idcntifiedJustinian on the south side of
the main door, and Archbishop Agncllus on the north, although a century
laler only Justinian sum,..,d. The surviving fragment was restored by Feliee
Kibei in 1863, and the label IU~TINJAN, which is currently part of the
fragnlent. is attributable to KibeI. Despite Agncll us's and later allcstations
that the figure"";I, Justinian, some scholars have suggested that it originally
depicted Thoodcric. Thc fact that thc f.Jcc of the figure dot's not look like
the portrait of Justinian in San Vitale has led to the supposition that this
ruler had been relabeled, and perhaps cven reclothcd, as Justinian aftcr the
Orthodox rededication. ,S) This attribution is often repeated in scholarly Iit-
emmre and has played a role in dchates about Theoderic's self-Ilrcsentation
,,. REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

as an emperor, although even ifthc face itself were Thcoderic's, there is no

indication nfhaw he would have originally been dressed.
1. Bald ini Lippolis notes that most of the schola rlr d(,'batc concerns ques-
tions of imperial and roya l portraitllTC in the sixth century. There is only
one 5ufvjl'ing portraitofTheoderic, on the Senigallia medallion (Fig. 29),
although we know fr0111 Agnellus that sel'eral mher depictions of this ruler
existed in Ravenna and elsewhere. The face o n the mosaic (ic.es not look like
that of the ScnigaJ1ia medallion, but it is very probable that offici~ l portra its
could have different a rrcarance~ in diA-crcnr context.,. However, by the
same reasoning there is no reason that it could not have originally depicted
JlISti nian. Baldini Lippolis notes that the mosaic has been damagen,
removed, and restored so ma ny times that it is no longer possible to say
whether it was all made at one time, but concludes that mOST likdy the
entire mosaic portrait wa s Justinian right from the start, created as a pen-
dant to a portrait of Archbi shop Agncllus to itHlkate their joint reintegration
of this church inrl) the Orthodox empire. ,ltl

Sollto Spirito (the Arioll Cathedral)

The church that since the fifteenth century has been knt)wn as San tO
Spirito' S ~ was built originally as the cathedral for the Arian hishop of
Ravenna; at least. this is implied by Agne1\us, who says tha t the re was an
episcopillll! and a baptistery there. In Agnellus's day the church was clt:d icaten
to St. Theodore, presumed to originate with itS rededication to Orthodox
worship. ,U T hc dOC\lJncnt from 5 5 T. cited above. mcntions a Gothic bisbop
and refers to an I't'duitl legis Go/bol'f/III SiI1lCfl/1' Auam/sic, which has been

interprctcd as the ..\rian cathedral, originally dedkated, like its Orthodox

CQunterpart, to the Anasta~ i s. As we have st:"t:n in the previous chapter, by
the ~i xt h century there was a con fusion bctwecn dcd ications to thc Anastasis
and to St. Anamsia. Notably, in the 380s Gregory Nazian7.\15 built a church
in Constantinople called the Ana~tasia, in reference to Gregory's tlllnstnsis
or resurrcction of Nicenc Christianity undcr thc thrca t of I-\ ria nism. Th is
church was rehuilt in the 4605 and dedicated to St. Anastasia of Sirmium,
prl.'c isc1y whell Thcoderic W;lS lil'ing i ll Constantinople. It WllS endowed
with vt'sst:1s by the Arian generals Aspar and his son N(labur, ill tha nks
for which it was dccreed that thc Gospels wen~ to be read in this church
in Gothic. 's; The history of that church was known in sixth-century Italy,
as Cassiodorus reportS it in his llistoritl crc/fSitlstim nipm'1iTtl, in a section
derivcd from Sozomcn's history. j ~~ A Gothic chl1l'ch in Raven na ded icated
to St. Anastasia thus makes sense, and it seems likely that this was in faet
ARIANISM AND TH I GOTH S ·os

58. S,nloSrir-
iro,';cwohhc
in,erlor(phow
1",,.;,,,, IiIr
Kuru;'geschichle
derJohannes
Cu'rnbc:rg Uni-
.·cr>i .. , ,\bin,-
BiIJd"""b.nk)

the Arian cathedra l, perhaps ",ith an intcntional ambiguity of dedication to

Anas t::I si a!Ana stasis. ':l<J
By the eighth century a monastic community is kno",n to havc been
establishl-J in this church, ",hich took its namc from the dedication of the
baptistcry to Santa Maria in Cosmcdin. After the tenth century modifica-
tions ",crc madc to both buildings, including thc amplification of the nave
colonnade ",ith pointed arches, perhaps in the thirtecnth century. The rais-
ing of the nave colonnadc by T.8z m, the add ition of the curre nt porch and
of scveral chapels at the ends of the aisles and on the sides of the church
OCl"\Irrl-J in the sixt~'Cnth CcnUlry. In the 19305 and ' 940>, especially after
the northern chapels ",cre destTO}'cd by bombing in ]943, a campa ign to
restore the basilica to its ~originalH form "'as undcrtaken, resulting in the
struCture visible today (Fig. ,8).'9"
Thc Arian cathedral is a basilica with single aisles and scvcn-column
~"()lonnadcs; at 28.3 x J 8. 5 meters it is noticeabl)' smaller than the Ursiana
 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA
'7'

(Fig. 59),'?' The relative width vfrh!! church comp<lfcd to its length give it
a boxier ground plan than is usual in R~venna\ basilicas. Its length rdative
to width is ('~.:h whcr(.'3S the usual ratio is 1.5. G. Dc Angelis d'Ossat linked
these proportions with chose of the church ofSant'Agata <lei COrl in Rome,
built by Ricime r, and argued that they somehow reAect Arian ideology. "l'
Rut Deich mann correctly noted that some churches in Constantinople, liS
well as others in Rome and Ravenna, also have these proportions, which
therefore probably have nothing to do with doctrinal or ethnic difference. I~J
These proportions give the church a mo re vcrtil.::d feci thall is \I~uall)' found
in a longitud inal c hurch; and given that the ROOT lel'el was originally 1.8~ m
lowcr, this verticality would havc secmed !..'Ven more pronolllwed than it
does today. Originally the chu rch had neither narthex nor atriulll, and later
COllstrtlction on the west sille of the buildi.ng has obscll red how it was linked
to its baptistery ( Fig. w).'94
The church was made of a combination of rcused Roman hricks al1(1 ncw
bricks o f the typc that arc also found in l~ tcr sixth-century lmililings in
Raven na.'!>'5 At the ellstern end, a fa irly deep apse WIIS a five -sided poly-
gon on the exterior and semicirC\llar on the interior, with three la rge win-
dows Oil the three central sides; the semidome of the apse was vaulted with
bricks rather than with /ilbi jitfili.'0 On the facade wall three doors led Lnto
the nave JIlII aisles; aix)Ve the central de)(w, at the level of the clerestory
winl\ows, are three windows which give addirionallight to the nave. On the
walls ahove thc navC arcadC"s, six large windows (now mostly fillcd in) 3fe
cllistered rowanl rhe center of the wall surface a nd do not correspond to the
arcadc below. On the north ancl south aisle walls, seven winliows did cor-
respond to the coll1m ns of rhe colonnade; on the south side these windows
opl'.Ilcll Onto a covereel corrillor parallel to the aisle, with a Iloor in place
of the ('emral window. '9i The windows were outlincd on the c.nerior with
pilasters ami arcules of brick, again similar to other Ravennate chur(·hes.
The navc colonnade consists of hascs, columns, capitals, and impost
hlocks of dijfC"rent sizes and types of mar b le. '~ Workshop marks on somC"
of the columns (10 not correspond to any known from Ravenna or from
Constantinople. Two different types of capitals arC" attributable, according
to DeicilIltann, to a north Italian workshop (not from Ra\'cnna or COIl-
stantino ple), perhaps of the late Ii ft h or early sixth century. Part of an am bo
that Ila res ro the carl y sixth cenrury is still tOllnd in the bllilding, made of
Istrian limestone (like the j\·l ausolcum o fTh eodcric) and beallti fully can'ed
wi t h abstract ornament. The clecoration is sim ilar to that of the ambo in
Sant'Apollinare Nuovo, which is known to have come from Constantino-
ple; it is presumed that the cathedral ambo was made loc,llly, imitating
the other. I ?,! No trace of the original wall tlrtoratioll sun'ivcs, although
fragme nts of mosaic of ullI.:errain &I te have iJeen found in e.~ca\'ations. "",
AR IANISM AND TI-I E GOTE-IS

[F • ••
=<bIo-.., "'-7 •
Jill
!I
!!I ......

L.......
~ 2 • • • . -. • 2
!I
I

or the rpisropimJl of the }\rians we know nothing beyond what Agncl- 59. Th" Anm,
Ius tells us, namely, .... . the house of Drocton !doJlJ" Dl'ocdoll;sl, which Cathed ra! (lOua)'
house together with a balh and a 1!Wl!lfster;mll to Sl. Apollinaris, which was S~nto Spirito)
built in the upper ~tory of the hou1>e, was the episropilllll ofthat church.'''ol "nti B"lui""r},.
r"c"",slrucl,,,1
An episctlpillm for Agncllus was the residence of an episroplIs, or bishop; it 1,lan showing
is curious that Agncllus abo says that Arian episcQpill were found at me oct~gon ~nd
churches of St. George and St. Euscbius, outside the walls of the city.' o, now-Iost sllr-
ro unding S1l3«S
This implies that the Arian bishops had three residences, which is nowhere (~h"deJ ) (a fter
said of the Orrhooox bishops. T he Orthodox rpiscopilllll, as we will see, had Dcich",",,,,,
a chapel on an upper story constructed in the enrly sixtn centtlry. and a batn '9,6. Fig. '5)
refurbi.shed in the 540s, all(1 the rpisropill1ll at St. The()(lore would seem to
have had the same facilitics. DrlJCdQllis in i\gncllus may refer to Droctulfus,
identified by Paul the Deacon as D nx:tOn, a Sueve who fought under me
Lombards but then Red to Ravenna and joined the imperial army, sen'ing
in Thracc and Africa. He was evcntually buried in San Vitale in Ravenna
sometime after 606.'°J A still-visible wall between Saara Spirito and the
Arian Baptistery, often called the "Casa di Drogdone," contains tentn- to
t\I>'clfth-ccntury decoration on its upper level, hut its date of construction
is put anywhere from Ihc sevemh to the twelfth century. It certainly seems
to have somc relationship with the nl'O religious Structures, bur we cannot
be sure what it was or when it was built.''''''

The Arion Bnptislely

The Ariall Baptistery'''S stands 43 III to the soumweSt of the facade of it~
cathedral.,,:6 II is not as well preserved as its Orth o do.~ COuntcrparr, but
.,. REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

enough survives to enalile us to sec that it was in part inspire!1 by the ear-
lier vuilding but inclullcl[ significant (lift"erences. ,0' No histOric~1 sources
mention the construction of the Aria n Baptistery. Ollr firSt information
comes from Agncllll5, who rells us only that in his d~y it was a 1II01l0rfl'rill1ll
to the Virgin Mary ill COS'lI1cdill, and at that time it contained an altar [0
St. Nicholas!oI' 'rhe mosaics in the baptistery's dome are well preserved;
like the mosaics o f Sant'Apollinare Nuovo, they have t'ome under scrutiny
for evidence of Arian theolo!,')' atH\ iconography. As we will sec, like all
images in Ravenna these call be interpreted in a variety of ways, none
entirely satisfactory. Neverthel ess, it is dear that there was an attempt to
ditfcren6are these moS<!il'S from thos,- of the Orthodox Baptistery, and to
make them meaningful La the Ostrogoths and Romans who might have
been baptized here.
'fhe meaning of baptism was a topic of intense discussion in the early
Church, both bl'Cau~c of the centrality of the rife in civic atHl daily life,
and because of its rclation~hip to Chrisrological controversies. The core
te .~t for the ritual is Matthew Z8:1 9, where Christ S:lys to the apostles, "Go
thcrefore and mab: disciples of all the nations, baptizing them in thc namc
of the Farher and the Son and the H oly Spirit." Since the Trinity is invoked
in this Gospel passage, it became one o f the most important piL'Ce5 or evi-
dence in discussions about the nature of Christ amI the H oly Spirit. T here
is evidence that potential cii ffcrel1ccs between Arian and Orthodox baptism
were an issue for church lea(lers in the fourth thro ugh sixth centuries in
tht;' cast and in Spain. In the fourth cent\.lf)' the extrt;'me Aria n followers of
Eunomiu s drew attention for their unusual baptismal practices: they used
one immersion instead of three, baptized in tbe name of the death of Christ
or in the names of an unel\ual T rinity, and rebaptized all those previously
baptitcd in any other rraditioll. All of these things were counter to Ortho-
dox practice. Rebaptism in particular was somt:thing that was co ndemned
br Orthodox theologians, except in CJ5eS (such as Eunornianism) in which
a person had not been hapti7.cd in rhe name of the Trinity. H owever. thert;'
is no evillence ofEunomians in lraly and other Arians do not seem to have
had dis tinexive baptismal rilUa Is. 'OY indeed, in the Of Irillifflff attributed to
the late founh-eentuf)' bishop Eu sebiu~ ofVercelli, the author calls Arians
hypocrites for o;lptizing in the Jl<lllle of a T rinity whose ('(Insubstantiality
they do not admi r. HQ i\'lore reieo.'ant fur Ostrogothic lraly, the lack of diA-er-
clIces in baptism~ 1 rites betwcen .'\rians and Orthodox were of ma jor 1,'011 -
cern to Spanish theologians in the Visigothic era. Some Orthodox priests in
Spain instituted baptism by single immersion in order to differentiate them-
selves from the Arians who practiced triple immersion. Single immersion
was oppose!! by leading oi_~h(lps 3S well as oy Pope Vigilius (j3i~55 ), who
argued that the Orthodox must baptize using triple immersion.'" In his
ARIANISM AND HI E GOTIiS ' 79

60. Aria" BOI"

listel')" eXTerior
",eW

letter to Bishop Profuturus of Braga, Vigilius also condelllns reiJaptism

of Ariam, which surely would also have been an issue in Italy. Bishop
Martin of Braga, writing ahout the triple immersion question in the
late sixth century, specifically notes that Arian and Orthodox ritual and
Iiturb'Y were extremely similar, and only their belief in the Trinity distin-
guished thelll. 'I! \¥e therefore havc no cvidence of any difference in Arian
baptismal rinlals from those of the Orthodox in Italy.'! I
The Arian Baptistery apl:tCarStoday as an octagonal prism with four absid-
ioles projecting on tile north, sou til , east, and west sides, wh ich looks very
like the O rthodox Baptistery (Fig. 60). Originally the Arian building's pro-
fi le was rather different, as the octagolla l core was surrounded on sevell of
its sides by a covcred or endosed ambulatory 1.1}O III wille, leaving only
the larger eastern apse exposed (Fig. 59)' The entrances to the amiJulawry
. 80 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

l1anh:(\ the eastern apse (thus facing the ralhc(lral), "4 while the entrances
to the octagonal cOre wert on the northwest and southwest walls, thus at
the opposite sioe {today only the clltra nee on the northwest wall is open}.'"
Parts of the c).1:crior wall have bt,>cn eXl'avated, and the t..'vidl,'llce, cOllplcd
with projecting elements from the survi\'ing building, especially at the cor-
ners of the octagon, show that the am bularory consisted ofa series of rectan-
gular rooms anti irregular passageways around the absidioles, taCh separated
b}' an arched opening atl{1 vaulted with brick. Access to the ambulHory may
also have been ga incI\ on the north and ~()uth sides facing the absillio\cs,
but there would have been no unobstructcrl vicll' fro m the outsirle into
thl,' octagona l core. tll> As S. Cummins shows, polygonal ambulatOries sur-
rounding octagonal baptisteries are known for the pre-Eufrasian baptistery
at Pon:c, San G iovanni in Canosa, and ap parently at tbe Ca' Bianca south of
Classe; and ambulatOries widl other l ayout~ are known from several other
baptist(,'rics. They may have provi(lcd waiting or disrobing areas, spaces for
particu lar parts of the liturgy, or storage room~. "- Some have suggested
that concealing the intCrior myste ries frOIll the casual ob5crvCr may havc
been a reason tor the arrangement of the Joors. l ' ~ Hut, as this is the only
baptistery securely known to have been used by Arians, and since other bap-
tist~ries h ypothesiz~d as !\rian in Salona, Grado, and Milan uo not show
dift'erences from the Orthodox buildin~ in those cities, it is impossible to
know whether this had anyth ing to do with the Arian rirual! lo
The Arian Bapti~tery was bui lt of vcry varied reused Roman brick, " o
perh ~ps an ind icnion that by thc sixth CCllfury the supply of imperial-era
bricks was running low. As is usual in Ravenna, the original floor leve[
lay 2.3 ' 111 below the present ground level; became of ground water, the
current reconstructed floor is only [. 0 4 III bdow ground level. '" The floor
was raised at least four times ill the structure's history; this is fortunate, as
the remains of the original walls can only be rracecl in places below the level
of the first repaving. The haptistery has an overall width o f c~. 9 meters,
an inro;-rior diameter of 6';5-6.85 m , an exterior wall length of 3.40 m , and
an interior W;!l\ length of ca. 2.86 1Il: from the origin;!l groun(l level to
the top of the exterior walls the building measures 8. 5 Ill , and the walls of
the octagon are 0,;5 III thick. ';' A window was inserted into each wall just
a OOVC the level of the externa l ambulatory, which is marked toU;!)' by a brick
cornice; thewintlows are 1.;0 m high. Thev;!u ltsprings from a point9.35 III
;!bove the origin;!l flOOr level; the apex of the dome rises T T .oi III ahove the
original floor leyel. The transition from the octagon to the circulnr base
of the dome is made with small pemlenrives. T he dome, like that o f the
Arian cathedral and the "mausoleum of Galla P lacidia" but unlike others
in Ravenna, was made of brick. and the roof is supported by a fill made
ARIAN ISM AN D H ·I E GOT H S .s.

of amphorac and mortar. Some havc secn this as a sign that workers werc
brought in from Constantinople tor these buildings. " I Overall , the Arian
Baptistery's diameter is 56 percen t of that of the O rthodox Baptistery, and
the dome's height is 76 percent ofthe height of the Orthodox Baptistery.:!~
It is generally assullled tha t the smaller size is beca use of the Ininorit), stams
of Arian Christianity ill Ravelma, al though we sho uld not forger that a
second baptistery existed JUSt (loWI\ the street at Sant'A]x>ilinare Nuo\'o,
perhaps daring back (Q the Ostrogothic period .
The apsidinle on the cast side is willer and deeper (z.80 meters wille,
".75 meterS deep) than the others (z . [ 0 III wide, [.73 m dee p), and its 1100r
k'Vd was apparently raised a step above thc rest ofthc space, pe r h~ps sep-
arated by a rJiling. Each of the absidioles had on least one slIIail niche
cut into the lower part of the wall (the only part that is preserved). per-
haps to hol!lliturgical illlpl ement~. These niches are not original, but stem
from some later period of usc. The remains of small brick altars, Ilot frolll
the original pha~e of builliing but installed at a later point, were found in
the >Duth and west absidio1cs; perhaps one was the altar of St. Nicholas
mcntion"u by Agncllus. :l' ·f he font. which was removed at some point,
possibly when the buil(ling was reconsecrated, was not in the exact cen-
ter of the building. but was oriented slighd}' to the east of center. ,,6 T he
purpose of the deeper eastern apse is not known. Many late antique baptis-
teries ha\·e one prominent apse, and it may have contained the throne of the
bishop. " i
Interesti ngly. six graves have been excavated within the octagon; they
broke through the original pavement and must have been installed before
the 6rst rcpaving.:,8 The usc of a baptistery as a funerary cha pel is somewh,l l
ullusual . M . t'I'lazzotti proposell that the burials occurred when the huildi.ng
was rededicate!] from Arian worship as a way of marking the fact tha t it
was no longer a baptistery. n? On the other hand, we know that burial in
bapristeries was not unknoll'n in late antiquity, since lall's against it were
p~ ssed by church counci ls.>w
On the interior, excavations of 1916-19 and also of 1969 revealed large
amounts of mmaic and stucco fragments, and bits of painted imitation mar-
ble were found at the lower edges of the south and east ab~id ioles. :J l T he
only decorations th,1t hol\!e been presen'cJ arc the mosaics of the dome
(PI. /\· b). These were restOred in The seventeenth cenrury and again in
the mid- nineteenth century, but these repai rs cOll sistell mostly of sma ll
p~ tche5. except for the lower halves of the fOllrth and fifth apostles who fol-
low St. Peter; thus, the original iconogra phy is intact. Based on differences
in workmanship and materials, it seems clear that the work was done in
different phases or by different arti,t~. :}l Deiclunann, following G . Gerola,
,8. REliGI O N IN O STROGOTH Ie RAVENNA

6 ,. "';3n B"r-
tist.-r)" cem ...JI
n,~d"lIio" dq,ict_
ing the baprism
of Christ

proposed thal the mosaics were made in twO phases: the first, contemporary
with construction, would consist of the central medallion, throne, Peter,
Paul , and the apostle behintl Paul. The rcmaimier of the mosaics would ha ve
beell set in the mid-sixth century. 'll C. O. Nordstrom instead proposed
three periods of composition: the first consisting of the cenr.ralmcdall ion;
the second the th rone and Sts. Pefer, St. Paul, and his follower; and the third
the rest of the figllTcs, bllt Nordstrom docs not S\lppoSC a large chronolog-
ical break between the phascs.' H It should be remembered that the buil(l-
ing, begun perhaps as carly as 500, would not ha\'c been turned over to the
Orthodox Church until ,61 or later; thus. all of the decoration was proba bly
made duri ng the building's Arian period.
The mosaics of rhe (lome consist of two zones. In a cemrall11edallion,
set off frOnl the outer eircle by a dt.'Corati\'e wreath, is a (iepiction of the
baptism of Christ by John the Baptist (Fig. 6 1). John stands on a rocl..y
prominence in the right of the circle, his right hand 011 the head of Christ.
John is dressed in a spotted tunic lind carryi ng a shepherd's crook; he is
bearded, 31l1i has no halo. In the center, the nucle Christ stands in the waters
of the river Jordan, Wllich reach almost to his waist; he is beardless wi th
ARIANISM AND TH I GOTH S "3

6,. An,n 110.1>-

timf)', SIS. Pe!<r
...:1 P,W A:uiling
,thron«pOOw
J.,m;tUt Ibr
K"nstg"",hkh«
d.". Joo.""",
GUlenbe'1l Uni_
ve ,,; tlIt ,\!Oinz.,
BildJ"rnbank)

flowing brown hair down to his shoul ders and a halo arou nd his hcad. His
navel is literally the center of the dome. ') AI)(l\"c Christ's head hm"Cl"s the
do"c of the Holy Spiri t. shown in top vicw, with an effusion of something
that 1001.5 li ke ''',liter or light flowing from his beak I;() Christ's hea d and
J ohn's han d. 'J6 On the left we see a person ification ofthc rivcr J ordan as
a reclini ng wh ite-hain>d and bearded ma n with orange horns coming out
of this head; he is nude to the w:list, and his legs arc covered with a green
mantle of the same color and shading as the rock on which Joh n stands. His
left hand is raised in acclamation. with his right he holds a reed as a scepter,
and behind hi m is an upside-down amphora out of which flow the waters
of tile ri ver. The figures are set against a background of gold tesserae. The
scene is oriented so that it is propcrlyviewed when the viewer is facing west.
Surrounding the !'enn-al medallion, we find a procession of the twel ve
apostles raising objccts toward a j~·wekd throne upon which si ts a j~"Wckd
cross with a pur ple pallium draped over its anns (Fig. 6: ). T he ~postles are
dressed in whitc tunics wi th clavi and mantlcs; the latter cover thei r hands,
.8, REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

which em ph;1Si~cs the four ditfcrcnt types of glllll1Jl(ldil1 on them. :3; Peter's
heal) j~ surrOunded by a white halo, Paul's ani) his successl)r's by a blue
halo, anti the other ni ne apostles have beige halos. Peter hold s his keys,
Pau1 holds the scrolls ofthl,' law, and the other ten apostles hold crowns.
They walk OIl a narrow greell ground line and are sepa rated fIOlll each
other by styli7.ed pal m trees; they, li ke the baptism scene, aTe set agai nst
a flat gal() background. The most unusual aspect of this procession is that
it is oriented in the opposite direction fro lll the baptismal scene; that is, it
is properly viewed when the viewer faces t he cast, so that the enthroned
cross is c.~a c tly in line with Christ's head and the dOl'e, but upside down
from it (Fig. 62).
Comparing these mosaics with those of the O rthodox Baptistery (Pl. HI>
and Fig. 26) reveals both striking simi larities and difrerenct's. Whi le the
similarities im ply that the Arian artists were 1lI01ieling their imagery 011
that found ill the earl ier building, it is the dificrenccs that have caugh t the
attention of scholars who hope to idcnti~' in them some hint.s of Arian
theology Or religious practice. As we will sec, the search (or A,·jflll meaning
has obscured (he even 1110re radical nlmic meaning tha t is found i.n th"
imagery in the I>aplistery.
First let us examine the si milariti es: the scene of Christ's baptism with
John the Baptist, a nude Christ, the river Jordan, the dove, the water of
the Jordan, surrounded by a procession of apostles, repeats the Ortho-
dox design . Enthroned crosses likewise are found in the third zone o f the
Orthodox Bapti5tcry. The diA'erences can be listed as (0110,"'5 (excluding
matrers relating to the heads, do~·e, and hands of John the Baptist in the
Orthodox Hap tistelY, which, as we have already disc ussed, ,1 re a reconstruc-
tion):')!!

Orthodox H~ptisTe ry }\ri;lT1 H~ pri5te ry

j ohn the Baptist on the viewer's left )<)1111 the B:lprist on the viC"wt r's right
jord;\O only top hnlf, sl11;II1" r jonbn fltll -figure, <1S Inrgc ~s other figures
Apostles and h3pti~111 Sl l11~ orient-arion A]l...~tles :lnd bapti~m op]l().~ite o rient-ltklll
Aposdts offer crowns to nOthing Apostles offe r crowns to enthroned uoss
Bille hackgroun,l for nl"usties Gold b~ckground for :lIJost lcs
All \1f.XJSrlt's offer crowns Pe"'r ~l\d Pnul oifer keys <lod hI\'
Apostles not halocJ Apo)1:ics halocd with difFerent colors
Apostles labeled by name Apo5tlcs not named

These differences have been interpreted as the result of the ski ll of the
a1"tiSL~ or as tvillence of functional, aesthetic, and/or theological intention.
It was surcly a combination of fac tors that resulted in the images that we
ARIAN ISM AN D H ·l E GOTH S
'"
sec, and , as with any religious image from late anti(luiry, the (lepictiollS may
h~\'e been inten,le,1 to carry ,Iillerent messages to different viewers. Let us
start with the center and work outward.
The reversal of the baptismal scene and the importance of the river j or-
dan here, are suiking compositional differences from the earlier depiction.
Much has been written about the clumsiness of rhe figures in the baptismal
scene and Deichm31l11 attributes deviations from the Orrho(lox imagery to
artistic inadequacy. 'J~ T hose who prefer to see it as a result of some imen-
tion olter ,lilt'erent explanations. It has hcen suggested that the image in the
Arian Baptistery mirrors the act at the font where the bisbop would be on
the baptisand's right side. 'ojO Some have uglled that the image was n."versed
deliberately to be dill"erenr from the Orthodox rendering - something thH
is impossible to prove. 'rhe larger size ofche river j ordnn has been explnine(1
as an aesthetic choice, to better halaJl(:e the cOlllp()sition. ' ~' fili ally. the
Ix:a rded, aggressively male figure s of the river Jordan and john have her:tl
seen as a deliberate COntrast to the youthful, even hermaphroditic, figure
of Christ. although no s peci~cally ,'rilm message is impl icd. ' 4'
The different orientations of the baptism scene and the apostoli/.· pro-
cession are troubling to the viewer; it is impossible to tletermine how an
observer should s[and to see it all properly. Some scholars have argued
that the mosaicists simply got it wrong, perhaps because of a break in time
I*rn'cen the central composition and the prcX'cssion, and having started
work, they then harl to complete it. '4J Others have related the twO vicw ~
points to the ritual. The bishop in the east could sec the baptism scene from
the start, whereas the baptisand begins by viewing the procession and the
thrOLle (associated witb the bishop), and only ~cs tbe baptism of Christ
at rile moment in whim he turns in the fOllt to fact' rile west ..!44 Visually,
the separation of the two wnes means that the apostolic procession is not
relatecl to Christ'~ baptism. 14 ) R. Sli r rie~ sugge~t.~ that the Arians di,1 not
want the apostles to seem to offer their crowns to jesus at the moment
when he was being pronounced the Son of God as they do in the Orthodox
Baptistery. ,,,6 Since the haptism of Christ is the moment in which the T rin-
ity is roregrounded in the Gospels, and since Matthew !8:19. in which {he
a])()<;ties are charged to baptize in the name of the T rinity, is the L:ey text
for the form of baptism of believers, the change in orientation becomes a
subtly anti Trinitarian statement. Finally, a~ r show ill the section to tQllow,
it can also be argued that the ligures OtiC sees when Oti C is facing west arc
not intended to be identified as apostles H thH moment, bllt as generic
followers o f Christ. an emphasis in Arian ideology. as we have already seen
for Sam'Apoliinare NUO\'0. '4;
Many of the argumt'ms al)()ut the procession are connected to rile pres-
enc.:e of the thron e as the focus of the apostOlic procession. The functionalist
.86 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

argument sr;ltL'$ that the procession zone in th e Arian Baptistery conlLncs

two zones I)f the O rthodox Baptistery's dome, thus the throne has sim ply
been transposed up into the procession imagc. 'i8 OtherS have found the
"simpli fication " theory tro ubling and ~s~,lmc thar the th ronc at rhis level
must have had so me specific meaning. Sorries sugges['> dla( the aposcles
olfer theiT crowns to the eternal presence o f Christ. as symbolized by rhe
cross on rhe throne, rather than to the hapril'.e(] Son or Go!!. '~!J The throne
is aligned with the dove of the Holy Spirit and with Christ in dl(~ baptism
scene, linking the three, and some have seen it as representing God the
Fathcr.' 5° O thers have seen the tbronc as symbol ic of the bishop who per-
formc{[ the ceremony or ~s emph ~ si7. i ng the sillli1aritie~ between G(){[ and
king. '5 ' F i n ~ l l y. crowns being offered to a throne ~I so e\'oke the image of
the twenty-tour elders of the Book of Revelation, and thus lhe empty throne
becomes an frill/{{s/tI, also a reference to the Second Coming of Chrisr.'p
One imen"sting {Juestion hcre, as we h;we already seen in thc O rthodox
Baptistery, is whether the apostles are in fact offering things to the throne
or receiving things fr01l1 it. TJl this cl epiction, Peter and Paul arc hold ing
kcys and scroll. obje{.·ts that thl.'Y \1S11a lIy n.'Ceive from Christ; thus, as we
have already seen in the Orthodox B~p[ istery, the apostles here may be
receiving thei r crowns from God/Christ, JUS t as the baptisnnds do. 'H
One final unusual aspect of the procession is that the apostles are nOt
lauele<luy name. Peter, Paul, ami Andrew can be identifie<luy their now-
standard facia l features and attributes. ' >4 but the other apostles arc not
readily distinguishablc. This is only unusual if onc rem cmbers tha t thc
apostles an' labeled in the O rthodox Baptistery. the (apeI/o ,uTr"cs(Qvih:, San
Vita le, and other si:.:th-celltury cburches in wbich they arc rep"esenred as
a group. '55 Since some of the other hu ildings had limited available space,
onc cannot argue tha t there was no room in the Arian Baptistery to put the
namt:s; the omission must have ueen IleliUerate. Each apo~cle ' s physiog-
nOIll}' is different: sOllle arc beardecl , S01l1C beardless, some with gray hair,
some with brown. "rhe apostles who arc idcnt.ified in the Orthodox bu ildi ng
as Simon, J ames .;lJfueus, .Nhtthew, Thomas, Paul, Peter. 3ml Andrew all
have analogous positions and facial features in the .J\rian Baptistery, hut the
remainder du not correslxmd. :)~ A~ we saw, the names of the allllsties on
the Mausoleum of T heodcrie arc not the same as those in the Orthodox
buildings of Ravenna, and this series may have bet:n in tended to {lilfer abo.
Bu t it is also possible th ~t these figures arc not only intenclecl both to rep-
rcsent the apostles, when seen from the west, hur nlso to rcpresent generic
follo wers o f Christ when viewed fr01l1 the east in the saille orientation as
the central medallion. W
The generic nnture of these fi!:,lllres is also related to their auelience.
Rcm;lrkably. the apostle who walks fourth Uchin(l Peter is de picted with a
TH E O RT H ODOX C t-f URC t-l I N OSTROG O TH Ie RAVE NNA " 7

Illust:.lche that connects to sideourlls, ou t with no ocard - in urher words,

what we WOU] I] caU a muttonchop (Fig. +-1). No stul]ies of the mosaic~
have suggested that this is a nineteenth-century restoration and thus this
I,'.\tremcly \lml~,l a l faciaI hai r mllSt be original. ,,8 As P. Dutton has shown,
m ust~ches widlOu[ beards are an extremely unusual type of fada l hair in
late antiquity and rhe only examples known from the pre-Carolingian era
are the olle s()()rted lJy T hooderic 011 the Setligallia medallion (Fig. 29) ami
those found on some bronte coins of Odoater, 'l·h(.'Odahad, and Totila, >SY
although nonc of these arc mnnel:tcil to sideburns. Du tton t:onclmlcs th ~ t
Thcodcric was depicted in this way to distinguish him fro m Romansj,6<> at
the Icast, thcse coin portraits show that the mustache was a type o f facia l
h ~ir known at the Ostrogothic coun. Ennodius pokes fun H his friend
Jovinian '5 Ililr"tl go/b iNI and bllrlt"riCii j:uie.,', implyi ng that a distim:til'e type
offaeial hair was worn hy Goths ami those whownnted to look like them!6,
I \\'oul{\ arguc that this mustachiocd al)()stlc wa s intended visually to make
the point that Goths were part of the Christian 1.:ommunity. When fac ing
west and looking up atthe baptism scene, one docs not sec the easily recog-
ni7.abh: Peter, Paul, and And rew, om their marc gcncric followers. T h\ls,
the G m ilic oaptisand, in ~ lil1itioll to associating himself with Chri~t, al!iO
cou ld associate himself with the 10110wers of Christ. iJ1Jeed, the very lack o f
labels allows this amoiguity, as it then becomes possible to understand the~e
figures as both apostles and ChriStians of associated ages and backgrounds
rcceiving their baptisma l crowns.
Ultimately, the only features that can be clearly identified as "Arian "
ahout these mosaics is the fact that they are different fro m those in me
Ol'rhodax Baptistery. As S. CUl11mim notes, the fact that these mosaics
were !lot changed or destroyed UJXIIl the Orthodox rededication means
that they were not offensive to the O rthodox and did !lot osteJlta tiously
represent Arion doctrine. I", At the most, as we ha~'e seen for the Chris-
toJogical cycle in Sant'Apol1i nare NuO\'o, a lIiewercould COIllC up wi th an
"rian interpretation of certain fCaOlteS, bm l,'(]ually li kely could provide
an Orthodox explanation. However, whLle the im;lges may be theologically
neutral, the Arian Baptistery's iconography accommodates the inhabitants
of Ostfogothic Ra \'enna in what was certainly all Ariall context, but with
an ethnic spin.

The Orthodox Church in Ostrogothic Ravenna

\Vhi!e Ravenna was under Ostrogothic rule, its Orthodox bishops, John I
(4 77- 94), Peter IT (494- 51 0), Aureliall (51 I), Ecdesius (511 - 31). Ursici-
nus (533-6). alltl Victor (538-45), had to share episcopal authority wi th
.88 REll G ION I N OSTROG OTH Ie RAVEN N A

the t\riall oishops inStalled oy

Thcodcric and the exalted position that they
had establishell under the emperOrs may have slippcl[ somewhat. Never-
theless, for most of the period the Orthodox bishops seem to ha \'c been
sllpponcd by the Ostrogothic rulers. A letter in the Varia!' indicates that
Theorleric had treated Ravenna's Orthodox Church with favor, sillce the
church o f Milan asks for simi!al' pdvileges. while in another, Theodahad
asks J ustinian to favo r the business ;1 ffairs "of the Ravenn ate Church. ' '''J
As we have seen, there were religious tensions in Ra venna during the lat-
ter part.of T hcodcric's reign, and these may well have included opposition
between Arians and the Orthodox Church.'6.t There also sccm to hal'c
heen tensions within Ral'cnna's OrrhlXlox C hnrl.:h, whi!.:h might refle!.:t the
strains imposed by O srrogothic rule. H 'hH is d ear is that when Ravenna
emerged from the !.:haos of the Gothic Vla rs, the bishop had l)ttome one
of the dominant figures in the !.:it}'.
Our nnderstanding of the rolc of the long-serving Pctcr II i~ compro-
misc!1 by thc fa!.:t that hi!; biography is confnsed by Agncllus with that of
Pcter TChrysologus. As we hll l'e seen, he sided with T hcoderic in the con-
trol'ersy ol'er the J ewish synagogue of 519 and he st:ems to have worked
well with Theoderlc. H is name appears in various synodal documems and
letters, indicati ng that he was considered to be tOllrth in rank among the
dergy o f Italy, behind the pope and the bishops o f Milan and Aquileia.,6S
In Ravenna Peter 11 undertook three building proje!.:ts: a chapd (the Mp<'1I11
I1nh'eJ(f)vilr) and a house calle<1 Trim/Iii in the '·piHopium , and a baptistery
in Classe at the l't:triana basi lica .=66 The fact that at the same time tht:
Arians wen! huilcling large churches in tht! center of mt! city unde rscort!s
the marginality, or one migbt say the liminality, of Peter's conso·ucti0L1S.
\Vithin the episcopiulIl Peter was presumably free to 110 as he pleased,
and a baptistery in Classe lI'as likewise not in the ceremonial center of
Theoderic's capital .

The CapeUa Arcivescovile

Under Peter II, the cpiJ(opilllll o f Ravenna begall to be enlargell allil beau-
titieu, no c\OUbL a reflection o f the aspirations of the Orthodox bishops
of the !.:iry (Fig. 63). Agndlus tdls 11S that Peter ~ ... m Ull{led a hQuse
inside the episcopal palace of the R;1Vcnnatc sec, which is called Tri(()i-
Ii.., because it comains three co/la , which build ing is constructed inside with
grea t ingenuity. And not Elf from that house he built the 1II01liisrerifllll of St.
Andrew the apostle .... ",67 The Trim/ii,' took a long time to build; Agnellus
later repo rts me dedicatory inscriptiOll of the \milliing, which nallles all of
THE O RTH ODOX C H U RC H I N OSTROGOTHI C RAV EN NA
'"

Orthod"
Baptistery 0 1 T.... $01 . ....
~
~ ,

•
~
(:I"", . llI
[h"1l Qll al ", . F"'.~ (c , ~~
~ _ _ {C ' lo&,s2'J)
Di~"lI_"' _('eI:!I ,)
Domo:It , _ [M ,I . ~"' J
e , ~ _{7'lIiI · <'5\
87_ V
__ I81h c.'» 8OO!
.....ru.u«_

leIer

""".~I O
campanile
•
,
•""
• • • • • • • •• • • •
,•
""

Ursiana Cathedral
,
• • • • • • • • • • • • • .J
"•""
"
2
t;t '
63' Pbn o(
It~" enna 's epis-
"" 3 ""1,,1 c"''''I,lcx,
in cl udin g rI",
c·;lIhed f:ll. !Japo,...
N Ie!,}', "lid " "riou~
5

"
o 5 lG , 5 ... t",ilding:; o ( {he
.pi,..~pim"

Peter's successors up to M aximian as patronsof the strucUJre, : ~8 The mean-

ing of the word colla is not known, and explanations have ranged from
a building with three stories to one with three rooms to a triconch d in-
ing hall.'69 Since nothing survilles of this building (unless it is the one with
three stories), we can say nothing further, except to 1I0tC that cither the cost
or the ingeniousness of the construction must be the cause of its lengthy
L'OnStruction time.
A rare example of a late antique chapel whose fun ction is known, and
whose decoration sur.·jves almost intact, the mprlln ,,/"c;vrscovih, illuminates
many sixth-century ecclesiastical, political, theological, and iconographical
issues.' :'o Since it is found in the heart of the cpiscopillJlJ, it is assumed to
hallC served as ,\ pri\'atc chapel for lhe archbishops, It is the least studied
of Ravcnna 's sunti\'ing monumcnts, altho ugh it dearly is cQllnccted with
all of the other~ in various ways. By Agnellus's time it was dedicated to St.
Andrew, although since Andrew is not mentioned in the dedicHion inscrip-
tion cited by Agnellus or featu red in the sur.'iving mosaics, Deichmann
thought that relics of the saint must halle been introduced later.' ;' How-
C\'t'r, it l~ possible that 3n image of Andrew was, in faC t, dcpicted over the
 RELIGI O N I N OSTROGOTH Ie RAVENNA

6 .. , G/ft'lil
",til'rI"ill'iff,
SIl uthe3 5t eXh,' ·
rior ",~II " 'ith the
r~Il\~i!lS o f th~
e;ght!i· ""nltll')'
i!il'llrilllll (?)

doors of the chapel; Agnellus says"" , he [Peter IT] built the 1II01l(lSfrrimll
of St, Andrew the apostle, and his image is depicted in mosaic inside this
1Il01lllSferilml, over the doors, "'7' "H is irnage~ is usually interpreted as refer-
ring to a portrait of Peter II, but it is equally, if not more likely that the
portrait was of St, Amlre\\', much as an image of St. Lawrence was found
in a lunette in Ole mausoleum of Galla Pladl.!ia. Andrew was aile of the
patrOIl saints of Consranrinople, a fact that Agnclll1s ernphasiles,' iJ and
this dedication would reinforce the connections of Ravenna's bishol)S with
the imperial capital.
The chapel , today locatel.! within the Musco Arci"escO\·i!e. was found
on me top Roor of a three-story structure built by Bishop Peter n as an
addition to the episcopal palace, adjacent to a tower known as the Torn'
TH E O RTH O DOX C H U RC H I N OSTROGO TIi Ie RAVENNA ' 9'

.'. _ .

...

65' Cilp.-Iut
IIrri:·ntYlL·i/r. pi,,,

," , I ,.
o hh~ "~ rthd
and eb,!>,,1 (ar,,,.
Gcrob. 1'.I3~)

Sf/Ilium , which may originally have been a water distribution tower of the
aqueduct,'i4 and which was now used as a stairwell for the new bu ilding
(Fig. 6+). The th ree-story building is huilt of reused brick; the first alltl
Se(ond floors ('acn conuin three vaulted rooms that corrl:spond to the lay-
out o f the top floor with the chapel. The sel'Ond floor had three vaulted
chambers; the one below the cha pel's narthex was accessible only th rough
:I tral)(loor in its ceiling. and Gerola proposed that it served as a crypt
containing the episcopal treasury.'-' \,Ve do not know what these other
chambers were usetl for, although ir is usu:illy assumed thar rhey dit.! nor
have a sacral funcnon .'7i> Parts of this building were modified in the six-
teeorh and seventeenth cenOlries, and in particular the apse of the chapel
was completely removed and rebui lt during the extensive reco nstructions
that were executed between 191 1 ~nd 1930 , but much of the building SIlT-
vives in its original form. '-j The decoration of the chapel has been heavily
resto red everywhere, based on the careful analysis of sun'iving traces of the
original as described in detail by G. Gerola .
Thc chapel is preceded by a narthex, or ent'ry hall, whose doors opencd
on the southwest to a rriangular space adjacent to the rower (walled up in
the Byzamine period), on the nOrthwest to the hallway of the building, and
on the northeast, through lllhick wall into the chapel (Fig. 65). The floor
was originally covered with an opus scaife pavement made of marble from
Proconnesus and elsewhere, whose panern was recovered from surviving
traces of lllortar.,-8 The lower parts of the walls were originally covered
'9' REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

by a revetment of large slaos of marhle, again now entirely restored with

Prl)(;()nllesian marble, as describe,[ by Agnel1us . li~ The brick harrel \·ault is
covered with a mosaic of an abstr.lct pattern oflilies, discs, and birds agai nst
a gO] ll backgrmmd (Fig. 66). M1lCh ofrhc southl,';lstcrn wall is taken up with
a large window (much al tered and now completely reswred); the mosaics
above the window aTe not original. Over the northwestem door is a mosaic
depicting a youthful Christ (Iressed as warrior·cmperor, trampling on a
lion and a serpent in a rocky landscape with a gold background; the lower
parr of this image is entirely restored. , No Christ holds a long-handled cross
in his right hand and an open book in his left, which displays the words
"Ego S\I111 via, \'erit~s ct, vita'" (John '4:6). Agncllus (luOtcS the lengthy
inscription, which he says was fou nd in the narthex. ,~, The restorers found
small fragments i dent i ~alJle as rhe ends o f some of [he lilles, indicating lhat
this was a mosaic inscription covering the upper part of the long w311 s of the
narthex and they recreilted it ;In ;ordingly. ,lI, The fim part o f the inscription
is notable for it.s emphasis on light and the metaphor of its r~diance in a
small chapel:

Either light was bom hcr<:, or e~ptu red hcrc it ,.eigns frec; it is the I"w, fnnll
which sourcc th~ CUTTent glo ry of he3Ven e.~ccls. The roofs, deprived lo f light],
have produced glcamingd3~" and the l'nC'losed radiance gleams forth as iffrom
secluded O lpllpus. Sec, the m~rblc flourishes wi th brig-bt rJYs, amI all the
stones stnl ck in Sf.ITT)' purple shille in "allie, the gifts Qf the fU(lmkr PeTer.
To him honor and merit are granted, thus to heautify small chings, so th at
althou gh conflned in space, ther gu rpa>s the Ltrge. Nothing is S11I3111O Christ;
He, whlN: temples exist witb in lll;: humml heart, well ocl:upies confining
Iwildings.

Given the brilliance of the gold mosaics in the chapd, this poem alfers
a re1llarkaulc insight into its tT1caning as intended by the patron, Bishop
l'etcr.: H\
The chapel itself is cruciform. with shallow (0'90-0'97 meter) arms
covered by barrel vaults (Fig. 65) . Its orientation is rather curiolls, being
perpendicular to the cathedral. Since the cachellral's apse actually faces
sou theast, the apse of the: chapel faccs northeast. The: currcnt ;Ipse is a
complete reStOration of the original deep (1.75 meter) semicircular apse
covered by a scm idolllc made of ",f,ifittili.' s." T he wall to the right of the
apse inc\\lde5 [\\'0 large windows sepnrated by n column , capped by a si111ple
impost bloc!.:.:8; Hollowed out of th ree of the corner ma son'1' blocks were
small rectangular niches (0 .5 x 0 .9 meter), which Gerola suggests were
intellilell to hol(l relics; in the northwest corner of the chapel :I narrow
THE ORTHODOX CHURCH I N OSTROGOTHIC RAVENNA 'OJ

66. C4pdk
~·i""iew
"r,,,,, ""n....
' ..d"lI" nonh,,",,~.
on.. t"'''''I~j''g
the 00..", (photo
S. .\1,uskopfj

passag~"Way bl to the hal lway outside.' 1YI The o{J1#stctilt floor in the chapel
is largely original, as is the revcnnem of a dado surmounted by large slabs of
Proconncsian marble, with an upper bordcr of reddish p3vonnzcno mar_
ble from Dokimeion in Asia ""Iinor, that covers the lower z.75 meier of
the wall surfaces. This wall covering is set off from the mosai~"S by a mostly
restored cornicc of stucco.
The decoration of the lunettes in the arms does not survive; again,
Agnellus says that a pOfo-ai t ori ginalJy existed over the door. and the restor-
ers painted an inscription testifying to this in the lunette above the door on
the wcst wa iL The mosaics of the vaults do survi\"~ almost in their entirety
 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA
'9'

(PI. \"; Figs. 0 7, 68). The oarrel vau lts over the ;lrm~ of the cross arc wide
enough for one row of medallions containing the heads of varir)us holy
pcopk, as follows (from left to right):

NortheasT Sollthe~st Southwest Northwest

(Apostk.,;) (\'blc _\brtr~) (Apostles) (Fmdc .\brtyrs)

loh:l!lnis Chrys.1nrhus SiJllon C~lIl'ltle us C~ecili~

lacobus Chrisoconus Tadda~'us Eug~' ni a
Paulus C~SSi ,UlUS h coblls E'. ufimia
n",mJi,,;;s Chrisl Chrismon N fl Be,lrdJess Christ CllTislIlon A/Q
P etrus [ PoJyc~l rpus' Thomas Daria
t\ndre,lS (Cos}mns' ,\l,mh .. us I'Cqx:ru'l
Filippu,; Damiallus· Ih .rthololllt.-m Fditius

• Rd r<ln:d

The heads of the sa int5, withou t halos, arc sct agai nst blue backgrounds;
the nl!.'uallions an: oordcn:J by a multicolored ring and set ag;ainsr the gold
background on which the names of the saints are written. Such series of
portrai ts afe known to have existed at Santa Sabina in Rome frOIl1 the 410S
and are often presumed to have heen found in San GitWa nni Evangelista
in Ravenna; the}' became very popular in the sixth century and we will sec
them again in San Vit3le. :~j
The twelve martyrs depicted here are an oddly assorted bunch and no
ant' has attempted to explain their selection other than to suggt'St thar tht'ir
relics were found in the chapel. As in Sant'Apollinare Nuo\'O, the male
saints arc on the right amI the fel}1~le all tbe left as Olle faces the apse. Cer-
tainly Euphemia ofChak e{lon, as we have seen in Sant'ApoIlinare NUQvo,
represents Chakedonian Orthodoxy_ Chr)'sogonus, Perpt'tua, Fdicitas,
and Caecilia were among the most popular of the martyrs, appearing
in carll' Canons of the Mass from M ilan and Rorne !~ Cassian was rhl;'
patron sa int of Ravenna's suhordinate see of Imola. Eugenia, D aria, and
her husband Chrysanthus were vcncrated at Rome. Polycarp of Smyrna,
like several of the otilt'rs, would later be depicted in the martyr proces-
sion in Sant' Apollill~rc N uovo, indicating a certain familia rit}' with him in
R:wenna. The cult of Cosmas and Damian was known in Co nstantinoplt'
in the early fifth century, and was brought to Rome by Pope Symm3chus
(498-514); thei r church ne~.'t to the Roman forum was built by 'fheoderic's
appointee Pope Felix IV (j!6-Jo).,&g Thus, as a whole these ,aints can he
said to have been popular in the early si.xth century, bur the reasons for their
selectioll are ohscure.
Th e central SP,lCC of the chapel is L'Overcd by a groin vault' made o f brick
(PJ. \ '). Shallow slivers of lunettes a bove the barrel vaults cOlltain rinceaux,
THE ORTHODOX CHURCH IN OSTROGOTH I C RAVENNA '95

....-
6 7. c, u.,
ik. .-.hoso
•.-m of au""l.
0.,;,.."" ,he
.pooclco (photo
S.M,""'oP"l

68. ~
.m.-·ik,
north ..·.., . ",h
of dupe1. "n.. k
..;0.. (1 .........
S. M''''''<>I>f)
' 96 REllGI ON IN OSTROG OTH Ie RAVENNA

lambs, and the monogram of Bishop Peter, and arc set off by abs tract
bonler~ from the other eJemento;. At the apex of the vault is ~ gelid c/Jris-
"IIMI agai nst a blue background set within a medallion. It is held IIp by four

angels, haloc(l , \\ringcd. and (IrCS5cd in white nmics and pallill and stand-
ing on green spi ts of ground at rhe four corners. Between the angels, the
four beasts of the Apocalypse, here holding books and thus s)'mholi7.ing
the fou r tvangelist.<;, float as winge(1figures in multicolored douds. Finally,
the restorers found many dark blue and silver tesserac in the area of the
apse, which led them to Tl'(;onst ruct it (on the mOllcl of the mausoleum of
Galla Placidia) as gold and silver stars su rround a gold Latin crosS against
a dark IJlue sky.
Thechapel and its decoration make dear references to earl ier str uctures
in Ravenna. ivlany, of course, have since disappeare{1, hut we can recog-
nize a(lapta tions from the Santa Croce complex in the ground plan,''>'' the
evangelist sYlilools of the vaul t, and in the tra mpling Christ of the narthr:x,
which, ~ s we saw, also appearecl in the Orthodox Baptistery. Unlike the tifth-
century monumcnts, however, here the taste for gold mOS:1ic as a back-
ground completely changcs thc vis\lal expericncr: from one of mO\1Tnful
contemplation to one of brighulesS and splendor. As we have seen, gold
backgrou nds were used in the Arian churches built at this tillle, and stylis-
tically these mOSaics afe similar to those hoth in the Arian Baptistery and
in Sant'Apollinare NUO\'O .' ~I
Built by Bishop Peter 11 (494-5 : 0), at the height of Theoderic's feign ,
thr: chapel has al~'ays anracted attention for the ann-A rian elements of its
decoration. One of the key bihlic:ll passages used by Orthodox theologians
against Arianism was John 14 and the selection depicted 01) the book held
by Christ in the narthe.x was a key expression of trinitarian (Ioctrine. '9' A..<;
we have noted, St. E uphcmia was a symoo! of Chalcc{\onian Orthodoxy
and her appearance in this cOllte:\1: cannot be acci{lental. \,\lith this chapel,
Peter reminded his clergy that evcn though they could accommodate an
Arian ruler they werc the guardians of Orthodox belief.

The Early SiXlh-Cmtury Cbm'ches ofClnsse

As we ha ve already seen, early si:\"th-century Classe was a thri\'ing cen-

ter of trade and milit:lry acti"ity. T o acco1l1modate these populations, new
ecclesiastical struCUlres ~'erc built in the area. ·rhe cla borarc complex that
Agnellus calls the Petriana, built first by Peter I and added to by Peter II
and Victor, has completely disappeared; and yet archaeologists in the
(960s discovered an apparently different and elaborate complex to the
TH E O RT H ODOX C t-f URC t-l I N O STROG O TH Ie RAVE NNA ' 97

south of the dry at a site know!} as Ca'Bianca whose idemit}' remains a

mystery.
In the previous chapter we d iscussed the Petriaoa church. built in the
mid-fifth cenmry and destroyed hythe ninth. Agnellus ~ays thatthe Perri ana
had a oaptistery, ouilt oy Bishop Peter II, that ~was wonderful in size, with
doubled walls and high walls built with mathematical art.~ although it is
not known what this means. Later Agnellus says, " rvictOr] decorated the
tetragonal ba ptistery, which most blessed Peter Chrysologus built in the
cit}' of Classe nex1: ro the Pctriana church, and in the middle of the vault,
on the men 's side, under the arch there is a small medallion, which even
lOday conr~ins the followi ng, 'by our holy lord,' and facing on rhe other
siJ e, the women's, there is found another Unle medallion, as aoove, with
gold letters it) tu rn o n its side. reading rhus, 'father Victor.''''')l T hus the
Petriana baptistery seems to ha ..e been a basil ica or some Other square sharle
(perhaps ("''\'cn like the <"'lpd!illlrdv(s(IJvjJe~) rather than all octagon. Agnellus
reports that it had mQllflstrrill, or side chapels, attached to it, dcdicatc.1 to
Sts. Matthew and J amcs, ;t nd evcn repOrts having itH"cstigated a tomb in
one of these. '9-1
' ;\,'hy was this oaplistery buill at this time? Some schol<lrs have seen the
Petria na t:Omplcx as a sign that Classe had its own chu rch orga nization sep-
arate from that o f Ravenna. The fa ct that in Sam' Apollinare Nuovo Clas~e
i ~ depicted {'(IUal in status to Ravenna is interpreted as indicating a sepa-
ratc civic identity fo r Classe by the early sixth century.' 95 Since we have
no cviocnce ever for a bishop of Classe, this seems ltnlikcly. But by this
rime haptism was becoming more decentralized and there was probably a
perceived need fo r a second baptistery in Cl a s~ in which a pricst would
administer baptism .'r Other Bew baptisteries Start to appear at tlus time,
as we will sec, and pil'vi, or rural churches equipped ror baptism, beg;Ul to OC
built in surrounding 1O,\"I1S such as Padovetere and Argenta. J?~ These exam-
ples show that the office of haptis1ll was expanding beyond the episcopal
church. In the case of the Petriana ba ptistery, though, we might wonder
whether Bishop Peter II imen(le(1 it as an alternatiye tor the Orthodox
clergy in case of an Arian takeover of thc cathedral in Ravenna. As we
have seen, according to Agllellus the Petriana was magnificently built and
dtcorated, and Peter II ttlay ha\·c relt that, as it W;lS not in the ctlller o f
T hco(leric\ capita l city, it had a better chance of maintaining its sratllS as
an O rthodox church.
The Ca' Bianca basi lica, excavated thrmtgh sonoages in 1965 and not
scientifically surveyed, remains a mystery (Fig. 69).' '1:; It lay l kilometers
south of Sant'Apollinare ill Clas5e, and 800 meters to the cast of the viII
Popilia, south of a ri\'er that ran to the nearby coastline, and is assumed to
'9' REll G ION I N OSTROG OTH Ie RAVEN N A

h3VC been built for the usc of an unknown via/x to its south. 'Qo At least two
phases of construction h~ve heen i,lemined. The earlier, (Iated to the late
fifth or early sixth ccnturr, includes a large basilica (nave + aisles 37.50 x
~l.5 0 III including the walls), with an apse polygonal on rhe c:'1:crior and
circular on the imerior, a colonnade of twelve columns, an atrium wider
than the narthex, and an adjacent octagonal building (imler core 9. 10 III
across), interpreted as a haptistery, to the nord\. The later phase includes
Slllall clmllbcrs flanking the apse ro the north and south, some of which
may have been used as mausolea,l"'" and the porches along the aisles, and
is assumed to date to the late r sL'\th ccntury) O' The buildings wcre built
of rCUSl,'d Roman brick and wl,'re pavc<1 with marblc and with mosaic, thl,'
latter datable to the middle of the sixth cenrury. A raised recta ngular belllil
occupied the first of the bays of [he nave in frOllt of the apse.
It is nOt knowlI when this church was abandoned ; there is no reco rd
of it in an y tcxrual sourc(.'s, unless it is o nc of the churcht.'S mentioned by
Agncllus that is now lost)O' The basilica is of al most thc samc dimensions
as S;mt'Apollinare Nuovo, which led D e Angelis <l'Ossat to propose that
it must date to the Ostrogothic period and pcrhaps cv!.'n bI: Arian; W) th!.'
baptistery has the same layout and dimensions as the Arian Baptistery, \·, ,11Y
would magnificellt buil(lings, on the same scale as those being built in the
heart of the new Arian capital, be erected to serve a suburban viws? It has
been suggeste<] that perhap:; the church exc3vate(1 at the Ca'Bianca was
Agncllus's Pemana basilica, but 1I1OSt scholars reject this interpretation, as
tht;' dati ng is wrong and Agnel lus st;'l't;'ral times says [har the Pe[riana was in
the ci£:.' of Classe (ill (rJittlTe CltI1si;,).l~ vVithou t further excavation, the
C a'Bianca complex rem3lns a sign of the wealth and power of Ravenna's
dite ill the early sixth ce.ntury, evell if we {]o n()t kIlO\\' to whidl dite to
attrioutc it.

The Orthodox Church after Theodenc

Our kno wledge of church aITairs becomcs more extcnsive for the period
after the death of T heoderic, when it seems that the Orthodox C hurch
quickly oegan to recoup itS aut hority. As described mainly oy Agncllus, in
Bishop EcdesillS we see a man who played a role both within Ravc::nna and
in the bTOader world. Ecclesius was one of the clerics whom Theo<lcric
St;'fif with Pope John r to Consta ntinople in 52 5 to protesr the emperor
Justi n I's treatment of the Arians.-'os Unlike John, Ecc1esius <lid not ,ntract
Thcoderic's ire upon their return, but kept his throne in what must have
been {Iifficult circUln~ ta nces . His actions during rhi~ period, howe\'er, made
him cnemies. Sometime betwcen p6 al1(\ 530, some of Ecdesius's clergy
TH E O RT H ODOX C HURC H AFHR TH EODERIC ' 99

6y. (; ro1lnd pbn

" hhe b",ilic-~
,,,,,l oct1>gr,,,,,)
5{nK!llr<· found
at {h,· si {~ of
C, 'FI',,,,,,,.•. wi,h
cxcan.t~d arc".'
in bbc~ "oJ g rar
o (a ft~r Cortl."i ,
I':IiS )

protested abom him to Pope Felix IV, who issued a document o f reconcil-
iation that is quoted in full hy Agnellus.l'>6 Felix issues the followi ng rather
severe rebuke in the introd uction: "f rom em')', the priests of tbe church
of Ravenna have done things which are known to have S"3(ldened the souls
o f all catholics: altercations. seditions, depravities, which strive to dis rupt
all eccbiastical disci pline." .I<>i 'rhe {l(X:umen[ goes on to proscribe simony,
po litical intrigue, and clerics' appearances at puhlic entertainments and to
set out arr.lngcrnents for episcopal finances to prevent corruption . The ori-
gin of this dispure is not known; it seems an o(ld time for a quarrel among
Ravenna's Orthodox clergy and one wonders which of the offenses listed
in the document was the main stimulus.loll T he (]ocumem is signed serially
by the members of each faction; the lca(\er of the opposition to E.t"t.~lcsius
was a priest named Victor, who may ue the sa me man who became bisho p
in 538 . Could they have been on opposite sides politically, o ne in favor of
Ostrogothic rule and the other supporti ng the Byzanrines ami Pope John?
After j~6. the Onhodox Church was emboldened to embark upon an
extremely ambitious program of church construction in both Ravenna and
Classe. \-Ve will consider the actual buildings in the following chapter, but
here it is important to note that the construction acril'lt)' began in the
 REll G ION I N OSTROG OTH Ie RAVEN N A

Ostrogothil· period. Agndlus says that after F~"Clesi us returned from the
east (thus presumavly hetween F6 anll 532 ), he began constrU(;tlon of the
church of Santa Maria Maggiorc and thcn of San Vitale, both sponsored by
the banker (lIIgrllfllriIlJ) J ul ian. I<IQ Ecck-sius's SIKTessor Ursicinus (533-6),
again with the help of}ulian the banker, beg"Jn construction of rhe church
of Sant'Apollinare in Classe. \1 0 Filially, Agnellus says that the church of
Sail M ichele ill Aji'ici>co was built by Julian and his son -in-law Bacau<la;
although we (10 Jlot know when it was begun, it was dedicated in 545.31 '
This (1)nstnlt"tion activi ty has been interpreted as I:vidence of a Machiavel-
lian consplracy by J ustinian, abetted by hi, secret agent J ulian, to prepare
the way for the c\'cnt\la l r~'Con{luest of Italy by the cmpire Yl This inter-
pretation, howel'er, is not supported b), any evidence, .\" and it is better
to S(!e Ju lian IIIgrllflll"im simply as an e,~tremdy wealthy private indi\'ldual
whose piety anll political sympathies 1lIatched those of the Orthodox bish-
ops of Ravenna. Mostof these constructions were begun during the reign of
Amalasuintha, and it is po%ihle that her encouragement of the pretensions
of the Orthodox Church was one of the thing, that alienated the oppos-
ing faction of Ostrogoths. Victor (538-45). who was bishop at the height
of the Gothic \oVar and lhe reconquest of Ravenna by the Byzantines, is
not mentioned by Procupius, and thus probably maintained a low profile
during the war. After the Byzantine army retook the city in 540, however,
he sucl'essfully cultivatecl the eastern emperors, as did his SUI."Cessors, who
were now ready to claim an impOrtilllt place in the city's new governing
hicrilrchy.
CIIA PTE R S I X

RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD ,

AD 540-600

The mid- sixth century was a bad time for much of haly. After the death
of Theodedc. Justinian's arllly foug ht a long JIH\ debil itating war agJinSf
the Ostrogoths, which was interrupted by the plague and ti.)llowcd by the
invasion of the Lom bards, who conq UCrcd much of the pcninsu 13 from the
BY7.antines. Despite the <Icbilitating effects of these events on cities such as
Rome, Ravenna seems to have been spared and became the capital of the
Hyzantine territory, remaining the seat of the Rp.antine exarchs and their
administration unti l the early eighth century. A ci ty council, or mria, com-
posed of members of families who were socially distinct from the members
o f the court, existed at least until the early seventh century. The 'lllueduct
was repaired in the earl y seventh century. New pllblic baths were built by
the hishop in rhe sixth century and continued to be used until the ninth
century . Justinian gave the bishop of Ra\'enna tbe [itle of archbishop and
from this time a series of monumental ad{litiom were made to the episcopal
palace. Ravenna's prosperity seems to ha\'c heen minimally affccH:U by the
Ilemographic crisis of the mill-sixth century. Contact with Con~tantino­
pie and the East was made stable aga in, ami large amounts of imported
materials continued to be brought to Rav!;'n na. There was a bui lding boom
that resulted in $Ome of the most fumou s surviving monuments. includ-
ing San Vitale and Sam'Apollinare in Classe: architectural styles, buiJd ing
materials, al1(1imagery vstentatiousl ~' umlerscored dIe dose relari(lllS with
COllstalui nopl c.
j n other words, in the later sinh century, when the other ci ties of Italy
were reeling from the effects o f plague, war, and other natura l disasters, the
city of Ravenna continued to develop in the same d irections it had ta ken
since the e~rly fifth century. Ravenna 's "decline" was to he delayed until
{hc sc\'cnth celltury or la{cr; and even when economic decline set in, {he
presence of the exarchs and the connection with COllstantino ple t'nsurell
 RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZAN TINE PERI OD, AD 540- 600

Ravenna, C. AD 600
•
.........
E3l

...... s .......
E3l

E3l
'".s......
E3l
"
.- i81 lit """ 81
1'«",._

i
81 "'.- .... -

-
,
91- S. , ""

-
E3l ,__
~

,,,w,d ..."(£<oacn;
57 ,,"

, ..

70' ,\ \3" of what we might call a certain late antique mimlset that carried over into the
Ra'·'.'nLla, "'d. ncxt twO ccnturies.
AD 600
vVhen we lea\'e rhe era of Cassiodorus and Pro("'Opius, we enter a period
that is much mOrC poorly documented . H istorical texts written in Italy
benl'een 540 and the mid-seventh cenUlry do not survive; even the Roman
Libcl' pollfijimliswas set aside after its first redaction and only taken up again
in the 6405. Papal lerters and the writings of Pope Gregory I form the
largest part of our contemporary textual information for this perio(l, and ,
as we will sec, lhe popes did not have "cry high opinion of Ravenna. For
TH E ENVIRO NMENT AND I TA LIAN URBANI SM

thc period 540-600 there ;Irc only a hallllful of surviving <locumellts, somc
o f which we have already (liscussed in the previous cha pter.
Our knowledge of this period thus eomes largely fro m later histories. Pau l
[he Deacon, a monk of Lom bard <lC$Ccnr who became associatc<l with [he
court of Charlemagne, wrote in the 760 5 a chronicle known as the Hisrol'lif
RO'lllIlIlO, and then i.n the late,' 780 5 and '90 S a history of the LombaJ'ds up ro

the year 744, the J-Ji$torin LtmgobnrJol'Ifllf . For the sixth century Paul relied
all the Roman Libel' /J(11Itijicali.. , on a short seventh-century work known as
the Origo gClltis Lallgobardorlllll, anll on a lost history hy the carly scvcnth-
century historian Sccundus of T rcnt. Since the Lotnbards did not control
Rave nna 1111til the 7505 , Palll's works do not contain a lot of in formation
directly pertinem to [he city, although they are extremely imponant for
Ital ian history in this period. T he l./)R then:!ore stands out as Ollr major
~urce for the period . Agnellus's interest in episcopal history and church
construction caused him to report a large number of inscriptions from this
period, and rhlY, together with thc su rviving monuments, have shaped om
concept of the period and what was accomplished in it.

The Envirorul1ent and Italian Urbanism

The 5i~.-thcentury i ~ often viewe(1 as an era in which climatic, epidem iologi-

cal, and aquatic events disrup ted previo usly established econom ic patterns,
amI even led to the end of the late antique world. ' There is evidence from
Cassiodorus, Procopius, and other authors from as far away as China of
a climatic c\·cnt in 536 or 53 T sources re port dim skies 30d darkclling o f
the SUIl that lastt'd more than a year. Scit'ntists speculate that it may have
!.>cen caused by a massive \'o1cank eruption or a comet; in any case, it was
sai(1 to have affected crops.' This t:\'ent seems to have been viewell at the
time as ~ temporary misfortunc, hut cvidence from tree rings shows that the
carth's climate became significa ntly cooler for the next te n years, possi bly
a resu lt of this event.> Gregory me G reat records severe Hooding in Rome
and Verona in 581); this is presumed to have been caused by exccssive rain.4
T aken together, lIlany scholars propose tha t the sixth century markrd the
I:x:ginning of a cooler and wette r period. known as the V;llldal Minimum,
that lasted until around abom 85 0.s At the sa me time, the urban an(l rural
po pul ations of Italy were devastated by the bubonic plague wh ich hit Italy
beginning in 543 and reUlrned in sllccessive waves until the 7405, Mortality
ra tes are almost impossible to deduce, but some scholars think that it must
havc been sim ilar to tbe Black Death, killing- 30 percent 01" more of the pop-
ulation, at least ill urban areas. Outbreaks of the disease are documented in
Ravenna for the 560s, 591 - ~, and 6 00-1.6
10,," RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI O D. AD 540- 600

In Italy, cities Were devastated both by these natural events anti by debil-
itating warS, firs t bt:tween the Ostrogoths and the Byzantines, and then
the Byzantines and the Lombards. M ilan was sacked and destroyed in 539.
Rome changed hands four timcs in the t:ourse of the Gothic \,Var, which,
comoined wid} the plague, led to dramatic depopulation, dle disappearance
of the Senate, alld a com plete reorgani7,ation of the city's social order.? In
other places the changes may have been less dramatic, although ceruInly
many citk'S experienced a continuation of a decline that had been marked
since the thini or fourth cenUlr},. i\urhors from Procopills to (;rego'1' the
Grcat describe landscapes denuded of 1I1en; whether these aTC rhetorical
exaggerations or ind icatc a demographic crisis in the countryside is nor yet
resolved .$
Some of these disasters must ha\'e ha<l an impact on Ravenna, yet we
will ~ee in this chapter that tratle and huiltling activity continued apace,
and indeed reached their height, unti l after the en(l of the ~ixth century.
A. Guillou ha~ ~uggested that in Ravenna the demographic crisis of the
sixth century was amel iorated to some extent by the Right of people to the
city from the territory taken over oy the Lomoards.9 Conversely. there ma y
simply have been continual immigrHion from the countryside to meet the
cit}"s needs. The changes ill water levels must have had some effect in a
marine city such as Ravenna , and we know that, perhaps oecause of the
wetter climate, in the sil.1:h century the courses of the Po river's oranches
shifted, initially toward Ravenna. '" Nlore water Rowing from inland to the
coast would have meant massive amounts of silt deposited in the marshes
and harbors around Ravenna, with the result that the coastline moyed
farther to the cast and the immediate surrouodings of the city bccame
ever more lantliucke(1. Scholars still debate whether thest! changes were
attriout'ablc to climate ch;lngc or human intervention. " As we will sec, long-
term changes would bct.'Qme significant for Ravenna in the se\'enth and
eighth centuries. Howcver, no changes to Ravenna's internal waterways
can be documented in the sixth century, The aq ueduct, which had been
restore(1 by T heoderic, receivetl further restoration by the cxarch Smarag-
dus around 600, as witnessed by a su!'vi\-ing inscription, ' : \Vc know that
the aquetluct was used. since Agnellus tells us that Bishop Victor (538- 45)
restored ~ b~th comple.'I: nc~r the cathedral. Thus, in spite Of;1 changing
landscape, Ravenna's leaders and population continue(l to function much
as they had for the previous century and a half.

The Byzantine Reconquest and the Lombards

The war for the n:."Conguest of Italy was far from over when the Bytantinc
army umler Belisarius took Ra\'enna in H O, Some sections of the Gothic
I•• 00 Ih. ·.I1"....."n "f(:,lb I'bdd"'": im"';'"" "i .... ~ooking "",-.rJ the oooth (,!",,·c). 0.,;" •• ,nc G.. ~I
Shq>hrnl. ,",..,h I",,,,,,. me ... i< (ho i"... ) (J.n.~,,~ .•\h.mOl,{)
11 0. Onhodo.
C, priStel}'. 'W';C"
J «,-"", j"" .,
the "ioo.-,IO'
"',.... (p/Y>t<)
C. Coprnha,..,,)

li b. Onh",~",
lla pri ....I'.
""""ie! of the
<.1<",", (j~" .n
,\1 d ),,"""!; h)
S. 1.
m., S.Ht"\I . ~lin.n:
N """". 1!K>t<l i< "f lhe
"u.... h ""n.lh< Virgin .".1
C.hilJ H,nked bY"'I(d.,
. 00 the th,,,,, Ahgi (f'hooo
C. Copenh. ,'",,)

IIIb. S.",·ApoIli", ..
N,.,,,,,,, '''''''''' ,,(.he ")I,nh
.... 11. drnil of St. ,\ \.rti~
bJi~g the I"""""''''' of
,,,,,k,,,i,, ..
V. {.;,,,,u•............',.".. "..,...,,(,h. <....1'.,1·.... ul .. (rho~o h..,imt fnr " """J;"><ruch« der jolt,""", ( ;"'<nl><r~
Un;"."", .. ,\lo ;n,.. B, I,U. «n l>lnk)
Vl b. Son Viul •• n ..... ,;c uf "'" .""th fll">bil<l}" ,,·. 11. M.lchi",J.k IUlJ AI>.I (pOOlu S.). Me\)onoog!>l
VII •. Son Vi .. lo.
""".i<,'>f,ho
",onh ' 1
"" ...,Ii.
JtL"inion .. ><I hi.
ro<Irt (ri>:"" S. J.
•\Id.l"nough)

Vll b. S:m
V;"lo. ''''>Sai<
<>r ,I>< s<>uth 'I"'"
~~II. Th ..."do...
• r.dhercourt
(r/>otoS.J .
•\lcDonOUj!h)
TH E BYZANTINE RECO N CliHST AND TH E LO MBARDS

arm y held ou t at Pavia and Verona. T hcre were no more members of the
Amal family, but various generals were raised 11) the kingship, the last being
T otila, a relative ofThcurl is, king of the Visigoths. Under Totila's leader-
ship the war Wntinue(i from 54' until 55! and the Ostrogoths once more
enjoyed some success, taking Rome back in 546 and in 550 . Justinian's
afllly was plagued by insrability at the top ranks, especially the struggle tor
pOWN hetween various gel1eral~, induiling Belisarius. In 55! the seventy-
four-ycar-oltl eunuch Narscs wa s sent to ta ke tolllJlla nd. Totila was finally
kill cd in battle, ;'IIld although othcr leaders continucd the struggle for tvo'O
mOre years, the By~all tines prevailed aDd the Ostrogoths disappearerl from
Italia n history.' 3
However, the military problems were not over; inJeed, the Gothic \Var
initiatell a perioll ofcon~ict between the By~..a ntines and external forces that
would laSt for centuries. llYZlInone control over plague-ravagell hal y waS
tenuous to begin with ant! an ecclesiastical conAkt known as the Three
Chapters Controversy hindered unification, a~ wc will sec. In this un-
stable situation , people, GI'Cr the borders saw It'lly as;1I1 attainable prize.
The Franks had long been involved in the Cothic War, sometimcs on one
side and sometimes 011 the other. In 553 and 554 an expedition of Franks
:\11(1 Alamanni I!evasrated northern Italy and were repulsed by Narses only
with difficulty. A serious revI)lr broke out among the Herul imperial gar-
I'isons in the AJps in 566. 14
T hcre was therefore no rca! unity in Italy when yet another group of
barbaria ns, rhe Lombards, appeared at thc Alpine passes in 5M!, lj 'f he
Lomha n ls (Ll1l1gQ/mrdi. "long-beards") had coalesced as a group in the
Balkans in the late 6fth century and moved into Pallnonia after the deatb
of The(lderic, where they were settled as Iocdt'rilti by J ustinian. Their am-
bitious King Aiboin married Chlodosinlla, daughlcr of the Frankish king
Lothar J. Alboin annihilated another group, the G epills, in 567 am!
after C hlodosinda's death he married the Gepid princess Rosamunda, a
move that was, as Paul the Deacon says, ~to his ovm injury, as afterward
appeared."'" The grou p thar A1boin led into Italy was made up of people
from a variety of "ethnic" backgrounds. and may have numbered anywhere
from 80,000 warriors to 400,000 tOtal people, representing 5 to 8 percent
of the population of the arCllS in which they settled. '7 In three ycars AJIJoin's
Lo mbard armies had caprured m OSt of Ita ly north of the Po riyer as well as
the ccntral sectioll of Ita ly, largely without opposition. Justinian had died in
56 5, and Pau l the Deacon says that the Italians h~d bcen weakened bra bout
o f the plague in 566. By 575 the Byzantines were left only with the follow-
ing': Naples and its himerland, Ca labria: Sicily; the coast north of G enoa ;
Ravenna and its surrounding territories (later known a~ the Pentallolis after
the five dties of Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Scnig,l llia, and Ancona); Rome;
anll a strip of land bet\\:een Rome ami Ravenna along the viii Fill/Nil/i'l.
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

This political configuration woul{! remain roughly the same for the next
~oo }'e~rs.

That <In)' territory at all was left to the BF-antines was thc result of
thl.' instability of the Lombard king(\om. In 571 Alooin was murdered by
Olle of his followers, who was apparentl}' in league with A1boin's Gepid
wife RosamUllda. T he couple are said to have fled to Ravenna, where they
gave the Lomhar<1 treasure to the exarch Longinus and were ~ubseque.lltly
murdered/executed. ,8 t\lboin's sucrcssor Cleph was also murdered in 574,
and tor the ne:\1". tell years the Lomhaf(ls ([i([ not have a king. In.l1vi(lual
leaders who held the title dl/x, and who had been placed in key cities by
AIOOin, consolidated their own amhority and fmlght among themselves,
Some of the Jukes as well as individual LombarJs allied themsekes with
the Byzantines, further complic3ting the picture. 'fhe Byzantines dug in
and attempte(1 to fight back. Agnellus cryptically re[lOftS that tlle Pre-
fect Long-iuus about 570 built a " fence in the form of a w~lI" TO protl.'Ct
Caesarca, the region between Ravenna and C1~sse. This m~y have been a
stake and ditch palis;lde, a ty pe of fOrtificati on kHown el,ewhere 1.11 Italy
at the time, and is assllmed to have been made in res ponse to Lombard
aggression, '? A Bzyantine army under the collunand of Justin Ii's son-in-
law Ba<luarius was sellt to haly in 575 , but it was defeated. T his emboldened
the Lombards to attack the Byzantine capital; Faroall!, Duke of Spoleto,
plunde,'ed Classe around ;;9, and the port city was o nly recovered by Droc-
dulf, a Sue\'c who fought for the Byzantines. '0
In 584, assailed by both the Franks and rhe Byzantines, thc Lombard
dukes came together and chose Cleph's son Authari (r. 584""""90) as their king,
Authari achieved success against a combined frankish-B}'7.l1lltine attack in
590, and Ilcgotiated a deal by which he paid tribute to the Franks, but
he died the same year. In 589 he had married Theodelinda, daughter of
the Duke of Bavaria, .."ho was one of the remarkable women of her day:
A correspondent of Pope Gregory f, upon her husband's death she was
grantcd the right to choose rhe nC:\1" king. and she ru led alongside her
second husbancl Agilulf until his (Ieath in 616, after which she ru led with
her son t\daloaJd until his death in 616 . AgilulfhimscJf, freed of the F tankish
tlueat, went Oil the oft"ensive against the Byzantines, threatening Rome from
5Y3 to 594. and coulHcrthreatened by the prefect Romallus aoom 595, with
short-term truce; negotiated sevl;'ral times before his death, " The simation
th us remained precarious at the turn of the seventh century,

The Establishment of n Byzantine Administration

Beginning with Narscs., Ravenna was established by the Byzantincs as the

seat o f their authority anll thl;' home base of their administration and army.
TH E ESTABLIS H ME NT O F A BYZA NT I N E ADMIN [STRAT IO N

Thei r choice wa!> d ictated, a!> earlier, by logistics and case of transport to
Constantinople, uy secu rity, by pn:stige, an.l by the fact that if there wen:
still any bmea ucratic insti tutions survivi ng, they wou ld have been foun d in
Ravenna. Ro me remainCI1an importanu:cnrer, and, a5 previously, the rulers
o f Italy preferred to keep some distance between themselves and Rome's
f U lers, now increasingly the popes In place of the defunct Senate. Rllvenna,
as the home of the army and the civil administration, re mained iIIl()OrtaIH
!>orh practi1.:aJly and ideologically, and retained a stronger ,-'Conomy longer
than most other contemporary urban centers.
T he long war with the Byza ntines had destroyed the Ostrogothic king·
do m - nor just the warriors, but the entire go\'ernmental sysrem creatcI1 by
Theoderic. The [3X system broke down under the impact of the wars and
ofthe demogrll phic crises. Order had to be resto red, and in .-;:;4 J ustinian
issued an imperial ellict known a~ the Pl'llgmatic Sanction, which details
how this was to be achieved. " It is notable that J ustinian cl~ims to h~ve
issued the decree at the re{lueSt of Pope Vigilius and that it i~ a(ldressed to
the milita ry commander Narscs and the Praetorian P refect Antiochus.
The Pragmatic Sanction is a cmious doculllent, anempting to portray (he
new sodal and politic;ll order as the reimposition of the best elements of the
prewa r era. Laws promu lgated by Amalasu intha , Athalaric, and T heodahad
were to be respected, but nOt those of To til a; property that had changell
honds during the waf was to he restored to its original owners. Payments
to gmlll'llltltiri, orators, doctors, and lawyers were to be continued so that
knowledge and education \you ld continue to flourish !" Senators were rcc·
ognizea as imlxmant political fi gures, hut the edict includes a number o f
notable politica l changes: The right to elect provincial governors (illilim)
was no\\' granted to bishops a~ well as local magnates, and the sallie tWI)
groups were ma(lc rcsponsi hlc for military requisitions, a recognition thar
the allthority of hishops was now an important dement in local politics.
Conditions changed so rapidly in the decades after 540 , especially after
fhe Lombard conquest, that the new conditions do not seem to have been
well receivc{1 by J ustinia n's Italian su bjects or eyen to have appl ied at all. '~
The Roman Senale is last mentioned as a fu nctioning body in .')80 ; per-
sonal names with links to senatorial fam ilies disa ppear by the early seventh
ctmury. T he scnators ha(l becn appointed uy the emperors and then uy
the Ostrogothic kings; the removal of central authority Qut of Ita ly after
the Gothic \Var meant that senators tOO h;ld to remove to Constantinople
in order to maintain access (O COHrt ap pointments and some 3re known
to have clone SO. '5 Their pb ce was taken by a new hierarchy of officials
whose authority derived from their mililary role, as has been described by
T. Browll .,I,
Byzantine rule in Italy was marked by almost continuous milit·.\ry activit),.
' \!hen the BYGantine army hrst ap peared in Italy, its cOlllmanders 3ssullled
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

complete authority over the territory that was regained from the Ostro-
goths. lndeed, in a war situation, what else (:oulll have happene& Narses,
in particular, set abou t thc task of restoring order in It aly, until he was
relieved in 506; in la rer accounts he W35 accused of enriching himself
with the property of Italians.'! By then, the army had been fighting for
thirty years, and the authol'iry of military commanders in ci\' jl a/rail's had
become clltrenchell. \Vhen in 565 a civiliall Praetorian Prefect. Longi ll u~,
was appointed to have an equivalent measure o f authority, he was almost
immed iately rcq11ired to assume a signilil.:am military role in the aftermath
of thc Lomba rd invasion .'11 After that, the continuous Lomba rd mil itary
th reat meant that army officers rose to thl.' top of the hil.'Tarchy in Byzan-
tine h aly,
By the year 600, the leader o f By"..antine adm inistration was a figure
(.'alled the exarch. T his office seems to have developed sometime after the
Pragmatic Sanction; the term r,fll1·cbll.' firs t appea rs in h aly in 584, but not
as an official title, amI sub~e(l uently it often appears in con junction with
pfltririllJ.'9 Other people with \' arying degrees of au thority, most nota bly
thl.' ci\'il ian prefects, also appl.'ar in the yea rs bctofl~ 6 00 )<> It Sl.'ems (;Iear,
however, tha t from the time the title eXII1'cbllf first appeared, exardls exer-
cised both military an([ civil authori ty), T he e:.:archs were always sent from
Constantinople, but we do nOt know the criteria hy which such officials
were chosen, 0 1' how long th ey m ight have eXliected their official te nure
to last. \OVh enever one died or was m urdcred, a new onc was sent nut, and
occasionally there arc refere nces to changes UJXln the accession of a new
cmperor. Se\'eral exerci,ed authority hllice. others fo r mo re than te n yC;lrs
at a stretch (sce the list in Ta ble +).
Below the exarch, the ,,'overnment that was centered on Ravenna was
composed of hoth [oLaI and fore ign officials who perlormed a variety of
functions. Individuals with mi lital}' titles slich as lIIagirter lIIilillilll, dllx, and
tl'ibl/lll/J also exercised civi[ functions in the late ~i xt h ccntury) ' Before 600,
at 11.'3st, thcsc autho rity figurcs wcre scnt to Ravenna from Constanti no-
ple ami came with contingcnt.~ of trOOps, sometimes recruited from among
thc barbarian populations of the Balkans and someri mcs brought directly
from the east.H Some o f these officials and soldiers bought 13111131111 settled
down in h aly,;l trend that wou ld actclerate in the following dtclules.H On
the other hand, most o f the derks, tax collectors, 3n(\ o ther bureaucrats
secm to have.- been drawn from thc local popula tion. And in addition to
thl.' representatives of imperial government, Ravcnna also rctained its ciry
council, or CIIrin,;lS late;ls 015, which functioned as the body that cerrified
and prcscn'cd [cgal doculllcnts and collectcd taxes) i
Thus, thanks to i~ statu~ as a IlOlitic;)1 center, Ravenna remained;) cos-
mopolitan ci ty with ;Ill ethnically divcrsc population whose st'.l.tUSCS and
TH E AR C H BISH O PS O F RAV EN NA
"'9

roles were in flux in this period. Analyses of papyrus docu ments show dtH
people with G(lthic-Iooking n~mes umtinued to exist in Ravenna up to the
end of the sixth century, alongside ind ividuals with Greek or eastern names.
Scholars arc dividcd over the qllcstion of how many Greek-spea kers there
were in Ravenna at any time; we know that a norable medical school, wi th
an emphasis on Greek medical te,-1:S, existed at Ravenna in this pel'iod, ,6
;11111 some (Iocuments arc signed in Greek or in Latin using Greek charac-
tcrs, but Larin remai ned the common and official language); Bankers, silk
merchants, doctors, and not~ r ics :lrc all :lttcstcd in rhc documcnfi; and uear
witness to a still -thriving economy .
Indeed, the new administratlon malic cvery attcmpt to ~tress that afFairs
were continuing as usual in [he capital city of Italr. I mmediately after 540,
RaVe1\11a'S llllnt began producing gold coins on the imperial model amI
continued right through the Byzantine period [0 prolluce coins in gol{l,
silver, and bronze. ,S The cxa rchs moved into Thcoderic 's p;liace,JY which,
as e;l rly as 57!, was rde rred to as t he $fI(HIlfI pfI/fltilllll, a deliberate imita-
tion o f the designation of the imperial palace in COllstall tinople.-t" Other
(Opographical designations in ,111<1 around the p;llace that also evoke Con-
stantinople, if th ey had not come into use already, were probably imported
nt this timc. 4 \ Although politically motivated m(ltliticarions we:re made [0
the: iconography in the church of Sant'Apoll inare NutWo, images and Stat-
ues of T heoderic in and arQ\md the palace remained in situ until the ninth
century, and the palace itsel f was not lI1 uch modified despite the change (0
{he regime it housed : P
Although Ravennil in 567 wa, still the [(IPlft imliflc , after 570 [he ci ty was
no longer theca pital of an empire or a kingdom, but only of a rapid ly snrin.k-
ing province. T he: e.xarch lila), have hall "ice-regal powers, but he was only
a rcprL'Scmath'c, and a rdatively minor O lle, of a ruler who livcd elscwhere.
It is interesting that, 3S far a~ we can rdl from the surviving i1l1age~, no
"exarchal ~ iconography developed in this period or later. Inste~d , it II'as the
bishops who developed an identity - iconographically, historiographica lly,
and politically - 35 the heirs to the earlier secular rulers of Ravenna.

The Archbishops of Ravenna

After the Byzantine roconquest of Ttaly, the bishops of Ravenna increased

evcn more in power and prestige; indeed, thc sec was argllably the main
beneficiary of the ecclesia,tical and political turmoil of the mid- sixth cen-
niT}'. Victor ()38- 45), who was bishop at the height of the GOdlic War and
the ret.'(1nqueSt of Ravenna by the Byzantines, culti\'ated good relationshi ps
with the Eastern emperors, and was rewarded by a grant of tax rCllli~sioJls,
''0 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

which he used to erect ~ large silver canopy (cih(Jrillw) o\'(:r the alrar of
the Ursiana c~the(lrnl. The dedicatOry poem sta tes that this waS done in
fulfillment of a vow, and mentions that Victor ~iJlcrcascd faith among thc
pt.'Ople with love"; is this a referent'l! to thl,'ovenhrow ofOsrrogothi(;/Arim
authority in the dty? ~ 3
Cle~rly the archbishopric of Ravenna was viewed as an important post,
since both the emperors 311(1 the ()()pes appointed non-Raveunate ilHIi·
viduals to hold ir. Maxililian (540-5i), a deacon from the city of Pola in
Istria , was elevated to the ~cc hy J ustinian after a vacancy of a yC:lr and a
half.+! i\1 aximillll 's successor Agndlus (55 7-7o),-H a famleT soldier who had
entered the Ravcnnatc chllrl,:h before the Bp:an6nc rl,'con(\llCst, ~ I soworl.ed
closely with Justinian's governmem, as did Peter m (57o-8), who, like
Agndlus, seems to ha\'e been a local appointment. Pett'r\ two succ es-
sors, John [! (5 78-95) and !Marilliall (595 - 606), however, were from Rome,
the former a friend of Pope Gregory I the Great and the latter actually
appoimed by the pope after a contro"er~y in which he rejl'Ctcd the candi-
dlltes f;lvored by the e.\arch.+6 G regor)' himself played an active role in the
politil·s of lraly, deali ng with exarchs, emperors, and Lombard rulers; h"
recognized and encouraged the influence of the archbishops of R;lvenna on
exarchal administration, and accepted his colleagues as suoordil13te part-
ners in hnth political and ct.desiastical affai rs"~- Since the mid- fifth cen -
tury, Ravenna's bishops ha(1 exerci~e(1 j uri~diction owr several otht'r ~t:es in
northern Italy; in 5Y~ Gregory J assigned a n umber of sees now in Lombard
territory to Ravenna's care.'18
The ele\"ation of Ravenn a'~ see, and the new authority t'.'(e rcised by
its leaders, was marked by new titles and symbols that were assid iol1s1y
exploited by the hol{lers of tht' see. Sometime before 553 Justinian gave
Maximian the title IIl"chicpiswpus (archbishop). This elevation was part of a
general polil:}" of rabing church leaders in rank to match the secular status
of their c.ities; th rough thi s aC1., J ustinian distinguished Ravenna as a major
provincial eapita1."" It is often stated that along wi th the title, Jus tinian
granted Ravenna's ;lrchbishops the right to wear the p,ll/illlll, or stole, a
symbol of metropolitan authority. This assumption is based on Agnellus's
statement that the pnllium was givt'n to Maximian upon his consrtrationi O
however, Agnellus had earlier directly linked the wearing of the {It/llilllll to
tht' metro(Xlliun status that was achit'vell in the fifth century, al1(1 through-
out his tCJo:t the plll/illm is a mctaphor for the appointlllent or confirmation of
a bishop by an outside authority, either the pope or by the emperor. ; I I n the
Justi nianic mosaics in RaYenna, as we will see, hishops are all prominently
depicted wearing the plllliulII, but some of these lIlosa ics were made before
tht' rime of Maxilllian. Thus, use of the ptdlillllll1luSt not have bt'en linl.ed
to the new title. but simply to the nell' ambitions of the post-Theodcriean
TH E AR C H BISH O PS O F RAV EN NA

bishopsY After .Maximian's accession the bishops took to displaying this

liymboJ of allth{Jrity more fre (111ently, md eventually it became a politi-
cal issue bctw('cn th('m and the pOI)('s.H Gregory I reprimanded Arch -
bishop J ohn II tor wearing his pallillm more often than custom re(]\lired
and accused his friend of being corru pted by secular influence; G regory
wrote similarly to Marinian. H 'f he archbishops cannot simply have been
using tlle pflllill1ll as a symbol o f authority within Raven na because th en
there WQuld be no reason for pap~ l opposition. T hey were expressing wider
aspirations, and indecil Gregory also reprimande(1 the bishop of Milan for
mention iogJ ohn of Ravenna '5 11:lI11e dll ringthe mass, as would be done fora
patriart·h.H
T he reasons for R ~venna's ecclesiastical importance went beyond me
status of the city as n provincial capita l and are directly relatell to the the-
ologi('a l struggle known as the T hree Chapters Controversy. ;6 A.l tho ugh
llIonophysitism had been condem ned at the Co uncil of Ch~kedon in 45 J,
the miaphysites who rejected the Chalccilonian form ula, found espL'Cially
in Egypt and Syria. were ca using political proble111s for Justinian. In 543
or 544, Justini an's theologic~l 3(hiscrs C~ llle up with a plan to re(:011cile
the o pposing factions. J ustinian issueil an im perial edict that condem ned
ns heretical works by Tht:Odore of Mopsuestia, Thoo<lore of Cyrrhus, and
Ibas of Ellessa: known as the Three Cha pt~rs, these texts had previously
been accepted as Orthodox. SUPP'.lrters of J ustinian's edict induded the
patriarchs o f Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and J erusalem. I-Iow ~
ever, the western bishops refu sed to accept the condem n;ltion. The pope,
who was the fifth patriarch, was th us a key player, and in 544 he also was a
cOnll"Oversial figure .
In 536, Pope Agapirus had (lied in Constantinople while on an embassy
ro J uslinian from Theodah;ld . T heodahad forcibly had one Siivcrius, son
o f POIX! H ormisdas, ordaine(l in Ro me, but Thoollahall was killell a few
months later, after which Bclisarius took Rome. Silveri us's pol itics and the·
ology were «c-c\ar('d s\lSpeCf; the Uhl'T PQlllifiCii/iS daim s that the empress
Theodora '5 monophysite/miaphysite leanings led her to accuse Silveri us o f
heresy, while Bcl isarius 's wife Antonina, Theodora's fr iend, accused him
of heing alliell with rhe Goths. T he papal ambassador in Constantinople
;It the ti me was Vigilius the archtlcacon. I-Ie was sent h;lck to Rome wi th
instructions that Bdisa rius waS to (lepost: Silveri us allll make Vigilius pope,
and this was done in snF It was Vig-ili us who was IlOpe when the Three
Chapters Controversy broke Ollt, but despite bei ng J ustinia n's appointee,
Vigil ius vaciliate(l on this crucial lluestion. I-Ie was forcibly broughr to
Constantinople in 546 and persuaded to agree to the condemnatio n in
553. dying upon his return jo urney in 555. In the meantime, the metropoli-
tall hishops o f A1il;1l1 and Alluilcia had broken with the pope ;lUd em peror
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

over the T hree Chapters and were in active schism. III this set o f cirCUlll-
stances the bishop of Ravenna, the only metropolitan of northern haly
not in schi~m , was an import-dllt agent of impcrial church policy in Italy,
which probably prompted J ustinian to elevate his supporter Maximian to
the \'aC<lm see in 546 .5i1
In the years after 554, the popes and the archbishops of Ravenna con-
tinued to he staunch supporters of Justinian's condemnation of the Three
Chapters. As we have seen , it was under Archbishop Agndlus that the t\rian
churches and their property were officially transferred to the Ort hodox
Church of Ravenna, perhaps as a rewa rd for loyalty, since the document
praises uthe holy mother church of Ravenn~. the true mother, truly ortho-
dox, for many other churches crossed over to false doctrine because o f
the fear and terror or princes, but this o ne held the true and unique holy
(.'atholic fa ith, it never changed, it endured the fluctuations of the times,
though tossc:d by the storm it n:mained u nmo\'able. "S~ Ravenna's archbish-
op~ ordained clergy and bi~hops for the schismatic sees and they attempted
to coerce the rebel bishops; in this thc)' were aided by Narscs and his suc-
ccssors. 'fhe controversy also b(.'Carne political, especially after J\1 ilan and
Aquilda, as weU as most of the Olher schismatic cities in Istria, were con-
quered by the Lombards, removi ng them from BY'I.allti ne political pressure.
Gradual ly the schi smatic bishops were reconciled with Rome and the main-
stream: Milan in 581, but A(IUileia, the last holdQut, only in 698, and there
were always elements within the churches of Byzantine Italy that opposed
tht: pol icy.oX>
By 600, therefore, the archbishops o f Ravenna had made a place for
themsclvcs llear the top orthc episcopal bieralThy ofItaly. Maxilllian, in
particular, shaped, or even createll, an image of Ravenna's episcopal see
that has domi natcd la ter discourse, particularly as reported by the historian
Agndlus, who credit$ Maulllian with many lasti ng contributions. Max-
ill1ian had two Bibles carefully emended and written according tojero1l1c·s
translation, one ofthe earliest ind ications of the use ofthe Vulgate frans-
lation in Italy. He also produced a missal th at Agncl1us knew, and it is
possible that !-\gnellus attributes to hi m thc spread of the.r ustinianic legal
code into Italy."1 Alore significant in our context, !\hximian appears to have
beell the fi rst to produce a histOry of the episcopal sec ofR;}vCllIlJl. Agncllus
tells liS that he wrOte a chronicle, which seems to have been a typical sr:cular
world chronicle,6, But we also lcam that i\-1aximian was responsible for sev-
eral commemorative pieces on which sequences of Ravenna's bishops were
depicted: an altar cloth with pictures of all his predecessors; an inscri p-
tion on the Tl'icolliJ' li sting all bishops who had helped on the building; the
images of some early bishops in Sant'Apollinare in Classe; and depictions
of carly bishops Oil thc ElCadc o f the church of St. P robus. Episcopal lists
were first compibl for many Italian cities in the early sixth cenmry (this is
TH E ARCH BISHOPS OF RAVENNA "3

when t he Roman Lib" pontificllli< was begun), and it is probahle thar Max-
imian 's was the earliest such list for Ravenna.oJ
In addition to establishing a historical hasis ror the see's importance,
Maximian also worked hard visually to define the prominence of Ravenna's
archbishop. He completed, d~'Wrated, and/or dcdkated the IJornus Tri-
,ollis in the rpisropiwn and the churches of San Vitale, Sant'Apollinare in
Classe, San " Iichcle in Africisro, St. AndR'w, St. Probus, and St. Euphemia;
he founded in Ra"enna a church dedicated to St. Stephen.6i In many of
th~se buildings, as we will see, A'laximian O\'ersaw dC<.;oration that promi-
nently featurt.x1 hishops. The altar cloth and images of hishops mentioned
above are examples of this; and it is no acddent that the most famous
mosaic in Ravcnna, in San Vitale, depicts Maximian next to Justinian. In
many of the buildings that enjoyed Maximian 's patronage, his monograph
is prominently displayed either in mosaic or carved into marble. Prior to
this period, Ra"enna had not had any major churches dedicated to local
saints or martyrS, SO it is l>artiClllarly signifi~"nt that early Christian mar-
tyrs and episcopal saints were claimed for Ravenna at the same time that
the archbishops were claiming new status and privileg<..'S for th<..'TIlselves.
Veneration of Ravt'nna 's early bishops. sl)Qnsorcd by Maximian, was con-
tinued by his successors. Archbishop Agnellus rebuilt the apse ofSant'Agata,
and decorated it with a portrait ofJohn I, who was buried there." Pelt'r III
founded a church in Classc in honor of St. S<:"erus, which was complcttxl by
John II.M SCVCTllS is the earliest atK"sted bi5hol) of Ravenn~, dOC11menred as
prcscnt at the Council ofSardica of 343. Nothing else is known about him,
and even Agnellus tells u, that nothing was L..,own about him in the ninth
century; ncvenhde>s, by the mid-sixth ccntury he was being \'enerattxl
as a saint. His church was located in Classe, near Sant'Apollinare and St.
Prohus; together, as we will >cc, th<..'Y fa nned a group of churches in honor
of Ravenna's early bishops.

The Cathedral and the Episcopal Tbrone

The Vrsiana cathedra l was givcn a new gloss in the wake of the Byzantine
reconquest. 67 Agnellus thc historian s~ys that Bisho p Victor provided it
with an altar cloth of gold and silk and with a silver cibiJrium (canopy) over
the altar (destroyed by invading French troops in I; II), paid for by the
taxes of Italy that were granted to Victor hy Justinian for one rcar.os This
set of furnishings may also h3\'e included a new set of intricately carvlxl
tr"llmrrmnr, somc of which w<..>[c latcr rcustxl in the pavemcnt of the cur-
rent cathedral and are now found in the MuS<."O Arcivcscovi lc. 1Io,> ,\lade of
PIU\.'Onnesian marble. they were prob.obly importC<.1 diTC<..tly from Con-
stantinople. Archbishop Agncllus gave the cathedral a new ambo (Fig. 7 [),
". RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600

71. Amooof
Agnell.,., now in
,he"",I\eJ",1

of 3 type that was common in the eastern Mediterranean and ha d already

been brought to Ravenna's Arian churches under T heoderic. 7" AgneJl us's
ambo, made of Proconncsian marble. was also probably imported from
ConStantinOI)le. Its central section survives, with the dcdil<ltory inSl.Tiption
"5mms Xr(ist)i Agndlu~ rpis(copus) bunt pyrgum [mt";" its sides contain a
grid of squa .....'S, in each of which a bird or animal is carved in flat relief.
Archbishop AgneUus also made a large (1 .22 m wide) cross of wood roated
with embossed silver for the Ursiana cathedra l, which still survives (with
later additions and restorations) in the Musco Arcivcsoovilc; its anns arc
dl'COratcd on each side with 10 ITIlxlaliions with images of saints, ~lJlT()und­
ing luger roundels of C hrist and the Virgin at th e cemer )'
In tenns of episcopal imagery, the most significant object to have sur-
vived from Byzantine Ra"enna is the throne of the archbishops of Ravenna,
which bears Maximian's monogram (Fig. 7z).1J The throne's form is typ-
ical of late anti que chairs, with a curvc<1 back and Straight amls. H Panels
of ivory, each 9- 1z centimeters wide (side panels t 7-t 9 centimeters wide),
were att:lch~'<l to a wooden frarne,1S Th irty-nine panels were carved with
TH E ARCH BISHOPS OF RAVENNA "S

7" Throne
"fM.,imi.n,
fro'" ,i ...., ivory
on. wooden
f",me, 540$-5""
(oo.'''''''Y Ope",
di Relig;one
ddl> [)ioce'; di
lUv<nn. )

scenes or figures from the O ld an d New T estaments (twelve are now miss-
ing, although the subjects of some of them arc known from ea rlier dr-H"-
ings); the figurated panels arc surrounded on aU sides of the throne by
borders of vin~ scroll, i nhabit~'<l by pca~uch, bird" dogs, decr, ~'Ows, and
other animals.;6 As a whole, it is one of the most remarkable ivory objects
to have survived from la te antiquity.
On the from of the throne below the seat we see five figures standing
beneath niches of conch shcl1:John the Baptist in thecentcr, Ranked by the
fl)or ev:mgeliSts, whl) are not individually identified but who are presented
as men in tunics and mantles, holding codices. The other figuratcd panels
depict the following:
,,' RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600

Location Im.ges Survives?

Inner ",.t I:»ck. Up[lCf row

I," ? [Shepherds .od .nim. ls?1
"'mer_left Nonoity y~

""mer-right Virgin .od Child.• ngel ,Jo:s.cph , stor yes

right r llue<: "i.gil
Inner sen bKk, lower row
left Dre.m ofJ"""pll , ~light to t:gypt ye,
center- left [Visit:.,;on]
",,,,er_right T cst of th e bitter Wotcrs yo
right Annunciotion (Fig. 73) yes
Left side of throne
ro"
upper _middle
Joseph: llen;.",in I.eforc J""-l'h
J oseph: l oserh gi,'cs brothc,> gro in
}'CS
yo
middle Joseph: J oseph ime'1'rets ph .... oh '. yo
dre.ms
lower-middle l oseph;Joseph greets )'"'01. yes
bottom Joseph: Ph. rowh's drum yo
Right side or throne
,op Joseph: grief of Jooob (Fig. 74) yo
upper_middle Joseph:jos'1,h put in "'cll }'CS
midd le J oseph; J """I'h sold 10 [shm.elites yes
lower-middle Joseph: j os<1'h sold to Potiph or y"
bonom J oseph : Potiphor', wife ye,
B.ck: top row
left ? IFlight into [ gyrt? £SC'pe of
Eli".beth .nd llapti.t' ,\I.SS3ere of
[llIlocents? ]
center- left B'pti,m of Chtis! y"
center-right
right ,
Ent..,. intoJerus. lem res

B.ck: 2nd row

I,' Di<tribution of 100\'os .nd fishes yo
center·left Christ divid .. 100\-" ond fish .. yo
center_right 1.\ linclc of C.n., part l
right " li=le or Can. res
B.ck: 3rd row
left ,,
center-left
center_right Christ he.ls blind and l.mc y"
tight Christ .nd the S.m.ri"n WOman yo
F1.ck: I",ttom row
left
L..,nter_Ie ft ,?
,
center-right
right ,
TH E ARCH BI SHOPS O F RAVENNA
'"

73. Throncor
MaxiUli~n, pand
depkring ,he
t\nnunci~ ri<)n
(oo urt~.,,)' 01'''""
<.Ii Rdig i o ,,~
ddl~ Diooxsi di
I{~"cnn ~)

74. Throne of
,\ \uimi3n , .l"!:lil
frum sid~ .J~euh
muurningJu<c:ph
(ooutl~"'l' Op... ra
<Ii Rciigio llc
dcll3 Di<X."<::~i di
R~" c;n ll~)
"s RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600

The style of cal"\'ing on the throne has many similarititos with ivories
from Constantinople and {he eaStern Mediterranean, and scholars there-
fore usually assume either that it waS made in the capital (perhaps ordered
by Justinian), or in Egypt, or that it was made in a Ravcnnatc atelier by
workmen from the cast. n Most of the imagery is "cry conventional for
the sixth cenrury; we have already discussed examples of cycles of the life
of Christ in the context of the mosaics of Sant'Apollinare Nuovo. \¥hat
is striking is the prominence of the story of Joseph from the Old Tcsrn-
memo C. Rizzardi nutes that the juxtajlosition of Old and New Testament
imagery is a hallmark of the post-Thcodcrican an ofRawnna, as we will sec
also in San Vitale; she argues that (he difference in artistic styles between
the Old and New Testolment ~nes are deliberate, to draw anention to
their differencc.7I!
But why did (he Story of Joseph feature so prominendy on a bishop's
throne? Sincc thc Joseph story was "cry popular in late antique Egypt
and since Maximian is known to haw visited Alexandria, many s<:bolars
have proposed an Egyptian workshop or workmen for thc thronc ,19 But as
.\1, Scbapiro has demonstrat~'<i, there was more to tbe iconography than
that, In early Christian exegesis., Joseph was seen as a type of Christ, and
also as a type of John the Baptist, and in fact many of the Joseph scenes on
the throne are typolOgically linked to the image of the Baptist and the New
Testament secncs on thc thronc,80 Joseph was also seen as a model of good
sttwardshil" In particular, Ambrose o f " I ilan, in his writings on thc roles
of priest and bishop, praises Joseph for his chasti ty, charity, and generosity,
and holds him up as an ideal counselor to a secular ruler,a, Joseph is thus
a model of a good bishop who can feed and protect his p.oople, sen'e as an
intermedia ry between God and men, and be an adviser to the secular ruler.
Indc<-'<i, in many of thc images on the throne, Joseph is shown seatOO on a
throne himself, emphasizing the oon ncction.
Finally, Schapiro notes a morc J't'rsonal rtason that Joseph may have
figured on a throne connectoo with Maximian. Joseph was a slave who
was raised to a position of power by the pharaoh. According to Agnellus.,
Alaximian was not from Ravenna, but from Pola; he rose from humble
origins through the favor of the emperor (and through judicious bribes)
to h<-'<-'ome archbishop. AgneJlus quotes inS'-Til'tions on twO alt:H doths in
which Maximian notts that the Lord ~has raiS'-xI me from the dung."s,
Agncllus's Story of Maximian', rise may be embroidered but Maximian
obviously cultivated the idea that he was a nobody, ele'lIt~-d by the favor
of Justinian, and this can also be seen in the mosaic in San Vitale. Joseph
was thus a suitable model for this particular bishop and for the particular
political and C<.:ciesiastical situation in sixth-century Ravenna.
CHURCH BU I LDING "9

Church Building

Betwcen 540 and 600, Ravenna and Classe were la\~shly provided with new
churches (st.'C Fig. 70), hc:avily subsidized try the donations of the mysterious
banl.:cr Julian, but also sponsored by the bishops and archbishops (intere,t-
ingly, none of the exarehs or prefects arc credited, at least by Agnell us, with
any archiwetural patronage in this period). Bishop F..cclesius ina\lgura t~-d
the building bcxJm after his return from Constaminnple in 5!5, and we
may suppose tha t he ha d bci:n inspired by the buildings, both old and new,
that he saw there . W hile E~"(:lesius and Ursidnus founded major chun:hes,
it is likely that much of the lunstruction activity took place only after the
B,untine Tt.'COnquest of 540. In addition to his dborium, Victor (538-45)
managed to complete decoration of thc Petriana baptistery, to build a lux-
urious bath wmplex near the rpisropium, and to donate an altar doth 10 the
Ursiana . Agncllus says tha t the bath complex was deoora tt"(] with fine mar-
bles and gold mosaics; cx~"vation at the lIann Popolare site has r",veab.1 th",
remains of these baths, built over a house that was destroyed in the fourth
century. It still operatcd in Agn",lIus's day, and ind~...-d the cxcavated remains
show that the baths continued in use umil the tenth or twelfth century.i)
As wc will sec, it is also hkcly that much of the construction work for San
Vitalc an d Sant'Apollinare in Qas:;e toOk place under ViclOr's authority.
Building ,natcrials pourcd into the city's ports from Const~nti noplc
and the ea,t, along with innovative ideas in hoth architc~"ture and mosaic
artistry.s, In particula r, marble from the island of Proronnesus, located
in the Sca of Mannara about seventy-fi,'c miles east of Constantinoplc,
was ostt'lltatiously used in this period. J\larble from Proconncsus ha d been
used in buildi ngs in Ravcnna from as early as the mid- fifth century - the
apse o f San Gi()Y.lnni Enngclista, thc basilicll llptmo/orum, Sant'Apoliinare
Nuovo, and the capt/Ill arcwtsrovi/r - but thc importation of such materi-
als reached its height in the later sixth century. The quarries, which werc
actively exploited from the first century AD to the end of the si~th century,
wcrc under imperial oontrol. B~"Ca\lse they were ncar thc sca, it was easy
to ship their marble throughout the M t"(]iterrant>an, and the color, white
""ith bluish gray veins, ""as highly pri7.cd (Fig. 75).8< T he craftsmen ""ho
manufactured objects from th is m.rb!e u:;ed the "cins to create diffi.'Tent
effects; on columns, for example, stripes coul d run "crtically or horiwn-
tally, ""hile on large slabs used for wall rcv",nnent, slices luu!d he laid side by
side to produce spectacular bilaterally symmetrical effects. \ Ve know from
excavated shipwTt.'Cks that materials were exportt"(] from I'roconnesus as
complete sets, either oomplctely or partial ly carved; this implies that somc-
one Imilding a church ""ould have to know the design to hc able to order
 RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600
""

the materials, which might then be custom made or furnished from stock
available in the quarry's stockyards, If the designs were delicate, it is possi-
hie that rough bloch were shipped, "ith instructions, drawings, or actual
sculptors, so that they could be completed at the construction sitc. M 'Ve
know that stonc-.;arving worl<shops and other local manufacturers {hri"cd
during this period in Ravcnna , .... hetheror not they rou tinely finished mate-
rial that was sent in roughed-out form from Proconneslls,8] In any case, the
presence of marble church furnishings froln I'roconncsus shows thaI the
island's workshops must have been a point o f diffusion hoth for sculptural
motifs and for architectural ideas.
The building boom also gavcrise toa new local industry, themanufacture
of bricks. Already in Ute Ostrogothic period the supply of Roman materials
available for reuse had started to ron out. Unlike the earl ier buildings in
Rawnna, many of th~ lat~r sixth-e~ntury structures, notably San Vitale,
Sant'Apoliinare in Class<:, San Michele in Afriroro, Sant'Agata, and the
building cxcavate<.1 at the Via tli Ruma idcntifie<.1 as the Monno Au~u, were
built of new (rather than reused) bricks that were flatter and broader than
those usually ~ven~-d from Roman buildings. Mod\.-TIl scholars often refer
to these asJulian bricks (named after Julian the hanker).1l8 N. wmbardini
argues that their adoption "'as deliberate to create aesthetic effects for the
ext~riors of thes~ buildings that would he mark~dly different from those of
earlier eras, much as ne'" mosaic and senl ptural styles did aIso. ~
Most of our information about churches in this period lumes from
Agnellus. Becausc he was writing a history of the bishops of Ra,enna , he
emphasized their contributions to the Church and the city, and clearly
they were the central flgures in the huilding boom of this era. Some-
times they spent their own persona l money on these buildings, but in many
cascs thl'Y directed other people's money l()ward projl"CtS that the Church
sponsored. \Ve ha"e already seen that the banker J ulian was the primary
financial sponsor of these lXmStn K"tions, but there arc hints from a few Sllr-
viving inscriptionsof patronage by other scclliar flgurcs. For c."(ample, in 596
an Adeodatus primllS mar" {ffllrfiauY{lt (the first groom of the prefecture)
l13id for an ambo for the church ofSts. John and Paul, which was directly
modeled on the one in the Ursiana but probably made by local artisa ns. ""
Thus., while the bishops used their function as dedicator of churches to
activdy promote an aggressi,'c1y epiS\.upal agenda, th<-1' did so with the
active cooperation of the citizens of Ravenna, who somctimes were pursu-
in g their own aims. The result by the year 600 was a region packed with
large, impressi"e churches celebrating both local and international saints
demonstrating a long historyofimpcria l authorirycombincd with episcopal
oversight.
CHURCH BU I LDING
'"

75. Son,'-
A!.-.II; ....... ;n
0...". column,
of l'rororulesim
=rbI., ...,"
from 'he north
,;,Ie

Church BIIi/ding in tbe City of Rm,le/mn

Six major churches and several smaller ones were built in and around
Ral'enna and Classe between 540 and 600; in addition, some of Ravenna's
older churches were modified. Most of the new structures were built in
the northwestern sector of the city around the existing church of Santa
Croce (Fig. 70), or to the south of the cityofC lassc. Ecdesius owned prop-
erty in the fonner area, which may have been the initial stimulus for the
concentnltion of activity therc. Classe, as wc ita'·c seen, had bccn a focus
of building activity sin<:e the l....nstrul"Oon of the l'etriana l1.l!nplcx, and
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

its comi nucd activity in(lkates that it was dewed as an importallt pan of
Ravenna's Christian topography.
SAI'>TA M.\ RIA )I.\GG IOR E

Bishop Ecclesius, "all his own legal property built the church of the holy ami
always inviolate Virgin Mary . . . of wonderli.ll si7.e, the vau lt of the a pse and
the fa(,"a(le tlecoratetl with gold, 31\(\ in this vau lt of the apse the image of the
holy MothcrofGod!" rl l T hechurch was located in the nonhwcst corner of
the city, just to the south ofSant3 Croce and to the cast of San Vitale, which,
as we will sec, was also fou nded by Ecclesius. \-Vh at is known ,lboutthe orig-
inal church ('ollles from sixtecnth- and seventeenth-century descriptions of
it (in ruined state), and from analysis of the apse, whose structure sU Tl'ives in
the prescnt build ing. 'll An inscription reported by G. Rossi in the sixteenth
('entury reports work on the church at the tillle of Archhishop Felix, in the
early eighth century; another surviving inscription from the tilile of Peter
III might also refer to this church. Rossi tells us that the apse mosaic, by
then in a ruinous condition, depicted the Virgin and Child with Ecdesius
offering them the church, perhaps sim ilar to the depiction o f the bishop in
Sail Vitale's apse.93 T he mosaics were destroyed in 1550 , anti in 167 1 Santa
Nlaria Maggiore was largely rebuilt in the baroque style.
Santa Maria Maggiore is one of the least-studied churches in Ravenna.
In the seventeenth century, befo"e its revuilding, the church was described
as a cruciform basilica with a nave and aisles separated by arcatlcs of eight
columns. One report describes the triumpha l arch as being held up by
twO columns, presumably Ra nking the entrance [0 the apse. The current
polygonal apse appears {O have been originally a dodecagon, 10 meters in
diameter (thus about the samt:' size as the Orthodox Baptistery), colllH'cting
to the ll;lVC of a church through ,In 8-mCters-wiJc triumphal arch (Fig, ]6).
It has then:fore been suggested that the t~hurch vuilt by E(."(:bius was a
freestanding dodecagon and that a hasilica with a transept was amchcd
later (perhaps in the later sixth cenUlry, perhaps in the eighth, certainly
by the ninth centu ry), connected by an arch and perhaps also by a pres-
biter}'. T welve columns and Corinthian capitals of Proconllesian marble
were re used in the baroque building, hut they are smaller than would he
expected for;1 nave colonnade, and thus they may h;lve originally been found
in a nanhex or gallr:.ry.'1>1 Ovviously, further study i~ retluired to tletermine
the original for m of the builtling.
If Eec\esius's chmch of the Virgin had originally been a twelve-sided
polygon, it woul(l have followed earlier prototy pes such as the Church of
the Nativity in Bcthlehc m ,9~ the church of the Virgin ill Jerusalem, and
the shrine of the Virgin at Blachemat:' in Constantinople, the latter twO
cxaml>ks bui lt in thecarly to mid- sixth cemury.¢' Perhaps Ecdesius's trip to
CHURCH BU I LDING
'"

16. San .. M.ri.

,\l oggK><e, pt.n

,.....,.....,..... ..,.....,..
of the"1"" (.fI..
lJ<ichnul\Il,
,
.~
1916. 1~·lJ)

the capital inspired him to build some of the new, domed shrines in Ravenna;
certainly we can see this influence in his other foundation, San Vir:ale.

The church of San Vir:ale is unquestionably a building "like no other in

ltaly.""'7 Built a'...."Ording to a design that rcflt:Ctcd the most up-to-datt
archiwctural ideas from Constantinople, it has impressed visitors since the
time it was founded, both because of its unusual and irnpressi'·e layout and
because of the beauty and splendor of the mosaics that are still prL'SCr,·ed
in its presbitery and apse. Founded by Bishop Ecdesius during the reign of
Amalasui ntha, it reAcets a InU ltirudc of ideologies and concepts in its design
and dL"(."(lration .
The construction of this church esr:ablishc.:! St. Vir:aJis as Ravenna's chief
martyr. The origins of this cult and its connL"Ctions to Ravenna are obscure,
but it is somehow connected to the riva lry betwL~n the sees of ,\'iI3n
and Ravenna. St. Ambrose of Milan famously discovered the relics of Sts.
GefV:lse and I'rotasc in M ilan in 386, and huused them in a grtat hasilica;»8
Ambrose also found the relics of St. Na zari us in Milan, and in Bologna
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN [ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

the relics of St. Agricola and h i~ slave St. Viulis, which he transferred to
churches in .~'1i l an an,1 Florence."') All were martyrs, but nothing more is
told about them in the Ambrosian literature, and noconllC'Ction of any kind
is made wi th Ravenna,
At some unknown point, probably in early sixth-century Ravenna, a let-
ter attributed to Ambrose \\'as composed that contained a Ilarrarive about
some of these figures; it is known as the Plluio Jill/crarl/m IIlm1y1't11l! Ger-
L'llsii (f Profil,rii, loo 11\ the story, G ervase and Prorase arc lhe children of
Vita lis an,1 Valeria; Vitalis, a miirs COI/SlIlIITis ("soldier of consular rank," and
th us d ifferent from the slave Vitalis), is martyred in Ravenna after he givcs
encouragement to a doctor name(1 Ursi(:inus when the laner is bei ng tor-
tured for his adherence to Christianity. Valeria is also man yred after this,
as are Gen'ase and Protase. According to the text, "Sa int Vitalis, the glori-
ous martyr of Christ, next to the city of Ravenna grantS benefits (beI/t'Jicill)
th rough prayers :\1\(1int(.'rcessions for all belieyers of Jesus Christ up [0 the
prcscnt day." 'o, By maJ..-ing Vitalis thc fathcr of Gcnr a~ and Prouse, thc
a uthor demonstra tes the superiority of Rave nna over i\-I il an.
Archal..'Ologin l im'estigations in '911 and '92 5 revealed. 70 centime-
ters below the original floor of th e church, a sInal! ractallgular chapel
(5 '40 x 8.48 meters) with remains of an allar surrounded by mosaic /loors,
which is thought to be the rem ains of an earlier structure consecrated to
St. Vitalis, dating perhaps to the fifth century. to, In the late 51 os, Bishop
Ecclcsius decided to turn this chapel in to an archittttu ral showplace. Agnel·
1\15 provides [hree pieces of information abO\Jt the conSlrUCfion of San
Vita le. He paraphrases the epitaph (c/ogilfm ) of J ulia n which ~ays that
the banker spcm 10 ,000 gold ,.widi on [he construction .")) .H e quotes a
poetic dedication made of silvl'!r te,seral'! ill the atrium of the t:hurc h, as
follows:' ''!

T he lofty te mples rise 10 th ~ \'enenlble roofwp. Silllctllied 10 God in t.he ll~me

of Vil,alls. A/lel Gern5(" ;Iud Prol.~S(" " Iso hold Ihis stronghold. whom ElIlIil)'
:mrl faith ~nrl church join togethe r. The fathe r 8eeing the cQntagions of the
world w',s to theS<' sons lin e Xllmpl ~ of h ith ~nd l\\~rtyrdol\\.

Ecdcsius fi rst gavc this srrongholrl to J uli~ll. who wondcrfully complcn;d th e

worl.: cottllnissioned to him. He also ordered it 10 Ix m~lnr"in~d by perpt:tu~1
law ilIOn in these places no one's body is p"rmitt ~d to be placet!. Hut I)<'caus<:
((lmb.~ of e'lrlie r bisho ps are est'.lblishcd he re, iT is allowed TO place This o ne. Qr
one like it.

The discussion of (Ombs refers to the fact tha t Bishops Ecclcsius, U rsicinlls,
and Victor are all huried in the chapel of St. Nazariu~, a fOull,1 chapel
C HURCH BU I LDING
'"

77. Sun Vit4lc,

"jew o f the e)l"te-
riOT from the
""rth

to the sou th of the apse.1o; Finally, Agnellus also quotes the inscription
commemorating the dedication by j\'laximian: ,06

Juli;l1l the banker built the basilic~ oftlle blessed ll1~rty r Vir;,lis from Ihe foun-
authorized (lIIfllldIIllU) by th e most blessed Bishop Ecc:lcsius, and dec-
(i3tiOllS,

orared 3nd dedicated (dt:dicflVil) ii, \~; rh the most reverend Bishop ;\\ aximian
consccr:nin g «( 9I1Jrrra1llt') iron ' 9 ,-\pril, in th e temh indicti on, in th e si~"Th year
after [h" consulship of Ihsilius. [the yeal' 5471

F. \V. D eichma nn exhaus ti\'cly analyzed these inscriptions, and proposed

that the va rious terlllS 1J11l1ldll/"t', drditall', ami (O IlSl'rran: describe specific
legal andlo r ritual procedures for constructing a church in the sinh CCtl-
rury, t"'; H econcluded that Ecclesius's role was limited to alithori1.ingJulian
[0 construct the chllTch, If this werc the case, why woultl E<:desius be

depicted in the apse offering the ch urch to C hrist? It seems clear that Ecc1c-
sillS was viewed as a donor; since Agndlus tdls us that, Ilirectly ro the east
or San Vitale, he built Sallla lviaria Maggiore on his own property, perhaps
the smail chapel of St. Vitalis ha{lbeen bllilt by his f:ll11i1y, ancl he donated
this property, tOO, to thc church. ,011
The date of thc found~tion and origi nal construction of San Vinic mat-
rers bccause of what it implics about tile relationship of this building to
Olhcrs being constructed in COlmaminople at about th c snille timc, in par-
ticular, the church o f Sts. Sergius and Baccbus, whicb was buil t between
,,' RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600

527 and 536. Ecdesius left Constaminoille before 516, therefore he eannot
have seen SIS. Scrgius and Bacchus. Deichmann therefore argued that {he
design and consrrucrion of San Vitale only began after 540, under Bishop
Victor, whose monogra ms arc found on the impost blocks. '''I> Dcichmann
argued that it was unlikely to have tal.:cn fift~>cn yca~ - that is, betw~'Cn a
foundation before 532 and a dedication in 547 - to build the church. I low-
e"cr, given that these years correspond to the Gothic War, the plague, an d
long gaps between bishops " 'ho constantly traveled back and forth to Con-
stan tinople, a long building period is instea d rather li kely. ,,0 S<:cnJrios can
easily be imagined by which the initial design was crearcd under Ecdcsius
but, perhaps because of the war, the marble pieces were not complet~-d and
shipped until after 540. Likewise, it is possible tha t sculptors from Pro-
COlmesus were sen t to Ravenna to carve the unfinis hed pieces in silu, and
that by the time they mmpletoo the impost bloc ks., Victor was bishop. W e
should conclude that hath Ecclesius and Victor had subst:antia l roles in the
l"O nStruction o f the church.
San Vi tale has survived remarkably well through the ccnturies. '" It
became part of a Benooictin e monastery some time !.>efore the mid- tenth
ccnrury, and remained its primary church until the monastery was dissolved
in 1860. The major structura l changes were t he v:lulting of the ambulatory
and gallery and the construction of exterior buttresses to carry tbe extra
weight, perhaps the late \',I.'clfth ccn tury, as well as the transfonnation of
the southern stair tower into a lllmpa nile. 'I' Tbe church ",,,, apparcnciy
in a ruinous condition by [495; beginning in the 1540s a major restoration
was undertaken that resulted in the removal of most of the ma rble incrus-
tation from dIe walls and its rcplacemcllt with much of the W:.1Il , vault, an d
floor decoration that survives today. The campan i Ie colla psed in 1688, an d
many more cbanges were made in the eighteentb century, incl uding the
add ition of several chapels and other rooms around the building. Mod-
ern restorations began in the mid- ninewenth cen n'ry, Starting with Felice
KibeI's wor k on the mosaics; in [899 the building came under the author-
ity of t he newly constinlt~-d Soprin tendenza, and Corrado Ricci initiated
an extcnsi"e program o f work . The original building began to be isola tl'<i,
excavated, and reconstructed in its presuml-d original form . The apse wall
incrustation of opu< m1ik W:lS remade in [900 and 1904, an d the alahaster
windows now in the church were also installed at that time. Exca'lItions
were carried Ollt by Gius.eppe Gerola in tbe J 9 [05 and addi tional restora -
tion was undertaken in the '9305, including the lowering of the pavements
in the m re to the original k'vel and t he reconstitution of tbe narthex. Exca-
vations in the ambulatory and ex~'<iraeof the core from [975-83 resulted in
the r<X1mstitution o f tbuse flour Ic"cis also. F. W . D eichmann, in his '976
study of the building, provi des an extremely det:ai led analysis of whieh pa rts
CHURCH BU I LDING
'"

,"

I I I I 1I
• • • ..
of the structure are origina l and which restored; only his conclusions can 18. Son Vi",I<,
reeoo-os,,,,,,,,,,1
be summarized here. origi",,1ground
pion (ofter D.ieh-
Architecture. The architffture of San Vit:.lle is unique in Ra,·enna. While monn. '9~
there were several other domed, polygonal stnlCnlres, namely the >eVeral rI· J7)
baptisteries and possibly Sama Maria Maggiore, none was as large as San
Vitale and none had such a complex layout. San Vitale is a double-shell
oct:.lgon, that is, a building with a domed octagonal core surrounded hy 1
passageway (Fig. i8). t\t San Vit:.lle, the ccntra I core (33 meters in diameter)
is surrounded on seven sides by an ambulatory with a SI..·..:ond-story gallery
above it (40 meters in diameter toral); the eighth side, to the cast, opens inTO
a high vault~-d presbitery and an apse, polygonal on the exterior and circular
on the interior, that projecrs beyond the exterior octagon (Fig. i9). The
apse is Aanh-d to the north and south by round chambers with rectangular
Ilrrow/ill on the eastern and western sides. Access to them is provided from
the ambulatory via sma ll r~'Ctangular chambers that fill the space between
these chapels and the apse.
Remarkably, there were dcors on all seven exterior walls of the church ,
five of which It"<l direcdy to the outside. There was also a door from the
southern round chapel to the exterior. The main entrancc of the church,
though, faced southwest. A colonnaded atrium, much of which was exn-
Vlted in t902. extended 25 m to the west of the narthex fal'llde. "J The
"s RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600

-- --

- ---:-.--
,
. .... ...
• -
79. San Vital<, narthex, apscd at its ends, provides the entrance to the bui lding. "" The
><:eti0il d,..w.
narmex is set at an angle to the >outh-southwestmmerof thcocragon, and
in!/>. ,~"<) ";"""-
looking""'" .00 triangular chambers that include the cntrdnccs to thc stair towers medi-
Iookingnor'h ate the aw\':"lIrd spaces between the nanhe>:: and the church. The narthex
(.f'e!" Dcieh_ is thus on a different align!llc11l from thc apse. Two doors lead from the
mann, '976,
narth ex into the church; the one on the left is on the western wall of the
rI· J8)
octlgon, directly opposite the apse, but the one on the right leads only to
one side of the ambulatory. This curious asymmetry has been explained
in a number o f ways. Basilicas often had three enrrances, one leading into
the na"c and the others into the aisles, which were used at different points
in the lirurgy, and it was likely that here too multiple entrances from the
narthex were requ; red . It is possible that a pree xisting S{Teet or bui lding pre-
,'ent~'tl construction on the axis. Finally, Deichmann follows G.Jonescu in
pointing out the exterior comers of the octagon were all heavi ly buttressed
to I,rovide SU!,]X)rt for the dome, and that the off-axis narthex helped to
CHURCH BU I LDING "9

8<>. Son Viwe,

cem"locugon
r:ocing !iO<Ith
(photoc. L
S,,;l:or)

support three of the exterior comers of the octagon, whcrcas if it had been
aligned on th~ WCSt face it would only have supportc<l twO corners. " j
The central core consists of eigh t multilobed piers, beTween each of
which is a two-story, triple-arched semici rcular cxedra vaulted by a bricl.:
half dome; the octagon thus undulates as it opens on all sides to the OUTer
corridors (l'ig. 80). The columns at the gallery level are sligh tly shorter
than those of the ground Ic~'cl (3.7 meters \/S. 4o! meters), which accentu-
ares the sense ofvcrt:il";jlity. "6 On the cast side, an arch that is the >arne
height as those of the exedrae leads into the presbi tcry. The ambulatory
and pllery tenninate here, and communica te with the presbitery through
triple-arched oj)enings. Ahove the excdrae and the presbitery arch rises an
octagonal drum 9 meters high, pierced byeigh t large windows, that resolves
by means of shallow nichcs into the circular base of the dome of rubi jittifi,
 RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600
'3"

whose apex rises 28,7 meters above the floor. "J The ambulatory ~nd the
galleries, although no,,' covered by later-medieval groin vaults, originally
werC roofed at ho m levels with wood, suppo rted by cornices and bracketS.' ,~
The prcsbitcry space is vaulted by a brick groin vault that rises r , ., mt"!.crs
.bon: the floor, while the eastern ' 11Se is 'dulted by a bric~ half dome whose
apex is 11.,IllCtcrshigh.
The an:hitects paid careful mention to light, wh ich enters the bui lding
from all directions. Eight windows in the drum of the dome provide light
dirtXtly to the core, while the apse has three broad winduws at ground
level and three windows in the tympanum above the springing of the apse.
The six walls of the ambulatory that are open to the exterior each have two
or three windows, and equivalent windows are found directly above them
in the g-al leries. The light from all these sources passes through the open
arcades imo the core and the prcshilCry, creating brill iam effeets of light
and shadow throughout the building. It should be noted that the alabaster
windowpanes l~,rrently in the windows were insta lled in '904, and it is
li kely that originally tile windows would have been covcred with glass." 9
The chamlx:rs flanking the apse are all vau lted with brick barrel vaults,
domes, and half domes. The round domed chapels have re=ngulu arms ....
lin 10 the east, with niches on either side and a windo"'; they were used
as mausolea and also as chapels with altars and screens. " Q The small rect-
angular chambers between the apse and the mausolea ha~'e three stories;
the lowest-level rooms served as vestibules for the mausolea with aCl"l!SS
from the ambulatory, while doors led from tile galleries into the top level,
and wooden stairs k-d down into the intennediate space. The rooms on the
ground floor ha,'e niches embedded in the walls, and small windows in their
apses; they arc interpreted by Dcichmann as sacristies, or rooms for storing
liturgical vessels, butJ. Smith notes that, given the partieu.lar nature of the
niches, till..}' may h3\'e bccn used for books, especially liturgical books. '"
From thc exterior, the building appears as a l"Omple:c l"OlIection of jux-
taposed volumes rising to the central dome (Fi g. 77). Together with the
crucifonn volumes of the Santa Croce complex and the centrally planned
structure of Sama Maria Ataggiore, the enst-whle must ha,'e struck the
viewer as a remarkable accumu lation of e ~otic bui lding types. ,,,
It has long be<:n recognized that the building with the closest formal and
sl!11ctural similarities to San Vitale is the church of Su;. Sergius and Bac-
chus in Constantinople, built by Justinian between 527 and 536. Notonly is
Sts. Sergius and Bacchus a double-shelled building with an oct:lgona I core,
bill the SUjl'-'f]Xlsition of triple arcades in the four exedrae and three flat wa lls
of the core, and the two-story preshitery and apse to the cast, also create
the same effcct as at San Vitale. Since this church was begun at about th~
samc rime as San Viulc, presumahly aftcr Eedcsius had returned from his
C HURCH BUILDING ' 3'

trip to Constantinople, it cannot h3ve served as a di rect mOllcl , although

it is certainly possible that people in Consta ntinople were ta lking abou t
such buildi ngs in the 5~ os. ,;} Another church with m<l ny simila rities to San
Vi tale is S~ n Lorem.o In Nlilan, a double-shelled tetraconch (the central core
h ~s fou r exed r~e) built in rhe late fourth century, which has five-column
arcades only on its lour exedrae and no o pen east side. Since St. Vitalis
was a Milanese saint, it is likely that the (Iesigners o f Sa n Vitale took from
iVlj]an the idea to (onstruct a centra l-plan (hurch; whether this was because
a centrally planned church was regarded as particularly suitable timn for a
martyrilflll, " 4 o r simply to enh:l11ce the splendor of Ravenna, is not known.
Both 515. Sergills an{[ B~(.1.;hus and San Lorenzo were related to other exam -
ples from the e~st such as Constantine's cathedral at Antioch, which was
also a double-shell octagon with a gallery.'H
T he churches in Antioch, M il an, and Constantinople were imperially
sponsored and auached to pa l acc~, ,, 6 and in the eighth cemury Charle-
magne was to imi tate San Vit3lc when he built the chapel tor hb palace
ill Aachen. T hese connections have given rise to the iclea that there was
some sp(.'(."ial symbol ism that made octagonal do uble-shell buildi ngs a sl.] it-
aole for m fo r palace-churches. ' :; San Vitale, with its imperial po rtraits,
is viewed a pivotal component of this arg \lIIH!llt. However, since there is
aosolutely no evidence of any connection between San Vi tale ami 3 palace
in Ravenna, this thesis, at least 3S ,·cbrards Sail Vitale, must be re jected. u S

Sculpture, J\hrble \Vall Cove rings, Stucco, and Floor. Not only was
the ~ rchi tC{'rura l design of San Vi tale inten.ieel to rCC'JII the splendid build-
ings of other imperial capitals, but, hkc many other sixtb--ccnrury churches
in Ravenna, the marble structural elements were imported directIy from
the East, and were moreover carved in the 1;1test Constantinopolitan styles.
The original columns, capitals, and impo5t blocks are still in place, but most
o f the wall ~nd floor co\"ering~ in the church tod ay arc modern rt'Construc-
tions, approxi mHi ng what we know (or Ricci thought) the original rorr1l5
were li ke."9
Proconnesian marble for o rdinary basilicas was mass-produced in the
sixth century and could lit;' fu rnisllt~d from p r~ - IIlade stock in the {Iuar!}'
w;lrchouses, ' 10 bu t San Vitale W;lS a dillcrem casco Sa n Vit';lle's bu iltlers
relluired lour COhlll1llS for the narthex, fou rteen columns for the triple
arcades at the grollnd lellel, four teen slightly smaller columns for the upper
level, eight colu mns in two sizes fo r the triple arcades lead ing to t he pres-
bitery, twocolonnetres for the \\·i ndow arc3ll e above the apse, and, of course,
bases, c;lpitals, and impost blocks for all of them, not to mention wall revct-
llIent ami corn.ices for tIle peculiarly shaped piers al1(1 the wall surfaces
o f the ambulatory. \ Vc can ani}' speculate ;}bout the procedure that was
'3' RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

followed for the design of the building; Did an ;in;hitcct in Ravenna create
the design and send the .~pt:dlit:ations to Pnx:onnesus or Constantinople,
or, ~s seems morc likely, did Ecclcsius and Julian scncl their representa-
[iH.'S to the mine with instructions to obtain a design and materials for a
double-shell bui lding? '}' In either case, by 530 rhe mining officials would
at the same time ha\'c been assembling the materials tor SIS. Sergius and
Bacchus and woul(1 have been very familiar with the architectural require-
ments of such buildings. \Vhcthcr the architccr was western or eastern , \l'
he proha Illy hnali7.c(] the design at Constantinople. ' n
The columns arc almost all monoliths, except for two in thc gallery that
were apparently broken in transport and reassembled ~ r rhe time of con-
struction. Nlost o f them h~ve lllore or less vertical \'einillg. but the ones
used in the presbitery instead displar almost ho rizontal stripes, more rare
~lld thus an indication of prestige.'H The use o f impost blocks follows
Rallcnnatc trallition; most of the pyramidally shaped blocks have some-
thing carved in flat relief at least on the main sides, incllHling, in the case
of the groumilloor arcade, the monogram of Vidur ~pim!pflf in a medal-
lion, and on two imposts at th(..' galbJ I(..'vci, the monogram of J ulian the
banker. ' 3) The ilnposts in dle presbitery are deeply caned on all four sides,
with pairs of lambs nanking a cross on the sides fac ing the altar and vases
bet\n~e n doves on rhe back side. Columns, capitals, and bases have masons'
marb inscribed on them in Greek letters which provide additional evidence
thatthey were quarried and shaped in Proconnesus.' J6
" 'he capitals atop the columns, can'cel in the new style that had developeel
in Constantinople in the first p~rt of the sixth century, must have looked rad-
ically illl1ol';lri\'e to rb e inhabitants of R.wel1Jla al1d \N. Betsch bas suggested
that the change in strle was (Ie\'eioped to ma rk distincti\'eI~' the buildings
of the new imperial dynasty. '" The capitals arc of two oasic shapes: twenty
are panded impost opitals (Fig. 8 r), SO called becau~e their profile is like
that of impost hlocks, only taller, and sixteen arc mask acanthus capitals
(Fig. S5)' 138 Two exceptions, the capita Is on the north side of the presbytery
gallery are fol d capitals (l'ig. 86), of the t}1>C found in St.s. Sergi us and Bac-
chus. The im post capitals have patterned Hat surfaces that arc undercut by
deep drilling (the lijollr technique); on each surface, a pant-filed bonier sur-
rounds ;1 trapewidal pancl. The ground level, central-core arca(lc Glpitals
have basket pa tterns su rrounding st}'lizc(l lotus palmettes (Fig. 8 , ), whi le
in the presoitery we fin d acanthus IX)Tdcrs surrounding scrolls of a different
type of acanthus as well as some geometric motifs. T he capita ls and impost
bloeks wo uld originally all ha~'e been p~i nte d; restOre(1 e:'\am ples can now
be seen in (he presbitef), (PI. VIb).
Scholars ,Icbare \\'here these capirals were made: Deichmanll says that the
impost and fold capitol Is, at !e;JSt, m ust hal'c been made ill Constantinople
C HURCH BU ILDING
'"

81. 53n Vi~~I~,

co lu",n ~"3I';t:ll
frum lite wound
lwei oftl,,· oct:J_
go nal co"",

although thc compositc capitals may have been maclc in Ravcnna , but Betsch
argues th3t Ii jOllr carying was very prolle to damage during transl)()rt and
thcse capitals were probably carved in Ral'e nna. I J? Related to this question
is the issue of the monograms of Victor: Despite Deichmann 's claim that
they must have been CU I in Proconnesus, it again seems more likely that
oy
they were finished in Ravenna, perhaps workmen from Constantinople.
R. Krautheimer notes that although the sculptural styles were new to
Ravcnna, thc ca pital types usco in San Vitalc wcre slightly old-fashioned
when compared to strictly contemr){)rary examples from Consmminople. '.;0
O n the orner hand, nearly identical capitals together with impost blocks
wece used at the Basil ica Eufrasiana at Pocee, built in the ;;05, 3ml Illay
ellen have been exported there from Ravenna. '~' Regardless of where they
' J< RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600

weTC made, the new and different style helps to make the point that this
building is linked to the capital city of the empire.
Elahorate C()rnices run around the waUs and piers of most partS of the
building; they mark changes in dccol1l ti vc material or changes in architcr-
tura l space. Some are extremely ornate, especially the one JUSt Oclow the
mosaics in the apse, and all seem 10 be closely related to simila r examples
from the cast, leadingtothcoonclusion thn thcy, too, WeTC imponcd. Addi -
tional material scnt from the East, although probably shaped and fUlishcd
at Ravenna, includetl the sbbs uf marble that werc use<[ as waH revenncnt.
M arble rc,etmcnt covered the lower portion of the walls, up to the level
of the sprin ging of the arches of the lower cencral arcade, the narthex, the
ambulatory, and the central piers, and was also used in the chapels flanking
the apse. T he revetment that we see in t he church today is mostly restored,
but enough of the original survives to show that twO types of marble were
used: ProconJlcsian ma rble, which is white with gray veins, an d ma rble
from lasos in Caria un the west coast of Asia M inor (cipoflinQ nnw), which is
a magnificent deep red color with white veins. '.1' Spectacula r effects were
created by setting two panels sliced from t he same bloc k side by side so
that t he veining panerns appear mirrored (Fig. 8: ). Such panels were thL'11
surrou nded by !Tames of ~pla j n" Proconnesian marble. T he nineteen t h-
centu ry TL'Storations on the pi ers in the central core h,,·c obliterated traces
of how the original was laid out, but in the outer ambulatory walls enough
remai ns to show that th ~ re,·etment was lai d in two zones with a horizontal
cornice between them just below the Ie-el of the win dows (see Deichmarm 's
reconstruction, Fig. 81). I~J
In the apse, the wall below the rone of the mosaics was covered with
an elaborate venl'Cr made of Opll$ smile. T his was entirely remo\"\:d in the
1540'>, but some of the elementS were in good enough condition that thL")'
were moved to different parts of the church. Descriptions written before
the removal enabled Ril"Ci to recognize thest: !TagmcntS for what they were,
and he used them to reconstruct the incrustation that now appears on the
wall (1'1. VIla). Thectntral feanlresare large roundelsofporphyry, enclosed
in rectangular panels made up of smallt'T marble pieces and mother of pearl;
these were surrounded probably by a plain marble field (tod ay a pink mar_
hIe has been used), and the rectangular panels were sepa rated by pilasters
o f gTL-.;:n serpentine marble ClIT\·ed with fluted pilasters and Corin thian
ca pitals.'+! \ Ve do not know what was above these (lands; today an opus
staile !Tie'-t setS the lo ....er >.one off !Tom the elaborate cornice above. Below
the opus stail, panels ran the 5]'lthnmor/, or bench for the clergy, with the
episcopa l throne at the cen ter; these also are today restored in l'roconncsian
ma rhle to appmximate their presumed original State.
CHURCH BUILDING
'"

Little is known ahout the materials tllat covered putS of the walls that 8 • . S3n Vi",lc.
rc~onstruetion
did not L'1lrry marble or mosaic, hut in a few arcades (PI. Vlb) and wiIl(low ,, ( t1,~ origi nal
arches, and in the southern triangular \'estibu Ie of the narthex, Stucco work "'3ri>lc r~""IJ II""t
of very high quality has survived.'45 ' ·Ve ha\'e alreacly seen, especi ally in o n the o me r "'~lIs
o( the ,,,"bubroty
the Ortllodox Baptistery, that StuCCO on walls was used for e\'erything from (Odd",,,,nn,
abstract patterns to architectu ral and 6gu ralmoti fs. Since it is morc fra gile tY7 6• !,I. 47;
than marble or mosaic, and since it leaves fewer traces, we call say mueh l"ou rtesy FrJn z
Slein~rVcrlag.
less about it". Stuc(."O, unlike marble, must be worked in si tu, and from the
Srllttg:1n.
elaborate geometric and vegetal patterns that sun'ive we L'1l1l sec the high Germ",lY)
qu,llity of StuCCO workshops in Ravenna at this time. In the absence of other
evidence, srueeo or plaster decoration has also been proposed for all of the
wall surfaces about which we have no o th er information , but there is no
e"idence about what forms this decoration might have taken, whether Hal
or three-dimensional, or whetl1er and how it would have been painted. "!'"
Finally, t.he floors, like tile rest of the church, were richly decorated
with mosaic. The layout of the octagonal core L"Onsisted of eight trian!,rular
slices, divided by marble strips, radiating Out from a central medallion. Six
of these segments were remade between 1539-45 in an OpliS sl'fril( pattern
that reproduced the layout of the earlier Roo r amI milized fragments of
older mosaics (some dating to the twelfth ccmury) as part of the design;
the remaining two Seb'lllcnts were made in 1701 . The e~-cavations of 193 I
,,6 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

revealeJ two segments of the original mosaic, 80 em hdow the later floor;
the entire level was then lowered to the original b 'el, and the eighteenth-
century scgl1lcnt~ were·replaced by lhe origi nal (restored) mosaic. The floor
currently in the prcsbitcry and apse was created between ' 9' [-36. ' ~ ~
Overall , it is dear dlH the sculptural and decorarive elements help [0
denne a hieral'chy of space in the church. The most elaborate elements-
columns, capitals, ilIl()()St blocks, and opus sufii/' - are use<1in the presbitery,
while the least original arc USC{\ in the gallery arcade of the central (;Ore. 'is
Finally, we shOU]I] note that San Vitale, like other churches in Ravenna , had
a full complement of liturgical furnis hings, including an altar, rlelicatcly
can'ed transennae (now in tht,> Mllseo Nazionale), and a ri/lorimll, all made
ofProconnesian marble. One can easily see how important Julian's !6,ooo
gold .,-olidi were to this project!

Mosaics. T he brilliance of the mosaics in the pn:sbitery and apse of San

Vitale is oven vhclming, :I1l.1 no reproduction can do j11Stice to the su b-
tle colors and to the ever-changing effects of light. T he arch leading into
the pn:sbitcry, the walls on either side, and the valdts and apse arc cov-
ered with SOllIe of Ravenna's finest mosaic work, which, although many
times restored , still display the effects and the iconography created in the
sixth centu ry. Color, predominantly green and gold, is used to achieve
subtle eftects; '~;] the faces o f many of the figures are wOl·ke(1 with a mar-
velous attention to physiognomic detail. [ 50 A range of imagery is displayed,
inci llding depictions of the impt:ria l court, scenes fro m the Old T cscament,
Old and New T esta mem holy figures, abstract but symbol ic ornament, and
the central tlg111·e of Christ fl anked by Vitalis and Ecdesius. Much of the
imagery is related to the celebration of the Eucharist [hat took place ill this
space, but there is plenty of o ther symoolk meaning ~s well. These images
have provide<] material for generation~ of stholarly interpretation, as we
will sec.
Ont: interesting gut:stion is whether there were o r igi n~ll y more mosaics
that have now been lost. There were a l mostcert~inly mosaics in rhe narthex
and in the dOllles of the round chapels flanking the apse. 15 ' We have no idea
what material .Ittorated in the semiilomes aIllI the main dome of the cort:.
Mosaic workmen wcre not hwki ng in Ra\'cnna in this period, and it seems
almost inconceivable that the .[ome shou ld not also have been covere.[ with
mosaics. As we have seen in the baptisteries, Ravenna's mosa icists were
perfectly capable of creating a mosaic design for ~ dome. However, no
traces of mosaic have eyer heen found in or around these areas, which have
been lllallY times restored; the earliest desc ription of the dome, from the
earl y sixteenth century, reports figures made of gro"ril1lictI1l1 opu.,-, but this
could rder to fresco as well as mosaic. '5' The question th us remains open.
CHURCH BU I LDING
'"
Scholars have identified at least twO different sixth-century styles for San
Vitale's mosa ics. In addition to technical differences of mosaic artistry, the
fi rst style uses gold for scenic backgrounds and glass tcsser.e for alll>3rtS
of human figures, including thd r skin, whilc the second style uscs green
for scenic backgrounds an d stone tesserae for the skin ufhuman figures. ' >!
The first style is used in the apse mosaies, the vault of the presbitery, and
the top of the arch that leads from the presbi tery in to the core, whereas the
second style is used on the walls of the presbitery, the lower parts of the
presbitery HI;;h, and for the hea,ls uf Maximian and the man who stands
between him and Justinian. Some r.cholars ha~e interpreted the two styles
as deliberately different modcs of representation, with the more natural istic
hackgrounds and figures suitable for Old Testament subjectS and the more
hieratic, formal poses with gold backgrounds for the Christian images in
the apse . 'H While it is possible that this might have been in the minds of
the ,,·orkshop responsible for the Old Testament scenes, it is more likely,
as pointc<1 out by I. AndrccS<.~I-Treadguld and \ V. Treadgold, that these
phases simpl}' correspond to two periods of work, mc first dated to beforc
545 and the second to between 5¥i and 549. '" Given that the war and
the plague intervened between these twO building periods, breaks and even
changes in thc workshops do not seem unlikely.
The mosaics in San Viale today are nO! entirely original. ,,6 As we have
already S<.'Cn, the bui lding wcm through periods in wh ich it was damaged
and nut well maintained, and others in which it was restored: in the twelfth
to fourteenth centuries; the sixteenth century; the late eighteenth cenrury;
and thcn the more ur lcs. scientific programs uf restorations in the 18505,
189QS, 19305, l¢os, and then from 1988 to the I)resent. By coml>3ring
today's mosaics with drawings and paintings !]lade at variuus times, and
also hy conducting a dose analysis o f the mosaics themselvcs, the tesse .... e,
mortar, and othcr fcarures, scholars ha"c learned much about their history.
In th~ periods for which we have documentation, it is clear that parts of the
mosaics were continually falling off the walls. It is therefore assumed that in
most cases the medie'·al and Renaissance modifications were replac<:ments
for damaged sections. Such interventions, made for unknown reasons at
various times, will be nOtl"" in the dl'SCTiptiuns below, as it is essential to
understand, when we look at mo saics, what is original and what is not.' ll

Tbe Apse. The halfdorneofthe apse fcaruresat itscentera beardless Christ

seated on a blue globe (Fig. 83). He wears a purple, gold -bordered tunic
and mantle with a prominen t dITIJUJ" Z, and a halo inscribed with a gemmed
cross surrounds his head. In his Icft hand Christ holds a r.croll closed with
the seven seals uf the Apocalypse; his right hand extends a lTown toward the
martyr St. Vit:.llis. Red and blue clouds float in the gold background above
", RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

Christ's head, and I.Icllcath the globe the Four Rivers of Pawlisc flow out
from the rocks. Christ is llankcII hy tW() winged angels (Iresse!1 in white
who hold staffs in the crooks o f theiT arms. Both angels face away trom
Christ ami gestu re toward the ou termOst figures on whose shoull{crs they
lay [heir hands. O n our left, (Christ's right), we see St. Vitalis (labeled SCS
VrrALIS), who holds out both his cO\'ered ha nds to receive the crown
offered by C h rist. H e is portrayetl as a gray-haired IIlail with a halo, dressed
in BYl.:lllti nc coun costume, with a legmmtuII/ on his shoulder, a white
tun ic, and a pattcrnc({ (h/(l/JIYs clasped by a fibula (the part of his body
below the waist W:15 en tirely remade about 11 00 ; originally, he was prob-
ably rlressed like rhe officials next to J ustinian, with a slightly more elab-
orare mamle).'511 O n our rigln, we see a bishop I~beled as ECLESrvS
EPIS, dressed in purple chasuble (the lower part o f his costume is like-
wise a medieval re placement) and prominently wearing the pl/lliulII over his
shoulders. I-Ie is shown as a round-filccu man with graying hair (his tonsure
is also a med ieval mod ifica tion). lj ~ H e holds a model of a centrally planned
build ing, ob\'iously Sa n Vitale itself. which he offers to Christ with both
covered hands. 'f his is one of the ea rl iest examples of the depiction of a
patron offering a church and indicates the perceil'ed importance of Ecde-
sius's role in tounding Sa n Vitale. ' 00 All of tilt: ligures stand on a roc ky
lanllscape of severallevds in which lilies and roses bloom. T he apse is lx)r-
dered by a broad arch, tleco.·ated with a pattern of intersecting cornucopia,
with a gemllled Chi-Rho monogram in a mecbll ion upheld by eagles at the
apex."''' The enrire com position is then surrounded by another border of
medallions and leaves against a green backg rou nd, with yet another bonIer
of blue and green gems and pearls against a red background.
The duet' large windows of rile apse ar~ l)Clow this SCt'Ilt'j a ll tilt' strips
between them arc rep resented in mosaic gold columns entrusted with gems
and mother of pearl. Colu mns of the same type are used to frame the pan-
els on the left ~n d right walls of the apse that de pict the processions of the
imperial COllrt. Above the heads of the fig\1fes in the north pa nel is a cof-
fered ceiling, while the top o f the right panel is bordered by a fa lse cornice
dq)ieteG in mosaic.
In the left (north) panel, we see at the center the emperor Jus tinian
(PI. Vn a). I-Ie is dressed in a whi te tunic ;lnd a purple chlllm)'S, which is
embellished with a large gold-em uroidered and gemmed 10"';011, and which
is clasped at his shoulder with a brooch featuring a large red stone SUr-
rmmdeo by pearls. O n his feet we can see the famo\lS reo and purple shoes,
worn only by emperors, wh ich indeecl stand Out among the feet in this
image. 011 his head the emperor lVears a hea\')' crown set with red and blue
gems and pe31"1~ (tile top of which is a twelfth-century modification), ,(,' Witll
pairs of pearl pe1lf1i1i1J dangling on either sidc. ,lIltl his head is surrounded
CHURCH BU I LDING '39

by a gold halo outlined in rc.:L In his hands Justinian holds a large gold 8 J. San \r,I2I<,
moso.icsof lhe
paten , which he uffeTS in the directiun uf Christ. The face of this empt'TUr
'~ "h of<h<
is very distinctive, as indeed are all the faces in this paneL The ruddy, jowly, ."",,(photo
dean-shaven face with short dark hair is assum~-d to be] ustinian because he C. Copen"""" )
was the only emperor who reigned during the period in which the church
was constructed and the images made, but since it docs not resemble other
portraits o f him, we do nOt lmow the source of this phy<>iognomy. J ustinian ,
like the other figurcs in this pand, is not turned toward Christ, but instead
fact's outward, and is thus venernting Christ and being prcsented to vieweTS
at the same time. , 6)
On the emperor's left (our right) is a bishop labek-d MAXIMIANVS.
The heads of both Maximian and the man hetween him and J ustinian ,
along with the name, were inserted at a slightly later date than the original
production of the mosaic, which can be discerned because the faces arc
made of stone rather than glass tesserae (Fig. 8-{). Andr~"'""5C\'-Trcadgold
and Trcadgold argue that the mosaic originally depicted Bishop Victor,
and was made after the Byza ntine rCOJnqucst of Ravenna in 540, specifi_
cally after Belisarius's rerum to Ravenna in 544. '~ T he archhishop wears a
white tunic with a gold cha suhle over it, and, like Ecclesius in the apse, the
pallium prominentlydrapc{! INcr his shouldcTS. Hc holds in his right hand a
gemmed gold cross. His physiognomy is perhaps the most distinctive of the
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

group: he appears as a u;l lding figurcwith ulazing blue eye!> and a slight hea rd
on his Jean, intenSe face,
The perspective in this cotllJXIsition is vcry ambiguous, which is prob-
ably (lclib(,>rar(,>; from the position of the feet, l\'laximim ~eems to lead the
entire procession, closely followed by twO deacons, dressed alike in white,
who hold a jewel-encrusted Gospel boclk and a censel' burning incense
(the tOnsure of the (leacon on the left is a t\1ielfth-cenrury modification). "'5
Justi nian is the first secular figure in the procession, ami he is followe<\ by
members of his court, first three aristocratic officials and then five or six
soldiers (altogether there arc twelve or thirteen figures in this scene, surely
anum ber chosen to represent the apostles), 1M On J ustinian's left, bctwl.'en
him and Maximian, we see the head of a heavy- face<! man with gray hair,
wt!arlng a (bllllll)"" clasped by a gold nuula , presumably sim ilar in rank to
the twO younger-looking men on Justinian's right, whose white cb/flllIides
with purplc t.thlirl and I.'lIlbroidcre<\ seglllwf<1 on their shoul(lI.'rs mark them
as officials of the Court, The ove or ~ ix soldiers arc (mind in a much morc
undifferen tiated duster behind shields bearing the Chi-Rho monogram;
thl.')' wear short. brightly hued tunics and have gold tores around their
necks, indicating perhaps their barbarian origin; '('7 over their shoulders
they bear long S]kars, T hese are tht! sold it!rs who have recently cOllqut!red
Ravenna, and their presence here at the shrine of the city's martyr integratt!S
them into the Ravennate com munity.
The facing panel depicts an empress and her court. presumed to be
Justinian's wife, Theodora (PI. Vll b), This imllge has more complex com-
position than the facing panel. At the eastern edge, the jeweled column
Ranks an enD),,,,'ay screened by a curtain, with a marble fount~iu ill front of
it. A beardless lIlall of high rallk, possibly a eunuch, wear ing a white tunic
and gold chlamys with purple ftlhiiQII, raises one arm to open the curtain as
he turns toward the empress. A ~ttond man, dressed ill a white tunic and
Cb/"lf1yS with pu rple tflldiQII, wi th cmbroidercd S"tJlIl'lIfil at his shou lder and
knee, srands imml.'diatc1y next to rhe empress; rhe pair al1(\ a fcmale atten-
dant are framed b}' a marble niche with a shell-shaped conch. the apex of
which is directly above Theodora's hcad Y)~ The empress herself wears a
white undenlress with a jewe1etl hem, jewde(l shoes, anti a purple ch/mJlj'S
with the im;lgcs of the three J.\1agi offering gift~ to Christ de picted ;It
the hem; the cblill1lYS is a male CQurt cOstulIle that wa~ also worn by em-
presses. '"'9 Theodora's shoulders arc cover ed by an claboratt.! jt.!wclcd col-
lar. Shc also wears a narrower emerald necklace with dangling earrings of
emerald, pea rl, and sapphire, and on her head she wears ~ high jeweled
crown with long pearl pelldi!ia. t 7<> Her face is rather narrow and she too has
a halo oucline/l in rt!d. She hold~ a goi/l chalice t!ncru.~ted with gems which
she extends in offering to thc C;lSt, On Thco(lor;l's left stand seven wornell;
CHURCH BU I LDING .,.

8+ San Vi",le.
fTlO<licof'he
north.pse ..-.11,
J ... il,h~of
,\i>ximi'n

the first twO are allotted more space than the others, who crowd togt'ther
on the right.hand si de, perhaps to echo the arrangement of the men oppo-
site, T he faces of these women are less differentiated than those of their
male counterparts, but their dothing is much more splendid, displaying a
range of texti le patterns, l'Olors, and designs; interestingly, some of them
have embroidered srgmmtd on their mantles or tunics, The six women at
our right have walked through another entryway, which has a short curta in
of red, white, and blue stripes above it.
\Vho arc all these people, and what are they doing? First, i( is clear
that what we see is an idea li zed presentation of an emperor, empress, and
thei r courts at an l'Cdcsiastica I ceremony, rather than a depiction of a spe-
<:iii.., t'vent. J ustinian and Thcodol1l never visited Ravenna, but neither had
the emperors and empresses depicloo as offering gifts in the apse of San
Giovanni Evangelista. By now the depiction of imperial or royal couples,
along with their hishops, in the apses o f churches had become quite com-
mon in Ravenna, and perhaps the new regime ,,'anted to follow the lead of
Galla Placidia in this respeel. ' 1' The halos around the heads of the imperial
oouple arc not unusual; in this period tht')' referred to imperial power that
was eternal and derived from God. '7' The inclusion of a bishop is certainly
in tended to emphasize the connection between Ra"enna's archbishops and
their imperia l sponsors, especially important at the time of the T hn'C
ChaptersContTQVersy. Maximian, who, according to t\gncllus, was initially
unpOlmlar in R;l\'cnna, perhaps had b'ood reason to modify the mosaie and
depict himself to emphasize his connection with Justinian and his officers,
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI O D. AD 540- 600

As for the other figures, their indivi(lualistic facial featu res 113V<.' led many
scholars to pr()pose that they toO had specinc j(lentities that would have been
recogn izabk- to their contempoT<uies. As A. M:cClanan notes, scholars who
anempt these identifications simply look in rhe sources for individuals of
the right ages to correspond to rhe figures in the mosaics. '" Given the
number of important Bp.a ntine leaders who are known to have lived or
passell through Ravenna in the 540s, it is perfectly possible that the men
next toJustinian might havc Ixcn Bclisarius and the gcneralJohn, and that
the wOlnan next to Th<,"odora might have been Bcl isarius's \vife Antonina,
but there is no way of knowi ng for certain. '-of i\IcClanan has also noted
that individual ized facl.'S serve to create a hiera rchy among the figures in the
sallle way thH the costumes do, without necessarily being "real" portraits; in
other words, the mon: importanr the figure, the more individualized a face
he has.' H \'\ ie can nOte that St. Vitalis also hns an arresting countenance,
and certainly his was not intended as an actual portrait (although the artist
might have mOllcled it on a real person). \,Vben it comes down to it, \ye
really can not know who these people are, but we" and sixth -century viewers,
conclude that they are important.
\Nhat e\'em these scenes commcllIorate has likcwise been rhe topic of
heated discllssion , although, as S. J\1 acCormack and J. Dt"tkers have pointed
out, the images are capable of bearing several meanings at once. ·.,6 Deich -
mann propose<1 that the imperial cO\lple is oA-ering ves~el~ on the occa5ion
of the dedication of the chu rch, while, at the other Cxtrellw, Dcrkers notes
that the act of offering is a generic illustration of imperial piety.';' Other
schol:lfs, noting the strongly li turgical appearance o f the bishop and dea-
cons at the head of tbe procession, bave read tbe panels as depicting a church
cerelllon~', ' 7~ anll the lea(ling candidate, as propose(1 by T . Mathews, is the
First Entnlll(."c of the liturgy, the procession before the celebration of the
Eucharbt. The order of tht: procession (derivc(1 frolll tenth-century texts
but thought to be based on earlier ceremonial) includes the bishop preccded
by the Gospels and incense, together with the emperor, and followed by
his guard <lnd coun.'-!I Justinian would be proceeding to his seat adj~cent
to tbe altar, while Thcodor~ and her ladies. who are not, strictly speak-
ing, SUPIX)secl to he in rhe sanctuary at all, are shown in the act of le:l\'ing
this space, pcrh<lps in the ;ltriul\l or narlhex <lbout to enter the stairwell
that will take them up fO their places in the gallery.ll0 There are, how-
ever, several problems with this interpretation, the chief one being that the
Const<lntinopolitan linlrgy docs not mention any role for the emprcss. rS,
Strieevic's suggestion that me imperial figure, are presenting the bread and
wine for the Eucharist makes more sense, bu t not, as he proposed, ncc.es-
sarily correSllOll(ling to the Grear Entrance at COllStalltillople. but sim ply
C HURCH BUILDING

in accordance with the ordinary Eucharistic lit\lrgy, ill which men anti
women ofl-·er these items in order of their rank. ,.<I, Theemperor and empres~
(unlabeled, and thus also able to be interpreted as generic sym bois for impe-
rial rule) eternally afl-er the holy gifts to Christ and to Sr. Vital is, rll) while the
prominence ofM~xiIllian underlines the role of tbe bishop as intermediary
berween God and ruler. r8.j
\,Ve should also note rhe interesting fact that, colltrary to mOSt liturgical
in formation that we have, and t ontrary to the mosaics in Sant'ApoJlinare
Nuovo, the male procession is on the left (north) side and the women ~re
on the right (south) . In general, the sou th side was considered the more
highly favorl.'d , which is why it waS known as "thl.' men's sidl.'" in liturgical
texts; however, here the designers seem to howe taken their lead from the
depiction of Christ alHllhe fact that St. Vital is is on Christ's right side (the
north). The male procession is thus lell by the upper-class mnle military
figure of Vital is in the apsl.', on Christ's right, while the female procession
eorrcspond~ to Bishop Et:ciesius. \~/C do not know whether in this church
the men and wOlllen of the congregation would. contnlry to the usuallitu r-
gical praeticl.', have stood on the sides that correspond to the imperial pan-
els, or whether, standing on their usual places, they would have been able
to look across ,he apse to see the imperial panel corresponding to their
gender. 'Ss

The Presbitery. T he prcsl>itery is a soaring space whose vault fiscs aoo\'c

the level o f the apse, bur not as high as the dome (compare Fig. ifJ ). h
communicates with the central core through a high arched opening, with
th c ambu lawf}' and galleries th.rough tTi pic-arcaded opellings surmounted
by lunettes, and with the apsl'! through a lower arch that is topped by a
tympanum tha t abo contains a triple-arched set of windows. All of the sur-
faces aoove the It:vel of the columns are sht:atht:d with glittering 1Il0~3ies,
depicting a variety of subjects. Most of them arc organ ized symmetriea lIy
around an cast-west ~xis, nnd in some casl.'s also a north-so uth axis. r86 T he
mosaics of rhis space emphasize Old T estament typology, which was a fea-
nlre ofju stinianic art in other conte.I:(S also, as we have seen on the Throne
of Maximian. ,S; Here the typology i~ derived from the examples used in
Paul's Epistle to thc Hebrews. From the 0 1(1 Testament scenc.s in the oot-
tom Z{lnt:S to the depicrion of paradise in the v3ult, apostles, eva ngelists,
and C hriSt and ChriStians completely surround their Old Testament pre-
decessors, visually making the point thn the O ld Law was a precursor for,
and overtaken by, the New.
On the north and south walls or the presbitcry, the lunettes aoove the
arca(les contain depictions of scenes from the Oltl Testlment that were
' .. RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600

viewed as precursorsof the Eucharist. On the north wall (Fig. 86) the lunette
contains t\\'O scenes from the life o f Abraham: his fceding of the three
strangers at Mambrc (Gen. 18:1- 15) and the Sacrifice oflsaac (Gen. 22:1 -
13). The first scene takes up the majority of the lunette; at the center, the
{hree >trangers, dressed in white and with gold halos, arc seated at a table un
which are three laaves of bread inscribed with crosses. T ",0 of the strangers
raise their hands in blessing, the third gesrures to the bread. A tree to the
left spreads its branches over them; beyond the tree Abraham, with white
hair and bend, dressed in" ~hurt brown nlnk with what looks like. pallium
tied around his waist, offers a cooked ca lf to the visitors, while his wi fc Sarah
(dres5<.-d in the same costumc as ThOO<1ora', coml).1nion,) stand, laughing
with one hand to her face in a smalll.hatched hut (the tllbnwculum). The
right side of the lunette depicts Abraham, now dressed in white mantle and
tunic, in the aet o f raising his sword to saerifice his son Liaae, who wears a
short brown tun ic and is Imt'eling, bound, on the altar. From a cluster of
red and blut clouds in the 51..1', the Hand of(".o<.1 appears telling Abraham to
saeri fice instead the white ram that an he seen at his fcct . All of the actions
in the lunette take place in one green landscape whose parts are "ariously
defined hy ehanges in the ground line, hy bushes and clusters of rocks, and
in which li lies and roses bloom, as in the apse.
The lunette of the south waillilwwisc depictS twO st.-enes from the Old
Testament, united by a common altar in the center (PI. V1h). The alt~r
itself is made uf four lulunnettes uphulding a rl"Ctangular slab, and is cov-
ered with a purple underclOlh and a white-fringed altar doth with an eight-
sided embroidert-d applique on the front. On th e altar are set an elaborate
ehaliee and two round loaves o f Eueharistic bread; above it, amid clouds of
red and blue, the Hand of God descends with thumb and first and fourth
fingers extended. On the left side stands Ahel, labeled by name, dressed
in skins with a scarlet cloak over his shoulder; he raises a lamb in offering
(Gen. 4'4)' B..,hind him is a tree and a hut that is almost idtntical 1;0 the
one in which Sarah stands on the opposite wall. On the right, Melchisedek
the Priest- King (Gl"Tl. '4" 8-1 0), haloed and dressed in an eastern -looking
g;mnem, '8!i holds up a third round loaf of bread. Behind him is a repre-
sentation of a temple, 3n elaborate building with Auted columns flanking a
door and upholding a pediment, with what looks like the superstructure of
a basilica b<!hind it. Again, lili.." and TOSl:S bloom at th.., feet of th.., actors.
Above these hmettes are a seril'S of portraits of figures from the Old
and New T estaments, the juxtaposition of which emphasi1.e the role that
typology plays in the applieation of Old Testament CJ<amples to Christian
thought. On the north wall, flanking the lunette on the left (west) side is
IEREl\UA [Jeremiah ], white haired and bearded, who stands reading an
open scroll nCJ<t to a sort of tower on which rests a ero .... n; opposite him on
85. Son \"1,01< •
• ".nn oidc uf ,nc
~"''''Y'rd.
(photo I""i_
M tllr Ku",,_
g<ocnichte dcr
Joo." .... Guten-
I!<rj( Uni"",...
..Ii' MoiRZ.
Bildd .. onb"nk)

86. Son \"1""<.

mooo", of ,he
north J""'>hi''''Y
nll,;ncluJ_
ing the .tor)' of
J\b.... t..m(rhow
E. V">cc)
>,6 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

the south wall is [SAlAS ll saiabJ, like Jeremiah but with a close(! scrolL On
the eaSt sides of the lunettes we find three S<.'tnes fmm the life of Moses,
who is depicted as a bcudlcss young man (labeled NlOSE on each sick).
On thl,> north wall Moses, stand ing in a rocky landsca pe, receives the law
from the I b nd of God that issues from the divine clouds, while looking
back to rhe SCetle of sacrifice. Below his feet, a crowd of men repreSellt
the I sraelites at the foo t of Mt. Sinai. On the opposite wall we again find
J', 'loscs, here depicted twice: in the upper stene his bod}' faces the lunette
as he tics his sandal, but he OIrl1 S his head to look over his shoulder at
the T-I:lI1d orGad 3g:1in emerging from douds; all either side arc burning
hushes. Below this scene is another depiction of Mmes with three sheep,
one of which he feeds while hold ing a scroll with hismher hand. T he tr iple
depiction of Moses contains dear comparisons to Christ and also perhaps
f(J the emperor. ,8<; \Ve shoul(1also note tha t Moses, the prophet;;, Abraham,

Ah!.'!, and Aldchiscllck all appear as types of the priesthood ofChrisr in the
Epi~tlc to the Hebrews.
Tn the upper zone, flanking the winclows that open into the gallery, arc
thl.' four I.'vangclists Wig. 86). On the north wall we see o n the left- John,
white headed and bear(led, his eagle above his head, seated in a landscape
reading a codex with the words SECliN D UlMI IO HA1'lNEM, his wridng
desk in front of him . On the right is L uke, his ox above him, seateel in the
same lancbcape next to an open tub, or rtlP,)I, of scrolls, displaying an open
codex with the worcls SECUNDl/7\,[ LUCi\. O n the south wall on the left
is Marthew, who, like Luke, sits in a landscape next to his desk aoci a mpiol
of scrolls wri ti ng in a codex, in an illegible script th;lt may he imended to
be H ebrew, '?O looki ng at his symbol , a winged man , who gestul'es toward
the evangel ist's heall; anll finally on the right, i\hrk, seated with his writing
utensils on his desk, displaring an open codex with the wonts SECUNDUM
J\'[A RCUM anti gt:Sturing to hi~ symool, the lion , above him , with his other
hand.
All of these biblical malc figures wc~ r wh ite tunics ~nd mantles and are
haloetl; all except 1I10~es are depicted as ol(ler men with white haLr and
beards. It has becn suggestcd that tbe portrai ts of tbe eva ngelists were
derived from an ill ustrated Gospel boo k; such a manuscript does not sur-
\'ive from the sixth century. but Carolingian manuscripts that include such
portraits lila}' have been derived from late antique exemplars. '0)1 All the
cV3ngcl im either look up to or gesture towa rd thcir sym bolic beasts which
seem to communicate with thcm (t he lion roars, the ma n reaches om).
Overall, as B. Brenk h;lS poimed Out, the depictions of the evangelists cor-
respond very closely to ,lerome's prologue to the Gospels. T hey arc seated
in landscapes, and the beasts theIllseives, derived fro m Ezekiel I :5- 13 and
then Revelation 4:6-7, arc 01(\ Testament symbols that were taken to
C HURCH BUILDING

prefigure the fo ur Gos pels. J~' Moreover, in the foreground of each evan-
gelist's landscape there runs a river wh ich may represent the Four Rivers of
Paradise that also flow from the feet of Christ in the apse and which wcre
viewed as a symbol o f the Gospel teachings spreading through the world. 'Ii)
That the Ol d T estamenr figures are forerun ners o f the new is obvious and
hel ps to integrate the rest of the O ld Testa ment imagery into the Christian
meaning of the church.
On the soffit of the arch that leads frOI\1 the presbitery into the centra l
<:ore o f the church, between clalxlrate bonler~ we find medallions with the
busts o f the apostles (Fig. fl t ).'9-4 At the summi t of the arch is Christ (almost
I.'ntircly resrared), shown hen.' 3S be;l nied, holding a book, wl.'aring p11rple,
and set against a gold background, with a cross-inscri bed halo. The image
is correctly viewed when looki ng cast, that is, by a viewer standing beneath
the dome, from where it can be perceived as aligned with th e lamb in the
apex of the vault and C hrist in the apse, a complete set of the three different
ways that C hrist \.:Oul(l be represented. The apostles, on the other h ~n(l ,
arc de picted with their heads toward the vllult, so that they can he \' iewed
from either side; the borders of thl.'ir medallions alrl.'rnate white and gold,
and their heads, surrounded b~' gold halos, are set against a bright turquoise
background . T heir names arc written in white o n either side of their hends.
In additi(JIl to the apostles, the brother-saints Gervase and Prouse are also
depicted at the bottom of the series, a~ tollows:

South North

PC l rus P~ ulus
Andreas b cobus
lohannis Phi lippus
Bartolomc[usl Thomas
M~ttheus b cobus Al[ph'leus]
Thaddeus Simon Chan{ant:usJ
Gcrb.liu.5 P rorasl us

As we havc discussc(1 in the previous chapter, the repre~e n tation of the

apostles here is similar to earlier examples foun d in Ravenna - somc arc
old , some yOllng, some bearded, some beardless. T he only (:o nsistem types
are Sts. Peter. Paul, :md A.nd rew. Gervase and Pro tase, as befi ts their status
as sons of Vital is, are shown as beardless youths. Andreescu-Treadgold has
shown th at twO te;JIllS of mosaicists were;Jt work here, presumabl~' working
from the same scaffolding, one on the nor th side and one on the south; as
a result, the \)urller elements do not li n e up exactly. '95
On the eastern tympanum, above thc apse arch, abstract ornament Sur-
nmnds the windows. On the ha1mche,s of the arch of the apse, Jerusalem
,.' RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600

and Bethlehem are depicted as walled, gL'ITI- and pearl-encrus!t..J cities

abo,-c date palms (Fig. 87). Surrounding the triple-arched windows are
grapevines that emerge from large haskets at the bonom, and acanthus \~nes
springing from chalices above the capitals of the window colonnt1.tcs, all
set against a dark blue background ..Much the same motif(heavi[y restored)
is found on the lunettes alx»'c the triple-arched openings to the gallery to
the north an d south, where the scroll ;s an inhabited grapevine. Directly
beneath the triple-arched open ings on al l three walls, a pair of winged
angels, Hoaring horizontally, hold up at the ccntcr a medallion; on the east
wall th isront:.lins a !'aycd eight-arm cross, while on the north and south thc
medallions contain gemm~-d crosses with A and Q dangling from the anns.
\Ve finally reach the vault of the prest.itt'ry, which is divided into four
scrtions by decorative bands that follo'" the groins of the vault, and that
contain peaeocks and flower- and fruit-filled plant motifs (Fig. 87). The
four triangular paJlcis have altcrnating green an d gold backgrounds and
are filled with brightly colored a~.nth\lS scroJl$ inhabited by a variety o f
birds in the gold-ground fields and anima ls in thc grl'Cn-ground oncs. ' Y'l In
the cent~-r of each field, 3 winged angel stands on a blue globe' 97 with arms
upraised to support the centnll medallion in which is fuund the Lamb of ('.0<1
with a gold halo against a dark bluc background, surrounded by twenty_si x
gold and si lver stars. The lamb is aligned to be viewed by 9:lmeone facing
cast. Altogethcr, the i mages illustrate Rcvelation 5: ! 3: "And c'-cry creaturc,
which is in heaven, and on the earth, and under the earth, and such as arc
in the sea, and all thaI are in them: i heard all saying: To him that sitteth
on the throne, and to the Lamb, benediction, and honour, and glory, and
power, fur ever and ever.'''¢

Tbt Overall Musair Program. The imagery in San Vita le's preshi lcry
and apse, when considcred together, has a coherent program that reflects
both mid-sixth-<xnnlry politk.1 and theological currents and the liturgical
meaning of the Eucharist. While individual studies of the decoration have
t~..,ded to emphasize one aspect of the program at the c:cpense of the others,
the faet that all the ideas work together enables the decoration to be both
timcly and timek'ss .
The chang",... made to the decoration by Maximian emphasize the sig-
nificance of the politk.1 program for the building's patrons. Justinian and
Theodora, Maximian and Ecdesius, and the other contemporary people
are linked to the biblical figures. Moses has been interpreted as a refer-
ence to leadership, and thus a model fur Justinian. 'W ('.0<1 speaks directly
to Moses, isa iah, Jeremiah , and the apostles - and perhaps also to Justinian
and J\'iaximian? Th~ parallels draw attention to the priestly role plaYl-d hy
CHURCH BU I LDING ' <9

87. s"n V,l2Ie,

,rd1.nJ.~ul!
of the j><e>-
hi<ery(photo
C ' ""'I""''''''''')
the <,-""pcror and empress, which was perhallS useful giwn J ustinian's desire
to resolvc long-stlnding Christologil"31dcbatcs.
SoI11C symbols S(.'CI11 pointed ly 10 cl11phasi'.c Orthodox, anti-Arian doc-

trinc. signifil"3nt in a church that was built whcn Arians wcre still an active
pr<.--scncc in Ra,·cnna. "'" Thc many repetitions of the numbt:r 3 ~ the "lagi
on Theodora's cblilfltyf, thc str:.lngers at Marnbre who, in Genesis, represcnt
God alternately as thrl"e and as one fi gure,'OJ the hwes of bread on both
al tars, the different depictions of Christ ~ t'lnllhasize thc .I'rinity and its con-
substantiality. The o!i~ Rho monogram, the cross with the alpha and OllK'gll
(indil"3ting that Christ is co-eterna l with God the Fath~r), and csp.:d.lIy
'SO RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

the rayed eight-sided cross, ma), also have had anti-Arian associations. ""
Sts. Vitali~, Gen'Jse, anll PrOt:lse were aSSQciatc<{ with Am brose I)f Milan,
who was famous fOr his contrQ\'crSICS with Arian rulcrs.,oJ i\;lost convinc-
ing is the fact rhat the mos~ics In rhe prcsbircry can all be connected to thl,'
Episde to the H ebrews, a text that was rejected by sOllle Arians beca use it
seems to say {hat the Son is of one substance with the Father .'04
The overarching theme that links all the mosaic images from the floor
to the vault is Offerings to GOII. JOS T he scenes depicted were vlc\VcII as
ty r es, or forcsha (lowings, of the Et1ch~ristic offering; the relevant hih] ical
texts arc invoked in the Canons of the Roman and i\'lilancse mass,'.,o and
are specifi cally identified as such in the I~ pistle to the I-Iebrew~. The offer-
ing me u phor was in fact fully multidimensional, since the offering o f the
Eucharist was enacted at the church's main altar just below t he mosaics; the
liturgical drallla bmh enhallced a11(1 was enhanced by the imagery ahow it.
In the v3ul t, all crea tion offers praise; ill the ap~e, Ecclesius ofl"ers the church,
Ju ~ti ni a n 3nd T ht,'odora offer the chalice allil paten, 31l1{ the three Magi
on Theodora's rooc offer their gifts. In the lunettes o f the prcsbitcry,
Abel's is the offeri ng acceptable to Gml, Mc1chisedek o ilers bread and
wine, Abraham feeds the dlree strangers with three loaves o f bread, and
olfers lip his son on all altar. h l these conAated scenes, the central ele-
ment is the table 0 1" altar, ahove which the H and of God I"tteives the offer-
ings, while in the background aTe the tal>ernade ami the tem ple. Thus
Old and New T estament narratives arc linked to the real-life world of
tht;' coun, the bishop, and the Eucharistic celebra nt, which themselves
become p:lrt o f universa l Christian history, existing outside of ti me and
space. H '::' Nlosaics and participants arc un ited by the Lam b in tbe vauh of
the presbitery and by Christ in the apse, to whom all the gifts are ultimately
preselltcd.

Another s m ~ 1l church sponsored privately by J ulian the b ~nker and a man

named Bacauda was (Ie(licared to the archangel .M ichael.,aa In mediev;ll
docu mell {S it is call t;'d San Michele;1I Afr;t;,.ro; Agnellus says that tht;' church
was in the region known as Ad Frigiselo. Th is curious term is pro bably a
refercnce to the famous shri nes of St.lvl iehael in Phrygia."") T he ch urch
was loear!;!!l just east of the junction of the Paden na and the Flumisellum,
and thus imlllediately to the west of the Arian episcopal complex; its west
facade probably opened onto the street that ra n alo ngside the Paden na."o It
continued in use u ntil sometime before the early nineteenth century when
itwas sold to a fishmonger. A sketch made in 1842 shows the su rvi ving apse
mosaics and part o f the nave; in 1844 the llIosaics were sl.)lll to King Friellrieh
\Vil hdm IV of Germany, L~ken down and removed to Venice, where a
CHURCH BU I LDING
"'

•
•

•
•

""'
"

t • 0 . 0
,, 88. &on Mk ho:l.
in Ajrid"", rIon
of origi .... l Lo)'OUl
(after Or<nk,
, , ,,- ,ooi)

n..~onsrru(tion was m~de and sent to Berlin; mOSt of the originals art now
lost.' " After this the building slowly deteriorated and had almost entirely
disappeared by '904; todayon lythe lower parts of the apse are visible, ~long
with parts of the east and north walls (the site is now occupied by a elothing
shop in whose walls thcse fragments can be seen). P. Grossmann perforllll"l:!
a derailed Hchitectural survey of the surviving building, allowing him to
reconstruct its original rorm. '"
The church was a basi lic;J with a nanlle:<, nave, and single aisles (Fig. 88).
The nave was separated from the aisles by a triple arcade rormed not of
columns, but of llla~nry piers (in the fiftl'Cnth century, when the c;Jm -
panile was built, the south uC"ade was replaced with columns; at the same
time or slightly latcr, the floor Icvel was raised)."! T he fact that there
were only twO frcest:lnding piers meant that the inteTt."olumniations were
wider (avcragc 4.0 meter) than was usual for a colonnadc. This is thc only
examplc in [t:lly o f a basi lic;J with pi ~rs; lumparison5 have OC"CIl proposc<1
with sC\"cral larger churehcs erected in Syria at this [ime, "~ but B. Bren k
more plausibly suggests thn the pil"TS simply represent an ad hoc ~lution
for a quickly built church, also seen in the lack of perfect right angles and
precise mcasurcments. ' 'J The proportions of thc building, with a grcater
width- length ratio than is usual for a Ravcnnate basi lica, arc sim ilar to those
round in the Arian cathedral. ,,6 The apsl: had five sides externally and was
pierced by three windows, as was usual for ]{avennate basilic;Js. The church
was built of the so-cal led Julian bricks." 7 rart of thc original mosa ic floor,
from the eastern corner of the north aisle, was excavatl'" in L930; cov-
ercd with a simple goomcrrie pattern and madc of tcrra cott:l, marblc, and
limestone, it has affinities with contemporary floor mosaics in Ravenna,
Pesaro, and elsewhcre.' ,8
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN [ PERI OD. AD 540- 600
'S'

Agnellu!> reportS the dedicatory inscription in the \'3\I[t of the apSe:

H ~\'i ng n:ccjl'co l~nc fits (1""Lfiri(l) of rhe 'lJ'Ch'lngcl ,\'I it h'lc ]. B~c:luda Jrld
Julian h ~ ,'(' made from rhe fonndationS:llld dcd icHed [th ischun;h] 011 7.\b y,
the fourth year ;Lfh;r the consubhip of B,1~ililiS (he yOull£,.... r vir d,'ri...,·inllls
consul. in tht: !:Idl indiction [dIe yeu 5451.

Agnellus claims that Bacauda was the son -in-law of Julian and that he was
buried ill a nearby tower, but in fact we know nothing about him, although
two men with rhis name arc known to have been political appointees of
ThcOOcric."9 Nor do we know why he and Juli an together might hal'c
sponsored this church, although it(;ame about because thc.'Y both attributed
sOllle act of beneficence to St. Michael. The inscription is curious because
no bishop is mentioned as having consecratl:d the church; and il1(lee{] there
was no hishop ofRavennn ill Mny of 545.:' ° As already lIoted, this church
was hastily built and secms to havc been hastily dedica ted. 'l-Vhat rn ight have
been the need for such haste? I would suggest that the hnanl from which
Michael preser.<cd these two mcn was the plague, which struck Ravcnna in
543 or shortly aftemard .' ''
St. ;\lichael the archangel was known by the mid- sixth century as a
healing saint and his shrines in Phrygia were famous ror their healing
miracles.'" Si nce the time of ConSta ntine many churches and shrines had
been dedicated to Nlichael in and arQun(1 Constantinople and Justinian
rebuilt and l·nlarged three of thcl\1. o,:; Veneration of Michael appea rs in
haly in the late fifth cenOIT)': Pope Symmachus (498-5 '4) enlarged a church
detlic3ted to St. Michael in Rome, and other churches cledicated to the
al·changel existed by the latc sixth cenol ty in Perugia , Naples, and Monte
Gargano (the latter, accoH!ing to later legend, existed from 4-91)." .1 Our
church in Ravenna belongs in this s~llle period. Although the sLOry th~t
St. Michael sayed Rome from the plague of 590 ~eems to (la te only to the
th irteenth century,"'> .I ustin ian 's reconstructions arc suggestive of one rca·
son for the archangel's populari ty in the Ill id-si~ih century. As we will sec,
the mosaic imagery in San Michele ind icate~ that it was indeed a church
dedicated in the wake orthe plague of 54.1."6
The mosaics of Sail Michele have a remarka hle history. Up()1l their
n::Jllov;l1 in 1844, they were taken to Venice, where the mosaic restorer
Giovanni ;\ll oro ma{te a reproduction uase(1 on drawings alltl some original
fragments. In '9°4 this restoration was installed in the Kaiser- Friedrich -
1\luse\1l11 in Berlin (now called the Bode i\hlseum),';7 ~' here it remains to-
day (Fig. $9)' T heonly su rviying o riginal fragments from this church 3re the
heads o f two angels now in the Musco Provinciale in Torcello and the head
of a beardless Chr ist in the Victoria and Alben Museum in London. n~ The
mosaics in Berli n were, for most of the twentieth cetHury, considcrc(\ to Uc
C H URCH BU IL D IN G '53

89' 53" Michd ~

in A/ring;(},
rc~ons.ru~.cd
mosaicoftl,,"
'PS" and tri _
umph"I,rch,
now in The Sknlp-
t ur~nsa""n lun g
u"J '\llI.~~u u\ rur
IJyzont;nisdTc
Kunst.5 t udid""
.' b,scc n 1';U
Ikrlin, Berlin ,
G~rm:"')' (rour-
I<'S}' Ui1d;orchiv
I'rcu5~i5(:hn
Kul[urlw:s it7./ Art
Rcw n",c,NY)

(he restored originals, and only a study by I. Andreescu-Treadgold in 1988

revealed that the entire \\'ork in Berlin was a reproduction. "9 Nevertheless,
this reproduction was based on (!rawings made as early as Ciampini's V('!,.m
/It/QllillU:lltll of 1699, as well as dr3wings made in situ before the removal. ' 3°
W'e can thus say a few things about the iconography found in the church,
even if dctails should nm be consitlcrcd reliablc.'3T
Thc surviving mosaics co\'crea the vault of the apse and the upper part
of the triumphal arch (Fig. 89). In the apse, a beardless Christ, dressed in
a purple tunic and mantle with a halo inscribed with a jeweled cross,'3'
hdd in his right ham! a processional cross and in his left an o pen book that
bore the inscription, "''''hoeller has seenll1e has seen the Father: J and the
Father arc one" (3 conAation of John '4:9 and 10:30).'1; Flanking Christ
and FJcing him stood the archangels Michael (left, but Christ's Tight) anti
Gabriel, labe!ed by name; each was dressed in \I white tunic and mantle with
clavi, was winged, and held in his leEr hand a staff, with his right hand rais~d
in a gesrure ofb!essing or acclamation. !\I! th ree figures stood 011 a narrow
grassy landscape strewn with flowers, against a solid go!,! background , T he
apse was bordered by a band of acanthus leaves and doves with the Lamb of
God in a medallion in the center; the sections of the triumphal arch were
surrounded by bands of blue and white gems against a red field. On the
haunches of the triumphal arch that flank the apse stood Sts, Cosmas (left)
ami Damian (right); alx)\'e th~ aJls~ vault, ill the center, was a b~ard~d
Christ seated on :1 thronc and holding a book, nankcd again by tWO
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

archangds and then on either side oy thrL'C anti four angelic figures olowing
klOg trumpets, all standing with their feet partly hidden hy red and blue
clouds.
Many aspects of the~c mosaics aTe similar to Other contemporary exam-
ples from Ravenna. A triumphal Christ holding a book and processional
cross is 3150 seen in the narthex of the CIIpt'II,! {lj'ciuescovill'.''''1 The angels
flanking Christ are similar to those found in SatH'Apollitlare Nunvo from
the OstTogothic period, atHl also from the apse of San Vitale, where in
hoth cases they form part. of a heavenly court. The present:e of 3 beardless
Christ, a lam b, anti ,1 bearded Christ likewise reRects imagery in those two
churches, f.'Spccially in San Vitale, and may, as propose{\ oy C. Rizzardi,
reflect two concepts of Christ fou nd in the Book of Revelation .'J'; T he
landscape in [he apse, representi ng paradise, is very similar to those in San
Vita le allli Sant'Apollinare in Classe. St!>. Cos1tlas and Damian, whose cult
had recently been itltrodu(.;(.'(1 into haly, arc also found in the mosaics of
the mpd/n {/rCn 'rl·'Q,,·i/r. The archangcb G~br iel and M ichael arc foun d in
Sllnt'Apollinllre in Classe. There are also many similarities between this
mosaic and those in the Basilica b lfrasiana in Porec, both in the layollt and
in the figures of archangels flanking rhe throne, ' )r,
Interpretations of the meaning of these mosaics usuallr locus on theif
anti-Arian, Trini tarian content.:37 The inscription in the book held by
Christ conflates twO passages from John that wert: used by Orthodox the-
ologians to argue for the consubstamiality o f the Son and the father. nS
The ju xtaposed images of Christ, with l\1"O facial types bllt dressed the
saJlle way, emphasize his divinity and his identity with the EIther, as does
the apocalyptic imagery ofthe triu mphal a,'Ch. l)":,
\Vhile anti-Ar ian image!}' is de riglleur in Justinianic buil(lings ill R3-
\'etHla, it is likely that these images were also closely rdatt(l to the reason
for the ch urch'~ fou ndation, As alread}' noted, St. ,\I ichad was venerated as
a healer ill the sixth century, and Sts. COS1\13S and Damian, de picterl on the
triumphal arch, were also medical sa ints !4D T his cluster of healing saints
must surely be related to the danger through which J ulian ami Bacauda
had passed . III Revelation 1 ~:7 the archangel M ichael and his armies battle
the (Iragon, ;I creature that ill the sixth century had become a metaphor for
plague, '4 t Moreover, the angels with trumpets must Ix: the o nes described in
the Book ofUcvelation (see chs. 8-1 0), !0I' in which the rnlll1pet of the sixth
angel releases afflictions (p/:rg(u) that kill a thirti of the e~rth 's people, and
is to be tolloweo by the seventh tnlmpct annOllllcing the Last J udgment,
Thus, imagery derived from the Book of Revelation is certainly suitable
for a cburch erected after the epiticmic of 54.\-4, dedicated in thanksgiving
to the archangel i\t ichael.
C HURCH BUILDING
."

Nlaximian is famous today for the churches he completed and dedicated;

but Agnellus praises him especially for the church th;lt he built entirely
himself, dedicated to St. Stephcn.:·H \'\le learn that this c;hurc;h was large
and splendidly decorated, and it is all the more remarb lJle, then, that we
know absolutely nothing about it outside of Agncll us's text.'+! It seems to
havc b(.>cn in cxcellent repair in the ninth cennlry, h\lt no later documents
mention it or its loc;!tion. No fragments of marble or other materbls are
assigneu to this chu rch; no location has been identifleu for it. no excavations
have revealetl any part of it. A~ we see what Agnell us says, we will see how
remarkable this is .
The church of St. Stephen was l()(;ated "not far from the postcruln Ovi-
/iQl/i.f," thus in the northwest corner of the city, somewhere around Santa
Croce. I t thus fornll.'d part of the large e,·c1esiastical complex that h,l(liJcen
growing up in this area since dle tillle of Ecclesius. Agnellus gives me
tle<l ication inscription lor the church:

In honor of holy \lna Inosr bles.';cd fir-a marty r Stephen, Bishop iVh~il11j~n,
:<;I.'rvam of Christ, by GOd'5 gr.lce built thi~ church frolll rhe fOll lldJtiolls Jnd
dedicated it on I I Dec. in th e f<)lIrreenth indiction, in the ninth ye;lr ;Ifi'er the
consulship or Ba,ilius me youngtr [the ~'e"r 55 0].

In the dedicatory poem fou nd around the bonier of the triumphal arch , we
lea rn tha{ "'when the glea ming moon was new for the eleventh time, {he
church which hall heen begun shines established in beautiful col1lpletion~;
in other words, the whole chu rch was com pleted in cleven months. Agnellus
goes on to tdl a StO ry (}f how the workmell coul.lu't build the church until
Maximian gave them materi als; this Ill;!)' have been invemell by Agnellus
to explain the inscription . In an)' ca~e, these eleven months would inclulle
the time aftcr the completion and dedication o f Sam'AI}()llinarc in Classe.
\-\le assu lllc that this church was a basilica because of Agnellus's mention of
a mmeris trihulla (his term fo r " apse") and of columns. j\hlximian attached
smaller chapel s ( IIIQI/lI,,·ttl'i,/) to the north and south sides of {he church (one
is specifically rlc!;cribcd as pllrtl' v imnllll , thus on the suuth).
As for the decoration, Agnel1us tells us that Ma .~iJtlia n "furnished it most
beautifully, and in the vault of the apse his image is iixed in multi-colored
mosaic, and is surrounded by wonderful glass-wor k.'" ' Ve must thus imag-
ine an image of I'I h ximia n, perhaps presenting the chmch to Christ, li ke
the image of Eccles ius in San Vitale. The chapels "all appear marvelously
wi th new gold mosa ics and various other stones fixed ill plaster," o bvi-
ously another splendi{l presentation. Maximian's monograms appear on
 RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD . AD 540-600
'5'

the Clpitals, again like the monograms of Vicwr in San Vita le. One gets
the feeling that after completing San Vitale, Maxirnian " 'anred to ha"c a
church with his stamp all over it!
Finally, Agncllus SlIys that Maximian gathered together the relics of the
following twenty s;!ints and martyrs and plal'Cd them in the church: Peter,
Paul. Andrew, Zacharias, John the Baptist, John the Evangciist, James,
Thomas, Matthew, Stephen, Vincent, Lawrence, Q uirinus, Florian, Emil_
ian , Apollinaris, Agatha, Euphemia, Agnes, and Eugenia. T his list is so
I,rc<:ise that it must come from a SOUT('C in the chun;;h, and while it could
have been a list or inscription, it is tempting to think that these saints may
have been pictlln-rl (perhaps in ml-dallions? pcrh a]J'l in procession along (he
walls of the nave?) in the church.
O"I"~M ClI ll MC II •.s

Se"eral other churches in and around Ra'"enna arc said by Agnellus to han:
heen restorC<.1 in this period and 50me others arc mentioned by him under
circumstances that make it likely they were bui lt in the later sixth century.
At 50me point prior to 560 a church " 'liS built in honor of SIS. John and Paul
in the northwestern part of the oppidum. In this church the [loet Venantius
Fortunatus, praying in front of an image o f St. Martin, " 'liS cured of an
eye afHiction, as he records in his poem ahout the life of that saint. '-I; The
existence of the church is al50 confinned by an inscription on its ambo
which dates to 596, now in the lI-tuseo An;ivCSI.:ovile; the church on (he
site today is medieva1." " Another church built at this time is mentioned
in a papyrus document dating to the year 546, which lim the donation of
l)rolJoCrty to a baTilicn TIll/eli Vieloris &v(rTlluu); Agnellus mentions the "porta
s.ancti Victoris~ in the Life of Max;mian as located near the northern wall
o f the city, JUSt east of the P adenna. '~; Remains of a medieval church with
this dedication existed in this location until \\'orld \VaT 11 .
Archbishop M :uimian rcsto .....~l a church of St. Andrew which w·"s kx:ared
;11 the rrgio Hnrultmll, thus in the old &f!pidum 50uth of the jOJSu AmniT, not
far from the cath~-dra1. ' -18 According to 1\gnellus, "having rem{)\.'ed the old
wooden columns made of nut rrees, he IMaximianl filled the church with
columns of Proconnesian marble.~'w The church "liS completely rebuilt
around the year "Xx>; studies in the ,8205 showed that an earlier church
had been builton top of older Roman buildings dating from the first to (he
fifth century, but there is no evidence for the original dale of the church.' lo
I( was a basilica with, oddly, its apse orien ted to the north; it is possible
that it ,,'liS Originally a Roman building that was fL'Used.' ; ' The cleventh-
a:ntury basilica was 40 melers long an d lO meters wide, with a triumphal
arch ~UPIK)rte<:1 on l...,lumns like San GiO\'lIIlni Ev:angclista, and a co!onnad~
of nine columns per side. Ten of the oolullms were OfProconllesian marble
CHURCH BU I LDING
'"
and twO of dpollino mHO from lasos (3S in San Vitale); the impost capitals
featured ajeurcarving, and other marble fnlgments in dicate that the impost
bloch had the monogram of "laximian on them. 'l' T here is no evidence
in Italy for churches with columns of wood,'H but it seems likely that
Maximian Set up the columns. Perhaps a pred~'\."CSsor >tarred the church
and he had to finish it.
\Ve should not forget that in these years, Archbishop Agnellus sponso-
red major modifications to the mosa ics ofSant'Apollinare Nuo'·o. Agncllus
also rebuilt l>arts ofSant'Ag;m, which dated origimlly the late fifth century,
where he had served as deacon and where he was later buried.'H t\ colon-
naded atrium "lIS added, the apse and vault were completely rebuilt using
Julian bricks and tubi fittili filled with mom r, as in San M ichele ill Africmo,
andchamhcrs Ranking the apse were addl-d, accessed from the aisles.'" The
apse later fell in m earthquake in 1688; fragments of polyChrome StucCO
and rtpus smile 113\'e been found in excavations.,,6 A drawing made a few
years before the earthquake, when the mosaic was already in ruins, depicts
a bearded Christ scated on a throne with a cross-halo, holding a elosed
book in his left hand and gesturing with his right, flanked by angels, against
a gold background, with a landscape along the bottom.' H The image was
thus similar to the Christs on the nJ<'e wall of Sant'Apoliinare Nuovo and
in the apsc of San M ichele in Afri';"v." s BishopJohn [ had been buried in
Sant'Agata in the late fifth century, and he was now depicted in the lower
part of the apse, in the al1; of saying mass; thus the rl~onStr\lction by Agncl-
Ius was part of the genera l [Tend of valorizing earlier bishops of Ravenna. '59
An ambo and other fragments of carved marble dating to the sixth century
also survive from in Sam'Agatl.

Church Blfilding ill Clnsst!

Classe l"()ntinued to thrive in the late sinb l-ent\lry, at least as far as we can
tell from the evidence of church building there. Construction continued at
the Petriana complex: Archbishop Agnellu~ oversaw the mosaic dl"OOration
of twO fflonostmo . or small chapels, attacht'<l to d,e I'etriana baptistery and
ded icated to St. Matthew and St. James. The inscription attributes the
decoration to servants of God "who were l05t and found again with the aid
of God," perhap~ a reference to the war or the rt'Con\"ersion of Arians to
Orthodmy.'60 I'etcr [II, Agncllus's successor, was buried in the chapel of
St. James in a Proconnesian marble sarcophagus. ,6, \Vork also continul-d
on the church at the Ca'Bianca; the second bui lding phase consisted of
external porticoes along the aisles and apscd chambers and their eastern
cnds. ,6, A monastery dcdkated to Sts. John and Stcphen "lIS thc subje<:t of
a jurisdictional dispute at the time of Pope Gregory I and is mentioned in
'S8 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

two of his lcucrsi Agncllus says that it was "located across C;lcs~rca in the
former ci ty of C Jasse ... ,IIJ
In addition to these SlructUT{.'S, a number of large, richl}' decorated basil-
icas were buil t in and around Class!! to honor Ravenna's earliest bish-
ops. Vlhile Apollinaris had been venerated at least since the tiJlle of Peter
Chrysologlls, we hear nothing about the sanctity of Elellchadills, Probus,
anti Severus until their churches ~'-ere constructe.l, although in some cases
we learn that smal ler chapels existed on the site. San Severo was bui lt within
the walls of Classc, but the others formed a group I kilomctcn south of tha t
city's walls on the site of form er Roman cemeteries. Visitors to Ravenna
wouln hay!,' passed this imposing complex on their way north along th!,'
'mil Popilill and their first imprt'ssion of the city would be the alHilluity alld
importanct: ot' Ravenna's bishops.

Several of clle Ravenna's earliest" tJishops arc said by Agndlus to have lx:cn
buried in basilicas to the :;ouch of Clas~e . ">4 Six early bishops were huried
in a basilica dedicated to St. Probus, the seventrl bishop in Agnellus's list;
St. Ekuchadius, the fourth bishop, along with t\vO of his succeSSOrS, was
buried in a basilica that borc his name, which latcr documcnts imply was
locate(l next to the hasilica of St. Probus. ,I,) Both of the,se churches di~ap­
pcarcd after thc thi rtccnth ccntury, although a ninth-century riJ,orilllll from
St. Eleuchadius still ~urviws in Sant' Apollinare in Classe (Fig. 104).'% The
earlie~ t ;;JiMr of these saints date to the late tenth century when the relics
weTe tra nslated TO the Ursi3n3 and are based on t he LPRj·ln it is impossible
to know why these particular saints were Ilcemell worthy of hasi licas in thc
sixth ccntury or whethcr thcir vcneration bega n carlicr than this.
Agnellus says that the church of St. Probus was next to the narthex of
St. Euphemia fld 1J/,/I"(' , which was dcmolished in his day, and onc stade
(approximately d~o m) :;outh of Sant'Apoliinart: in Classe, :(,8 Maximian is
said to have decorated St. Euphemia with mosaic and to have " presen'ed
the body of bl essed Probus with the Q[her bocl ies of the holy bishops with
aromatics and placed them fittingly, and {m the facade of that church he
decorated the images ofblcsscd Probus and Eleuchadius and Caloccrus with
variou~ mosaics, and under their feet you will find ... '" (rhe inscription is
unfo rtu nately lost froIll the manuscript of theLPR).·0 The fact that Probus
and £Ieuchadius were tlepicted on the same church is COllhlsing, unless the
bishops were burie.1 ill separate chapels attachetl to a larger basilica. T he
relationsh ip of St. Euphemia is also confusing, although it was obviously a
dift'crenr structure.
In the 1950s, from 1964- 7, and again in thc carly 19705, a site 180 III
somheast of Sant'Apollina re in Classe was investigated hy various types
of e.xcal'acioll (Fig. I). G. Cortesi, who conducted the twentieth-century
CHURCH BU I LDING '59

excavations, reronsrructed the plan of a very large building, 70 x 32 m,

",hich is larger than any of the kno",n basi licas in the area. An a pscd chapel
extended to the south, apparently added in a semnd stage of ("(lnsrruction,
",hile additional small rooms "'ere clustered to the ",cst of the atrium.
No date> !.>cyond ,·cry general ones in the fifth and sixth century "'ere
obtlined.'7'> Cortesi subsequeml y pro]"ICI5Cd that the building had not been
a basi lica church but a large U-shaped bui lding of a type kno"'n in Rome
as a comurrriu11t, or funerary basilica.'?' Both proposals seem "cry uu likcly,
and, in fact, Cortesi ex~.vated only a very smali]>art of the ("(lmplex. Until
further eAcavations can be carried out, all that can be said is that the structure
"'as large and elaborate.'l'
Finally, Agnellus adds the odd stlternem about the church orst. Probus:
"And in no churches inside thc city of Ravenna or Classe is the mass cele-
brated over the people except in tbis one alone.''' Il The mention of the mmll
sup" popu/um suggests that an older liturgical practicc w.JS maintlined only
in this basililo, but it is not dear ",hat the phrase means. A. Testi-Rasponi
suggested that it refers to a praycr said by the bishop over the people, the
umr;6 SUP" pofJul/l11l !mown from liturgical manuscripts, ",hile G. Gerola
noted that else",here Agnellus says the bishop stlnds "before the altar"
(Ilnu Ilfrllre) during the mass, hence ",ith his back to the congregation,
and explains the mmll fliP" popufum as meaning that the bishop faced the
congregation only in St. ProbUS.'l' Ho"'ever, thcories deri,·ed from this
suggesting that St. Probus w.JS the "first l.thl"<:lral" of Ravenna are entirely
unfounded.'ll

The centerpiece of Christian "·orship in the Classe region , both gl'Ograph-

ically and symbolic~lIy, wa, the church dedicated to the first bishop of
R,-'cnna, SI. Apoll inaris. ' ;<i Pcter Chrysologus devoted a sermon to his
saindy prl·(k~cssor, '77 and there may already ha'·c been a shrine to him at
the site when Bishop Ursicinus (S33-6) dcrided to build a large basi lica in
his honor. '18 Thc site was the location of one of Classc's many Roman -
era cemeteries, and so it is entirely possible that, sometime in tile second
century, Ravenna's first bishop had been buried there. '79 The carly sixth
century ",as a time in ",hich many episcopal sees contructed histories in
which the legend of the founding bishop ",I>a kl)' part of claims to antiq -
uity. Ursicinus's foundation took placc in this atmosphere during the reign
of Amalasuintha and thus before Ravenna's S<.'e "'as ekvatcd to archiepis-
copal sratus. Certainly Maximian en thusiastically mntinued and c:cpanded
Ursicinus's original concept to creatc an imposing shrine to the memory of
Ravenna's episcopalleaders.,110
In the mid-sixth century Apollinaris was re,·ered as Ravenna 's founding
bishop, and it "'as only later that he 3C<.Juired the stanIs of a martyr. This
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

lIlay have resulted from a misinterpretation of Peter Chl)'sologlls's sermon,

which first says that ApolJinaris is Ravenna'S only martyr, but then say.~ that
he desefVI:.'s the title of martyr even though he did not dieof wounds inflicted
on him; in other words, he was 110T a martyr" ST The ins(:riprion on his tomb,
set up at the time of Maximian, calls him "'priest (JIIn:nlos) and confessor,"
and in the apse of the church. as we will see, he is not depicted receiving
a crown, as would have been usual for a marryr.'s, By the ninth century,
however, AJXtllinaris was (.'()l1sidcrcd a martyr. Agnellus took his vcrsion of
the story of the saint from a text known as the P,mio S, !I{IQl/iIlfWiJ, in which
the saint's martynlolll is narTated. There has been considcrable scholarly
discussion about the date of the PaUlO, hilt since some of its details differ
from those cOllllllemorated by .Maxim ian in other contexts, it seems most
1i.ke1)' that it was written in the seventh CC1l[ury during the autocephaly
<.'ontrovers},. ,81
:\S onc of thc most illlPOrt1Hlt churches of Ravenna , Sam' ApoJ]inare in
Class..:: has a historyofalmost constant allditions, modifications, and rcstora-
tio ns; at the same time, its loca tion far to the south of the city of Ravenna
has meant that it \\'as notably s\lbjc(:t to depradation and neglect, cspecially
after the decline of the city of ClasS£' in the eighth century, The very fact
that it sun'ived at all, when none of the other churches in or outside of
C1asse did, is an indication of its uni'Iue importance.'$4
Archbishops from the late sixth century onward were burie(1 in AJXllli-
naris's church, ~nd Archbishop John 1I (578--95) and the exarch SlI1ar~g.
dm built and decorated with mosaics a chapcl dedicated to Sts, l'vtark,
i'I'Iarcellus, and Felicula, Roman sa ints whose relics, according to the
poem on its facade, were donated by Pope Gregory 1. Tbis is thougbt
to have been a chamber at tile southern t:'l1l1 of the narthex tllat was com-
pletely destroyed in the ninctcemh celltury,,8S In the late seventh cenlUry.
Archbishop Maurus translated the body of the sa int from the narthex to
the centcr of the church (ill 1J/rdio t""'plt), and his successor Reparatus
made important modifications to the apse and its mosa ics.'&> Archbishop
Damian (69~ -70 8 ) donated an episcopal throne that st(Xld at the baek of
the apse. A ring crypt was constructed in the apse at an unknown date, per-
haps undcr Maurus or perhaps in the Carolingian period. : ~, The r(Xlf anti
Ilarthc:o.: were rcnovatctl betwcen 81 0- 16 under the sponsorship of Pope
Leo UL' BS
Muslim raiders sacked Classe in the mid- ninth century, and Sant'-
Apollinare in Classe musr have been a primary target, since su bsequently
Apol1inaris's relics 3re said to have been moved to Sant'Apollinare Num·o
inside Ravenna's walls. The church was nor abandoned, however, since a
(:ampanile was huilt perhaps in rhe rentll century Oil tile north side of the
n;H'C. About' 1000;\ R;}vcnnatc noblc namcd Romuald cmcrc<1 the reformed
CHURCH BUILDING .6.

Bene{lktine monastery at Salll'Apollinare in Classe, although he latcr left

and eventually founded a new order o f Benedictine monks, the Camal-
dolesians. Sant'Apollinarc in Cl assc became one of the main churches o f
Romuald's order in "JR, and a major serics o f alterations arc (l(M;1.lnHmtcd
in I I 73- .f, when the relics o f the saillr were supposedly rediscor ered under
the altar in Classe.JN9 At some point the tloor level was raised byapproxi-
mately 44 e111.
D espite the presence of a monastic community, uy 1158 the church's
fahri(· was reported to bc in had cond ition, 31111 around, 450 much of the
m,lrblc frail) the basilica, including the wall revetment, QPII,<,<railr fr01l1 wall
and floors, and furnishings werc carried to Rim ini by Sigismon(lo i'vlalat-
esta, where they can still be seen 3S part of the Tempio Malatestiano. D ur-
ing the Hartle of Ravenn a of 151 ~ the abbot was killed while defend ing
his monastery. which wns ~;ubsequently plundered again, after which the
TlIonks abandoned the site for the s:lfcty of Ravenna. T hey took the relics
with them, and thL,)' werc only re turned in ,65+ A ncw w3VC of renova-
tions lastccl most of the eighteenth century ancl indudecl the current wall
revetm ent in the 3pse 3nd the pla ster ancl paintcd medallions with the por-
traits of Ravellna's bishops in the nave and aisles. However, when Ravenna
became pnrt of Napoleon's empi,re, Ihe monastery was dissolved in 1797
an(1affairs reached a low point. with gras~ growing in the nave, green molll
on the mar ble, ancl wi ncloll'S ei ther blockeclup o r exposed to the clemen ts.
Restoration activity began in 1870 ancl took off uncler the leaclership o f
Corraclo Ricci after 1897. The atrium was excavatecl, the narthex and parts
o f the nave walls reh uilt, hut then the church suffered fu rther da mage in
' '''orld \-Var U. Excavations wcrc unclert,lken as part of a second wave o f
restOrations after 1949, the apse alllinarthex were excavated in the 1970Sand
1980s, and work has continue!l on ooth the build ings and mosaics up to the
presem.'90

Architecture and Sculpture . Sa nt'Apollinare in Classe is, as E. Russo

has calle(1 it. "the Parthenon of wooden-roofed basilicas," the largest and
gra ndest still slln'iving in the Ravenna area .'y' Located direcdy cast o f the
ViII PopiJill, which determined the orientati()Il of the site, the hasilica was
originally prccedc(1 by a narthex that had rectangular towers to the north
and south (totlay the southern one is gone and the current narthex an(1
northern tower were completely reco nstructed in 1908- 9 (Fig. 9Q )."9' By
{he nin th century, at least, {he road seems fa have deviated from irs origina l
route and a colonnaded atrium (3 2 x 2+50 meters) had been built in from of
{he narthex .:?' A curious fea ture, known only in this basilica, is the presence
of small semicircular niches at the western end of the aisles. JUSt inside the
entrance, whose purpose is unknown.
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI O D. AD 540- 600

..... ,. ... . '

••
·.
II • • • • if! • • • .. •

+------ -- - - ". ----~

go. S3nt'_
The church proper conSists of a nave with single aisles scpanncd by
Apullinare in
Cbs"", phln,
arcades of [welve columns. [ n addition to the three doors leading from
including the the narthex into the nave and aisles, this church also had three doo rs each
bkr c~ lnpanilc 011 the north and south exterior walls of the aisles.',,"1 At the eaStern end
On th~n"rth ,ide
(nna"lazzoni.
of the thurch is the apse, polygonal exrcrnally and circular on the interior.
L954) Flanking the apse arc square, apsed chamuers, :H.'CCSSC{\ both from the aisles
and frolll the exterior of the church and provided with numerous win(iows.
Two sma ll rooms were squcczl:d in between each chamber and thc apsc,
the we~tern of which was two stOried and not visible from inside or Out-
side the church; these spaces, like the ones in the c<lpella l1rCilll'l'{()vile, tIlay
have llt'en used tor secreting church treasure.:') The pl an, a basilica with
chamoers flanking the n;lrthex ;1111.1 the apse, is very similar to that of San
Giovanni Evangdista, anll it is likely that imitation of rhe earl ier oasi lica
was intcntion;!l .,q6
The church was bui lt of J ulian bricks, usi ng masonry tcchniqucs that arc
almost identical to those used in San Vitale. ""; O n the exterior, the surface
of the walls was articulated by pilasters that formed an arcade surrou nding
the windows, as was usual in mOst Ral'ennate churches (Fill, 91). As in
San \ 'italc, the apse was vaulted with brick f'Jther than with mbi }ittili.
C HURCH BUILDING

9 " Sant',
;\[>OlIin31'" in
C:bss~, "kw of
.h~ ~~I~rior from
tl,e soutl,,,ast
("hom C. L
Sfl'ikcr)

Today the apse is raised over the crypt, approached by a large staircase
[hat was built in 17~ 3 (PI. Villa). Originally, the floor level, as in other
lare antique basilicas, would have been at most a step or twO above the
level of the nave. Excavations ha\'e revealed a large bema, Qr platform,
that originally extended from the apse almost I ~ meters into the nave,
which would ha\'e been surrounded by f1mlSl'lII/fI/!. Three fragments of floor
mosaic ha\'e been excava ted inside the church. Those found in the nave were
35 centimeters higher than those in the aisles, although there is no evidence
that they represent a repaving, so it is possible that originally the nave floor
was higher than the aisles. 'QH The mosaic fragment from the western parr of
the southern aisle includes a fragment lJf an inscription tx.n nmcrnorating a
donation by secular figures, and Agncllus reportS that the epitaph ofi\r\aurus
was likewise made of mosaic in the fl oor. '9'1
A.~ 3t San Vinle, Sant'Apollinare in Classe required shiploads of mar-
ble imported from the Sea ofMartnara. Agnellus comments about Sant'-
Apollil13re in Classe: "'No dlUrch ill any part of Italy is similar to this one in
precious stOnes, since th c}' glow at night almost as much as thc}' do during
rhe dny. " 100 indcc{1 the nnve arcade is mnde of somc of the most spCL'tnc-
ular Proconn esian marblc columns to h3ve survivell anywhere (Fig. 75).
The horizontal swi rls of the veins arc Illatched by the swirl ing naUlre of
me composite windblown acanthus capitals, also of Proconnesian marble
and carved with very delicate details. The fact that they sholl' no signs
of shipping damage indicates thnt they must have been carved on the site
(Fi g. 91 p o, The impost bloch arc plain, decorated with crosses in shallow
 RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERI O D. AD 540- 600

" ,-
91. "an!
Apo llinarc in
CI:l_,,,,. c~,lu"'n
lllJ1it:.1 uf Ih"
composite " 'ind -
"Iown ~("~n(hU5
ry!,c (photo C. L.
Stri ker)

relief, but the (:olumn oast:S, unlike others in Ravenna, nrc decorated on all
four sides with geometric designs (Fig. 75). Originally the wal ls of the aisles,
the apse, and the west wall were covered with Proconncsian marble wall
rcvcnnenr. Finally, the large marble sa rcophagi that to(1ay line the walls of
the aisles were moved here from tlte narthex, 3nd most or
them contained
the bodies of Ravenna's archbishops (Fig. 102). lO'
The glow reported by Agnellus may also h;l\'c been due to lhe 'lmplc light
that flooded rhe basilica. The apse has five large windows; in addition, twelve
large windows are found both at grounrllevel and above th e nave arcarle on
each side of the building. \-Vhen they were being restored to their original
form in 1899, wooden framc s for rectangular glass panes wcre fount! in twO
or them, datin g perhaps (Q the original building. JQ\ The basilica was thus
full of light, which refiectell off the polish ell marble and the sparkling glass
tcsserae of lhe mosaics, creating dazzling effects.
CHURCH BU I LDING 'Os

9 J. s.n<'.
ApoIli".",in
a.ss., vic'" of
the ' ["'" and
,riumrh> I.n:h

Mosaics. Although Sant'Apollinare in Oas.~e almost ~rtlin ly had mosaic

decoration on its na"e walls, today only the mosaics of the triumphal arch
and apse have survived. Although th"'"'ie have heen damaged and heav-
ily restored (in the [9705 red mosaic lines were added to indicate which
portions uf the mosaic were original),!"" we have a good idea of their

y~. Si"'-'!,;e
(w..ienl","",.
ing) from ....
Iovou.j»< .... Uof
S""fApo/Ji".r<
in <bose, «XI")'
in '~ ,\ \0"""
;\;, z.iorulle,
Ito,'e""" (co",.
t<Sj'SQprint<n'
Jrn", [><T i Beni
Mchi''''tonici
e P.., .. ggi,;ti<i
Ji R,,"<ntu
(MiMe.
TTALIA])
,66 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

original iconography an(l style. Moreover, during rcsrora(iuns undertaken

in '948- 9 ~nd '9jc>-3. some ()f the apse mosaics wefe removell, revealing
the walls underneath, on which were sketched in rcd paint the outlines
of a mosaic design (r ig. 94)' A wooden peg sticking om at the center of
the medallion served [Q mark the cemer of the vault during the mosaic's
COllstruction )<'>'i Remarkably, the sketch on the lower part of the apse did
I10t correspond to the extant mosaic, indicating that at some point the
design was changed. This .rillop;r represents the only evidence we have for
wnrkshop proccdllfcs from this pcri()(l and tor the aims and intcrc~ts of
mosaic designers, whicb heightens the importance of this church and its
dt.'cornivc program.
Vvllile the mosaic program in the apse vault dates to the mid- sixth cen-
ttlry. other surviving mosaics in the church were made later (Fig . 93). T he
lIlosaics of the triulIlphal arch were largely made or remade l>etween the
seventh and the twelfth centuries, exc(.'pt for two panels that (Icpicr rhe 3n'h-
angels, which appear to belong to the original program. The upper lcvels,
in particu lar, may date to the rebuilding ohhe roof in the ninth century or
may belong to the sevcnth ('enUlry)"'" The mosaics o n the lower side-walls
of the apse also date [Q the late seventh century or later and are heavily
restored. \-Vhat we (10 nor know is what was originally on those surfaces. It
is possible that when the mosaics were remade the Ilesigners were repro-
ducing tht: original design, at least to some degree. In any case, the later
mosaics reAect motifs and iconographical details found in Ravenna's great
fifTh- and sixth-cennll'Y churches.

The Triumphal Arch. In the top zone in thc center is a medallion with a
bearded, haloell Christ Ilressel! in purple, holding a book ill his left hand
and making a gesture of blessing with his right (Fig. 93)' The medallion is
set against a dark blue background tha t is filletl with rell and blue douds,
and Roating in these clouds are the winged, haloed upper torsm of the
four beasts that symboli7..c the evangeliSTS, holding their books: from the
left John's eagle, Matthew's man, Mark's lion, and Luke's ox. Below this
zone, the arch ofthc apse has been c1elTcrly utilized as a mountain, on the
green flanks of which stand t"..ell'e sheep, proceellillg frOIll the walled cities
of Jerusalem on the left and Bethlehem on the right. The gold sky aoovc
them is likewise filted with {\i\'ine clouds. On the haunches of the arch
arc date palms (almost entirely restored in 1906-7), and on the sides of
th(.' vertical part of the apse arc the archangels M ichael and Ga briel holding
banners on which are writren (in Latin) the Greek words "'agiosagios agios"
(Holy, Holy, H oly), a rcferencc to the heavenly hosts of which they arc the
leaders)'" The angels Ilate to the llli l l-~i..\:th century amI ar e dres~ed not in
white, ;ls in ;III the other depictions of them in Ravenna, but in the imperial
CHURCH BU I LDING
'"

95. Son,'-
ApoIlinac<
in 0 • ..." ,be
T .. ,,,figu,,",ioo\
mosaic in the
'p"" ...",h,
mcJ.llion fl.nkcJ
tor "1"""., lsai.h,
,heH.ndof
GOO(,""'e),
....Jthr<'<m<p
'opr<SCnting
'1",,01 .. (photo
S_1L ,'1'~"I'f)

costume of white tunic, purple chkmrys, and r~..:! shoes,l08 Uclow them busts
of the evangelists Mawew ~nd Luke were made in the twelfth cenrory, \Vc
have seen the four evangelist symbols appear in the mausoleum of Galla
Placidia and the rnpdln nmvtsrovifr, the clouds in San Michele in AfridS(()
and San Vitale, the sheep proceeding from the holy cities in San Vitale,
and the archangels in scveral churches, We cannot say, therefore, whether
the artists oflater cenrories were inspin..:! bymosaics from other Ravennate
churches or from the original concepts in this church,

A~ Vault, The vault of the apse contains a striking and eompletely orig-
inal desigll (1'1. Vlll b), The central element is a medallion containing a
jeweled gold cross with a tiny lJ.t,arded bUSt of Christ at its l't:ntcr and the
words IX8Vl: above and SALVS " IVNDI below it (Fig, 95 )' The cross is
set against a light blue sl,:y set with ninety-nine gold stars,!'''! the alpha and
omega, and is surrounded by a red and gold jeweled border. The wholc
medallion floats in a scene that is hal f gold sky and half green landscape,
Above the cross, the Hand of God points dO"11 toward it, and divine clouds
fill the gold background, Floating in this sly arc two malt figure> depictl..:!
from the waist up, wearing tunics and mantles that float in the hrec~c, on
the left, youthful and beardless, is Moses (Iabek-d l\'QYSES) and on the
right, with white hair and beard, is Elijah (labeled I-lbEL YAS). Their right
hands gesture toward the cross. Standing in the upper pan of the landscape
and gaz.ing Ul' at the lTOSS arc three sheep, one on tbe left and two on the
right. The entire scene is a very curious depiction of the Transfiguration,
,68 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI O D. AD 540- 600

the e\,ent dcscri lled in rhe Gospels (Man. r7:1--<), Nlark 9'1-8, Luke 9:~8 -
)6). In the narrative, Jesus takes hj~ disciples Peter,Jame.~, and John up Mt.
T aoor, is transfigured (h is face and his white garments radiate light), and
speaks to i\'ioscs and Elijah, arrer which thc.'Y arc overshadowed by a hright
cloud and spoken to by God the Father, who says, ~This is my Son, whom
Ilo\'e; with him I am well pleased. Listen to him!" In this mosaic, the three
disciple-witnesses are shown as sheep, and instead of a glowing Christ we
ha \'c the cross in the medallion.
Gospel figures arc not the only witnesses to this Transfiguration: below
the medallion stands the titul;lr saint ofthc church, Apol1inaris, dressed as
an archhishop in a gold chasuble, white robe, and pallillm, with white ton-
sured hair and beard,]'" identified by na ille as SAI,lCTVS APOLENARIS.
He stands with both arms raised in a gesture of prayer, the pose adopted
by the bishoJl at rhe beginning of the Eucharistic ceremony.' " H owever,
t\pollinaris docs not look up at the Transfiguration scene or the cross, but
out into the chu n·h. He is flanke.l on the baseline of the \'~ult by twc1ve
more sheep, sepJrated hy clusterS of white 1ilies with red roses under their
feet; the number 12 implies the apostles. hut since three of the apostles
are also depicte(l above, these sheep lIlay be intended to represelll Apolli-
naris's cong regatio n) " Peter Chrysologtls, in his sermon on t\pollinnris,
says, "behold as a good shepherd he stands in the mi(lst of his flock, '" and
this seems to have been the efreet intended by the mry.;aic's creators. The
efi't.'Ctin;n ....ss of the image can be seen in a story told by Agnellus. in which
Ravenna's clergy Hee to Classeand implore their tounder rosave them from
a rapacious bishop: "I-Ioly Peter gave you [Q us as a shepherd. Therefore
we arc your sheep." JI' All the figures stand in a l'lnrlscape tha t is filled with
rocks, rather fantastic trees. atHl a variety of birds. Different shades of green
also add variety and texture to the scene. The arch of the apse is filled with
a pattern of geometric and tIoral elements ami binls that was m3.1e in the
seventh centuryY "
Restora t.ions of the apse Illosaic> in 1948-9 and 19iO-! revealed the
underd rawings. or sillopic that represent the original design of these mosaics,
paimed directly 011 the bricks (I'rg. 94» )' ~ Today these drawings. carefully
removed, can ue viewed in the l\lu~eCJ Nazionale in Ravenna . On the upper
part of the ap>;c the dimensions of the medallion with the cross were lightly
sketched, although when it was actually ma.lc in t1lo~ic it was 10 cm larger
than the drawing. No sillopic were fou nd UlU!er th .... other elements of the
Transfiguration scene, so we Illay wonder whether originally the meaning of
the cross was something different. On the lower part of the wall, the sketches
show tha t originally there was to be another cross in the center, flanked by
peacocks, birds confronting t'a'ies, and plant~, amI a horder above atHl below,
all motifs known from other mosaic and sculpted jmages in Rave nna )'/';
C HURCH BUILDING

It is likely that this lower {lecorJtion was never eXl'Cu fed in mosaic, but
th~t the rl~n was changed, perhaps uy Vict(Jr or Maximian, Uc)th of whom
recognizerl the potential for visually enhancing the episcopal irleology of
this church .JI' Vie will renl rn to this (luCsrion in the next section.
J\hny of the iconogrdphical elements, symbols, and themes in this llIosaic
cnn be compa"ed to those from other contemporal')' monuments. T he
Transfiguration appears in other apse lllosait's ofthis perio{l; the only one
that survives is the example in the church in the monastery of St. Cath erine
at Sinai in Egypt, spomored h;.: Justi nianyR The Sin~i mosnic, howcver,
docs not include any extra figures and (e:ltures a conventional image of
Christ at the center, as do al most aII later images of the scene.l'? Two-wne
compositions ill which the figures in the lower zone look up at a divine
c\'ent allove art: depicted on StnallllmpllIIm', o r lIasks for hol<ling holy lig-
Uills, from the Holy Lan{1 that date to the fifth JIlII si.xth centuries ami
may rdh'Ct large-scalf.! works of art at thf.! major pilgrimage sites thcreY '"
Jew-clccl crosses werc a common motif in latc anti!]llc art, and we havc
alrearly seen se\'eral examples in Ravenna; a jeweled crass was also all actual
objl'Ct pn:sent in churches and used in liturgi('al processions)" Notwith -
standing these similarities, no other representation o[fers this particular
combination of elements which has led scholars to argue that there must
be some parti('ular theological meaning attached to itY '
Man}' scholars have attempted to explain the meaning of Sant'Apollinore
in Classc's apse 1I10saic by emphasizing its eschatological, visiona~', or
liturgical dimensions, usually by referring to patristic exegesisYl 'l'hllS,
for example, the substitution of the cross fo r Christ can be read as empha-
sizing the connections between the T rans6guration and the Crucifixion; as
alluding, along with the paradisiaca l landscape, to the Transfiguration as
the prefiguration of the Se('(md Coming; as reprcsellling Chrisl's overa ll
history; and/or as reflecting the cr05S that stood on the altar (luring the
performance of the liturgy)'-I In fact, just as in I>iblical exegesis, there Jre
numerous possible interprefations, any anrl all of which may be viable. If
may not be pos,ible to know what the mosaic's creators intended when
they rlesigned it; and in fact, as we have seen, parts of the rlesign were sig-
nificantly mollified during the course of the work. Base(1 on tile e\'idence
from the silllJpie, it seems th;lt o rigin;ll1y the designers had planned ;1 centra l
cross flanked by figures, perhap~ Apollinaris and a tounder-bishop, with an
abstr;ICt rlesign below. "" hen the plan was changed to emphasi~e /\polli -
naris, somcone came up with the clever idea of using the cross as the foca l
poi nt of a Transfigu ration scene, a subject that was gaining popuhnity in
J ustinian's empire. Thc resltlt was a \'ertical axis (Apollinaris praying to the
cross) and a horizontal axis (the Transfiguration), with tile cross as the link
octween the two. Whichcver theological meaning was imcnded in itially,
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

surely the designers would h;lve wekomc\l the muldni lle of mcanings gcn-
er:lted by different viewers.
As with other mid-sixth -century Orthodox churches, sOll1e motifs in
Sa nt' Apollinare's mosai('S Illay rcpn::sent a specifically anri-Arian thL'Ology,
although here this theme seems more muted than in some of the orher
churches. Hfhile the 'fransngllration can represent the momen t of cOllSub-
suntiality between the Father and the SOIl, 1:5 the Arialls probably inter-
prctc(l God's words on Mt. Tabor as depicting Christ's lesser status, since
God has to tell the apostles to listen to him, T here arc certainly groups of
th rees: three bands gesturing to the crosS in the apse, three sheep, three
fig1lres at the altar in the right panel (although thes!.' may not be original),
but they do not seem overt. The <lrchangels on the triumphal arch hold
banners with the Trisagion pra}'l~r (Holy, Holy, I-Ioly), also perhaps Trini-
taria n amI representative of the eastern Liturgyy6 As we have seen for San
Vitale, the three Old Testament figures at the alt~r all rclate to the E.pistle
to the Hebrews. Ovc r~lI, however, ~nti-Ari~n theology docs not seem to
phi}' a prominent role in this church.

Apse Willdow Zon.e. The mosaics of the winJow zone of this church high-
light the various roles of the bishops of Ravenna, 3S betits a church (leJ icated
to their founder Y ' Within the soffits and jambs of the window arches
are mosaic columns and geometric borders, now remade on the basis of
fragments found there. Between the five wi ndows we fi nd fOUf notable
bishops of Ravenna, labeled by name (Fig , 96); from left to right, these arc
Ecclesius, Sancrus Se~'e ru s, Sanctus Ursus, anll Ursicinus, Each is Itressed
Ji.ke "pollinal'is above aDd bolds a jeweled book in his left band , while
his right is raised in blessing. Severus ami Ursus, identified as ·'sancrus,"
stand in a niches Aanked U}' jcwelet\ colullllls, surmounted by golt\ conches,
beneath which are suspenl\el\ curtains and votive crowns; Ecclesius and
Ursicinus h ~vc the same frames, but their columns are hrown and theif
conches arc green, Certainly the pres!.'nce of four bishops holding books
must be intended to evoke the four e \'angelisl~ Y ~ 8m why these four bish-
ops? MlIximiall, who was wel l "crsed in the history of the sec, must have
selected them as his most nota ble predecessors; the presence of historical
a nJ contemporary bishops, ;llong with the founder St. Apol lin;lris. all wear-
ing the pI/Ilium, provides an abbreviated history of the see, linking the great
bishops of the past to the present. Ursus was the founde r of the cathedral ,
bm nor otherwise venerated, as far 3S we know; SCVCfllS'S cult was obvi-
ou,ly growing, as he would be honore(\ with his own church at the end of
the n:nulry. Ursicinus was the founde r of dle church, and his predcccssor
Ecdesius was dearly seen at this time as a major figure , although we have
no information linki ng him di rectly with this ch urch. ~"I \'\ 'h y was Peter
CHURCH BU I LDING .,'

?6. Son" ·
"1'011;""", ;n
a ..... Sl. Apol .
li ",,'; •• oo (\eft
to ';ght) I!ish-
ops Ecd'-';us,
St. S••• rus,
St. U" ... , ....t
Ursicin",

Chrysologus not represented? Perhaps in the sixth century he w~s not as

famous locally as he would latcr becomc; his ool k ction of scrmons .... as only
edited and publ ished by Archbishop Felix in the euly eighth <:enrury, and
Agnellus .... rote the first version of his biography in the ninth .
T he two panels on the outmOSt walls of the apse wcrc madc, or remade,
in the S<.'Venth eentury or later.JJo \Ve do not know whether similar rep-
resentations wcrc here originally, but it seems that the bter anists tool.:
their inspira tion from the mosaics of San Vitllle ,!J' These mo saics have
also been hcavi Iy restored. 'I' O n the left .... al l, wc see a scene set ben-·cen
jeweled mlunms with an open curtain hehind. In the center an archbishop
stands next to all emperor; both arc halol'd (Fig. 97). The archbishop is
dressed like .11 the other archbishops in th is church; the emperor wears a
pUTj)le chlamys with gold tllbiioll over a white tl.!n;c. To the right of the
archbishop we see first another 3r<:hbishop, without a halo, who receives
from the emperor a scroll with the word privi/rgill written on it; behind him
stand a priest in a gold chasuble, then two dcacons bearing censcr and pyxis.
O n the left, twO more hNds S<.'em also to reprCSL'llt emperots, since thL')' are
abo halClot'd (the ir bodies, now drL"Ssed like the figures next to J ustinian in
San Viti Ie, arc entirely restored). A final figure, holding what seems to be
a dboriu1J1 on a purple-co"ered pillo .... , stands behind them (his body below
the waist is Ijk~wise completely restored).
\Vhilc the composition and fonnal elements clearly r<:l1ect the San Vitale
panel, the ,..:ene depicts a sp,_'<;ific historieal moment, the granting of priv-
ileges to Ra"cnna's chur<:h by a BY£3.ntine clllperor or group of cmperors.
 RAVENNA'S EARLY BYZANTINE PERI O D. AD 540- 600

97. Sant'_
'\I>olIi"31'<: in
CI~~sc. mQ ...~i c QIl
Ihe IlQrth ",,,II Qf
.he "f'S<: . lcpiL1_
,nl: cl111"'rorS
wim A,.., .. bish0f>
RCf>arorus

V.' hal c\'cm thiS was is thc subject of debate. Agnellus reportS that the
image depins the granting of a set of privileges uy Emperor Constantine IV
(668-85) and his brothers Hcraclius and Tiberius to Archbishop Rcp~ra­
OlS (67 1-7)' Below th is image was the inscription "This ReparaOls, tha t
he might be a comrade to the saints, made new det'Orations for this hall,
to blaze through the ages," and above the heads it read, "Constantine the
senior emperor, l-leraclius ami Tiberius emperors.";·I) The specificity of
the privileges listed b}1 t\gnellus suggests that he S;lW a document listing
them ) )4 However, Deichmann argued that by Agnellus's (by part of the
inscription was missing, and that instead the scene clcpicts the gr31lt o f auto-
cephaly made to Bishop Maurus by the emperor Consu ns II, installed by
Reparatus to com memorate his own role as me ambassador who obtained
the privilege.Hi T his was a significan t event in Ravenna's history and will be
discussed 3t greater length in the following chapter. The lIlost we can say is
C HURC H BUILDING

98. S~,,! '­

AllO liiua ..... in
C lasS<) . ,uos:,i c
on !he s(U uh
w~11 ohh c~l'sc
dcpicting /\lod.
,\ Idc hi""del.:,
~ nd Ab.-.,Il,,,,
and Isaac (f)h o!o
I n~ti"'t Rir K un-
stgc:;c hichtc
dcr Joh~"ncs
Gutenb"rg Uni_
J'
wn;it1it lainz.
Bilddatcnb;,nk)

that Reparatus was active in a number of IlOlitical events and commissioned

the mosaic to commemorate them.
Facing this scene is a conlhtion of the hlllerrc mosaics from San Vitale,
again vcry heavily rcstored_ H~ Between jeweled columns and backed by a
curtain, we see an altar idcntically laid out to thconc in San Vitale, with Abel
[0 me leftofferinga lamb, Abraham and Isaac [0 the right, and NIc1chisedek

(identified by name) in the center, with the Hand orGad descending from
dOUils to the left (Fig. 911). Scholars do not agree whether this depiction
originally goes back to the time of the church's construction, or whether it
dates from rhe rime of Reparanls's mosaic opposite. Given that rhe latter
was so clearly inspired by the mosaics of San Vitale, it would not be out
of place for both to date to the same period, but by the same token the
offering mosaic's correspondence with those of San Vitale can also argue
for a sixth-century date.Hi The olfering figures emphasize the role of the
bishop, the successor of Melchisedek, 11ft presiding at me altar dirtttly in
 RAVENNA'S EAl1.lY IWlANTlN[ PERI OD. AD 540- 600

front of the mosaic, As in Sail Vitale, they unite thc actors in the lirurgic<ll
drama with the figures Ilepicte,l around them, giving a,I,litional meaning
to both .
Over time, therefore. rhe mosaic~ of Sant'Apollinare in Classe came to
represent the various functions of the archbishop, from his liturgical role
to his political importance to his statliS as heir of Apollillaris and thus ulti-
mately of Christ. The program brilliantly reinforced the ~tatuS of tile arch-
bishops as they rose in importance, and wou ld contain the seeds of their
aspiratiom in the following centuries.
SAl' SEVERO

The church dedicated to Ravenna's fourth-century bishop SeH:'rus was the

last major COllstrucrion undertaken ill Classt: in the s~\1:h century. I \') Begun
by Archbi~hop Peter 1LI sometime after 570, it was completed by his suc-
cessor John U and (1cIlicated in 581. 1-10 T he church was located I kill to
the north of the recently com pletc!l Sant'Apollinare, just in~ide the city
walls of Classe. "" The building relllained in usc through the eighteenth
century (its mon~stery was \lsed as a residence by the Ocronian emperors
in the tentll century), was partially rebuilt in 1468 and again in 1754. but
was entirclr dcstro}'e<1 hy IR2 0 .J 4 ' The site was t:xcal'att:J in 1964-7, in
the 19705, in 1981 '""91, ami is now the suhjc<:t of new investigations. These
operations ha\·e re\·ealed a complete ground plan (Fig. CJ9) and some of the
mosaic Aoors of the sixth -centur}' church, o,'erlying an earlier chapel and
before that. a veTy large Rom~n bath com p lex .'''~
Agnellus says that John moved the body of the sa int from the adjacent
chapel of St. Ru fillo , on the south side, into tbe ch urch ; H~ excavations
have indet:d revealed a suite of rooms to the south of the western end of
the church, inciu{ling a small reetangularcc11 measuring 6.6 )(, 5,9 III with a
western apse, connttte!l to the main church by another room ami having an
ad(jirional room or rooms farther to the south. These rooms were originally
thought to date to the sixth cenOlry, bur hal'c recently been Tedated to the
fifth, J45 [ n addition, a s<}uare room with mosaics from the fifth or early sixth
centuries was found under the floor of the basilica lind has been suggested
as the earlier chapel dedicated to the saint, although it could also have heen
somc other son of buil{\ing. l i~
The main church measured 6-1. 7 x l7.3 1l1t:ters (inclw.ling the apse,
narthex, and walls). T he buil(ling had a nave flanked by single aisles, with a
nanhex and an apse that ~'as polygonal externally, circular internally, T he
nave was 1!'35 m wide, JUS t over twice the width of the aisles and thus in
perfect accord with the dimensions of most other Ra vennatc basilicas. The
foundations, at least, were made of reused Roman Oricl.:, ami no remains of
Ju lian orick!> have OCCll assoct.ltc(l with the site, Remains in the apse arca
CHURCH BU I LDING ' OS

99- San S<,..,ro,

Cl=e, ground
pbn of the lot.
";nh-«n,ur),
bo,ili<~
{il'oClooingi..
uJt4) .... l t t.e
ea ri icrehal"'l.
toth • ..,.,th, ..
m'coled from
",<>,~,ioos (.ft ..
,\ t . ioLiISt0I'I'M.";,

P
N jilil '
o 5
,
10m
19117.oo
Au!!"nti,
"R.",nn, <
Q,,,,,,," ,006)

of both rubi fiw,/i an d glass tesserae in green, bl ue, red , gold, and silver
indicate that the church was ~imilar in this resp<.x:t to other~ of its class.
From the sur.'iving remains, it is deduced that the nave colonnade included
Tl columns)"7 Excavations also reveak"<l that an unusually large btmn, or
platfOnn, extended from the apse 7 m imo the church, and from this a
sokn, or elevated walkway, led farther cast TO whcre an ambo would have
been placed ).R Almost half of the siXth -<xntllry mosaic pavements from the
na ve and aisles were uncovered during c>;cavations; they consist of a series
of r~'Ctanglllar polychrome fllpptri, each of which had a different geometric
pattern; several ofthcm includ~"<l birds, fish, an d other animal motifs)""
As a whole, this structure was about the same size as its neighbor
Sant'Apollinarc; it represents the continuing ambitions and financial re-
5Ource~ of Ravenna's church at the end of the sixth cenulry, but it was to
be the last large church built until the nimh cemu,)',
 Ravenna, ca. AD 840 (at the time of Agnellus)
.-
.... "
.-" .- .

_._. --
,.
" .-
... _""- 81 .- --
.-....
"
_-- 81 "-"'_
"
".-
~-

. .-
..... ._. • . T_
.-
\
I
__
- 'M, "

... . . .- ..... .
..- ...
•
."_
_.--
...
.-"
-_..........--' •.-
, ,_.
._ . ' ~.-.
. ., ~

-.;; -

'" ...._--
_.-
--
•

".-
._..•.•_•.".
81 • _ .. - " ..

T(IO), M.pof
Ro,..,nno Cl.
AD 8.Jo (mhe
time of AgncUu,)
CIIAPTE R SEVEN

RAVENNA CAP I TAL, AD 600-850

By the year 600, Ravenna had finally lIecome a notable city. \Vi tl! n 10o-year
history as a ca pital, a leading Illember of the i,.'Cdc~i a sti('aJ hierarchy, and
an international port, aod <:ontaining splenil!(1 monuments {;I)mmcmor~t­
ing its politica l lind ecclesiastical history, the city had ;lchicvcd elite status,
l.'specially at a time in which so many other formerly great citics, not It:ast
Rome, hold d r asticall~' declined. Until this poim, Ravenna's fortunes had
gone in a completely opposite dirt:Ction fr0111 those of the Tcst o f western
Euro~. But alas, fate was fina lly to catch up with Ravenna, and if the build -
ings remained in relatively good ('onelition tor the lleA1: 150 year'S, the port,
the population, and the infrastru cture began a slow decline. The Frankish
t:mperor C harlemagne viewed Ravenna, arou nd Roo, as an im pressive cap-
ital, wo rthy of emu];nion; hut me fact that ht! was able to re move precious
bu ilding ma terials from the city fOl' his own capital of Aachen shows that
Ravenna was no longe.r a living, growing capital, out a museum of past
glory .
There are a number of reasons why the early seventh century marks a
crucia l division in the fortunc~ of Ravcnna. ' Archat:ologists point to this
period as rhe rime whcn impons and c\'idence ofcom lllerce, e5pccially with
mt! East, declines dramatically; this was linked to the silting up of tht! harhor
ofCia sse, a process whose effects began to be felt at this time. Political evems
aft!:r 600 also reduced the e.lIlpire's capacity to invest ill the. Slllall imperial
province in Italy, except for a short-Jived rcvival under COllStans U. Ben ign
neglect call be a good thing; in Ravenna a starus {IUO was maintained tor
more than a century, probably to the a([vantagc of the ci ty 's inhabita nts.
It may o nly be hisrorians looking at earlier evidence of greatness who see
mis period as a time of decline and stagnation. Cenainly Agnellu~, writing
at the end of this period, dis plays linle regret abou t the current status o f
his city. He depicts a cOllllllunity and its leat!ers still engaged wLth a large
ou tside wo rl(\, actively engaged in all ongoi ng histOric;}! process.
". RAVENNA CAPITAl. AD 600- 850

The doser we come to the ninth century, the more potentially useful
Agnellus becomes as a SOurce for Ravenn~ '!; hi~t()ryt althnugh in many <..'lses
his stories arc opaque. One o f Agncllus's themes was the riva lry between
thl,' archbishops of Ravenna and thl,' popes, which reached its height in thl,'
seventh and eighth centuries. AgneIlus demonstrates Ravenna's long, proud
history and uses it to justil)' the independence of his church fr0111 Rome.
This riva lry also strongly influenced OUf other lIlain source for the period,
the Roman Lihn POlltijiCl'/is, which wma ins information that directly COJl-
tradicts Agncllus's accounts. \"ic cannot, however, sim ply rcjL'Ct Agncllus
as an ah istorical partisan, sincc the Roman text \\';lS just as propagand istic
on bchalfofrhc popes.' Both t<.'xtS rogethcr, along with Paul the Dea<..'on·s
llisfQri(1 umg(JINIrtiomlll, which narrates evems up [0 the year 785, enable
us to write a fairly comprehensive political history of this period. f:fow-
ever, information nbout social, religious, and culturnl acuvity in Rnvellna in
this pcriod is much more rcstriw:(I. A firc destroyed rhe episcop~1 archive
~roun(1 700, and thu~ most of the 3 I documents thar survive fo r the period
600-800 da te to the later eighth century) Several of these arc presen'ed
b("'C:llIS<.' in the late tenth cenOiry they were mlJied into a regisrer of dee(is
known as the Codex BI/iJII1"IIS o r the Bn'Vlill'il/lIl t:rdrsillt' RIlLJr"llllllriJ".-4 Recent
archaeological investigations, especially at the Via D'M.eglio and Pm!ert:
Chiavichetta sites, have revea led long se(]uences that include this period,
and prQvicle invaluable information alxlUt certain aspecb of Ravenna's life,
but they represent only I;"\\"O areas of a large inhabited rcgion. Conclusions
abollt the u rbiln fil bric and inha bitants of l{a\'enna in this period therefore
rem;lin h}1)()thetic;l1.

Ravenna, Capital of the Byzantine Exarchate

The yc~ rs bctwecn 600 and 750 rcprescnt one of thc most intercsting peri-
ods of Ravcnna 's history, one rhilt 5.1 W fundamenral changes in thc political
alignment of centr~llt~ly ) In 600 the major players were the Byzantines
and the Lom bards; by thc i50S itwas the Franks and the popes who domi-
nawd Iraly. Ra venna, as the seat of the Byzanti.ne exarch, remained a polit-
ical centcr, but in the rourse of the 150 yc.lrs the Byzantine administration
bt:(.'a me illcrt:asingly irrelevant. By the time the Franks ("Qnllllen:{! Italy, it
was once again Romc, not R;lVenna, that was thc centcr of political activity.
At the start of t hc seventh cenOlry, t hc l..ombilrds and the Byzantines
were reaching an equilibrium in Italy. Although the Lombard king Agilulf
went on the offensi\fc against the Byzantines, thrcatening Rome in 5Y3 -4,
coullterthreatencc! by the prefect Rom3nus in 595 with short-term truces
negotiated sevcral times before his death in 616. after 619 therc w;}s a
RAVEN NA. CAPITAL Of HI E BYZANTI N E EXA RC H ATE '79

twenty-rear period of peace in which both sides consolidated their territo-

ries and estahJi~hed defemes. 6 T he Byzantine administration tortified 01(1
centers and founded new towns along the border with the Lombard king-
dom, notabl" n Ferrara, Comacchio, and Argcnt3iscveral of thcse wen: new
establishments be<.'ause, as we will see, the branches of the Po had shifted
since the Roman period ) T he Lombarcls undel' King Rothari resll med the
;1tt'J.ck in 641 anil conquered Genoa all/I the region around it, defeating the
e:.:arch Isaac's army in64 z, bur Ravenna and thc PCllta(X)lis were spared.
In the early ~eventh century, the government in Con~tantinople had more
serious things to wOrry about than the fate of its It,}li;]11 colony. Invasions by
Slavs, A\'ars, Ihdgars, and Persians led to internal dissension, exacerbated
by the finan cial crisis that had resulted from Justinian's combination of tOO
many wors and depo pulation because or the plague. The invasions cut the
land routes between Constan tinople amlluly and also reduced, over tillie,
the number of ships that sailed in the !\'Iediterranean; from now o n, it wOIII(1
take milch longer (thrce to ~ ix months) to m~ kc the journey:'! T he em peror
NI auriC(: (58~ -60 :: ) introduced hscal lind military reforms that were so vastly
1l1lpoPIllar that he W;JS finally murden:d; his S\H:cessor Phocas introd\lCed
a reign ofrerror that w~s only ended when H eraclius (610- 41), son of the
governor of Africa , captured COllStantinople ;J 11I1 had PhOCllS executed in
turn. The Persian empire, resurgent under ambitious new rulers, had taken
the opportunity in the meantime to capture Egypt, Syria, and much of Asia
Nlinor, and, along with the Avars, besieged Conmntinople in 6:6 . Most o f
Heraclius's am:ntion during his long n:ign was directed toward dlC defeat
of the Persiano; and their northern allies, and then, fi nally, the new Arab
armies. Moreover, from the 6305 unti16Ro the Byzantine emperors sup-
po rted the doctrine of monothditi.~Il1, a c()m promise betv.'een the Illia-
physirc ,md the Chalcedonian positions 011 thc nature of Christ that was
not satbfactory to either side; this put the emperors theologically at odds
with the popes and the western church. The Arab threat likewise preoccu-
pied most Byzantine rulers until thl;' mid-I;'ighth cennll"}'.
Italy was nor exempt from the empire's troubles. Slavs and Avars attackeel
the northeast corner of the exardulte in the period fi 10- 19 and within the
territory there was a continual series of revolts against imperial authority .
In 616, the cX<lrch John and other offidals werc killed in an upheaval o f
lInknown Ca\lst: .... Heradius sent as the new eorch £Iemherius, a eu nuch
who punished the rebels, put down a revolt in Naplcs, 10 and signed a treaty
with Lombards by which the imperial government paid th('m massivc trib-
ute. Rayenna seems to have gone to Eleurherius's heael ; in 619, although
a eunuch, he tried to make himself emperor, bllt hc was killed on the way
to Rome by $OlIle ofhi~ army.' r The exarch Isaac held power for eighteen
years (625--13), the longest of all the cxarchs; his epitaph, in Greek ;}nJ
 RAVEN N A CAPITAl. AD 600- 850

Latin, still survives on an early fifth-century sarcophagus that he reused

(Fig. 101 ), in San Vitale, which n:a<ls: "
I fere lies he who w~s k~dcr of the Jl1l1y and who for 18 years kept Rome and
the \ Vcst s~fe for thl."" SC"rcne sovl.""rdgns: Isaac. support of thc emperors. grc'lt
glory of all Annenia. descencled as he was from glorious Amlcnia n stock. Aftcr
his glorious death his wise wife Su~ann~h griel'eJ withuut ,",case, like ~ pure
dO\'e, depri"ed of her husbmJ whu t..y his m ighty deeds acquired fame ill East
ami \Vest, si n!.:e frolll th!.: \.vcst and the East he led his annics.

Isaac loyally supported the emperors, which caused him to be im'olved

in the monothclitc controversy against the JX)pes. In fi39, the ch(lrm/(IrillJ
Mauridus led his troops [0 sack rhe L~teran treasury, with rhe participation
of Isaac; when in 643 l\'1auricius decided to side with the popes, Isaac led
his ar1tty to Rome, captured and beheaded Mauricius, and displayed his
heau in the circus at Ravcnna. 1l Olympius. another eunuch exarch, was
scnt to arrest Pope Martin I because he woulll not au:ept the imperial
dogma. Olympius, howcver, changed si(les, allying with the pope. T-Ie died
in Sicily in 652, and in 653 the new exarch, "rh~'Odore Calliopas, arrested
Pope .Nlartin for campI icity in lilt" revolt and sellt him to Constantinople,
where he was condemned and died in exile. '4
Consuns n Pogonaws (641 - 68), the grandson of Heradius, inherited at
age eleven an empire at extreme risk o f invasion from the Araos and Sla\'s.
The carl}' years o f his reign saw the loss of Egypt, parts of North Africa,
and various Meoiterranean islanos to the Arabs. Although he managed to
hold o ff the Slavs. his religious policies and his murder of his brother ma(le
hiJll vcry unpopular in Constantinople. In tbe summer of 66 ~ he carne west,
first tl) Greet:e and then [11 66 3 into Italy, the fi.n temperor to set foot 011 the
peninsula since 476. Apparently he had decided to abandon Constantinople
and transfer the imperia l residence to Sicily. Natura!!y, this would have had
many important tepercussions for the gOI'efllmcllt of Italy. Const:lns U
fought and negotiated with the Lombards as he marched north from
Taranro to N aples, and then to Rome, where he stayed only twelve days.
He did not visit Ravenna, but he certainly took an interest in its bishop: in
666 he issued an t'diet ct"lllct'ding the right of autoeephaly, or indepemlence
from the popes of Rome, which will be discussed furthcr in the nC.\7t section.
After Romt' Const:ms malle his way to Sicily and established his court at
Syt;lCUSC, where he was murdered in his b;Jth in the summer of 668. Back
in Constantinople, Byzantine military leaders establ ished Constans's son as
Constantine IV (66B-85), amI the Italian experimenr was over. '5
After 668, there was a shift in political alliances in ByzmHine h aIrY'
\Vherea~ earlier the Ilopes and rhe exarchs had hall independent relation-
ships with the emperors, now thcse two p~ rtics werc frequently aligned.
RAVINNA, CAPITAL OF TH I BYZANTI NI lXARCHA TI ,8,

101. S1I1 Vi .. l< •

...""",.,.gus of
,he<nrdl..""

._,..,
(d,I4))' ' 'rfy
fifth.cenmry

"ithK¥<nth-
C<1ItIllJI i.-..crip-
boo, (ptio<()
C Cr>i1e>1""""j

sometimes 3g..inst imperial poliq'. Moroover, the loc~1 ariSto":Ta~'Y in Italy,

who controlled the anny in Ra~enna, e:.ened their own authority more and
more, rendering the foreign cxarchs essentially powerless. The most obvi -
ous examples of the change are the mempts to forcibly bring the pope to
Constantinople. In 653 Theodore Call iopas had suecessfu lly apprehend~"tl
Pope M artin. But in 693, when the empcror Justinian II sent his proto-
splltbllrius (commander) Zacharias to bring Popc Scrgius to Constantino-
ple, the Ravenna te army m~rched to Rome to defend the popc. Zacharias
was fUrred to hide under the pope's bed, and he ultimately returned to the
capital empty handed. In 701, in a similar situation, the army of Ravenna
protected Pope John VI from the enreh Theophy12cr. 1 ;
The eighth century was a time of great confusion and upheaval in Ita ly,
both for ecclesiastical and politic:.J1 reasons. ,8 Justinian I [ was furious about
Pope Sergi us's defiance of his summons to his ~uuncil , but he was also
deeply unpopul ar al home. and in 695 he was deposed, his nose and lOngue
were slit, and he was sent into e~ile on the Black Sca coast. '9 Justinian
esca l~'(] to the Khazars , and, aided by the Bulgars and Slavs, was rerurned
to power in 705 . He made peace with Pope Constantine, but he also inau-
gur:lted a bloodhath upon his enemies, and among the victims were certa in
Ra\"Cllnatc leaders, induding Archbishop Felix, who were arrested, brought
,8, RAVENNA CArlTAl. AD 600-850

to Constantinople, and variously IOrrured.'o AgnelJus says that cilis evem

precipitated an uprising in Ravenna, led by one of his ancestors, 3 man
named George whose father had been arrested and taken to the capitaL
The new cxarch. John Riwcopus, landed not in Ravenna but in Naples,
and only came to Ravenna after cx~"Cuting severa l officials in Rome, whcre~
upon he died a nasty death (rurpissimll mrnt~ IKcubuit), possibly murdered
by the rebels," \Vhen J ustinian was eventually m\lrder~xI in 711, his head
was brought to Italy and displayed in Ra"cnna and Rome, and his SlIccessor
Philil'picus g:wc rich gifts to Felix."
The violence of the previolls dcradcs apparently made many [talians fccl
that they could do withollt the Byzantine empire, although it is interesting
that very few seem to have W:afllL'<lIO become part of the Lombard kingdom.
From 7" to 7'7 there was politica l turmoi l in the East, but in 7'7 Leo U1
restored order and repellet! an Arab siege of Constafllinople. In order to
pay for Byzantine administration in Italy, hc imposed hca'}, IlIxes on the
Italians; he all'O, starting in 7!6 or 7! 7, began to promulgate Iconoclasm, an
anti -imagc religious policy, which alicnatcd much of thc western Church
including the prclates of Ravenna and Rome. T he Lombards had begun to
attack the cxarchate starting in 717- 18, when the Lombard Duke FaroaJd
of Spoleto took Classe, but returned it to "the Romans" at the order of
King Liutprand; Liutprand himself captured Oasse slightly later. ') The
port was rt"tUrncd to thc new cxarch, Paul, but in 7!i, apparently in thc
l"(lntcxt uf an upri,ing against the imperi al polky of Iconoclasm, ur perhaps
in resentment of greatly increased taxes, Paul was kil led in Ra,·enna . '~
After the death of Paul, the aggressiw popes Gregory II , Gregory III,
and Zacharias staked their claim to be the rulers of the fonner eUTChate,
as T. Noble has demonstrated.'s Emperor Ll'O []] scnt another e~rch,
Eutychius. who made an alliall<:e with Liutprand against the pope, then
Liutprand madc peacc with thc pope, thcn Eutyehius allied with the popc
against Liutprand. Local leaders were in charge in Ra,·enna and Eutychius
was initially not accepted; in 731 Leo III sent a naval rdid against Italy wh ich
must haw Ix."en making for Ravenna when it foundered in the Adriatic!6
The Lombards under Liuq)rand became more and more aggressi,·e; Euty-
chius was ewnffially rccci,·ed in Ravenna, but the city "'35 capturetl in 739
by a Lombard army, and the archbishop, exarch, and leading citi zens had to
Ike to the Venetian SWam]lS, whenl"C, at the request of Pope Gregory III,
they retook Ra,·enna with the f1~t of the Duke of Veni~!; LiUlprand
attacked Ravenna again in 743, and aga in Eutych ius and ArchbishopJohn V
(at least according to the Roman Lib" prmtifirillir) asked G regory's successor
Zacharias for hcIp.'8 Upon Liutprand 's dcath in 744, Ralchis signl'<la peace
treaty for "all Italy" with the pope, hut in 749 h~ abdicated in favor uf his
brother Aistulf, who aggressiwly att3cket! the Pentapolis. The Lombard
anny tool.: Ferrara, Curnacchio, and finally, in 75 ' , Ra\"\."nna , whereupon
ARCH BISHOPS AND POPts, TH E AUTOCEPHALY Q1,IESTION "3

llyzantine rule in northern Italy ceased. ' 9 Aistul f was impressed by Ra,·enna
and may ha'·e intended to make it his capi tal, issuing his first diploma "in
palatio" On Ju ly 4, 75 I, hilt the popes had other ideas. [n 755 Aistulf was
compelled by the Frankish king Pepin to relinquish the city and it went not
to the B)'7..antines but to the ))())JC5. Ra\·cnna ·s days as a ",pital were owr.

Archbishops and Popes: The Autocephaly Questio n

In the se.-cnth and eighth centuries the popes became effectively secular
as well as religious leaders in both Rome and their territory. Ravenna's
archbishops, residing in a city in which the secular authority of the exarells
was constantly present, did not have the opportunity to assume the same
kind o f allthority, hilt som~ of th~m clL":lrly envied their papal rivals. The
struggle o,·er the status of Ravenna's archbishops that had begun in the
late sixth l...,ntury was raken up apin in the mid-seventh, and evennJally
developed pol itical as well as ecclesiastical dimensions) "
In 6.p Ravenna acquired a nL'll" archbishop, M aurus, who Sl...,ms to have
had ambitions exceeding even those of his predecessors. "-hurus initia ted
a historical project to demonstrate his see·s importance: as we have already
seen, the Pilmo of Apollinaris may well date to his reign, and so may the fulse
D iploma of Valentinian Ill, which purports to be the documen t tha t con-
ferred metr(ll)()liran status on Ravenna's bishop in the mid- fifth century.!'
Agnellus tells us that Maurus "went [0 Conscmtinople on many occa-
sions, SO that he might free hi s chun;h from the yoke or domination of
the Romans." We ha ve no way of verifying these \"O}';)ges, but we do know
that in 666 Constans IJ, who had recently come to [taly, granted a priv_
ilege (tyPUJ) nf autou~phaly, or independence from Rome, to the see of
Ra"cilna. Th e privilege stated that the archbishop of Ravenna woul d be
~"On5l.~raled by three of his ~uffrugan bishops rather than by the pope and
that he would not be subject [0 orders from the pope.!' Presumably this
change was intended to weaken the influence of the popes in the Italian
church; not surprisingly, Pope Vitalian stronglyohjecred to the decree and
excommu nicated "-hurus, who in return removed the pope's name from
the liturgy in Ravenna ) !
"-hurus's SUCCCS50r Reparatu5 l"Qntin Ul-d his policies and recei,'~-d tax
concessions from the emperors in Constantinople; Agnellus tells uS that
these privileges were commemorated in the mosaic in the apse of Sant'-
AIXlllinarc in Clas.se (Fig. 97).li The Roman Librr prmtiflflllh, on the other
hand, tells us instead that the church of R3\'enna was reconciled with Pope
Donus, after which Rel>.:lratuS died )' Most schola rs have tended to bdieve
the Roman \·crsiol1, but there is no real reason to prefer it to Agnellus's
al"COunt. )6 H owl'VCr, it is true th at autocephaly did not last long: ,\hurus's
 RAVENNA CArlTAl. AD 600-850

second successor, Theodore, although conseeratcd in Ravenna , resuhmitlt'd

Ra"enJla'S church to Pope Aguho in 680, and returned th e rypus of auto-
cel'haly to Pope Leo ll. ll y 682, the emperor Constantine IV ha d issued a
decree fonnally rt"\'Oking it.J7
Stovcrul of the archbishops of the eighth century, notably Felix and
Scrgius, continued the struggle fur autonomy with limited success. Upon
his consecration at Rome in ~, Felix refused to sign a document guaran-
It'Cing Ihat he would not disturb the unity of the church; in Justinian Irs
sweep o f Raven nate leaders Feli x was arrestC<.1 and taken ro Constantino),le,
where he was blinded. \Vhen J ustinian was murdered in 7' t, Felix returned
to Ravenna, where he reignt-d for another fourtt"Cn years. T he Roman Lib"
ptmtifolllh tells uS that Felix had rebelled against the authority of the pope
and portrays his capture and blinding as divine punishment. Agnellus l11a kes
Felix one of the saintly hishops of Ravenna; no mention is made of a quar-
rel or rcoonciliatioll with Rome, but the entire story is set in the franle
o f Ravennate-llyzantine politics. Sinl"t' Agnellus's aClvunt is a reaction
against the ~ery anti-Ravennate bias of the Roman text, it is not clear what
"really happened,,,;g Felix's successor J ohn V St"Cms to have been of the
I'TO-papal party; the Roman Lih" ptmtificlllh statCS that John and the exareh
jointly appealed to Pope Zacharias to save the city and the Pentapolis from
the Lomhanls. Zacharias ani\'t'd secretly in Ravenna, celehrated maSS in
Sant'Apolli narc in Classe, and then procct.-ded to Pavia where he talked King
Liutprand out of anacking,19 T. Noble points out that this passage in the
Libff pmtifUillis indicates that the popes thought of Ra~enna and the CXaT-
chate as part of their "flock;" in other words, under the control of Rome.""

After (he Exarcha(e

After 75 J, the stmggle for l'Ontrol of the former exarchate im'Oke<1 the
papacy, the archbishops of Ravenna, the Lombards, the Byzantines, and
the Franks, in various combinations. After this point, it becomes difficult
to discern exactly what Ravenna's archbishops were after; on the one hand,
there had always been tx:clesiastica l autonomy, but after 751 that issue seems
to have been superseded by the concept of outright rule in the exarchate.
Ocl"3sionally the archbisho)" "'ere all il-d with the popes, as o,'er konoclasrn.
In 73 t, 1>01'1' Gregory III held a council at Rome that condemned Icon-
oclasm, attended by Archbishop John V, ",hile in 769 Pope Stephen III
convened a council at Rome to rejeer the Acrs of the Iconoclastic Coun-
cil of Hiercia, al which a deacon John represented the dying Archbishop
Scrgius.4' But for the mOSt part, anta,,'lmism to )'"pa l authority was the
principle that guided Ravennate polities.~'
AFTER THE EXARCHATE ";

Many of the political currenrsof the time can be seen in the evenrsof the
reign of Sergius (744--0), who was archbishop throughout th is particularly
complex period. Sergius was mnj,CCnlted at Rome after a mnteste<.!
clection, and when he returned to Ravenna the clergy refused to work ""ith
him. T he political situation was t'Xu-emely delicate, an d Sergiu> seems to
have supporte d the Lorn hard ling Aistulf, who held Ravenna from 75 1- 5.4 )
Stephen II, consecrated as pope in 751, appeak-d to both Byzantines and
Lombards for the "rel1Jrn~ of Ravenna but made no headway. Stephen
turne d to Pepin, tht new kingofthe Frank~, who entertd Italy with an 3nny
and lUrctx! Aistulf to give Ravenna and its territories uhaek" to the pope. It
is significant that the Roman Ub(T p,mr;{l(lIlif says outright th at Pepin gave
the exarehate to SWllhen, along with keys an d hostages.+! Sergi us , who
must have opposed this outcome, was sent to Rome by the pro-papal faction
of Ra"ennate ci tizens. where he remained for twO year; until the death of
Stephen II in 757:!l Sergius seems to ha"e come to tenns with the next pope,
Paul, with whom he con~pired to arrest another (or the j.a me?) groul' of
Ravennate officials, who weTC taken to Rome where Agnellus says that they
died. 46 Th e end of Sergius's biography in the tPR is missing, as is most of
that of his successor Leo. From the Roman Lib" p61lrifoll/i. we learn of yet
a!l(l{hcr contested election in 76<;, this time involving the clergy, the Duke of
Rimini, the w mbards, tbe pope, and tbe Clrolingians. Leo, the succes.~ful
candida te, ""as the choice of Cha rlemagne, and no friend to the popes:+7
With the ~un queSt o f the Lomba rd kingdom by Cha rlemagne in 774,
previous power relationships were changing again . Ra.'enna was caught
berwe<:n Cha rlemagne 's kingdom in Ita ly and the emerging pol itical entity
that would la ter be known as the l' ajla] States. T. Noble idt'11ti6es the polit-
iell l situation of Ravenna at this time as a "double-drarchy": uon the one
hand pope and king shared rule, an d on the other han d pope and arch-
bishop divided authority.",8 Throughout this turbu le nt peri od, R a~enna's
leaders maintained a poli~"y of denying the popt: 's authori ty. Severalleuers
from Pope l ladr ian to Charlemagne complain that Archbishop Leo had
sent an embassy to Francia to discuss Ravenna's autonomy and had ~'VCn
gone to Francia himself, after which he had refused to acknowledge pajl.al
authority."9 After Lco's dea t h, a group of Ra"e nnate illdi.(! (officials) Ijke-
.... ise complained to Charlemagne in i83 .l° Something smnge happcn~xl
aftt:rthc death of An;hbishopGratiosus in 789, perhaps a contest~xl c!tction
or even lVo'O rival archbishops; Pope Hadrian wri tCS that he has iuSt inter-
\"e n~xl in the election ofGratiosus's successor (who is not named), and asks
Charlemagne not to listen to uwieked and lying lips" speaking Out against
the pope)'
In the ea rly ninth century, the bishups al'parendy (l1rr ied fa"or with the
popes and the Clrolingian emperors in order to bolster their authority both
,,,. RAVENNA CArlTAl. AD 600-850

within and beyond tht~r local jurisdiction. Archbishop M artin (ca. 8 J 0- [8)
sen! messages to Cha rlemagne, "and the emperor was pleased." Martin was
summoned to Rome by Pope Leo III in 8J ; - 16, but feigned illness <;0 that
the Carolingian rcprcscnt:.ltivc assi gnt"<l to the case could not make him go;
POpt: SWj)hcn IV, however, tOlmc to Ravenna and celebrated mass together
with Marrin in the Ursiana.l' Pctrona~ (ca. 8[S-37) pursued a pro-papal
pol icy: he recei'"t-d a privi lege from Pope Paschal J in 8'9, and la ter anended
a counci l held in Rome in 8z6 by Pope Eugene IU J Pctronax's SlIccessor
George (ca. 837- 46), on the uther hand, n:I'rcsente<1 the anti-J>apal party.
He was the godfather of the emperor Lothar's daughter at her baptism, and
wen t to Francia, aga inst papal advice, apparently in order to gain influence
with Lothar's brother Charles the Bald; at the Battle of Fontenoy of 141
he lost a large part of Ravenna's treasure and historic documents.H At this
point Agnellus's text brea ks off, but we know that later an :hbishops con-
tinued the struggle against the popes. Despi te their best efforts, Ravenna '5
leaders were never able really to riv:ll the popt:S, whose "I>apa l StitcH was
bast."<l on the foundations of the old exarchate.

Ravenn a's Byza ntin e and Post-Byzant ine E lite

From the sununary prcscnted above, and from the few other sou rces av:lil-
able to us, we are able to deduce some things about the people who inhabitl"<:1
and ruled Ravenna .55 Whereas in Rome the disappearance of the Senate in
the late sixth century presen ted an administrative power 'llcuum that was
quickly filled by the popes., in Ravenna the secular adrninisrration was a
continuing presence. Certain ly the archbishops were acquiring ever more
power and prestige; the episcopal palace, for example, contin ued to be
en larged in the seventh and eighth centuries even as constr uction elsewhere
in the ciry had dl"Clined , which follows a pattern seen in other cities. j6 But
in Ravenna the secular administration and the military continued to play
an importln t role in fl-gional government, and thus in the li fe of the city.!'
If tile episcopal palace was one pole of the city, then the cxarchal l>a lace,
probably in the same structurt.'S inhlTited from the Ostrogoths, was another.
The politieal/adrninistrativclrnili tarysystem cstlblished for the cxarehatc
by the early seventh century seems to bave operated in much tbe same way
tllroughout its history. The hcad of the Byzantine administration was tile
exarch, always sent from Constantinople, who might be a military official
li ke Isaac, a eunuch burea ucrat li ke Eleutherius, O I}1npius, an d Eutyehius,
or some other go"emment functionary. Serving under the exarchs were
duke~ (duCt!) uf J>rovi n~-e~, based in major cities (Rome, Naples, Rimi ni,
C\'cntually Vcnicc), and ill smaller towns authority was exercised by tribuncs
(rribum). Dukes and rribunes pe rformed both military and civil duties, and
RAVlNNA' S BYZANTINl AND POST-BYZANT INl lLiTE ,s,

they, along with the lower-level officers and troOps, administrators., clerks,
and tu col lectors were drawn primarilyfmm the loca l population, although
on OCClsion one might he sent from Comt:mtinople. T. Brown sees a
deterioration in the sophistication of the bureaucracy in the seventh een-
tllfY and later, but ~oycn in these later pcriod~, the )l.Tibes, cler1.:s, rnbdli(f1l(J,
notaries, and others remained laymen, indicating that education was avail-
ableoutsideoftheehureh. 5s Rawnna did not have a duke, but was govem~-d
dircrtly by the cxarcha l ad,ninistration. The ronn disappears from view after
the mid- se\'enth century,J9 but we do find in Ravenna men with the tide
iutfrx, which literally means ~judge" but in the sevemh and eighth centuries
was used to designate any sort of government official, or indeed any mem-
her of the leading class of 13ndowners.60
It was these landowners who made up the army, military service hcing
expccted as a condition of their starns. As the authority of thc exarehs
declined, it was the dukes, in their local territories, who emerged as leading
political players; indeed, the fact that Ravenna did not have its own duke
e\'emually put the city at a disadvantage in post cxarchate politics, and wc
see, for example, the duke of Rimini hecom ing deeply invol\'~-d in Ravenna's
cpiscopal elections. We know very little 300ut the actual military organiz.a-
tion; Agnellus provides much of the evidence which comes in the form of
naming particular regions of the Lity 1S thc home h,ase of military units and
occasionally ll1ention ing barracks. The rehel leader George nameS cleven
military I1umcri, or squadrons, that arc to defend Ra\'cnna at the timc of
rc\olt against Justinian II, and it is thought that these represent, if noth-
ing else, ninth-centllry militia units within Ravcnna that perhaps had their
origin in the early eighth ccmury,"
The relationship between th e archbishops and the exarchs .... as close.
It is possihle that the exarch h.d SOme role in the choice of the arch-
bishop, and certl in Iy the two worked together in legal cases, foreig1] affairs,
p.pal relations, and other similar sorts of sitllations. 6 , Church and Sttular
leaders were oound together rhrough propeny relationsh ips: church lands
....erc frequcntly lcased out to S/.><;ular individuals as grants of tmpbyuusiJ',
in which the recipient ....ould manage the land and pay rent to the church.
These could be large estates, granted for three generations, or small plots
granted for twenty-nine years.'J T he Ravennate church was one of the
largest landowners in Italy, .... ith extensi,'C property in Sicily and in Istria as
wcll as in the i'emapolis, and their estatcs product.-d large incomes, .... hich
meant in rum that Ravenna 's archbishops "'ere among the most impor-
tant taxpayers to the impL'Tial government.'" Agncllus relates a Story aoom
Archhishop Maurus and his delega te in Sici ly in which he states that the
Sicilian estates }~clded 50,000 mf)diil of .... heat and 3',000 b,{)ld wlitfi, of
which 15,ooowfidi were sent to Constantinoplc.'j This story, L1nbroidercd
by Agnellus but pcrhaps based on a real document, has lx...,n o"eT\ls~-d by
,88 RAVENNA CAPITAl. AD 600- 850

scholars who arc eager to find any kind of nUlllerical figure for the eco-
nomics of Ravenna's church, out it provably contains;1 kernel of tru th. T.
Brown suggests that many of the church's lands were given to it by the
imperial government, prttiscly because the chun:h would be a rcsJxmsibll,'
steward and taxpayer.66 Finally, the church and tbe IOC'di secular leadership
were bound together socia lly as \\'ell as economiCll Uy because many fa milies
prol·idell leaders to hoth; the fierce ly political A.rchhishop Sergius. origi-
na 11}' a Jar military leader, is one example, and Agncllus the historian, whose
family members were invu[vc(J in many histOrica l event.'>, is anothcr. 6 ;

The Environment and Urban Life

\Ne can relatively easily trace a political and ecdesia~tjcal hj~tory of

Ra\lcnna's clites in this period, and we can sec that in the ~cventh and eighth
cennlries they were continually 3nll actively involved in the e;>;trcmc.ly com-
plex issues of the day. Archbishops plotted, armies marched back and forth
to ROllleorout againsnhc Lomb.uds, exarchs wcn:mllrdcn:d. and thcci lY's
leaders took and chllllged sides and fougln continually among themselves.
Bur what was the urban enVLrOll111cnt in which these C\'en(s took place? And
what eft·ttt did they have on the city of Ravenna?
The seventh century saw the beginning ofa dramatic l\edine in Ravenna's
economic fonunes, some of which was attributable to the state of the
Mediterranean 1X"0nomy genera lly, and some of which had to do with tht:
state o f the city's harbors, pons, and coastlines (Fig. 6). In the seventh
or early eighth ceunuy the hydrological network of the Po river basin
underwent ([ramatic changes.I,H New branches, the Pi/dlls Prilllltl"itlS and the
8I1dlll"f'lIllSIEn"dlllllls. rcplaccd the existing courses and now 110ll'cd through
Ferrara, cutting off the flow of water to the Padenna amI thus breaking
Ravenna 's direct connection to the riverine network. The Badarenu s flowed
into the Adriatic north and cast of Ravenna, dose fa the mouth of tht:
former Roman port in the northeast part of the city where a new harbor
devclopcd.~ T he Padenna did not completely disappear; it perhaps con-
tinued to be fed, 011 a smaller scale, by small streams to its norrh. The
LUllonc, which had flowed in from the west to the Patlellll;l through the
somhern parr of rhe of'pidmJl, now hecame the main water source feeding
the canals inside RaveJlna, and sometime before the late nimh century
the o[d/ossil ;/mmis ~'as extended to carry ~'ater from the Lamone to the
Badarenus, with only a SlIIall branch feeding the canals within the cit}':o
'W e saw in the previous chapter that tempora rily increased water Aow,
and thus sedimentation, along with a decline in the kind of centralize' ] gov-
ernment systcm th;lt could maintain artifid,l l watcrways. had rC5ult'cd in
the si lting up of the harbor of Classe beginning in rhe mid-shth cenUlry.
THE ENVIRONMENT AND URMN LlH

W hen direct influx of water from the 1'0 (via the I'adenna) ceased hy the
early eighth cenrury, the harbor of Classc completely dried up) ' Archae-
ological evidence shows that by the early eighth century the city of Oasse
had shrunk dramatically), Classc was conquered hy the Lomoords in 7' f
18 and the 720S, and accordin g to Paul the Deacon was destroyed. ?) Dur-
ing the reign of Archhishop John V (726-44) Ravenna suffered a serious
earthquake; Agnclhls mentions this disaster in the context of its destrue-
tivc effects at two Inajor churches, Sant'Apollina rc Nuo'"O and the h1.ria lla
church in Classe. 'Ibe former "ca~ rebuil t but the I'etriana \lcas not, despite
the eflOnsof Ki ng Aistulfin the early 7505,1-1 which underscores the demise
of Cia sse in this period.
Economically, historians and archaeologiSts agrcc that Ravenna undcr-
wen t a reduction in its trade, si •. c, and construction history during the
cou~ of the se\"Cnth and eighth centurie .... 1l which "cas part of a sL»'cnth-
century economic and urban crisis that was empire wide in the eastern
Mediterranean, md wa~ ~causcd by a number of fanOT$, including the Per-
sian and Arah invasions and thc plague.'" While Ravenna's mint produced
B~ntine coins in gold, silver, and copper until the Lombard conqucst,
after the early scventh century foreign eoins cease to appear in the exarehate,
another ind ication that long-distance trade had been drasticall y reduced.17
The archaeological evi dence from sites such 15 the I'odere Ch iavichena in
Classe shows ccrdmic imports and a ceramics kiln in usc until the end of
the scventh century, after whi<:h activity ceascs.;fi
Culturally, Ravenna also experienced a sharp dm..nrum in production
after the end of the sixth century. T. Brown has identified from the doc-
umentary sources a reduction in the numbers of merchants. craftsmen,
bankers, guild members, nota ries, and other people with sp•.'ciali •.ed occu-
pations, and notes that only in the ninth cenrury did such people reappear
in documents as individuals of significant rank .;9 From surviving monu-
ments we know that in the seventh and eighth ~"Cnruries Ravenna sustaine<1
an artisan class that was capahle o f imitating, in a crude way, the prod-
ucts of ea rl ier cenruries - for example, the mosaic panels in Sant' Apollinare
in Classc, the sarcophagi of Archhishops Felix, John VII, and Gratiosus
(Fig. 10Z ), or the ambo presented to the church of St. Andrew at the time
of Theodore.So However, when the fam ily of the exarch Isaac wanted a
grand sarcophagus for his burial, they reused one that ha d been made in
the fifth century (Fig. 101) .
There arc traces of literary and scientific enterprises that continued into
thc ninth century. A school of medical studies tha t was active from the early
sixth century into the seventh produc~"(] transla tions of an d commentaries
on the works of I-l ipl'ocrate~ and Galen, especially by a cerrain Agncl-
Ius iatrosoflStd ("medical scholar," not the historian) who worked berwcen
550 and 7<XJ.~1 A remarkable poetic epitaph "cas composed for Archbishop
' '>'' RAVENNA CArlTAl. AD 600-850

" taurus, consisting of miscellaneous lines taken from poems by the fourth-
{o-fifth-<:cnrury authors Prudentius and Ausonius. g, An ano nymous geog-
raph"... in the early eighth century wrote a cosmography, or catalog o f
world gcogr:aphy, thn includes regions, bodies of water, and an exhaus-
tive list of cities from India 1;0 Britain. Th e geographer was proud of his
homccilyofRaH~nna: hcealls it nobilimma, like Constantinople and Rome,
while Antioch and Alexandria arc fnmrmssimn, the on ly fi n: cities to be w
distinguishcd. 8\ Archbishop Felix oversaw the compilation of the r 76 seT-
mons of PrlXT Chrysolo gus.1!.j Finally, of COUTSe, Agnellus wrotc his hisu>ry
in the ninth celltury.
Th e population of Ravenna in this period was probably ethnically fai rly
homogeneous, Latin-speaking, and local , although wi t h a cenain influx of
officia ls and possibly >oldiers ITom t he ellst from time to time. Sj Agncll us
provides a colorful description of urhan factionalism, which may refl ect
underlying politica l tensions: on every Sunday and hol iday, Ravenna 's cit-
izens form teams that gu outside the city wall s and fight each ot her. Even-
tually the violence gets out of control. pcople arc killed . others arc killed in
revenge, and finally lhchbishop Damian has to lead penitential processions
to discover the truth >0 that the wrongdoers Can be punished.86
A. Augenti proposes that in the seventh century Ravenna was le>sdensely
ocmpied , with wealthy houses side by side wi th poor, an d burials and gar-
dens found with in the walls. 8? This wou ld conform to the ~ruralization "
identified in other [talian towns in this periud,><8 but the evidence from
Ra,'enna is not sufficient to establish a more certain piet1.lre at mis time .
S. Cosenti no proposes a population for Ravenna in t he eighth and ninth
ccn tu ries of 3rOlUld 7,000-7,500 people, which would represell! only a
slight decrease from his estima te of 9,000- T0,0<Xl in the imperia l period.So;>
On the other hand, perhaps Ravenna's walls had n~ver been completely
fi ll ed with dense occupation. This question awaits further archacological
study.
O ne type of change in the Italian urban habitat that has received a lot
of seholarly attention is the byout of houses: there was a dramatic change
in the layout an d construction materials of wealthy rt.'Sidenccs between the
th ird and {he te nth centuries."" From archaeology we know quite a bit
about the layout. construction materials, and decoration of Roman houses,
namely that t h,-1' us'Ually contained a suite of rooms on one level endosin g
a courtyard or courtyards., were buil t of stone or brick, and had mosaic or
stone-tiled floors and frescoes on t he walls. By {he ninth and ten th centuries,
as far as we can tell from descriptions of property in dOC'Umcnts. wealthy
houses instead eonsis{ed of multistory S{ructurcs bui lt in " 'ood andlor stone,
with several buildings arra nged around a centnl cIJUn.9' An;hac<)logkal
evidcnce from Brescia and Luni shows sewral structures made of wood
THE ENVIRONMENT AND U RMN LlH .,'

"".500"-
" j,...uina.-.: in
a ...., .. n:oph_
.gtJ,ofAnoh-
bishop Cratiosuo
(d,CI. AU 789)

adjacent to one another, on the site of the fonncr Roman forum, l-lo....'c>'cr,
there is little evidence, wrinen or archaeological, to explain at what point in
the period between the third and the tenth centuries thesc changes became
significant. The Via D' A'l.cglio sixth-century housc had an upper story with
rnosaies,9' and some papyri from early seventh-century Ra,-cnna describe
two-story houses with interior courtyards and porticoes,?) but the cases arc
so isolated that iI is diffil"dt to discern o-ends. S, G dichi has nottd that in
Ravenna , Roman house types and building matcrials lasted "surprisingl)'
late," that is, into the seventh cennlry and perhaps beyond:'" \Ve have
indications from Agnellus, at least, that houses were being built in the
eighth and ninth centuries within Ravcnna, often out of spolia from older
hui ldings, but there is very little evidence ahout whn these houses looke<.1
like. The large sixth-nntury mansion at the Via D'Azcglio sitc was levekd
in the seventh century and replaced hy a cemetery and a much smaller
and simpler two-room house; a similar house has also been found at the
Podere Chiavichetta site in Classc, bui lt within an earlier "'llrehouscY'
The p.alace ofTheodt'lic, used hy the eurehs, went Out of use sometime
between the sixth and the tenth centuries, with tombs and postholes on
top of thc ruins .¢ Sincc no elitc houses dating to this period haw been
identified arehat'()logically, we cannot be entirely SIlTe of the meaning of
this trend - surely small houses had likewise always existed in Ravenna.
Perhaps the wealthy had simply moved to other parts of the city.
The ehanged economie and civic cireumsrnncescan be seen most dearly
in drastic reduction in church construction during the seventh and eighth
ctnturies. Un like earlier secular rulers, the exarchs arc not lTedited with
sponsoring large-sca lc construction (indeed on ly Theodore, 678-87, has
 RAVENNA CArlTAl. AD 600-850
'"

10). S<.>-co.lled
"1'.1..,., of the
£Drd.. ," "",u.ily
the fac.deof,
chu",h dcdi""ro
to ,he S..'k).\
m;'l ..dgh,"
""mill}" (photo
C. L Striker)

any parronage amibured to him), and in the 250 years after the completion
of St. Sc\'crus i n Classc, only one large church was bui lt ill Ra"cnna ,97 T his
WlS ~ church dNlicated to the Savior, juSt to the south of the enmmce to
the palace. The fim reference to this chu rch is by Agllc11us, and archaCG-
logk'ally its remains datt to the eighth or ninth l'eIltllry. While not as large
as earlier hasijicas, this structure had a monumental, twO-STOry entrance
(hat ~till survives in modified fann (Fi g. (03 ). It has been proposed (hat it
was buill by Aistulf as a new Ilalac-e-church in the moment when he was
planning 10 establish his court in Ravenna; and indl'Cd thcre is no apparent
reason that any later individual would build a church here."s
It could be argued that by the seventh century no more large churches
Wtre nectk-d; Ra,'enna and Classe now had a large cathedral; sevcrallargc
basilicas in honor of a spectrum of saints, including a Illartyr and the
founding bishop; thr~"e or four baptisteries; and many smaller churches
and monasteries. Church construction activi ty does not entirely disappear,
howcver. Agncllus mentions sc\'enll structures in his narratives that we
assume werc built before the c"em he mentions. If this methodology is
\'lIlid, we S<."e a pancrn of continuous, if small~scale, ~"Onstruction andlor
dcoonltion in Ravenna after 6co. First, several ",MIIst"U" or small chapels,
werc built, many of them in Cacsarea, implying that this region had become
rather more important; today it is densely buil t up, and linle archaeolog-
ical investigation has been possiblc, so \\'e do not know thc nature of this
OC(lll'ation. Ek...·cn ((rimllr or m~nMt"ill that are not attested before 6co
are mentioned either by Agnellus or in a document, as follows:
THE ENVIRONMENT AND URMN LlH 'OJ

N.me D,t e D ....i1, LPR

Onmm",,, of beL 6'0 Listed in the Mllrtyr<>b>gium .ttributed
St. Polyeukros w J erome.s being in C.csare. in
R..'cono.'"
Mtmllftrri",,, of 63os-<Sb Agn.lIus's chureh, Ex.rch "lneodore ,6, "9, 16"
St. "lory, which (co. 67B--687) .nd his wife huried there, , '7
i~ calle<l ad "not for fmrn \V.nd.l.ri.., ou,-,i,le the
Hh,brrn1lf gate ofS1. L.wrence," ,hus in
C.es>rco. ''''
MtmJlrmillm of bef. 64' Archbishof" " louro, .nd Felix were 64, !l0, '36,
St. Bortholemew ohbots here, os wer< Agnellu< ond his '49· I S8
unde Sergius.' o,
Eal.,;" of bef. 671 Archbish0f" Rep""tus .nd G "ti",,"US "5, 16 4
St. AI'0llin.ris ,..ere , hhots here, "not for fmrn the
in ",rio Ovilionparun,h in the ploce which is
co.lI ed the Public ,\Iim," n",,,ely in the
northwest corner of the city.'"'
Ea/,riII of St. P, ul 67?-6 8 7 Theodore the exordl with Archbishop "9
the Apostle "n ",ooorc built it; fOnnerly it wos 0
syn.gogu., neor \ V.nd.l.ri., in
C.csareo.'"'
MtmJl!urium of 6]g-(i87 Th'-'<Klore the c.orch buil t it no" to "9
St. Theodore S.nt'AroUin.re Nuovo, not !mown.""
the deocon
Mmwrmi,,,,, of bef.6<)1 Archd ..con "ll1eodore .nd Archbishop ,6
M.rtin were from this (hurch, "not for "" 7
St. An drew the
,\postle from the ud,ri4 Goth""",,, nC"l" the
house whim is c.lIed "brini.n •. "
outside the northeostern come" of the
~;ty . ,0,
AlbMrmi,,,,, of bef. JOo P.pyri from co.. 700 list donors .. the
St.John. which fri"';cm'u of the f i l l " ' , " " R;n""",lS John
is caUed ad and his wife Stef.ni.., wimesscd by
'"""";"'/11 Sn-gi,u d'm"friau mmtm Armmierllm.,,,.
Mrmilrmill'" of
St. Andrew the
beL 709 Gi>-en' lot of tre.sure by loh.nnicis
before 70<);' )"~OI.Liov is . hosp""" for
",
Apostle, ",·hich the d,leri},. ''''
is called
Imdmmil""
MtmJlrmi,,,,, of bef. 7'P' A story .bout ito .bbot John; locoted ,',
St. Donotus, "outside the gote of St. L.wrcn"" next
which is c. lIed to Wond. l.ri.,·· thus in o.",.r" •. ",II
in AI""",.;"",
f:altri4 <>f hef. 7'JO< Agnellu< '"'-1"'rtS the buri.1 of. rel .. i>'. of , 0)
St. Euph~~ni. in hi, in this (hun:;h .r the rime of John VI
Suwro Calink<> (778--'785), outside the city:. document
of "'47 mentions. "mon oS. Eophcmi.c
fon. rorlOm S. L.ur.nt;i." which would
he in Co"". rco .'''''
 RAVENNA CAPITAl. AD 600- 850
'9'

Nonc of these structures survives and so we knoll' norhing aho ut their

relative size (lr dct:or:ltion. Since we Ib nOt actually kn!)\\' when they WCfe
built, we cannot say anything about the rate of con~tructjol1, except to
note that if the dates derived from Agncl1l1S arc (:orrcCl, the eighth cen-
tury was a panicularly low point, hardly a surprise given the political cir-
cumstances.
Church patronage f{Xll:. place in twO other cOlltext.~ also. O ne was resto Ta-
tion: We have already discussed the mosaic panels made by Ar<:hbishop
Rcparatus in Sant'Apollinarc in Cla~sc, and Archbishop Martin is said
to have restored the church of St. Eu phcmi:l (ld ; h"jl:tI:1fI because it Wll S
underwater, no Some chmch furnis hings werc provided; Agncllus d!.'Scrihcs
sOllle exam ples, and the previously mentioned elborll/ III for rhe church of
St. Elellchau ius, now in Sant'Apoll inare in Classe, was ma(le by a priest
nallled Peter during the reign of Archbishop Valeri us (ca. AD 789-810;
Fig. 104). In tll!.' late seventh ccmury, a bron"l,c cross was placed at the SUl\l-
mit of the O rthodox Baptistery, with an inscription com memorating its
patrOns Felix (the future archbishop?) and Stephen .'" Fin;I I1),. as already
mentioned, Ravenna's cathc<lral ami PpiHOpill'1I/ received additions in the
eighlh cemury. precisely the period in which the archbishops were emerg-
ing as the lllain amhority figures in the city. Archhishop Felix ad<ie<1 a
sw·crorilll1l , or entra nce chamber in which the d ergy assembled before pro-
cessing into the cathedra l, complete with a poetic inscription; in the Ordo
Rm1ll1ll1lJ" I, wh ich records the se\'cmh-cemury liturgy of Rome. the sr."-

rrfilrilllll plays an important role. 1u Felix also bu ilt a i/()//U/s, some kind
of residential builcling. o n the northeast sille of the cathedral. neA1: to the
baptistery, which still existcd in the twelfth ccotury, and wa5 destroycd
between 11 07 and 1 161. ' ' J Sometime in the eighth century, perhaps also at
the time of Felix, a tWO-story set o f arches anJ arcaJes was attached to the
outside of the tower that contains the fflpell'1I1r,r..Ir>'ar.1ih. and C. Ricci plau-
sibly suggested that this w~s the 1'i-;"oril/1/1 mentioned by Agnellu5, a Struc-
ture tor holding small animals, perhaps incl udi ng a fi shpond (Fig. 64)' ""
And finally Archhishop Valerius (ca. 789-810) built a "New I·l ouse. " or a
"Doillus Valeriana. " using building material taken from thc Arian episcopal
palaces; this st()()d next to the Domlls Pc/iris, allli remains survive within the
clirrent palace. ' ' S
By the ninth century, Ravenna's archuisho ps had ta ken control of the city
hoth IXJliticalIy and topographically. The episcopal complex was the center
of urban activity, and the trajectory begun by Maximia n and contimled by
his successors hac! reached its ultimate eA-pression. Ravenna was no longer
a capital. but reminders of its secular rulcrs werc c\fcrpvhcre, and would
imJlress future generations of resillents and visitors alike.
AFTERMATH, RAVENNA, AGN EL LUS . AN D TH E CAROL! NGIANS ' OS

' ''4. S, nt'-

"poI li .... '" in
G • ...,. dhqriM'" of
S.. £I.ucludi""
niIlth c<n'ury AI)

Aftennath : Rave nna, Agnellus, and th e Carolingians

A renewed sense of urban civic consciousness in Italy has been attributed

to the ninth century: in Verona and M ilan, for example, text5 were pro-
duced describing the cities and their major monumcms.,,6 Although it is
not usually considered in this con text, Agnellus's tPR is also a text that
makes a major argument for civic consciousness. Writing a history of the
city th.rough its bishops is a medieval, or at least a late antique, notion.
However, although Agncllus is cert:ilinly kcen to trace the ecdesiastkal
history of his see, he indudes a surprisingly large amount of infomlation
about the secular leaden; an d inhabitants of his city. \ Ve f~"C1 a dear sense
of local pride, which T. Brown has called cll1ltptlnilisTl/a: civic conscio usness,
awareness o f a citizenry, and other aspect.~ that would indicate that someone
was th inking about wha t city life meant in the early ninth century.' '7 Th.is
 RAVENNA CAPITAl. AD 600- 850

tcxt, then, ofiocrs tiS val uaole dues lor concepts of the d~ and urOan devel-
opment in the early J\1iI1(lle Ages. How (IOes Agnellus present Ravenna's
history and docs he pcriodizc any break bl'twecn latc antiquity and the early
i\'liddle Ages?
Cert~inly in one sense Agnellus's text is designed to emphasize contin u-
ity, in particular the continuit}' of the archbishoploic of Ravenna from rhe
first century to the ninth. The archiepiscopal succession is presented as an
a lmost seamless progression, occa sional ly marked by the intervention of an
emperor or pope. T he bishops regulate the church, build uuilclings, per-
form miracles, and arc imolvcd in thc secular life of the city. T he crowd of
citi7.ens o f Ravenna aIso sta nds as a "ontinuous prescnce within a city whosl.'
political afliliadons ch ange over time. It is dear that for Agnellus the dty
is not simply a collt'ction of buildings, but a center of population ;n which
the inhahjtallt~ are identified as Ravenllate citizens (dl'l'S J&n'r-ll1Ifltl'S ). ,, 8
Th e Ra vennare crowd and its l c~ders feature prominently in many stories
~bout Ravcnn~ ' 5 history up to the ninth century, c~pocially onee By7~1ntinc
control of the cit)' h;15 fallen apart. r '9 J ustin ian n kid n;lps not just the arch-
bishop, but <1 150 "all those noble by birth" in the cit}" With the loss of th"
leading citizens, a m~n named George (whom Agnellus claims as a relative)
orga nizes the remalniler, as well as the inhnbitants of subject cities, into a
mil iti a to light oft· the Byzantine army. "Nollie Ravennate judges," incl\J{l-
ing Agndlus 's great-grandfather, are mentioned later in the eighth century,
this time kid n ~pped by the pope. Although, as T. Brown ha~ sho\\'n, the
leadership of Ravennate society had changed from the sixth century to th"
eighth century, the,e lIof,iJI's still seem to represent urhan Se<"u lar author-
ity, wh ile tbe civ~." - '" the great and tbe lowly and those in the midd le, "
as Agndlus describes melll - are an importan t cOllllXlllent of the urban
landsca pe.
Pol itically, the ancient Roman Empire barely exists for Agndlus. Aside
from the fact that Apoll inaris, the KlUnder o f Ravcnna's sec, is said to bc a
disciple of St. Peter and to halle died in the rime of Vespasian, there arc no
references to me empire before the early fifth cenrury. After that, the city,
with the aid o f the bishops, moves fairly smoothly from imperial to 05tro-
gothic ami then to B ~'zalltin e rule; rulers mOlle ill ami out of the pali/timll.
The exarch takes quite an activc rolc in thc life of the church and people,
mediating in a dispute between archbishop and der~.'y, for t:.xam pJe, Qr serv-
ing a~ a judge in a business case involving an abbot. Unfortunate incidents,
such as the murcicr of various exarchs, are not mentioned by Agnellus.
Contacts between Ravenna and Constanti nople are portrayed as occurring
regularl}' up to the cighth century and include private commercia l venmrcs
and appeals ill court cases a~ well as official government business.
MTERMAT H: RAVENNA. AGNEllUS. AND TH E CA RO LING IANS ' 97

The urea l in this patrcrn Ol.-"Curs in the eighth ccnrury, and the unravel-
ing of thi ~ imperial relationship is Ilescribed by Agndlus in some detail,
as we have seen. It is these ruptures, which occurred in thc contcxt of the
I.'nd of By7.~ntine rule in Italy, that for Agncllm mark the end o f the old
order and the transition (0 the political situation that he knew, one in which
the archbishop was the sale authority figure within the city, although the
po pes and the Carolingian emperors lurk off.~tage anilmaJ.:e an occasional
nppcara nce.
As we have seen throughom this book, Agncllus's teA1: is particularly
important for what it tells us about the topography and structures o f
Ravenna. 'YVhile he occasiona lly mentions Roma n monumcms (the amphi -
meater, the .11l1dimll til/oll/ill') in the context of topographical references,
he is unintcrested in the J"()lIIllilifal or Ravenm, perhaps because, as the
ardlO1oology has shown, there really wasn't any. ' ·Vhat most fascinate him
abo ut the physical Structure of his dry ;Irc the late antique mOIl Ul1lenl~ to he
found there. Galla P laci d i~, the fifth-centllrY empress-regent who built scv-
eral churches, is one orhis heroi nes. Thcoderic too. who also constructed
churc hes and p~ l accs, and whose monumental 5t<lOle had only n.'Cl.'ntly
been carried ofl:" by Charlemagne. is another focus of attention. while as
for the chu rcht::s bu ilt iJ1 the mid-sixth centurr, San Vitale is "like no other
church in ltal y.~ Although in the late anti(IUe period there was a shift in me
focus of architectural patronage from secular to ccclcsiastka I buildings, I ,Q
in the l.PR we can sc"c that walls, palacC"s, and othcr secular monuments were
just as important <l p<lrt ofdle antique fubric as the churches, and continued
[(J be important into the ninm century.

Of [be churcbes mentioned by AgnclJus, mos[ were s[iU standing, and

presumably in use, in the early ninth century. Only four are described as
destroyed, although others arc said to lie in lleed of repai r, and Agnel-
Ius describes somt: repairs sponsored by Qutsillers induding tht: popt:5 amI
Lomba rd kings. Likewise, although somC" palaces arC" in ruins or arc being
clismanrled, the city walls and the main palace arc described in the presem
tense, anti Agnellus states that at least one bath was still operating in his
day, which seems to indicate that the water supply still functioned at somc
Ie\'el. Through the text, then, we get a sense of slightly crumbling glory.
If memorics of the Ravenna 's imperial past were apparent on all sides, by
the ninth cenOlry they seem ro have inspired tht: ({esirt: to remove pieces in
ordcr to appro pria tc some of that glory. One conscq\lcncC" of tllC decaying
state of the city's fabric is thar older buildings were often destroyed, or H
least mined , for Imilding and decorative materials. The best-known example
of such spoliation is that donc by Charlemagnc, but several other imtancC"s
of destrut.:tion or removal are also mentioned by Agnellus. H e tells us that
'9' RAVEN N A CAPITAl. AD 600- 850

he himself dismantled a pa lace built outSide the city by Thoodcric, ill or(lcr
to use the building materials for his own house. Bishop Valerius appa rently
did the same thing to two cpi$ropill built by the Arian Ostrogoths; accord-
ing to Agncllus, rhe dl,'strm:rioll rook place around the yea r 816. A bishop
of Bologna ~c;lrrieJ off" a sarcophagus supposedl}' dating [Q the tim e of
Apol1imris, and took it ro his own Ch\IITh at Bologna, around 834. 111
It is documented in two places Oth d thall the LPR that Charlemagne
took .,.polill, that is, uS/.'(\ buii{ling materia ls, from Ravenna. I " In his ViM
KnrQii !HI/gil;, as part of the description of the Aachen Palatine C.hapel,
Einhllrd notcs that" ... since he could /lot get columns and marble From
elsewhere, he rook the rrouble of having rhem brO\lght from Rome and
Ravenna." ", T his is confirmed by a letter from Pope I iaJriall I lO Charle-
magne, dating to 787, authori~ing hi m to take "mosaic and marble amI
other materi als both from the floors and the walls" of an unnamed palace
in Ravenna. " 4 Sinc!.' Ravenna was no longer the residence of a h igh-It.·vel
ru ler, it is ohen a~~'1,]Jned that Charlemagne (li~mant!c(l the main Ostro-
g'othiclexarchal palace. but, as we havc sccn, there wcre several other pa laces
inside and ncar Ravenna that may have been meant. In the Aachen chapd.
the so-ca lled "thronc of Charlemagne" is made of antique sroIia, as are
most o f tht: columns, including some or green porphyry and red Egyptian
granite. None of these pie<:e~ can be defini tely linke(l to Ravenna, but the
rarity and high quali ty o f the stones would justity bringing them all the way
fromltaly. "5
Agncllus docs not mention the removal of these building materials by
Charlemagne, but he cloes relate an event which took place some four-
teen ye~rs l~ter, just ~ftCl· Charlemagne's imperial coronation . Agnellus
tells of all equestrian statue, whose rider was accepted as being Theoderic:
Charlemagne took this statue back to Francia and set it up in his palace at
Aacht:n J:6 T he prt:Sence o f the statue in Aacht:n is confi rmed by a poem
written in 8;9 by \Valahfrid 5tr~bo in which the poel ticscribcs a statue
wi t h many correspondi ng featu res in the palace complex at Aachen and
interprets it allegorically as a symbol of pride anti greed. "7 Charlemagne
was not the last emperor to take spolia from Rave nna. Agnellus describes a
large piece of pol ished Ix!r phyry in the church of San Severo, which was
taken to Francia on the order o f Emperor Lothar and used as a table in the
church of St. Seb~stian; Agnellus knows this beca\lSe he himself was the ont
who su pcn ·ised its packing, "but with my heart full of gr i cf." "~
i'a\ll the Deacon, in his gcographyof ltaly, names Ra \'enna as ~nob l estof
cities'" (llo/tilissilllr1 fIINfllII ). 5axo Poeta, who in the late ninth century wrote
~n epic poem about C h,l rlemagne, tiescribes Ravenna as "beautifu l" ( pulcnl )
and "famous'" (ji/IlJOSII).' 1'1 If Raven na was noble and beautiful and famous,
it was bcca usc of its glamorous latc antique past that \\';lS still so cvitlcnt
AFTERMATH, RAVENNA, AGN ELLU S. AN D TH E CAROL! NGIANS 'W

in the ci ty. The huildings and infrastructure constructed at the height of

Ra'·enna 's po,,",er ""'ere useable and us~-d into the Middle Ages and could
servcas inspiration hoth for new rulers with imperial amhitions and fur new
generations of Ra\'cnna's own inhabitants. Ravenna in the ninth century was
in one sense a relic oflate anti'luity, but it was a relic ",;th a heartbeat, with a
civic conr.ciousness that did not need to be reinvented, hut had maintained
itself th roughout the centuries in which darl..,ess had owna ken the rest of
the Roman world .
APPENDIX , TABLES

Table [. Roman em perors

T hroJO'lius I 39' 395

H onori u, 395- 4'3 An;. di""
[J oh.n 4'3-·.,sl TheOOosius II
V,lem;n;,n III 4'.1- 455
j\1,ximi.n <5, Morei.n 4)<>-457
IRicimcr -- \'orio'"'l 455- ·m COO, 457-474
Romulus Augustulu.
", Leo II
Zeno
."
474--49'
Ano<r:.siu< I 49 1- 5,8
J ustin I 518- 5'7
JlI>1:ini.n [ 5'7- 565
Justin II 565- 578
Til.erius II Constantine 57 8- 581
fo.b uricc 58 ' -&:>1
,,=
l lcr>dius
6",-610
6,0-64 '
Consuns II 0.,-068
Canst.mine JV 668-6 8 5
J",-rini'n 11 68 5-095
Leontios
TiLerius III
"",-0"
6<)8--7°5
J ustini.n 11 705-"1 [r
PhilippicllS 7' [- 7'3
Ano<milL< 11 7'3- 7,6
'lneodosiu. III 7 1 6--7'7
Leo III 7'7--74'
Con.tontine V 74[ - 775
301 .... PPENDIX'T .... BL ES

Table" Kingsof l taly

Odooecr 476-493
Theodcric 493 - 5 16
Ath.l.ric )16-534
Th~~)(lah.d 534- 53 6
Witigis 536-540
J-lild cb.d 540-54'
Emic 54 1
Totil. 54 1 - 5)1
Tci. 55'-553

T able ,. Exarchs (with .nested titles)

N.rses ('.. g. p,trieius, rroepositus SlICri p.l,tii) 55[ - 566181

l.onginus (procfectus proetorio) co. 567- 57'
Zoeh"i.. (p.t,icius) 565 or)7o
n.du.riu, (p.tricius, curop" l.tcs) 575- 577
D.",ius (potrieius v.g .. c •• rchus) ,",
Sm.rogdus (p"triciu, et e",rebus) c •. 585-589
J uli." (ex. rebus) 5891
Rom.nu, (p.rrieius er e,;arehu, It.li•• v.e . v.g.) 590""59'>
Gugory (prnef"",m prnetorio v.g.) 595
j ohn (j, .... cfccrus proCtorio ltoli,. v.c.) 5911,600
C.lIicinu, (p.!ricius et eXll rehus) co. 5<]6-599 or 60,
Sm.rogdus (p3tricius Ct ",,"rebus) co. 601--.608 or 6, 3
j ohn (e .. rchus) 6080r61J-<\16
[ Ieutberiu, (p.trieiu. et cubieul. ,ius) 616-<i 19
Gregory (potri";us Rom.""",m) 6 , 9'"""'5' 5
I".c (p.trieiu, et .... rehus It.li.e) 6'5-<>4J
"]1>eOOOTC Coll iop •• (potricius ex. rchus) 6H-eo. 64)
p l.to (p.nicius v.g. v.c.) 645- 16 49
O l}mpiu. (cuhiculorius ct e",rehus) 649'"""'55'
Th<~,Jorc Coll io],"s (po,ricius <~ ex.",hus) 653-666
Gregory (enrehus) 666-hef, 678
"llIMoTC (p.tricius et c"",rous v.e.) c •. 678--687
John Pht)"ll (.xo",hus v.g.) 687-<.io;l' or her. 70 [
no ex.reb 1 ~' -7°[
"J1>eophylocr (cubiculorius, potricius.~ "", re!lllS I"li.c) 70 [- 70 5
no exarchl 705- 7'0
j ohn Rin>copu' (potricius e, "nrchus) , '0
EU,}'chi,,-, (p.rri.oius eo: ...",h,,-,) 7' 0-713
5ohol..,icus (cubieulorius, p.tricius et e",rehus It.li.e) c •. 7'3-<11.7'3.'
,-
1'.,,1 (potricius <"t " .. ",hus) c •. 7'3- 7,6
[ u'}..,hiu, (p.rricius ct ex.rehus) 7'7- 75 1
Nott: Dem..,J from Brown, '9!4, f'P' '47-41,; Fcrlugo, "L '<>area'o, • [99'; ",J uni,,;. '99li.
I'- 377
APPEND IX: TAllLES

Table 4. Lombard kinb'S

A1boill 56 5- 57 1
Cleph 5F- SH
l lnterrcpltlm 5i4-5S.~1
:\uthari 584-590
Agilulf 59 0 - 6 [6
A,bloalrl 616-6:6
Arioald 6dl--03°
Roth3ri 63 6 -6P
Rodoald 65 1 --653
Ari pert I 6)3--66 .
GodClJl:rt 66 1 -66~
Pcrctarit 66 1--66:
Gl'iJllo~ld 66!-67 '
G~ribal'[ 67 '
Pcrctarit 67 [--(lilt!
CUlliper[ 688-689
Alahis 689
C Ul1jl~r[ 68 9- 700
Liutpt:rt 7=-7 02
Raginl~ ''t 70~

Ari pert II 70! - 7 t!

Ansprand 7"
Limprund 7 11 - 744
Hildeprand 744
R~tLhi s 744-'749
Aistulf 749-75 6
D<:sid"rius 756--]i4
 APPENDIX: TABLES

Table 5. Bishops uf Ravenna

Apollinaris
Aderirus
t:Jcu~' ilJiU 5
Mardan
C"IQC(!("IIS
PrO<;lllllS
Probus I
O:ltuS
L iberius J
Agapitus
M~ n;e lJj nus
5<:"cru~
Liberius II
Probus II
F lorcntill~
Lik rius III
Ursus ca, 40 5-.n I?
P"' .. r I C~. 431 - 4)0
N eun ca. 4,0-473
E~'llper:ln ril ls ca·4B-H7
John I 4ii - 494
P eter II -f'J{- F O
.o\urd i:m 5!T
Ecdcsius 52 2 -53 2
Ursicinus 533- 53 6
Victor 53 8- 545
Ma.l linian 546-557
Agncl1us 557-570
P~tcr III 570-57 8
John II 57 B- 595
M"ri ni nll 595-606
John 111 Oo6--6l;
John rv 6zj-Op
Bonus 6j l -6{!
1\1nurus 64!-('7 1
Re p ~r.ll\'S 67 1 -6;;
TheOllorc 677-69 1
D,uuian 69!-708
Felix 709-7 2 5
John V 7! 6- 744
Sergius 744- 76 9
Leu ca. ;;o-i7 8
John VI ca. n H-785
Gratiusus ca. 786-789
V~lerim ca· 7 R9-1h o
l\tarri n ca,8 1O-8IB
Petronax Ca. BIR-837
Geo rge ca. R.H - R46
APPEND IX: TAllLES

T able 6. Popes

i:'tl<,r
Linus ca. 70
Clems ca.85
Clctntom l'a· 95
Aneclitus ~'I)l)e

E\'u isms ca. 1 00

Alexa nder (',).11 0
Si~1:uS I ca. 1 10
T~lcsphor1.ls ca. 13 0
Il yginlls e.l. 140
Pius I ta. '45
Anil:~nls loa. 160
S<)u:r Col. 170
Elcufhnus ca. 180
Victor c a. 195
Zt:ph )' rinu~ 19 8/ 9-: 17
Cailisms 11 7- ll1
Urhan I l!l - l j O
Pun lian 2.1 0- 2 35
AnTero:; 13 5-:36
F"I],i:1I1 13 6 - 1 50
Cornelius "5, -z53
Lucius !)3- 1H
Sttophcn I 254- 257
S;:o.ws II 157- :58
Dion},sius .6(,>-167
Felix I 268-1 73
EmychiJIl "74- : 81
G ~ ius 28: - 295
.\ 'larcellinus 295-3°3
Marcdl\l~ 30516- .106/;
Eu.<;<,' billS ; 08
.\filTi>l<le~ 3 10-3'4
Sikl'sl~r 3 1 4- 335
.\'I~rk .) 36
Julius 1 3H- 3)!
Libcrius I 35:- 366
feli~ II 355- 365
DamaSus 3 66 -)84
Siricill~ 384- 399
Anaslasius I 399- 4 0112
I nno<:;CnT I 4 o r12 - .P 7
ZlsilllllS 'P i-4 IH
Boniface 1 4IS- .pl
Cde~ine I 4 l1 - ·H!

(omlj""cd )
 .... PPENDIX'T .... BL ES

Table 6 (ro1ltinlld)

Sinus III 43'-44°

I.e., I the e",.. 440--+6,
Hil.ry 461 - 468
Sillll'licius 46 8--<!23
Felix 111 48 3- 49'
Gel ..ius 49 2- 40
Anostosius [I 4¢-49B
S),numchu, 498--5 14
Ilonnisd1S 5'4-513
John I 5'3- 5'6
Felix TV 5.6-53 0
Iklllifoce II 530--531
John II 533-535
Ag'l'ims 535-53 6
Silveri .... 5)6-537
Vigili"" 537-555
I'''] ' giu. r 556-5 6 ,
John 111 561 - 574
Hcn<.Jic~ I

,-
575 - 579
1'd'giu, II 579"190
G regory r the Gre ..
S.bin i.n
llonifocc III
Honif..,c IV
""-
""""",
"",-"
Deusdedit 6t5-61~
Honifocc V 6t!)-6'5
l-1<1norius 6, 5-6)8
Severinu, 0,0
John IV 0,....'
·l"neodore 6'P-049
M.rtin I 4<)-653
EugL"C I 654-657
Vito li", 657-67 2
A,leod"u, 67'-67 6
Don"" 671i-67 8
Agotho 678-681
Le<J \I 68·-683
Iknedict II 68 4-685
John V
Co"~
",--
"'-'"
Sergius J 68 7-7 01
John VI 70 ' -'7 0 5
Jolm VII
Si,innius ,,,,
70 5-'7 0 7

Const.ntine 70 8-] 15

(amfi",,,d)
APrENDIX, TABl ES '''7

Grq:ory II 7 I S-1J1
G rq:ory III 7J1 -14'
Zach.rias 74 1- 751
Sttphm II 751-157
Poul I 757- 768
Stephen III 768-77'
I .. d T;m 1 77' - 797
Leo III 797-8 ,6
Stcph.., IV 8,~'7

P"""h.l l 8'7-8'4
Eugene II 8' 4-8 17
V. [""tint 8"
Grq:ory IV 81 7-8«
Sergius n 8«-6..,
I...,., ,v 847-655
Tal>1c 7, Dimensions of R,,'cnna's l>asilic.s

N ..'e, • of Tot.1
aislcs rolwnns width Noye Aisle AI"'" AI"'"
Church n ne length per row (C>1.) width width width depth
,
U.,;i.na C.thed ... 1(Fig. '0)
San Gi"... nni b'angdi.ta. ,.~ ph.", ( r ig. ,,,)
S.n Gio'",mi E'""gclista"nd ph.se (Fig. I [) " .'
Ca. 4"""

)
00
H
4,·6
,' 4 (4 wws)

,"
•J
'4, j
'+5
'5
[".1
[0. I
5'
,
5·'
',.
,,,.,
[0.1
•8,
8)
,
St. Agnes
"co. 45"" '9-3 8,
,
Saot' AVro ,\ loggiorc (Fig, , 7)
S.nt'AI'0IJinarc NuO\'o (Fig. 46)
4 i""
co. 500 "
35' S
"
,"
'3·5
's
00
•. •"
,o.S
5'
) 95 J.5
S.nto Spirito (Ari.n co!hed ... l, Fig, 59)
C.'llian"" ( Fig, 0)
San Michdc in Afr;ntlll (Fig. 88)
co,5°O
6th c.
'0.8
35·5°
'+4 6
"
, (pi=)
[8,5
"
10.10 •., )5
S=
5'
'"
S, ot'Al"'llinore. CI.sse (Fig. 9")
eo. 545
nOS----54"" 47-'5
"
's
l' ''''
'4·5 " 7· '7
4-93
"4
3·7'
'4
S.n St,,'ern. Closse (Fig. 99) 4+ 65 11·35 5' 8. I 5
53" " " .6
N.", Onlf basili'" chu"'.... with tu""o, aisleo, .oJ '1-' U '€included here; oome J", fro." ch""' .... thot do not ",,,ive tod'f (tl>< Ur<i"". ""thed"l, the
C,'Bi.nca, St. Agoco) ar< 'f'<"ul.","", . nd ,II mc-..urc",,"'" a... approxim,"',
NOTES

One. Introd u('(io n

Chrysos, .005 , PI" 106 T-l, who nutcs dUT ."fill'" imp ..r;' is also commun.
Duval, ' 9')j . p. Tl9 ·
3 Set' CUrr;o n . • 000, PI" 43-7·
4 This is a ,]tK'Stiull thar 1lI3ny schola rs h3\'C n::ccntl~' disclls.<;<:d; sec most rcccnd~·
Sbr.lzzi, : oo(i ; ~1~ ,\ h zza. 1005. pp. 8- 17 : P~ni Ennini, !OO5; ,Inicies in
the wl1cnion Sfdr!,- Rrgiar. lOOO, cd. RipolllGun, esp. thuS<.' by J. Arcc amI
S. ('",liehi; Dm"JI, 1!;!J( ; and Curd.:, 19<)3-
5 -'11t~rt: is all t:xttnsiw:: l:.iLliognphy on {his topic; set: 111OS( n-ttndy Cun:ic, 1993 ;
and Ihklini LipJlO lis, !OO! , esp. PI" .l!r46. and "~ {h a catalog ofinrli,~dual si tes.
6 Joffe, 199H, p. ,07- MD iselllbeclded," 'lL~orlliJlg to the fit'S1 pr"lxlIlenl oftbi~
tcnn, meant th~t tht: ~apital Wa, re moved (rom existing economic and so<:ial
networks, hur J offe notes ,haT in f.ler all ~Ilth t apir9ls wert' fll]]Y embedded in
their socio<:conomic matrices. i\ f"w ex~mples fmlll ,'"riou~ hist')rk~l peri/xis
inc1udt Al.;hcn~tl·n's tapi tal at T ell c1. Am arn:l in Egypt; Ab basid B~ghd~d;
Washington, DC, USA; and Ll r;lsilia, BF.lziJ.
7 .\hna. ~ oo5, pp. t o- I!, points ou[ that if a city did not h:1I"e a lradilion that
gromted it legitimacy, one ha d to be ercoted for it. as happened, most $Ucec,,-
fuily, at Constantinuple.
8 Chrpus, 1005, pp. 1061- 1-
? Of the \'a~t schola rly litcr:lt\HC on this ~\lbjcet, sec cspeeiJll)' for Italy La Roce;l,
1')91; Gdichi, 191)4. \VarJ-P.:rkins, ' 997; Brugiolu/Gclidli, L99ll esp. cbs. L
~nd ~ on the historiography of the d.. hatej and Christie, : 006, pp. ISJ- !flo,
with com plete bibliography.
10 C..elkhi, ~OO!, p. If! L.
I I Brown/Christie, [9$9, PI" 3f!3- 4'

1 1 SIJuatriti. I<)r):, p. S.
13 See Hertt:11i, 1<')99'
",. S~e D djy~nnis, ~(1., woo, PI" 67- 79'
15 Sl' C ibi(l.. pp. I 1- 19.
16 Set' Dcli),annis. MAI)(lu t the Ubrl'polllijim/iJ," 1008.
17 """sin,,, "La fortuna ," InS, anJ ide",. ed .. 1991 .
IS See Ropa. ' 9').' : and De1iy~nnis, ed., l oo6, pp.@-'] r.
3'" Nons TO PAGIS 7-15

[9 Vas;"" "L. fonuna," 1978, PI'. lao-I ,

>0 Ibid., pp. 811--95-
, 1 DeliY"nnis. ed., ,006, PI'· 53-<57.
22 On T ... ,'crsori, see Clarke, '997. PI'. '6sr75; particul. rly imc,,-'S.ing is mot
Tro.vc"",ri C<01np'rcJ ]hvcnn.·s .n ond .,.chi,,,,,rure fovo ... bly to thot of Rome,
showing th" the ri,.. lry cominued into the Rcn.issonce.
I J V•• ina, "L. furrun.," '978, p. ''3; No\':l", ,9<)8, PI" '5-16.
'4 Iknericetti, 19W. 1'1" 45-7. d<--scrihc" 'he historic.1 writings of Ferretti In
det:lil; the m.nuscripts .re V... Lot. 3753. 4!J68. 5441, 5831; VOl. Uri>. 408;
V ... Ib m. '479. '746; ond Fire""" RibL N,,;. 11.1 V. I74_
'5 Deliyonnis, ed., .006, PI" 711--9·
,6 Sec esp. Vos;"., "Il,-"cd("tto llaccilini," '978 .
'7 Nov ..., ]InS.
,8 SeeM.iol~ '9!A esp. p. 376.
'9 See e.<p_ Bm';ni, "Principal; Test:.uri.~ 19M: . nd IannUtti, "II mOll""l"o rit_
nw.to,~ ,!}?ti.
)0 Nov . ..., I9¢!. PI'· '3- 5-
J1 Iannucci. 19')6, "\1 '\lousoleo:' 1'_ 184-
P Sce . good summ.'}' .. http://www.elllilioroll.. gn •. l>enicultunli.;tlindex.ph1.?
cn/ I , 511. _nosei'" _dell <'-SOP rin I endcU1.c_i n _("ti Ii._rom. gn •.
H Vols. I - H (1911 - 19'9); n.s. vol. 1-6"')4- 51 (19J0-39~ Jrclser. vol>. 1-
_W=5'-100 (195<>----li9); 4th .cr. vol •. 1-4l= I01-1 08 (1970-74), vol •. 10<)-1 56
(1975 - 1000).
H The excO\·.tions "'ere only po " ially published", the time: recemly the notes,
d,..wings, .nd photographs h,,'e l>e<:n publish",1 in Suini, 19'}8; Non""
Pilla,;,,,,,. '001; .lId Augemi, ed .. '00'.
H Sec espoci.lly Cirelli, 1005.
J6 For. deroiled dc,.;ription, see M.llzclli. /Vr"''''''', 1000, PI', )J-4l; ROllcuzzi,
1005, p. )86: .lId I'i.ncastclli. ")0+ Roncuz"; lIotes, Pl'. )~IH}, tho! reee",
indLl<tri. 1 cn,..("tion of ,,'"ltCr and methane go< fro", l"'nC3th the ,urf. (., h..
increased the ,..te of .ubsidence to 1 III pcr cemury, but Piallcastelli points nul
th.t this high nte Iu, deere.sed .illce the '97os, and is now neorlyb. ck to the
origin. l ,..te_
37 See ROIlCUZZ;, '005 , p. J89 .lId fig. '0: llcnttond_Mom.n.ri, "I)ell>og",fi. ,-
' 990. Pl' · 4 I- '; ond M.nzd l~ /(go"","", '000. 1'1'. J9-'t'.
3~ For example, LPR eM, 8J, 168. ~loSl compreh.nsi,·ely expl.ined by M,nleUi:
/Un"""", '000, Pl'. 39-4': sec.1so Forioli C.mp.noti, '977, p. 9·
39 J\hM.clli, "Loji;n= ,m,iJ,~ ,00 ' , 1'1" 45-6·
40 Nov.,.., 19'}K
4' -rhe exc .... tions were only p.rri.l ly published.t the time (Ghi"'rdini, 19,6);
rccem~·thc notes, dr'''''ings. .Dd photogr.phs h.ve I>e<:I1 published in S..-ini,
1998; and No... "" Pala,;""" 1001.
4' Augemi, 100J, .lId idem , "Nuov. ind.gini," }005,
43 o,rtesi, 1978 .lId 1980; RoncuzziIVeggi, l<}6ll. For criticism, of the test -pit
"""'piing, sec Maioli, '990, p. 383; ~hn,..clli, Rat'n",,,, 1000, n. "9 .nd 1)0;
.nd Cirelli, .ooS, pp . '9 .nd 67.
+I M.m.clli, Ruwmra, }OOO,
4, Cirelli, l005 •• lId idem, 1<>OS: the lotter..-os published too lot. to k fully
consulted for this book.
NOTES TO PAGE S ]5-2] 3"

46 1l0wersod:lllrowniGnbor, eds_, '999.

47 S'rzygowski's book, Orimt odrr R<m1, published in [9"[, proposed th., early
Christian art rl,..".- its inspiration lorgely from eastern Medi,e"..ne.n n,her
th.n clossi,,1 Rom.. n sources.
48 G . lassi, J 930; essenti. lly followed by """y loter scho!.rs; for figuntive .rt, .tt
Ri""ardi. "1 mos.ic; ]l"rieul i," ")OS, pp. '33- 5-
49 Stt Dcichm.nn, [9"9. pp. ' 43-6 .nd 353--7, for de"'iled summ.ries of the
schobr1y li'entture on the "O rient o.lct Rom~ ,Ieb.te, Rus.'o, "I:u,,,hitenun:·
")OS·
50 \ Vh.rton. [995 , Pl'· 3- 12; .. 1'1'- '53'"9> she no'e. ,h.t in .urwy" of western!
,\-Icdi'er",ne.n . rt, R,,-cnlUl h... Iw.ys occupied.n ".mbivalent center" ...
wes,ern OutpOS' of llyzantine .rt: "the locus for the d.ngerous shift from cl. s·
sic.l (n.turn). good, mo,..l, .killed. m.sculine) to post cI.ssical (unn.tunl . bod,
degener..e. unsk illed, fem.le)_ .. _R.venn.'s .n is good ;nsof... os R,,-enn. '.
location is constructed OS the \Vest .n,lp<"<>hl."" .. ic ..·hen i, is c-onstl"llCu-d os
the [ost. thOl i-s. the western outpost of Hyzantiurn~ (p_ 1;8)_
5' Elsner, '0(" .
.I' The fund.menlOl mldy is Deiclunann, '9H, 1'1'- 4 [- 5 5, who notes ,h', impost
hlocks probtbly origin..,~d os a way of leveling spoliated colunulS .nd c'pi",1s
of differen, heights. D eichm."" offeN a few fifth.century . .. mplcs from the
Aege.n in order to .how that the fe.tore originated in the [ ost; he rejects the
'"'''''pies from S.n Giorgio AI'ggiOTe in Naples by .. ying th .. the date (usu.lIy
gi>"<"n at .mun.l 400) is undeterm ined, .nd likewi<e <eem.< uninterested in 'he
e-'"mple of Ss. Gio .... nni e 1'.010 in Rome, of .bout the ..me dote. Russo,
"L'o",hi'cttuTO:· l005, 1" 9 1.... ggests thot the pheno",en<>n hegon not in
O:",st.ntinople .nd the East, but in North Africo. In bght of .",h.cologicol.nd
.",hitectUrnl inv"",,igotions since '9H, by which ",-"\'e,..1 of Dcichma nn 's ,",.m-
pies h,,-e been redated, .nother .tudy of ,hi. question i. w"''''nted, .lthough
it i. beyond the scope of the present book.
53 S'"C De Angdis d'o..<:It, '9,11, PI'. '37- 55, for. deta il ed di.<eus.<ion, . nd mOre
recently Whitehouse, '988; for comp.,,";'-e moterial, see Russo, 1<)96, and
idem, 'OOS ' 1'1'. 9'- 3,
.14 On the fifth-century sculp,,"c, sec most recently Forioli. l005 _
5.1 S.., most recently Christie. ,006, pp. J 3<>---) and ,08- 1,. The debttc is summa -
rized by B",nl<, '987, .nd Ward.]'erbn., 'm; ]) eichmann, '975 , sow spoli. os
more pr.gmatic th.n ')'InOOlic, where .. others, including, e,g_, Krautheimer,
'¢" h..'e Sttn .esthetic and ideologic.l o\'CrtOnes, and \Vard. l'erki"s, J 999,
OTguCS for IK>th. See .1«, Il r'-""k. 1987; I'cn .. I"-",,o, r995; Kinney. '997 .nd
'00[; and Elsner, '''''4. Most of these studies focus on Rome .
.16 S.><: M.guire. '¢li, ""1'- PI'· 8- , .I; sec .bo J one">, '998, Pl'· <'-9.

T " .... Ro m.n le,.."nn.

J S.., e.p. Potitucci Uggeri, '005 ; Ronco""i, '005 ; F.bbri. '<}90, [99[ . and '004;
. nd Abn?clli, Rinom,,,,, 1000, PI'. 3 ,-8.
, Pot;tucci Uggeri, '005 .
3 S.., Ronco Z7j, '005 ; and Fabbri, [<)90 , for survey, of the geology ond geomor-
pholo8}' of Ro,·enn. in the prehistoric .n,1 Rom.n periods_ See .bo F.hhri,
,oof, pp, '7- [80
3" NOTE S TO "AGES 21-24

4 I' linythe Elder, Hjmma ""lIIra/is, ).10; see F.bbr~ '9!JO, pp. '4-5-
5 See Patirucci Ugg<:ri, 100;, 6g. [. For. deor and roncise d=rip,ion of ,h.
" 0'. cou,,", from the pre-Rom.n or:>. 10 the mid-twclhh ccnruT)', set: idem,
PI" 'sB--9· 0" m itud"" to the ri,'cr Po in the Rom.n period, see FaLLi, '00[,
PI" 1011--9.
6 M.nzclli. RIIt'tmIIl, woo, p. 3', slales lh01 con6gur.tions ofthcse "'.{ermurses
C1nnot be really mown ,
7 On the prehistoric on:ha.,ology of the region around Ravenna, '0'" "ennond
Montanari, "[)emog"'r,.,~ '990; .nd Alogn."i, lOOI , PI'· 33--9-
8 r.hn7-clli, T?JnJ<1t1ltl, '000, PI'· gS- lOI and '''. esp. for the finds.t the Vi.
D'Azcglio .nd Vi. C. Morigi. cxc"".tions.; see .Iso Bcnnond Manton.ri,
"L ';mpi.nto," J 9')0; .nd M.nzdli, "R,,' cnn., lit,. ci,,,"," lOOO.
9 Mognoni, lOOI, p. H - but it seems to reod 100 much into the much loter
sUtcmcnts of Str:abo, Pliny 01 . 1., to .ssume th .. there were differelll ethnic
gmurs in this .re,.
[0 On the prehistoric Adriatic cmst. see Mol"'t~ w05 ; on [",Iy genenlly. see,
e.g .• Pollonino. [991.
[' On the texnu l sou",.,. for Rom.n R.verm., seeespeci.lly V.nuone, [990; .nd
M.nr.clli. Rut"WlA, lOOO, pp. 1<>--30.
[, S'!':Ibo. GtDgrllpby, 5. L 7 ,nd 5. L [ ,; sec ,\\ogn.ni, '00 [, pp. , 5--9- who notes
that Zosimus in his Hist""" NIlI.'R. S. '7, olso soys th.t Thessa~'n' rounded it.
See olso Rd"",ehi, [998, PI'. 30~-5.
'J I'liny the Elder. Hi""",, ,wt1ira/is, )'46 (or J. '0); see M.gn.ni, ,00 '. 1'1'_'9""J "
who proroses thot Pliny should instead be re.d as referring to the Umbri.n
",,,,,,hers of the tribe S,pini •.
[~ ['tolemy, GrogrRpby, 3.'. '0, di,.;ussed by M.tn.te/Violante, 1995, p. [Ol.
[5 Sec Vonuonc. 199", Pl" 5'---1.
[6 See Pellegrini . [9')0, ror. complete discussion of this issuc; see .Iso Bermond
Monton.ri, "])"",og",fio.~ '990. p . .\9.
[7 I>ellegrini, '990, Pl" 7<>--"
[8 M.n.udli. 199". notes thot this linking of R..'enn•• nd Spin. goes bod 10
hislOrions ..nd ""tiquorions of the ,ineenth cenmry.
[9 Fobbri. '990.1'1'- ll - J; o\1a1luti. 1005. 1'_ 3' - On Spin •• see most re<;e1]tly
Rebocchi. e<l .• 'ws; .nd Hi.nchi, 100'.
'0 Rebocchi, [993 .nd 19'fi; Stt .Iso 1'. FobLr;, [990, p. [3.
11 M.nzelli. RiwmnA, lOOO, p. '1 .
" 1'.lost influenti.lly by 'l 'esti_ Raspon i, cd., [9' 4, Pl'. 116--[ 8; followe<l by llevini,
"Le origini," '956; o\1"..-,o ni, 107; Fell •.,,; 1'.1.;. 109; 1'. 1a'3,oni. '970; n'h -
ers. not.bly. Ahnsuclli. 107 ond [97[. place the origin under Claudius. See
M.,17.clli. 1ltn'<1ln8, '000, p. '05,
1) Manzelli. 1ltn'<1ln8, '000, pp_ T 18- '4; M.gn.ni, lOO) . Pl'· 34- 5.
'4 On the w.Us, «'<' ""l",ci.. lly Fobbri. 1<><>4; ,\ Ionzclh. "u mun." 100 [; III.n,dli,
"Le fonificazioni ." '000, pp. )1-8. On lhe chemical m,keup of the mon ... sec
o",t./G onifrognon.l00[.
15 On ,he 'YI'c "f bricks, sec Righini, '990. Pl'. ,63-8, : Abnwlli, "Le fortifi _
cazioni." '000. Pl'. 34- S, .nd "Le mun.~ lOOI. Pl'. [1- l4.
,6 M.Il7.clli. "u fonific:ozioni," '000, p. 33. The dote hos been contra,·.... i.l.
])eichm.nn. J9fi9, pr. 14- 5•• rgu~'S that the w.ll d,te. to the late second
NOTES TO PAGE S 24-26 ,.,
century, on the basis of the letters st:llllped on the bricks, which he claims
would not h ..'e been used in ,his P"" of 1t:l1y in ,he third centu')', C .pdlini,
'993, PP, 471f-, describes evidence from ",-'VeN I sites exc>voted in 1?8)4l thot
sup]>On the ,hesis of one I.te . ntique or early llledic...1 found.tion for the
walls. li e cites the """"ion of".. 11 '"' ..... ted .. Porn S. Vitror" (p. 50) as rut_
ting through .n imperi.I...,,.. house th .. was built in the first or second century
.nd abandoned in the th ird.
'7 Geliehi. '005, 1" 833- 4' There h.s been Some JiscU$;,m . IKIU' ,,'hother the
"",IJ Ihot " 'OS Jisco,'ered " ... j>3"'Ucl to, but nol the same.s. the ..stem w. 1l
of 'he r"'-1::mglllor oppid"", enshrined in 'he late .nti'llle w.1I (e_g_, Mainij, "L.
To]>Ogr.6 • . " '005, P, 46), hilt other ""bul.n h ..'e concluded thot they do f.1l
on the ""me lines .nd thot ,he lotc antique " ..II prot.ably I.rgely follo,,'cJ the
poth of the republicon " .. U <A"nzelij, Ril<'t1Ina, '000, pp , '04- 5, .nd Gelichi,
'005, p. 83')'
,8 F. bhri, )004, p. 10, esp. n. " , ,h inh th .. thert! w. s • w.1I on the north_
east th.t did not include the w"er<:OUrsel; Manzelli. "u forti(,cozioni," '000,
p. )8, and p. 44 n , 5'. also belie,'os th at there was • wall on this side, but leO\'es
the qucstion open; see .Iso "lonzclli . i?1n'<"'''', '000, 1'- '05 -
'9 ,\bnrelli, RAt..""", 1000, pp. 974l.
)0 ,\ lognan~ '001, p, )6.
)' ,\loln .. elViolonte, '995, pp. " (}-17; Magn.ni, '001 , pp. )(}-7; M.nzelli,
"R..enn. , un. ci,d," '000, p. 6>.
3' T1'llm,mti, 199i ; " 1.n",lIi, "Le fortificnioni." '000, pp. 3 5-6; ide~n, " R.venn •.
w," oitt .. ," 1000, p. 6+

) 3 Stntbo, G'.Vaphy. 5-' _, I; Rchcceh i. 1998, Pl" 3°'- ,; M.nzelli, i?JJVmtliJ, '000,
pp, ,,- ) n. 33, nolcs thot there is no concrCle evidence for this,
H S<,<, I'.,irucci U ggeri, '005 , Pl" ,8B-:1S; Uggeri, '997; F'rioli C.mp,n .. i, '977,
p. II.
) 5 For the latter "gument, see CireUi, 1008, P, 67,
36 '[he si,es of Vi, C. "Iorigi •• nd Vi . D'At"glio; see "lan',elli; " J.. fOnn . urhi,,"
'00', p. 48; .nd Manzelli,i?JJ,,,,,,,,,. '000, p. 66.
J7 M. nrelli, "R,wcnn., Wla ci,,~," '000, P, 14, ""d 1000, PI" <)S-101.
J8 M.ioli. "L. 'npografi.," 100, _Monzoll i; i?1lV<1lnt1, '000. pp- 6<r70.
J9 ,\ l1nrellilG!'OSSigli, '00 t, I" 135·
i O ,\ lon,,,lI i, " La fonn. urbis," '001, I" i8; C hris,ie, '9B9, Pl'. I, j-l. C .pdlini,
'99), 1', 4', insists thot the evidence is too scattered In deftnitively prove the
I"".,;on oft hc w.lI.
i ' ,\ hn~elli. f?tn..""" , ' 000. PI" '09 .nd "7. The locotion of the origin.l ,,"'ttle _
mem is controversi.l; for a descriplion of ,he contro"ersy, see F.bbr~ '''04,
p. '0. M.nsuell i. '97 ', pT'Ol"""'d ,h., the fin;, h.hi... ,i,m. were . Iong ,he eost
b.nk of the P.denn., .nd Roncllui. '99' .nd '00" insists on the existence of
a wcll-dcvelopc<l town cas, of the ""pit/11m, which hc says dotes to the fifth 0<11 -
fUry Be H e Sl1tCS ('005, 1'1', )90-) th .. 'he =t1ngul.r ",.11 of the oppid,tm
is simply part of the lot" .ntique " .. U .nd thot the pre-imperi.1 city center ..... s
I",,",e..! to the c... of the Podenn •. Roncu",,; .rgu<... (1005, PI" 4<><>- 1 n. 4) th ..
the section of ",.nfound in the Ilanco l'o]>Olare exco,·"ion, linked to the Torre
Salust ... :tnd to other pieces of " .. 1110 the nonhea." ore all p.rt of the .queducl
built by T",j.n, not republic.n at . Il Manldli, i?Jl'L"<1f1l1l, ' 000, 1'- T 17 n_ 378,
3" NOTE S TO PAG ES 26- 27

refutes Ron cll~zi'$ 199" argllme nl$ and note~ th~r rhe unpllhli~hed rem"ins on
which Rone-uzzi is l>~ sing his r('consrrul'lion for the CJs(crn sc..:wr proba My
were sixth-fifth century Be, but it is iml)();lsilole to know.
42 On the sources, see .vbnsuelli, 19i1 ; ~nd mOSI com prelu:nsively, V:!tOlone,
1990. Pl" 57"""9'
43 Plutarch. Villi Mllrii,~.
44 Ci<;o;TO, I'ro B"lb~, 50 : " Ib"cnn:l1clJI focJc n to ex populo."
45 See Susini, MLa CJuestione," [968; ;\lId V:ltNone, 19Qo, p. Sll. Man7.em, Rllumllo,
2000, p. 15, suggests insrto aJ th at Ra"cnn a had Roman m u ni~ip a l status aJr"3 J~.
hy 89 Be. ci tin g bll.atw, 1968: and T ihiJctri, 19i 3.
46 C. J uliu s Catsar, SrI/lim <'it1ifr, t '5; Suetunius,]rllilll C"#III', eh. JO; Appbn. O(
hdla [h·jli, 2' F-5' Appbn also tdls llS t I.89 and 1.91) th nt in 8, BC :Uctdlus
"5<lilcd ;Iround toward R;\\'cnn a and took po~'iC!;Sion ohhc lc\'cl whcnr-growi ng
countl)' of Uritn nus," Lut in tht s<:cond c. AD, "hen he was writi ng, R:l"enna
W:J$ a mnjoreen ter ~ nd thus proh"hly ~n important topogra]lhieal refercnt. Sec

Sllsini. " La qllcsdone," '9ol!.

4i Suetonius, Jlllilli Cumr, eh. 50,
.j-8 Suetonius, Dhmi AugU>!Ui. eh. 49; T acitus, A",m/cr, 4 .5; VCb"ctius, Epito",,, u i
miliMris. + 3 "
49 On the contrOl''' ,",,'}', see l1olJini, ' 990, pp. 297- 8 and P' 3 Ifl n . ' ; md Tr.lIllOnti,
'997,
50 Appian. D,' /tdlu rit:ih, S.711 :mJ 110; ."ll1llZdli, /l" t·r!lIIII. l ooo, p. l6.
5' T ramonti, '997 , Pl" 12!- 30.
5! Pliny the Eldcr, HisIO,.i" II"II/,."Ii,-, 3'!0 . Sce Roncll7;zi/Veggi, 1968; F'Jhhri,
'990, pp. '4- ;; Squau·iti. HJ9~ , pp. 3- 5: and Cire·lli, l oo8, pp. ' sr-1 0.
53 Mansu~lli, '97 I . pp. 33i- 8, app;lrently accepted by .\b nulli, R,i'v rmlll, 1000,
p. 13. propo sed that ,.Ill' b rge port thus mentiOlled " ".IS the port of I{:l\'enll:l,
an d that the Vatrcnus llow<.' d into the harllnr, but Pliny is clearly ta lking ahemt
Spim 15 km to the north.
5-1- FauLri. 1990 and ZOO+ PI" ' 7-11; Ci relli, <008, 1'[1. 19- ~ 3' jl"tit Ul'ci Ugge ri.
: 005, pp. : Ro- r, who !'epo,.t, the t'~'Cal'ation of ,r lightbnll~ :1t Ihro Z.welt'l,
presumably th" point at which the riverlcanal join~d th" Po . Fabbri, zoo+
p. 30, nOll'S thn it had always heen presumed that a new canal of 15 kill h;ul
been Jug between the Po anJ R.wenna, hut thJI this WaS not necessary since
the Padusa/Padenm. 3ln'ady eOI'ered most of this route.
55 See most recently Patimcci Ugge ri, :005; at p. Illi ~he notes that this ne rwork
was particularly irnport~n t Ue.:auSe in p~ rt~ of the y"ar Ih" AdriHic was not
na\'iga blc because of wcather. Ca~siodo rus, V",.iar:, I! .14, writ ing in the mid-
SiXTh c~ nmry, notes thH ships c:ln ahl'ays s:ril hetween R m:nna 'lild Istria, "for
when the sea is cius.:: d b), the nging of thc winds, a path through pleasant ril'cr
country is opened to }'O\l .... From a distance, whcn their channel C:IllIl()! be
Seen, it looks as if they Ithe ships] .Ire moving through t.he li~l ds. "I h er wefe
kepr still h), ropes, hut they mm'C drawn by cablcs . .... (trans. Barnish, '991,
p. li6).
56 FauLri. !oo.j . p. 30, nutes th:lt it had ahva)'s tx:en presumed tha t :1 can:11 of
'5 kilometer:s hOld been dug between the mai n hr.lnch of rhe Po, the E ri d~n "s
to the north, and the port, but that this WaS hardly neeessafYsince the P:ldenml
alfead}' to\,ercd most of this route ..\ 'lanzdli. R llli e1llUl, l OOO, pp. 2 r !)-2 0 . on the
NOTES TO PAGE S 27-30 ,·s

othcr h.nd. d.ims thot if. ri"cr .nd c.n.~ the P,denn •• nd thefossM AI/grata.
flowed south into ,he harbor it would cause m.ssi,·e silting within the h.rhor,
.nd th.t these W"ercourses inste.d Howed north from the harhor into the
I. goon, .nd the small POrt to the nonh""., of the city.
)7 Cirelli. ,008, 1" '0.
S8 RooeuzziIVeggi, [¢i8, Pl'. [93- 201; see '" hnzol li. Rr.xmIl1, 1000. Pl'· ["4- 5,
')'-3, . nd ,6[-,. s<>undings in the Mnhem "",tion of R.venn •• nc.r the
Pon. er!K>, h..·c ""-e. I",1 • ch.nnel 50 mete,,", wide flank"'l by stmng cement
.nd m.sonry embankments of <mImOWll date; its !:ted ...lIS 3-4 meters below
the top lev"l of i", emb.nkmen",_Arch.eulogica.1soundings.t \ r, . A_Guerrini,
just to the cost of the opp;Jmn • ..,·.. Ied massive cement .nd m.sonry q'''')'S on
ei,her side of its COUf'iC to • width of 65 meters. with pottery d.ting to the Ln"
.. publicon .od eorly imperia l periods. AI 1 kilomete!'S to the nonh of the cit)'
",.11 il cxp.ndcd 10 . width of over '00 m.lers.
59 Roncu,."i/Veggi, 1¢i8, PI" 10<>- :; ",.n,."lIi , RiR'fmla. ' 000. pp. 83-~; ~ hioli,
"L. lopog.-.fi., ~ "'OS, p. 47. F.bbri. 200+ p. '90 proJlOS"'l the hypothesis th.t
this sm,ller pon " '" for commerci.l use in contrast to the lorger militory pon
of Clo"",_ Bee.use the Rocc. II.-.ne.leune occupi.. the site, li ttle c.n be known
.hout it.
60 Pliny the Elder. fiiJfflrill1llltunlliJ 36. t8; Ll'R oh. 39.
6 [ Bennond Mootonori, "L'impi'n!o," [9QO, p. '40.
6, ~ lonlclli. '005 .
63 S.,<, esp. M.ioli. 19')0, for the dctoil",] de,.;ription on which the following is
bosed.
~4 ~ lonzolli, "La fono. urbi.," '001. p. 54, sugg"""" that the >cC<.>nd-e<:ntury
works were connected with the emperor T .-.j.n·s e.mp.igns in Doci.; "'hio~.
"Vic d·,cque. · '001. p. "0, proposco; tho, they took ploee during the reign of
Hodri.n.
65 Jord.nes, Gru<a. ed. Al ommscn, [ ~81. '9.148- 5 [: "c!.ssem doc.n .. ",m quin -
'luogin .. n.vium Dione refCT,,", e tutissim . dudum crcdehOlur re<:ipere .to_
lion •. " On the Ron.. n imperio l Aeet, .c. esp. Bollini, [9')0; .nd F.-. .. incli ,
'00; .
66 S.., Fabbri. 100;,
67 F.-.ssin~~'i. '005.1'. 68.
68 Notiria Digni',,"'''': "prncfccrus d . ssis R"'e,,notium, rum ruris ciu"km civ_
ilati. R,verm ••. " Susini, "R,verm. e il mondo." 199"', PI" [33""4; .nd V .. ruone.
t9QO, 1'. 59·
6<) Susini, I<jI8 , .'," D cichm.nn. 198<). p. I 3 I.
70 F.-."inetli, 2005. p. 6<).
7 1 Li>lcd in G i.comini. "An.grofc dei dossi.ri. " 19')0, p. 3' 1_
71 Frossinctti. 1005. p_68; Don.ti. 1005; Bollini, 19')0.
73 Published ,nd discussed in Susini. " lJn cOl.logo doss;'rio." J 08.
74 This list is derived from Bol lini, [9')0, p. 3 [, _
75 Bollini, '005. p. 1'7.
76 Bollini, 1<)<jO. I'P.I9Q.nd3,6.
77 ,\1oioli. "Vi. d'OC<Ju,." looJ. p . 110; .c•• lso M.iol~ [9')0; Monzelli. "L. fonm
urbis," '00[, p. S+
78 M.ioli, 1991. pp_ 501- 1 1_
3" Nons TO rAG,S Jo-JJ

79 M.ioli, 1001 , [>[>.4[-1; idem,"La [op<lg!':lfi.," '005, P.49.

80 Maioli, "Approvvigion.menti,~ ' 005, p. '7~ set: M."suell~ I ?Ii'; and M. iol~
La . 'iDa rommlll, I~.
81 I'or > dcuilcd ,wnm.ry, sec "janzcll~ R.rt'tnna, }OOO.
8, I'or en"'p ic. Tacirus, A"",,/e., 1.58; 1.6,; m."y rcft,n-nc<s to the Acc< of
R",'enn •.
8) I'or ex.mple, M.rti, I, l;p;gr""", ,_,6 and 3-57 <b. d w,w·), 3-93 (frogs), and
'3.' I (.sp.",gus), Siliu~ l .. licus, "'mit", S. 1 00 (sw.ml"); Pl iny 'he "1der, Hi!-
«tritJ "alll",liJ '+34 .nd [9-54 (veget. bles) . Interes.ingly, ..p.r:>.gus requires
wcll_d1"Jl incd soi l to grow, rem.f'S on ;n,lic.,;o!l that the ternin ... os no' .11
mushy .round {he city.
84 S~" esp. Rig\lini, ' 990.
85 S{",bo. Grogr~pby, ).1.7.
86 Vitruvius. Dr ~rdJ;It<Nlrll ,+, I: "oxempl.. outcm huius rei G.llic •• p.llld«
j>ossunt esse. qll>c cin:um <:cingunt > Altinurn, R,,'cnn.m, Aq uiiei.m, . li. que
qu,e in oiusmodi locis mun icipio .un! proxima I'"ludibus, quod hi.... tionihus
h.bont incredibilcm solubri .. tenL"
87 \r,tru"';o., Dt IlT'Cbiumffa ' -9-' , , "cst .otem m ..imc id ron.ide"... R,,·.nn.e,
quod ibi omnia ope ... et publico et privat. sub fund.",en,;' eius generi. h,be.n,
1'.10<."
8~ M.nzeni, Riwmna, '000, pp. '0' and '05.
89 Righini, '9<)0, 1'1'. 15~1.
90 I'.bbri, ' 9<)0, Pl" '5- ,6; Manum, /We"",,,,,, 1000, Pl" ] ' - I .
9' M,nzdlilGrnssigli, 100', p. ' 47.
9' "-hn,,,,Jli, "La fonn' orbi.," 100', 1" 50; ><e , Iso Johnson, ,';;] .
93 E. L. Rocca, '99' , interprets the inscription to referto ~ 1 BC, .Ithough it h.d
previously been rc.d as referring to ~ 3 He.
94 M.nsueUi, ' \)67 ; Capellini, ''f87; Christie, ' ¢l9,"-lonzelli,"Le fOMific.rioni,"
1000; .Iso M.nzelli, Rtnon",,,, '000, Pl" 9'-4. The inscription re,d, "Ti.
CI.u,liu. D rusi F. ("... c.ar Aug. CC""'nitus I' ont. ,\11<. T r. Pot . II Cos. D.-sig.
1111 Imp. III 1'.1'. Dedit."
95 M.n.uell~ '07, p. '01; F.bbri, '004, Pl" " .nd '7, citing M.nzolli, "Le
forti(IC.~ioni: '''''''' see .Iso "hnzeUi, Rav",,,,,, ''''''', 1'- ,06, .nd idem. '005,
1'. 39·
o Imen-stingly, this ",orbl. decoration does not scem to h,,'o I)(..:n contem!",,,,ry
,,;th the britk interior of the oreh , implring thot the deco"'tion (presum.bly
hy Cl.udi",) ....... ppli ed to • pr~existing structure. See 1\ lan ""lIi, " Le fonifi_
",,>.ioni," 1000, 1" ,8, citing M.Mud li, 107, p. '9'.
97 Iknnond "ionton.. i, "L'impi.",o," '99"> p. "7," lou.otti, "~7.p. ",, pro-
1"-"""1 th>tthis T01ld, the tU""''''nl'',.1so 0"",",1 'he fom. LimriUl, inten;<."Cting
with the ("'"tN" .nd then le.ding to the Porn Asian> _
98 Iknnond ,\ Ionl:ln.ri, "L'impi.nro," '99"'> p. "7; M.nzclli , iI4t'f"tl''''' 'ooo,
PI'. o't6--7'; ,\lanzellilGrossigli, 100'. 1'. '36.
99 Montevecchi, "La "rod.," '004.
'00 Set ,\1.n1.c11i, /W,wma, '000, Pl" 100-;, .nd ide,"" "I monum<",ti l'",,\uri,"
1001. The evidence is "ery scanty; sc"orol of tho sixteenth - to ninetecnth -
remuty scholars who wrote histories of R,,,,enn. identified the loe.cions of such
structure'S, but their infonn>'ion come from Agnellu. or from t0l"'gT.phit.1
references in much I"er docwnents. For example, Agnellus (Lf'R cII. 1) ,ells
NOTES TO PAGE S 33-36 ,.,
us that, Temple of Apollo, which .tood by the Port. Am.,., was demolished
by the p.. y~rs of St. Apollinoris; he tool.: this infonn>tion from the sixth- or
S<....,·e~ th-c<!ntury Passio of ApoUinoris (see below. Chopter 6) , but it i. not clear
wh",her ,he infonn ..ion i. ocru .. tC or merely 1 h.giog .. phieol ropes. 'Inis
pOSS:lgt: olso soy< th .. the omphithc ..... r w.s just outside the Port> Au ...... , but
we do not know ot wh.t dot. such • structure would h,,·. been constructed,
.nd no ,race of it survi ...,,; for c"Oml"' ... tivc ",",eri.l, ....., Cirelli. ,008, PI'. 38--9.
101 Thi. l0C3tion is on 'hc present Vi. Guerrini ; see "h n7"lIi, "L. form. Un);s. '"
'00[, p. 5'; ,\ lanzelli, Rn""",,,. '000. PI'· 104- 5.
1o, Su,ini, [<}88 .
103 Nov.roIS ...sini, '001,1'.85,
]04 ,\ 12nzelli, "Lo fonn. urbis,~ ' 001, p. 5"
105 Th. sixth-cemury A""". V"ks, 7' . tell. us, "He flneodoricl restored the oque-
duct of Ro...,,,,,., "'hieh the tuler T .. jon h.d m.dc, o"d , flcr much lime intro-
.1""",1 WneT. ... ~
106 p... t~ [<}88, l'I' . P-4·
107 Idem, Pl'. 44~' ,\]an,elli, "Lo fonna urbis," ' 001, pp. 5' and '000, PI'. , '4-,6;
" lonzell;, "Le forti(,c.rioni: '000, Pl' · 30-' ·
108 G.leni, '005 , p. SsJI.
"'9 Idem, PI'. SsJ'"""4; ,\ 101l1,,IIi1C... ssigli, '001, pp. I 3~ ....12nzd li. I/.ot-m,w, '000,
pp. 65-71; Mom.vecchi. ed .. "La ,I ... d.,'· 2004. Both the B.nco 1'0]>01.", .nd
thc Vi. D'A1.cglio .ites .ddcJ hypoe.ust ,ooms.
" 0 " bn~elli, "t o fonn . urhis.~ ' 00 ). pp. iI - I.
1[1 ,\ lonzell;, 1003 ,pP.55~.
1 1, Vitrm';us, I>' Arrbi"ctnra ' .9, [6, "h,,"<: 'uteln re' P.dum R"'enn'm depor_
t.tur. in coloni. F.ne'tri, I'i""ri. Ancon.e reliqui'que, qu.e sum i~ e. regiono,
,mmieipiis p.. ektur.~
1 [3 ,\ hu•. '005 , p. '0, esp. n. 64.
1 [4 Beml0nd Monlo".ri, "L'impi.nt o," [9')0, PP.'41-8 .
1'5 '\hi oli, "\'i,·"re.·· '00'. Pl" '7~; Stoppioni. )005, 1" ,,8.
1 [6 ,\loiolilStoppioni, 1987, PI'. '7--9.
1 [7 ,\ bioli, •Appro .... igion.memi, ·· ' 005 , PI'. '74-5. S"'l'pioni, '005, in 0 d", ailed
snldy of th """,mie evidence from R.venna, concludes t~.t olive oil wos never
on impo""'''' im]>On, ,,·hil ... th ... impon of wine incr.,.sed d.. motically in th ...
firs, and ""mnd "enturies AD. Fisl, SO""e con.. iners, which oftcn make up an
inlport.nt mm]>Onent of imported ccrnmics, were likewise rel,ti"ely sc.rce,
.Ithough hecOlning • bit more frequent in ,he S{)COnd .nd .,.rly third "enturic•.
Cont:lC1$ wi,h the Aegc..n we,e muc~ more commOn th.n wit~ ,he western
,\ledit,r .. n.,.n.
1 18 Rch~""hi, "Gr~"<:id e Greci.~ 19']8, Pl" loti-[ 5·
1 [9 Idem, pp. 3' 4- '5; referring to Rehecchi, [978.
]'0 ,\ Ianzelli, K,n'tnna, 2000, Pl'. ' 4<>-1.
I I I Idem, p. , [0, M.ioli. "Citt' dei morti," lOO' . 1'. l43' Cirelli, "",s, 1'. '0, would
"guo Ih.1 the Iod of bridges is evidence thOl there,..os no can.l.
I" Gi'c",))in i," An.g .. fe dei cit"dini ",·enn.ti," '<)90.
1'3 ])on't ~ [9')0, p. 475·
] '4 M:mzelli, "Lo fonn. urbis.~ 2001, p. 54-
1'5 Herodi.n. Ilmo'1 of lh, Rcmt01l Empi,.. 8·7. [, and lIisroriJl AUK"''''' 0110 ,\1"",-
mini '4- 5 . nd 13, and Ma.rin"" rt BalM",,, 1 [-1 '; see Neri, '99", p. 543.
3" Nons TO PAGES 36-37

I , 6 Eutropius, Bm!imi'l1I1, 9.7; Jerome, ehron;""" • . 1 '77: "G,l licllus in oilmen

I.sciv;,m dissoluto Genn.n; Roven".", usque venerum ... " repeated in the
sixth century by Jord.n"" R...,4"". ,87 (1'_ 37)' -Genn.n; et Abni C.lIi. ,
d'1,,,,oo.nt... R",cnn.m usque ,-enern"" Grociam G mh; '·'St:lwrunt.~
I , 7 L."..nrius, I"N ",.nih ... ptntt1l'M""" '7 , ' - 3, cited hy Ncri, '990, p. 54"
,,8 Ncri, [99"- p. 54"
119 Christie, [989> p. J 17; citing "l'h01""''', ' 9~ i , PI'. 11 7-30. Sec.1so Dci"h",.nn,
Ijl9. PI" '3<)- 1.
'30 C:mtord~, 19"1, pp. [6 [- 4. Guad.gnucci, :007. p. 7. notes th.t .. some point
hefore 398 • new province, Pi"''''''', wos spli' olf and Ill.de [>3rt of the diocese of
Itaha S,ob",hiClma under Ihe vi","",,<Ifis R"",," in Rome, hut by 40' FLnninia
"pj(rtlll'" Il>l"onurinm were r<"1IIlitcd .... p.rt of /til/ill Ann ..",riil. S(.., . lso Ncri,
1990. pp. 540-1, who suggests rh.! the ch.nge in telTitori.I.Ui.nce may have
something to do wim ,i.-.lry between Rome .nd Mil.n in the blcr fourU!
<"Cntury.
131 Neri, 1990> pp. 543---6 .nd S7(}-I.
1 P For whot follow .. see Fr:lssinetti. 200;. PI'· 7(}-7.
113 f{i""'a A"g,ma. Didi,,, J"jiam" 6_
IH liollini. 100" p. 'H, who no,.,. mot there.re in any c.se fewer fun.rary
monuments from the thirJ C<11tury bee.use these ore the ones most li~dy to he
reused in the m.""i,·e huilding c.mp.igns of the fifth century; but in ony case
there.re still some inscriptions for civili.n.. JUSt not for mil;",ry personnel.
t J5 I'nt~,incni, '005, p. 7], pmv;,I<... surnm.ry of the ,rgumcnts.
136 See ,\ ,"cG oorge, '003, PI'. 306---[ t.
I J 7 RuncunilVeggi, 108, 1'1'_ " (}- I '; F.bbri, 1990, 1'_ ';; Fobhri, 'OO~, 1'- J J -
I J8 F.bbri. '004 . p. ]1; Cirelli. '008, Pl'. [9""'0.
'39 M.m.elli,"La fonn. uroi,," 1001, p. 54-
140 MoioliiStoppioni. I '}S7, Pl'. ;6-6], dote only the find. from the c.metcries "
Clt deUe Vigne o.nd C. Lung> to the fourth cenmry. On lot •• ntique buri.1
p'ttern' .mund R,nnm. see Cirell; , ,008. Pl" "4- 30.
14' Monzelli." La fonn. uroi ..·' 2001, p. 54; lI1anzellilGrassigli, 200 [; M.n.ell~
Rillm",,,, '000, PI'. 66--7' .nd '364i; Cirelli, 1008, p. 5'. Chronologicolly,
these houses.re "P. I.ce of·lbeoderic.·· .b.n~oned ofter 0 fire in the second
h.lf of the second "<11tury; E.. oni lI.ccinetti, .lnndoned pem.!'" in the e. rly
third c<"rury; Port:> Cybo, .b."dol\cd in the thin! crntllry; L.rgo Firen1.",
Sonto Croce, Sont'Andre. Maggiore, .lnndoned ,t the end of the thin! century
(S",,,, Croce destroyed by fire); H.II". I'opol.r., modified in thin! century,
destroy«1 hy {,rc in . , rly f"uTth c<""tuf}"
141 \r,. l)'A1.eglio: ,\1on""lIi, RPt-mM, '000, pp. 66--8; UPIAI: idem, pp. Ill-I];
.nd Gclichi. '000, pp. ,,6-- ' 7' Russo, " U~o nuova pr<>posto." ",>OS. in"c.d
""gg.... th.t construction o~d modi{,cotions to the .ite called the "p. loce
of'll,ooderic" wetc continuous from the second to the sixth c<11turies, .nd
inclu,led new rooms ond pon-ments in the e.rly to mid- fourth centlll)'. Russo
klllo,,", Dcichm.nn in identifying thi .. r .. os the seat of the p",rftrmu/ams, but
docs not thcn cxpl.in \\·11.0 w", m<><lifying the struCtures in thc founh centul)'.
143 This question is of fundomento l importance fo, the choice of R,,·cnn. os on
in,]>eri.l residence," we will S<:e in me following ch.pter. M.n1."'li, IWt~n"",
'000, esp_1'1'_ '09"""[ I, followi~g BeTti, 1976, pp_ 1(}-'9> esp_ PP- .6--7, cl.ims
NOTES TO PAGES 37-44 3'9

th,t this .re. "'os .bandoned het"'cen the second .nd the fikh centuries,'s ,
result of the deveiol"nmt of cemeteries to the ",st of the fo<ra AUKIut" • • nd the
conse<Juent remo,.. 1of the inh.bitonts to newl y developed oreos to the nonh,
west •• nd south of the city. H owe"er, D.iellm."". '\)89, pp. 61 and 67, OSSlUlled
th at ,he building h.d ken contin ually uo;cd in thc third and fourth centuries as
the pr"rI"";""" or milito,), h ..dqu,ners. Russo •• Uno nuo'.. p ropost • . " 100"
PI" '74--<S; .nd Augen, i• • A",hcologi. c topogNfi .," 1005. PI'. 7-' 3, now 1'1 0<.
the ",<:on,1 construction ph • .., SOme ,ime in the ~lUrth centu,),.
'44 1000, PP·13S--4L
' 45 " h n,ell i, "I.. form . urbis.~ ' 00 ' . p_ 54-
146 F.bbri. '004 , p. 33. citing "hioli, [9'}0.
' 47 O rulli. '991.
148 ,\ 1on""lI i, "L. form. urbis," 100[ . p. 54; .nd " hn,el\i, /W';mw. 1000,
pp. '36-8·
' 49 Stoppi oni, '005, 1" , JO.
ISO Fordiscussion .nd bibliog .. phy, see D eliy:mni .. ed., 1006, pp. 39-4"
' 5' Mmsi. ed., '9"' - 17, vol. 3. PI" 39 . nd 4"
' 5' For good .umm.ries. see " lnwtti. 191M; and Pi card, [\)8S, PI'. , ,6-••.
' 53 St. Probus (LI'Reh .. 3 ""d 8) . nd St. Eleueh.dius (LPR eh. 4).
'54 LPK ch. I; Lanzon~ '9'0--1', 1'1'. no--.¢; and T es,;_ Rasponi , cd .• 19'4.

, 55
pp. 36-7 n. '4. 63 n. 7, .nd 6, n. 7.
S", CSf",ci.lly Dc;"hm"nn, '\)89. 1'1'. ,65---'7, who notes that ncither the churt:h
of St_ Pm!.us nOr the C .. ni.n~.. , hoth south of C ia ..",. <>luld h"'e been ' he
original churt:h of the bishop. On St. Euphemia adArimm. see 1I. ldini Lippoli..
"' •• c h·I"'"," '004-
156 Sec D c1ir.nnis, ed" .006. pp . 94- 7.
' 57 LPK eh . H. Agnd lus does say th 11 ""rious ea rly bishops wcre buried in the
b ••ilica.ofSt. Probus (cbs. 3. 6, 7, 8. 9. [0. [1 . , ,). St. Eleuch.dius (cbs. 4, 5,
7). or next to the Church of the Apostles (cb. ,,), but he does not "'Y that the
eI",,,,h,,, Were built at the time of their dea,hs, . nd inde<"! hoth the logic of the
text . nd arch.cologie.1 in,"estigotion h.ve shown tlUll some of these structures
were built much later.
' 5S U 'fl ch_ '; B.ldin i Lippoli •. "Lo chies.,~ '004-

Th ree. ]{.." nna and the Weste rn [n, peroes. AD 4 0<>-4 119
1E.<peci.lly O iY"'l'iooorus of' l hehes (preserved in th e Ilif,/i",/ma of Photius
written in the n inth cen'u,),). S<»,om<'J1 . "---<>sim u" . nd O r<>si us. For . f..irly
complete list of sources for G. II. !'lacidi • • see the mU)' in ,\1artind'le. ed.,
1980, pp. 888-<).
, Horlow. '004. 11 is quite not.ble th.t even S. L Dost. whose 1968 biog .. phy
of thc ""'press r"",.ins tI,e most . uthoriutive English "",,,,,ent of her life. is
not .ble to do much mort: thon spcculotc .bout tant. lizing reference. in these
l.conic sources. See . Iso Connor. '004.
3 On the d.w. sec R"hen ich, ' \)85 ,
4 l---'lSimu .. Hjs, ...;" N(It'a, 5'38.[, who used the account of O l}mpiooorus of
Thebes. implies th., G alla hod alw.}'s secrt:tly h .. cd the woman who .. ised
her (Oost. [<}68, pp- 83-<5).
3'0 NOTES TO ]'AGES 44- 48

5 Olympi(>l!onls (If Thebes, BiMit"h~"1) fl'. 33. Ag:lin. ~ f~nr" li1..ing hint ah<;>ut
imp(;riu l man-j~gcs and the rok of wOll1en or docs it juSt rcA<:ct the unti~
Honorian politics of th e ~uthor?
6 It is possible that Olrrnpiodoru~, ",11OSC dlronid~ is our main sou rce for
these CI'ellts, accompanied th.: army t.hat reinstated Galla and Valc ntinian;
M:<: -''btthtws. :<)75 . PI" 382-j. '111<1 id<:U!, 1970.
7 Sec, e.g., H olum, 1'.181 . PI" 1-2; ~nd 'Jbomp,on, 1996. PI" [45--6. Sourr.:t'-s
include the fifrh -cenmr}' Priscus (Fr~gnlent 15), :mrl the sixth -~nrury histori -
ans Marn.-Jlinus Comcs (Chrrmiroll, a. 434) ,md Jo rJ'ln<:s {Grliw 22 )-..j.; Ru"",,/{/
] 28).
If L:gend rdls dIM th<: p01.te llwde llll <:1I10tion:.] :'1-'1-"'= :1. 1'llld conl'jn~ed Anib nut
to sad, R ome, and the sanK' Icg~'.nJ Was ITpeated for various other cities in
Anila's path. including R ~\,\:l1na , which noes seem to have ocen spared (LPR
c h. jil. E.ith.:r An i!.l ..... ,llly could 1Jt: sW'lyed 1» ' supplication from Christbn
hishops or this hec"111e a tOp.lS of episcopal hagiography; 5CC Pi7.arro, 1995, PI'.
1° '1 - 1 I, ami cf. also j~phus's STOTy of ,\lc.~"nder rhe Grea T all d j enlsalcm ,
]=iibAmiqlllliu 11.3~ [-3S1 '
9 Thcrc is an cnomlOUS bibliogr.:tphy now on the end of thc Roman Empire in
The m:ST; two recenT studies th,,( t<)Cus speci(ic.lly 011 The ]l<'riorl from 455 to
493 arC" Henning. [9(19. and MacGcorge, !OO3 '
10 \VesTern s.c nators :llld generals: Petroni\L~ M"ximus (4 55), Avirus (4U-f»,
Majorian (457-61), LiLius Sel'erus (46 1- 5), Olyuriu~ CH~), and Glyc.:rius
(473- 4)' [astun generals: AtlThemi us (46 i-7 ~ ) and j ulius Nep'lS (4i o/S-
80).
[I CW{i'.\· ThrodushlllllS V1I .1 3. 15; see G illen, ~OOI, tor a complete li~t of imp<:rial
ed iCTS and the phces they were issued in rhe fifth centu ry.
[l G ilktt. :001 , PI" 13 9-41 lIl1d l Si. ZosinlUs, Hiflari fl NQ;J(I V.~ 7-3 I. mentions
H o norius's changc of rc sidcIK'C to Ravenna ~s hap]xning in 408.
[} Rd'uge<:s ned from Rom" {() R~l'enn'l Ix:foT<: and aft"r {h" Visigothi" sitgt , fo r
e., ample. Pope Inn'.......:nt I - Epii/o{,1 16 (l'L : 0.5 19); Orosi us. Adll(nm pllgl/1/0J
7·39·
[4 Socrates 5<:holasticus. H iJ1un(/ E«1t'sitIJ1i( / VJI. ~ 3.
15 S'juarriti, 199~ . PI" : - 3. Fabhri. lOO4, p. 35 n. 48, amI idem, [991 , Pl" g- II ,
note I.h1ll by the fifth et nwry R:l\'enn ~'s mnrshes ~l1d swamp;; were drying II!,
whieh might h.: why [he city had become more accessible.
16 j ordanes, Gnim, 29 ([48-50).
17 Pn:...... opius. De bcllu GUlbl(U V.1. [6- 18. cited in Christi .. , [989. PI" I '4- 15'
!8 SquaTriti, 1')9~. p.:; GilleTT, lOOI. Pl'. 16 1 - ~.
19 Deidllll'IIUl, *Cosmnrinopoli e Rllvt'nna, " 198: ; supported by Gillen. 1001,
PI" [6t -~ .
l O Sotinel, :00"" p. 6i.
It Cose ntino, !OO5, p. 4 2S .
I ! Ncr;, 1990. :U1d.'h 7J:I., ~oo 5 . PI" 8- 10; Arsl"n. 1005. 1'.195·
I } M'lTl zc l1i, RI/WnJlIl , 2000, p. 241 ; sec G<: lichi, :000, p. 118.
14 For e., ample, Kr'lUthdme r. 1983 .
l5 LPR eh.!.
:() !'.brazzi, :006, PI" 48- 5° '
!i LPR eh. 40.
IS Cbudian, Dr VI erm$. Hrm. ; see Gillttt, lOOT . p. [39.
NOTES TO PAGE S 49-50 3"

19 Gelosius, Fpistolat ,6,10, ed, Andr""s 'Ibiel, lWm~"""'m /"",Iijimm gm";"lIt rI

q"" lid M! IrripWt ""'t, .,,1, I (B",niewo : 1868), pp, 40S--{i, written in 495,
30 G illett, '001 , 1'_ 141, .dmits thot .ftcr the ']eoth of Stilicho in 4Q8, Honorius
mowd more or k'Ss pennant",ly to l{o,'enn •.
31 Cf. Wickham, '?ii" p. , 6. Gillrtt, '00' , Pl'. 133-4, .umm,ri,""s schol.rship
on the history of {he remo~.1 from Rome, going b.ck to (he third century.
J' Thi. i, • qU"'tion th .. schol . rS h,,'c debated; .c<: most ,<'<'ently M .... ,.1.i, ,006;
.!so Ma •.1.. , ' OOj , Pl" 8-17; P.ni Ennini, '005; .rticles in the col lection SrMt
IVgillt, lOOO, cd. RiJ>OIVGurt, especially those by J. Arce .nd $ , Gelichi; .nd
D",.. I, '997.
33 Sc<: most recently Kelly, 1998, 1'.164; .nd Kulikowski, '000.
Jot Imerestingly, the Notitill Diglti'"ntm ~ordy memio"" either Al ilan or R,,'enn •.
Flotb pl.ces ore listed as loc.tions of we.~ing f.ctories, Alil.n h.s. government
storehouse .nd R,,·enn. is • mili,,1")' .nd • n".. 1b.se, but neither cil")' is soid {o
h,,'e • mint .• Ithough we know th .. hoth cities mint"'] gold coins in ,he n.m<"
of the emperors (see below). The NOlilill DignirllNtm ~Sls mints in the west
for Siscia, Aquileia, Rome, L)-",IS, Artes, .nd Trier. ' I'nis omission is curious;
P.nvini Ros.ti, '978, expl.i"" the mints of Mil.n .nd R.~enn... somehow
sptti.1 . nd outside of nonn.1 government channels, .nd notes thot Ravenn •
• nd Milo" did not min' bronzc coi"., .. did the others. Sc<: also Arsb". '005 .
35 ,\lcConnid:, '000, 1" [40, saY" [,500, citing Deichmann , [9S9, pp. "4- '5
("'ho docs not gi,'e this figure, but cstimat'" , tot,1 pop ulotion of Ro\'enn.
m.d" up of nonmili",1")' offici.ls .nd their families 01 .bout 5,000 pe,,",ms).
Deiclunann in tum ci,es Jon es, '04, 1'. 366, who estimOles 3,000 gu.rds and
.n e,'en I.rger number of civili. n staff. Cos<.'Tltino, '005 , 1'_ 4", b.",,] OIl
Justini.n·s """,i,mi. for V.nd,1 Africa, <stim.. es 600 bu",,,,,,,,,,,, from the
mid-fifth to the ""rly sixth c<:nml")'.
36 Deidunann, 1?iI9, pp, [08-'5, folto".. Jooes, [¢~, 1', ,67: "When in tronsit
the CWlit~II" must have been packed for miles with thousands of troopers of
the guor,l .nd dcrlts of the mini«rics ... , ~
37 See Jon es, '914, I, Pl'. ,66-73; Gilteu, '00 [, PI" 133""4; and Kelty, l004, csp.
PI'. [87-9" Kdly st:lles, "To be sure, this roocelltnnon of J>Ower " ... to • g,,"11
extent.n inevi""hle result of the e>1.b~shment of .n instirution.liled bureou-
cr. cy whose senior official. were residem in the imperi.1 capi",I" (p , '9,),
which l>rcslbncs tI,e conc"!,, of a c'pi",1 a' residence of the go,'crnm<'Tlt.
38 Li ebeschuctz, lOOO, PI', , 0- 1>; McConnid:, '000, Pl'. [35- 4'; De ichm.nn,
'9il9. PI" 70 ,I\d ,08-1;.
J9 Sc<:, for " .. mple, Pi",ri, {?ill, p. 645' "An", Ie d<'plocem<'Tlt de I. cour,
toute I'"istocrn tie du se",,'ice in'peri.1 se t",n,fere iI R.~enna.~ BOlh I' ietri,
PI" 647--8, .nd M.tthews, '975, 1'- 359, cite the c, ''' of Petron ius " b rimus,
who held m.ny go,'emrnent !'O"itions between 4 16 .nd 443 (Martind.le, ,.,so,
PLR£\"ol. ',I. V. M.ximu< "j, but ot,ly the rescripts .pecifically lOCI'" him in
R,,'enn., .nd Pi etri notes, n. 6, thot some of the pr>etorion prefects ",em to
h.H becn based in Rome.
40 Pi <~Ti, '?ii" 1'1" 654-6; 01\ the " T""ph'gi, s"" esp. L''''rtmce. '945; Kolt",it1}
Herdejiirgen, 1979; .nd Dresken -\Vcil.nd, 1995, PI" ,,8-,6; .nd on i~ol)'
co",,'illg, Stt Volbach, [977; and A\.rtiniJRiZ1.. rdi, ed., I9'}0, although in bet
for ivol")'-co ..... ing . ttributions to R.,'enn •• ", only bypothetic.l.
4' M.",,,,,.i. ,006, p, 53.
3" NO TE S TO PAGES SO- 53

4; De;chmann, 1989, pr. I 14- 1} . estimates 'I tor,11 po:>pulution of about ) ,000
persons, while C05Cntino, l(XlS, pp. "[ [- I 2, c::stj m~tc s 9,000--1 0,000.
43 Shlonius Apo lljn~ris, £pi,'/b/,/(: 1.8 .• , ";":gri de~llIbuhn T medici iac<:ll l , ~lgenT
halnea domicili a conRagmnt, sitiunt "iv; l1~tant sepulti, vigilant fures dormiunt
potcstatcs, facncranru r dcrid Syr; pSOIllullt, nc!!Otiatorcs militant mil ircs nc go-
timlur, srudent pilae SdlCS, ;1!eat iu"<.'nes. annis eunu~,hi , jim!ris f(x:(ltrati."
44 Sec, fur c.~aJJlplc, Pit-tTi, 1991 , pp. !S8"""'S), uaso:d on the N oti/III d'W,ilfUl/1/!.
45 There is.1Il e~1:ensive hihliogr.lph), on this tOllie; see lllost recentl), C urcic, I ~_~ ;
an d Baldini Lippulis, 1001 , ""1>' pp. 19-'1-6. and with " catalog ofindil·iJual sit<:s.
46 Sec D agron, IgNi and ?I'lango, 198, .
47 See k li"lIIu ('" pil"/~, 199u; Ausonius, 01'110 IIr/Jilln/uloitifllll , vii k,\'lediobnu1l1."
48 Farioli Campanati, "Ra\'mna, C on,,-tannnopoli;' ' 99 2, p. ' 50. and idem, 2005,
p.16.
49 LI'R C\•• l7 . 14- 5, 40-l .
50 Christie, 19£11). 1'1'. 11 ;- dL
51 Fadoli Call1panati, kRlIn:nna. ConsnurinoJ)() Ii.·' r 992, a rlmir~ that h cranaly~is
is unseu on Agncllus's lIluch bter info1111:1tion.
F On the wails. sec most eomprl·hensivciy 'huro/Novara, eus., !OOO; Gcliehi,
1005; Ci relli, !ooB, pp. 55-67' 11l<:~. n.mdamc nr;ll srunics ('('[n ain Christie/G ib-
son, 198B, lind Christie, 199<).
53 Sec Christie, I?S.}. 1'.118. CallCllini, If/Ri , PI" 86-7. notes that th e location of
tht: walls, which I'rt:"'UIJUll>ly JdintJ rht: dty's pOl>lrrilflll , or sm:reJ boun d~ries.
n"IY ha\,.. lud to he kept for juridical purpo5;es.
54 Geliehi, :005, esp. p . 830; Ch ristie, 19H9. p. 115. :\ de tailed study of The re-
mains w,jsmade in 19O5!.>Y Ga<:tano Sa\'ini, who include d dr.lwings and d.::scrip -
tions of sur.ions rh'lT 1m: now lOST (C hrisri ... 1989. p. [ 17). The most com pre-
hensin: his(Ory of Ih.:: d<'b:l{C about (hc ""~ l1s is Gdichi, 1005 .
55 G~lichi, !OOO. pp. [[7-1 8.
56 LPR eh. 40.
57 Tcsti - RI1~1'0ni, cd., l<)l4, I'P' 1[ 5- 18 ~nd tab le 3.
58 Christie, 1981), p. 128.
59 Sec "sp. Cirdli, N08, PI" 55-67. Although, ,lS S. Gelichi dt'!/,:3ntly {I"scribes
( 2 00). p. 8 l9). "Qm! has th~ impr~s~ ion that th~ J~bate is cuming round un
itself agl1ill. Ia,<, a urob uros" (~ r.l1lta~tk ~nim~l tli:ll <',ltS its own t:lil). One
still fi nds rek r~n<:e s in schohlrly lit"ramre tQ later additions to this wall :It the
time QfOdoacer or Theod",ri c, e.g., .\hioli, ~ Le mUfa." 2 000, and idem, ~La
topografia." ~OO5 , 1'1" 50- I.
60 Chrisrie , 1989. p. I } o .
61 C"ppellini, 1987 ; .\bO'l;elli. " Le forrificnzioni," l OOO, p. l 8. r " ri oli Cnmp" -
nati, "Ra\' enna, ConstantinopoJi," [992, pp. 140- 1, not.::s that the name Porta
1\ 111'0::" is lirH "nested by :\gnelhls, bur "rglles lh ut SlIeh a name would ha\'e
no signific;l[}ce in ,he nimh c", n"II'Y, lind thus must h,w<: bee n "ppli<:d earlier,
most likely in thc fifth eenmry. For com palisoll, recellt srudic~ have proposed
thut t il<' Golden G arc in Constantinople W,lS oligiMlly built as a frccst:lnoing
triumph:l l "rcll in honor of T ht:odosius I. aroun d 388, and tll~n incorvo r.Jtcd
into the w:I lls huik hy 111eodosiu~ II afte r 4 '3; see B:Irdill, "Golden GaTe,"
1 999.
6 ! Gdichi, ~oo5 , 1'1" 8.16-7 . ""futing ChristidGihson, 1<)88, PI" Ilh - ,1 . who
stated thJ t the WJlls were m ~dt': mainly of new hri eks, ~lth ol1 gh of ~ typ" dif-
fer<:nt from those u~d in the fifth -ce nmry churches of th e city.
NOTES TO PAGES 53- 54 3"

63 Gelichi, !oo;, p. 8.n, nOteS th ~ t this need nN me:m th ~t the w3115 were buil t
in ~n emergency, but simply Ih~t l>ricLs wcri.· reu~d for re~sons of economy.
A mysterio\1s st~tch of ~pp~f('ntly (Iefensi"e \\~\lI s fou nd just to the nordl of
S~nta Croce in 1989 and published in Capdlini, 1993 , wOllld seem to predate
thl."" fll!! circuit.
64 Gtlichi. lOO; , "'ho suppon:~ tht proposal uf Christie. 198Q, thal the full cin:lIit
uf tht'st' ",;,11, was uu ilt ;It on~ till1t'.
65 C.bristie, t<)SQ, 11P. 13 5-Q; the date ~~ repe:lted in i,iem, 2006, pp . .13 ! - 3'
66 l':luuri, 2004, pp. 3i"""9. Bollini, 19<;0, p. 306, suggests th:lt wth R:wenna ami
Class<: hJd walb built in thc third century, like Ri mi ni.
6; Gdichi, :000, PI" I 18- w; Fauuri, ! 004. p. N , notes that 1\"I;.n"l<::lli, ~L:1 forma
urbis," !001, p. ;6, ~"tatcs tha t whl'n RaVl'nna became a capital, it already had the
city wa!!s. Sc\"Cral other~cholaJ"5 ha"e st~ted in a speculative but llnsui)stnnriated
w:ly that Ibvellll1l's walls must h,lVe already t~ist e" in 4° 2: set Bollini. 11)90,
p. 306; .\"Iaioli, !OC4, p. 13: .' bioli, "' L a topogr3 Iia,~ ~ 005 , PI" 50- I .
fif! Chlldi.lIl, PlllI~g:,,"i{l/s dirt//.< HOII~rio AlIglI,'W S'~I'1I1111 (ollmli, CIll'mill,' "I1Il1innl
lS-4!H : "dixit ~·t mtiqu3t muros l'gressa Raucnna"."
69 Zosimus, Hi.<tori" No,'o Vl .7-l-""""9'3 i SoWmen, H;star;" Ecdnitlrtim IX.I!. S~c
Gillet!. !oo r, p. '4' ~ncll\. 'I !.
70 Ont fina l, pU7..1.ling piece of el'id"nte that has not L.~tn u.<,td in this dis"u.~siol1 is
th e Pcutinger .\lap, on wh ich Rawnna is shown as 3 city with W;llls and towers.
-111~ Pcur.inger l'hp is a thirtetnlh-t:entufYcOp)' of an e'lrlit"r world IIIllp whose
pmrotyp-e i~ variously dated f!'OlIl the first ro the nhuh cenrury (for rhe r1l0~t
lTcellt di:.cussions of the dati ng. ~e Salway, !OO); 1nd AI1;.1I, lOO) . C'll1 the
map lJ.c used to Jatc Ra"enml's walls, or "icc "ersa? Early interprttations of the'
map and irs infonn:lrion suggesTed a daTe fo r iTS PI"O[()TYpt berween 330 md 31S!.
'111is argument, 11l:1de without rderellce to the dc pictjOll of i{;LH'nna. would
imply that R~\'c nn~'s w;Jlls were already hui lt in till' f"urth "cnrur), (S(:c Dilke',
19B7). OtheJ"5 havt 'ltg-ued thac the pl"Ocotypt or a f('\'isiun mUSI have t..:en
mnde "ft<:r the early lifth century hee~ u:;c R:"'enn~\ w'llb didn't exist ('arlier
(a"b'llt!d hy Le\'i!Lel'i, 196;: s,,'" also AJ"IlaLld, 1990; \-Veb"r, 198\.1. p. 116: and
Salwl}'. !005, p. 1!5 and n. 37). AI Lu, . 005, fin,lly. has rc""ntly ~rgued th ~t the:
map WaS hasc{l {In Roman written itineraries and was madc in the Carolingian
p<:rioJ, whtll, of co urse, R3\'tilil:l'S w,llis h~d long existed; hut Alhu (Ioe~ not
really explain how the ma1:er of th" map, using tenual itiner:lriC![, would Im ow
how CO depict individual citili's with w:llls or not.
7I '\l anz~lIi, JUW.:IIIIII, 2000, pp. ! 38- 4 I: Gtliehi, !OOj, p. B.8 n. ~ 3; set' also
Gelichi, lOOO, PI'. 116- 17, who notes that onl!' the Vin D'A>;eglio ~ite has
matli'da1 from che fourth cenetl!)'.
7~ l'rassin"ti, 19!.15; .'hnzdli, R(WN11I{/ , !OOO, p. liS. Th"rc has bt"n along JeUa1"
:lbout the relative legal st ams of R:lI"ellna ~ nd C lasse. Scemming from the iden-
fil"ieMioll in the ta rly si:l.1h-eennlll' mosaic in S'ITlf'Apoliin'lre NuoI'o fhat iden -
tifies a (It,i/or Cfarse. schobrs have attempted to determine whethcr C lass<: was
:1 distinct politic,,1 entity in the 5ixth century, nnd, if so, ho'" f:lr hne1: th:1\

status goes. Sin(-e the "vidence "onsi~[S of one fragmentary in~ ri pt ion that
conuins the wo rd 1<"1/".£><', n reference in the fifrh _ee(lrury NOlil;ll Digniftl//ll!/
has been lTsed to identify fill,.I17/1 (lviltls as a ~p'lrmc city of C 1 ~ssc (Susini, "La
'lu,.stiolle," I 968), but oth"rs han Jisput"d this (Frassinetti, 1005 , p. 76).
i3 Augemi, "Archtologia e topografia," 1005, p. n.
74 Gdichi, lOO;, Pl" il3il -Q.
3" Nons TO PAGES 54-57

75 In addition ro !hose mentioned . I)(}>"e, .Iso Zosimus, Hislffrill NUl"l V,'7:

"Ravenn • ... is ",lied lUten. htt.us<: it is surrounded by w",or ... ~; see M .g_
n.m, '001 ,
76 Sec 1\1.,2.0, 1005; Sidonius Apolliooris, EpimJllr l. 5 ..,d I. 8; see .Iso in
VI!. , ]", in on Q,it:ll'h., "you dcsl'iseJ the popul ous terriwry of swampy
r",,/,"'=_1 R..'enn." .. "
77 I'ohhri, 'WI.
78 r.hu... '005. PI" ,811.; Fob!.ri, '99' . p. '9,
79 So:;uOIriti, '99', p. 8; "".n>.elli, R1tt~n"ll, 1000, esp. PI'. 1 ">--1 , ; Cirelli, w08,
1'. 67; but Augen!;, " R, venn. e CI.sse; il n>e<:onto." ,00(\, p. 30, on the "o ntr",y,
SOY' tho! the fo= Aug"srp probably so:ill fllnctioned in the lime of Theodoric,
without funher expl.runion.
80 lipm. l. 5.5.
81 F.bbri, [99' . PI" [8-19 •• od '004, PI" 45-4
8, The firs, refe"""cc to • palat;"", in R.wnn, COmL'" from the A,,,,,,),,,,,,,, VII/_
mimllS ",.,.. postn1... , 1'. in reference 10 T heoderic.
8J cr. Kelly. '998, PI'. "P-,_
84 Neri, [<;190. p. 543. lists V. lemini.n I in 365 .nd V. lemin i.n 11 in 378 -
85 1~",·iusMcrob.udes, C"rm;na I . nd 11 (t- IC II AA [4 , I'P. 3-4): ",e Oost, '91'5,
Pl'· 4--'7: C lm'cr, 197 ' . Pl'· [7- [9: lh n ,es, [974: . " d 11. ldini L ippolis, [997·
T he poems list members of the imJICri.1 f.mily "' • banquet; it must be emph.-
,.;,..,d thot the poe"" do no, soy th ot ,hey He describing pictures ... ther th.n •
living family scene, . nd th ot there is no evidence ,h.. ,he pietun.'S wen: I"'-"'ed
in R..,eruto - this is merely an . ssumptio" hosed OIl the ideo th ot V. I<'lltini."
III lived in R.venn • .
86 M ..ius of A' -enches, Chrvn;CiJ, •. 49) (,wGIl 55. [[, 1'_ '33) : • __ . oc;cisu, cst
Odov. ""r rex . reg<: ' n ,eudcrico in Loun:to;" An"". 1'"/,,, 55 (AIGIl 55 9-
p. 3'0): • . . . m.nu su.'Theoderic"" cum 100000reml in L.uretum pervenien-
tem gtadio imeremit ." These chronicles, re prob.bly reloted to the chronicle
hy Arehhi<h"p ,\ Ia.rimi. n ,h ot was Agndlus's soun::e: """ Ddiy:mni<. cd., ,006,
Pl'. ,6-3 0 .
87 F.rioli C.mJl"ltoti, " RO\'elUl', Const:l.minopoli,~ '99', 1'1" '4[----4: on ,he
D' phne pal ""e in Const.ntinople. see D.gron, '9H, 1'1'_ 9'- 4: .nd B.nlill,
"G r"'" I).lou.~ ' 999.
88 Ihldini L ippoli<. '997, PI' . 1- ).
89 C. Ric<:i h.d interpreted Agnellu.'•• <:count of G .lt. I'locidi, going by night
to S.n.. Croe" (LPK eh . 4 [) to mc.n ,h .. ,hen:: "'''''' I...·• l>Cen on .clj.eent
]>. 1:."e• • n,1 wh<'Tl Rom .n .<'rm in' were diSC""ered hene>!h S. n' . Cn"'. in
19'5--'7, ,hey were interpreted os the H onorian 1"'1,,,.,. Hut there i. no need
to interpn.1 Ag~ ellus i~ this ""y; ,",e Herti, '976, PI'. W- 5; No,''''.' '988;
Deichm . nn . ,'}89. Pl'. 49""50; Port., [99', Pl'. '7 [ - l; .nd M.nl-Clli. RIn'<1f1W,
'000, p. '0' .
90 DuVltl, "Comment reconn"tre," [978, . nd ' 997, Pl'. [4[ - ' : for. refu"tio~
see G elichi. '000, p. [ 10 n. 5.
9' I">T ,h" deor"" "'pl. ""ion of the building phose<, se" Augen, ;, "An:heologi.
e topogrnfio," '005 . Pl'. 7-'3, who argues, Pl'. " -, , thot whot he idcmifies
as Ph. se , dates to ,he founh century. but soys that i, i' po,,,ible '0 dOle it
to the Honori.n period, with Ph . se 3 doting to the mid-fifth C<:ntu'Y_ S<e
.Iso Dciclull . nn. [!}Ii9, Pl'. 58--J0; B.ldin; LipIXlli<, [997; M .nzcll ilGrnssigl~
NOTES TO PAGE S 57-59 )"

'00[; Russo, "Un. nuo .... proJ>O"t. ," '005, pp. 174-6; .nd Cirelli, ,008,
PP·78- 8S·
9' LPRchs. 94 .nd ['9' F.rio~ C.mpon . ti, "R.,.enn., O:>n.o;.ntinopoli," [99'.
Pl'· '+' - 3·
93 'llle southern rorridor . round the ro"rty.rd wos 1'.ved with mosoics dq,icr_
ing circus, mythologico~ .nd hunting scenes. B.ldini Lippolis. [997 , dOles
the circus m",.i", to the period of·l1,rodenc. hut Augen';, "Arehoologi, c
topogn/i,," ' 005, dot"" th ..'JT1 to the fourth century, thus ]",fore the .m....1of
the imperiol roUrt.
94 Ort.lli, [99[ , p·17!.
95 The mintsofRome and Mil.n oominued to pro<hoce ooins throughout the fifth
century; Aquilei.'s mint oominued umil +'5; see ,\NI.n, '005 , 1'1'. [95-{i.
¢ Mlan. l005 , Pl'. '97- l01, who notes th" the ooins minted in R,,·enn •• fter
455 .re less widely distributed in other areasof Europe, in f""Orof roins minted
.. Milan; this fits with G illett's argument thot R","nna wos not I"'ing u«-d OS
• copitol in this period.
97 LI'Ree. "5 and [6.+.
98 For Ihe dcarest c"I'licotion of Ihese documents, see Augemi. "Archcologi. e
topogm/i,.~ '005. Pl'· '3- 31.
99 l)eich"uru,. [9il9> 1'1'. H-{i·
100 The idcntificotion os the mint is not without contTO\..,rsr; for .11 of the
arguments . nd hihliogrnphy. see Augenti, "Archeologi. e ropogr:>fi.," '005,
Pl" l 3- 3 ,. Deichmmn (, 9~ Pl" 54-6) h,d uguod thot the p.pyrus of 57'.
which identified. no.. ry os "h. bens stalionem.d moni"m .uri in ponicum
SIleri p.lot;" ( rj.der 11, no. 35, p. , , ,), mc>nt thn the min' mu.;t hove heen in
the ponico of the p,l.ce, thus to the cost of the pl41t4 "",;..., but Augemi .hows
that it is more 10gic.1 to ...... d this p''''' ge .. me, ning tI", the nO/my h.d his
sl"ion in the p.n of the ponico of the p.bee near the mint, which WlIS >cross
the slreet.
10' s."" esl" V'""Pign.ni, 1005: .nd I lumph rey, ,<)86. pp. 578-{i38, who documents
cireu'iCS for Nicomedi., Trier, Simtium, Mil.n, Aquilei., Thes.,oIonikc, Ami -
och, ond .ccqns. eirrus in Rovenn.; but Du .... l. [~n , 1'1'. 'loS--] ,nd 'H.
notes thot t~e evidence for Ihe linhge of cirrus ond pal.ce i. not >trong in
other tet ... reh,l ,"pitols, ineiuding R, venno.
101 Sidon;us Apollin.ris. Co..",i"" '3 Ad erm",,,j,,,,,, lines 3'311. (MGH 1M 8.
Pl'. '5711.). While Vespign.ni, '005, p. "35, repeats. conIDlOn ."",nion thol
this circus must I", in R..'enn., ,, thot is where the emperor resided, G illen.
'001. Pl" I,~ .nd esp. n. '33 , refu,,,s this .s;enion.
103 LihN- pqntifialu, Vil4 Tbtodori, (Inns. Davis. B",,* ofPrmti/fi. p. 0). See Vespig -
n.ni, '00" Pl" '140-1, ond . tsojohn."n, '988, p. 83 and n. "0, for I"..t -
n;mh -<;cnlUry references to the cirrus. Despite severn I .",enions, neither the
Anonym'" Va/"ia",,, parr "",stricr ch. 67 nor C , ssiodorus's Clmm;ra • . 5'9
(MGH 1M Xl, ed. Mommsen, p. 161) ,Iescribes games or mees held in honor
ofEuthorie . 1 Ravcnn., only"' Rome; see Gillett, '00[ . p. 160 n. '33.
104 I.PR c. " ond e. '53: Dcieh",.nn, '9il9> 1" 40.
105 The e.r~esl such reference d.les 10 ¢o (Fmtuzzi, [So[, 1.1 50- I); see John -
son, '988. p. 83 n. , [0, for other referenees. including the thi n eenth-eentury
C/mmjciI tk Cil·itau ""~"I""'. ,..hich "'Y" th.t Theodcric "c"l'le';t mumm c;v -
;",is, quo usque '"PUt e;reo et them,," (ed. t- Iumtori. RIS I. '. p. 575)'
 Nons TO PAG~S 60 - 62

1<'l6 D~ glJb~'III"'-O/l( Dd \11. 9: ". __ p3/"S ~unr Rom~n~e plehi.. in circo, p~r.; Sllnt
populi Raucnnatis in th~ntro."
10i Humph rey, I <,)86, Pl'. 580 ~nd 6 36; the only ex~ ptioJl S to north-south orienT~ ­
tiOll were ill cities with prcexlsTing f:u:;eTrm;k;;. Hu mphr~y notes, p. 306, ThJt
the snlJllest l:nown impcrLlI-pcriod eireus, ;\t GeTas;l. had 3n arena !44 meters
long.
108 J uhnson. H)SR. p. 83_
TO? Cirelli, ~oo!J , pp. 9O--l , who makes this ~uggestion because there i.~ no archge-
oiogic3J ""iJ"nc" at all from this p3rt u f th" city that mi ght cuntradict it.
110 Malla. !oo5", p. II; ~nJ Cosentino, :()05", Pl" 413-15.
III Sidonius ApoJJin llris, Epii/.1.5.6: ~nisi quod , cum sese hin c salsullI f'Ortis p~l­
ah"'s impingen·t. hine cloaeali pulte foss~rum Jis<:ur,u lyntrium \'emila t3 ipse
lemarl languidus lapsus unlf)ns nallticis cuspidihlls foraminato fundi glmino
sordiibretuT, in lI1edio undarum sitit'L~rnus, 'l ub nus'l u,un ~d aquaedltCIUUII1
liquor in teger ,;el ci~te m" defaecabi lis vel fOilS inriguus "clllUTeus inlil1li~."
I rl Prado 19RR. p. ! I; which iseollfiroled in the Allonyln\l~ V~lcsbn\lS'S de$Cri prion
of 'nlcodcric's fC'S[()r'ltion of the a'lu"duet, I / UDII. VtJ/,'s. 7 I ; SeC below, Chap-
ter 4.
1 13 For hibliography, s('c C h:lplCr I.
1 14 About the cult of St. Lawrencc, sec, for eu mplc, Nordstrom, 19;3, PI" 1 7 ~2 3:
Le"is, 1973 , Pl" .! 141'1'.; ~nd Nauroy, 19A? , Compare, for example, the b3silic~
and puems by Po~ D amasus (366---84), Amurose 's UiSCllssion of L]\\'T.:nce in
D~ I)fficiis 1.41 aod ~ .18, and his H)'ll1n i 3, Dc S_iAtll'm/ill (PL Ii, co11. 1116-
' 7), the poenl wrinell in Sp.li n al"Qund 405" by Pnldenril15, PO'iSICpblllJ(J1I ~ ,
th" (Ollscru"tion of another l>asilic'a ill RUIlIi: by Po~ Six[Us HI (43l -40), :I
.>enIlOJl in his honor by Pop<: Leo I (440-61); ;lnother senll0n fa lsely anrihuTCQ
to 1{,1I'c:nn;I's own Bishop Peter Ch rysologlls, $l'n/1O 135, IH,d some sort of
Ravenna conm'C[ion, as it hadlll.:comi.· put of Felix's collcc·tion ill the eighth
..:en[Ury (set Oli,'ar. ' o;Nz, p. 1(9).
115 See Deil:hmann, 197 4. PI" 75-; ' In ROllle, V3J<:ntinian III and 1"'11<: Sheus 1II
huilt ,md endowed a b'lsilica de dicated to ST. Lawrence; sec UIl.." pDlJliji,·IIIi..,
V. Si.\11 m. 5-6 .
I 16 Augu stine, Srl7lll1llr; 3~ l: ~ ... ad glonosi martyris laurenrii memoriam, quae
;!pud rnUenn;Ull nu~r colloc<lu est, sicu! ~udiuimus .... " On the datt , sec:
Oci<:hmann, I 1l7<.i , p. 337, ci ting KUn>:clmann, 11)3 I , p. 508.
117 On Lauricius, :;ee Martindale, PLRE l, 1980 , pr· 65"9-60.
lIS Knmh" imer/Curci(', 1986, 1'1'. 51-4-
I 19 tPR ehs. .04-6; ."Ce De1iyannis, trans., lOO4. PI'. 136-8 and notes. The re lics
of Stephen, considered ro h~\' e been the jJf5f martyr. were discovered in ,p :;:
and ... nshrineJ in CunstmtinopJ~·, J<:rus;1lcm, and Rome in thc fifth century
(...::e e5p. Chlrl:, :9\1l). while Gervase an d l' rof~sc were m~rtyrs of i\filan whose
veileration Ill!d been promote.1 by S{. Ambrose.
11 0 LPR eh. 36: "Lauricius huius dedicauit sun di" tertia Kat. Octohris, Theodosio

quinto clecil110 ef Placido V:!h; ntio i,mo." IV :tugg. conss.

I l I -Jbt: LPR 1l1Hnuscri pt ha~ Opilius; Deichmann, 19i 6. PI" 33,---8, assumes that
the nO\m e must h3"e be"(l Opili .... Th.,,.'C' are ;l r l.,,,st 4 ru., n 11:1I11ed Opilil)
known from th" Ia tcr fifth and sixth centuries who h"ld the h ighest g~)\'em m cnt
positions un dl· r the emperor.; and Theoderil'; S~e .\Inrtindale, 1980, I'LRI!. l ,
PI'· 80i-9·
III Dcichm;1nn, I 1l7(), p, 340.
NOTES TO PAGE S 62-65
'"
113 See 0",,1, 108, p. ,65; Letters;6 and 58 in the LetTers of Leo I the Gre.t
(PL Sf, colI. 85?-66)·
1 '4 Se<: Oost, 108. PI'· ,;6-61 ; G.ll.·. p.rticip.tion in Roman church .ff.irs i.
reported in the Ukr pontifital;s. V. B""ifotii I.nd V. Slm III.
"5 Lihn" f"'ntifoalil V. M"n;,,; , .nd V. AgatlmlliJ 4, "in domo Pl.cidi.e";
V. C""mmt;n; 5."' p.l.tio in Pl.cidi... " M'gd.lino, '001, p. 60, proroses
thot the hollS<) wos inherited [,y Gall. '. gt:>nddoughter Plocidi • • nd pcth ' I"
then by her daughter Aniei. Juli . n•.
116 On GaU . ', church p.. ro'''ge. see esp. llruboker, '997 , Pl'. 53-<ir.
"7 Con,"nriu, of Lyon . Vira "'>Uti C"""mi (written in 475- &». chs. 35- 44;
Genn."",'. vi,it to R,venn' i. probobly doted to 436--"7 (Inompson. 19B~,
Pl'· )7-<i6).
I ,8 Holum. '977. ond idem, '98,. Pl'. I '9""30; Rizzordi. ' 11 ,\ lo"soleo l'lne "1.,,-
solemn," Iw6, p. 114.
"9 I.PI{ ch •. 4' - I. '7.•nd 41.
130 LPRch. 51; see below.
' 3' LI'N ch. 4" This stonn probobly h.ppened, as Deichm.nn condudes (1974.
p. 94), during G.ll,'s return trip with th .rmy in 4'5; while cr{l!l;,ng the
Adri.tic from S.lon. to R.venru, the .nny's Oe<:t ""OS hindered by • storm
(Soct:>t"" Schol.S!:icus, fin •. &d. 7·' 3).
I j l "[ne m.in publicotion. on Son Giov.nni EVllngelisto ore Grossm.nn. 104;
Dcichm'nn. '974, PI". 93-1 '4; F,rio1i C" np.n.ti, 1995' "-"ngot:>, '000; . nd
_.n:
"r..USS<>. -"h'"ettu...." '005. Pl" >03- '4'
I 33 Deiclunann. 1974, PI". 101- '. In Ill) the church wos gi"en • l,vish new Set of
flo'" lnosoK:s thot commcmo...tcd. '",ong other thing>, the Fourth CTU>.de,
including the .. ck of Const:.ntinople; see Forioli C.mp.noti . ! 99;.
'H Nov ....., " L.. 11...·<11"... rdo_impcrio le," '00 I. Pl'. ,67- 7'; F. rioli Compo".,i,
199;·
135 See most comprehensively Deichm.nn. '974 , Pl'. 103-'7, ,,;th. campleteaH -
.Iog of ". ch pi""", . nd .L.., No'....., "].'",\i1i,.i. di culm," '001 . Pl'. ,88"9;
.nd Z.notro, "Practi", del reimpiego," '005. pp. I '44-5 , "'ho notes thot the
colwlU" c. me from .. leo .. tWO different buildings.
1 36 lI.usso, "L ·.rchitettu ... : '00;. pp. >1 1- 1, .
'3 7 I)eichma,m, 1974, p. 10., for examl,le, the n.nh"" of St. JoI,,, Stoudios in
CoII''''ntinople, ca. 4C>O, wo< subdivided with sm.lI ch.mt..c" .. the north .".1
south end. rhot communicated with the oisl...
'38 LPI{ ch. 147' " ... in .ngulos ipsius introiti.... " It should he pointed OUt
thot the site on which the church ..... huilt cont:r inc~1 • ccmc~ery th .t
w.s used from Ihe fir>t-flfth centuries AI), ",e M.nulli, RPwtma, '000,
pp.14O"1.
I 39 Grossm.nn . 1964, p. , ,8.
140 Grossm.nn. '0+ 1'. , 18. suggests that the spolio illcluded twe"ty_four com-
plete set.... which is why rhe church .nd n.rthex were built in this w.y.
14 1 '[nose who propose 0 d.te in the 4Jos include De Angelis d'Oss.t. SIIOJ;. 10'.
1'1" t4- 18, and Rus...,. "L'.rcftit<~rut:>,~ ,005, Pl" 104-<i. 1,,,,,,1 on the f.ct th.t
there is not much difference in the l""els of the origin.l n,,'e floor .nd of the
.,rium, thus they must h"'e heen built close together in time (. lthough if the
church were in continuous lIS<). thi.l.d of difference in lcvels might not be
SO significant, Forioli Comp.".,i, 1995, p. '5) ' A date., the time of Il i;hop
,\Iorini.n ca. 600 (Oeichm.nll, 1974, p. 10) is bosc-d on f... gments of mosaic
3" Nons TO PAGES 65-67

.pp.rently cont.ining the n.me of t\i.rini." <595-<>06); h"""over, these "'cre

not found in the new western section of,he n ••·~. Cms.m.nn, '0+, does not
suggest. d. te for the modiflc.tion._
14' LI'R eh. ' 47; Agn.llus is here telling. Story thot tool< 1'1."" in the eighth
"""mI)'. It is worth noting ,hot .coording to Agn.!lus the noury llil.ruo;, who
tells the story, was to be buried in the narthex; .hhough Agnellus m.de up
th is <tory (<<.., Deliy.nn; .. ' ....ns., "'''4, PI'. 9-' 0), the kotur5 of San Giov.nni
!;Vllngeli.," that he <1"""';1,,-,, mu." C<>ITcsrond to ninth-century con<ii,io"s,
F.riol; C.mp"". t;, '995. pp.lS--<i.
'4 J Interesti ngly, these column, were of different m"., i.] .. 'he one on the north
being g",nite ond the one on the south "irollino m.rbl., how",-cr, 't least in the
thine..,,,,h century ond possibly corlier their diffct<'fIcc would not be no,icoo,
as they were co"ered ",;th si )"er (D eichm.nn, 197.h p. 107).
144 See most comprehensively Deichlllann . 1974. pp. !}8-10<>; and Russo,
"L'. "'hi'rttu.... ,~ ><>05, Pl" t , 1- '3·
145 Deichlll. nn. 1974. p. 99; Russo, "L"rehilettu.... ," '005, Pl" , , ' - 13; lh. com -
p,n,i,·. eJUmple is found on the ex,erior of the fourth-c<ntury ch.pel of S.n
'0
Aquilino in M il .n. which h" be"" .ttributed 'he p,'ron'ge of G.lb PI.cidi.;
see Lewis, t973.
146 Smith. ·'11IC Side Ch. mbers," '990; in " Fon" ond FUllcrion,~ '99".
she dis_
cusses the side chambers.t S.m. Croce, S.n Vitole. S.m 'Apollinor. Nuovo,
s.",·Apollillare ill CI.sse, San" Ag ... " h ggiore. ,",1,be C .lli.n". b.sili ......
'47 See Deichmmn. '9H. Pl" 95 - 7·
148 Deichlll""n . ' 974. p. 97; follo"'ed by Farioli Camp'I!IOl;. "R..'enn • . ConslOnu -
nopoli," '99'.1" '43 -
149 bng' .... . '000, Pl'· '7l!--g.
I 50 LPN ch. 4" TrtI(fal""dijirlltilm;s tt mnftnltti(JI1;r "hsit "",Ni loIwmu mllngtluu
rk Rll11trm1land Itm! tkdiali"", ,d,';, Jtm(fi l.hll1mis """'gdifU. prescrved in the
fifteenth-cenrury CtJd", EslmsU, fo1. 44v-47r, published in RIS L,. Pl" 567-
71 . G iruJ.mo R<>ssi. 1/;!fOrian,m RotWtIJlI,1f".
cd., V.nice, '589). pp. 10' !!'. The reb'anl p"""ges from Ibese sources
published in Deichm.nn, '97f. Pl'. loS-I I; bm a new cdilion of them. with
.r.
Libri X (Venic"", '5 71 .n,1 ,,,d

discussion of their dates • • ppc.rs in Zong . ... 1000. 1'_ 176_

'51 Ricci. 1937, 1'. J6 and fig. 7'; .nd Jlovini. '955, 1'. 59. Sce also J'oilpreJC.illet,
' 005. !'P. '08---", for further di..,,,,,,,ion.
'5' Deichm.nn . '974. Pl'. " ' - '3. notes Ih01 this depiction h., no Imown icono-
g .. phic 1"'" Il els, al,hough it is simi I.. to scenes of Chris, gi'~lIg the Law ."d
I:~Y" t<. Pc"'~r ami J'm!.
'53 "Amore Christ; nobilis .. filius toni,rui SanctusJoh.nnes .re"". vidi,~ is \:no,,"n
only from the "'-'C<lnd scnnon .nd i, not 'Iuoted by Rossi; Dcichmann. '97~,
p. "4, ..gues Ihot il w .. a scp . .. le horizont al b.nd. OS h .. been rendered
kre. ZanS" ... '000.1'. ,8" di;;russcs ,he fOct thot i, is. dose p' .. phrosc of
the 6rst "ersc oflhe hymn composed by SI. Ambrose in honor of SI. J ohn the
[ ""ngelist, "Amore Chris,; nobilis I [t filius Tonil",i I Arc.n. loh.nnes Dei I
!'atu ",,,,,bvi, ""ro" ( Il ymn 6, "d.]. Fnn",ine, '99')' T h" ph",.., fiJ;'" "m;m,;
comes from M.rl: J" 7.
IH "G all . I'bcidi, Augusta pro se et his omnibus ''Otwn sol.-il"; Zong . ... '000,
1'_ 184, proposes th .. mi, i. more pl.usible Ih.n his_
NOTES TO PAGE 68 3'9

[55 One of tht ~rmons s.~ys, ~sub <Jui l:ms {the p"lms ond ships] in jllllctUr.\ pr3efuti
~reus it,! inve nimus adsignat(l'S I'ep.;us, verum t,mtum super e~ pi t~ imp.:ntorum
iJ il'onl!l1." Rossi , how<:I'er, says, ~Er,\[\r '[litem haec imagines in ~1'(:U restl.ldi -
nis ... :' Bovin i, 195), p. 60, argues that the s~nnon must m~an that the \"trscs
r.m di rcetl), arou nd the presumed me dallions; he draws a parallel with the tri-
1I111phaiarch llIusai<.'S of 5'[l1ta SabilHI in Romt. 'Ilso madt in tht 4! OS :1ni.lnow
I~t vu t drawn by Ciam pini in his Vcl""-,/ I\[ulI;mm[lI. Although the Santa Sa bina
mosaics are presumed to he e'lfly fi fth century, one of the main pieces of evi-
J~l1n. . for this is their simi bri ty to th .... presum .... d arr:mg .... m .... nt at San G iol'anni
[vangdistal Dl·ichmann. 19i+ p. [[ 7, sugg...ste <l that th ... meda lliun s Wl"fe in
a horizunt ill row Ixneath [he inSl.· ripri on. Rossi's te.~t, however, pretty clearly
st:otes that the meda llions arc in the soffit of th., arch.
[56 Ri zzardi, "'I mosaici parict:o li:' !OOS, l'p. ~37-8; Dciehmann. ' (li4 , pp. [15-16.
[57 Relxnieh, 1985, sllgg~Sl'i th at the Gn]t ianus 1I"p. w as the full~Ulood brother
of Galla Plaeidia; .\1aekic . aThc .Vl"usoleum," 1 995 . p. 40[ . citi ng '\brtin dale,
IQllo, PP' 5 1 H, 594. ~no [ [00. whoalsoslIg!!csts that th e '\JCadiu5 of th e inscrip-
tiOIl was dlc SOli of TIleooosius II (p. ( 30) . Oost, [,){.8, PI" ;6-;, suggests that
they Wl' Cl' Gall a P lacidia 's dceea~ed brothers, sons of Thcodosi us r by his sce-
ono wife Ga lin (her mothe r); sec Muckie, idem, p. 399. V alell[ini ,m III hild
hccll give n the title I/o/!ilirsilllm at the :1ge of one whcll his Jlarent.~ were named
al/gtlffi ; O lympiodorus of Thebes, fr. H in Photius, Mp"IJbiMioll 80.
[58 .\'LlrtinJ,!le, 11)80, p. t 100; j\ iaeki.:, "T he ,\lausoleUl n:' [ 99S, p. 4°1.
'59 Deichmann , 19i4, pp. 1[4- 16.
[00 Ro~~i cites the text as ~ Bcati misctieordcs. qllonialll mi$Crcbimr D eus." This
seems to dcril'l' fro m th., Bibh'l llitill, or thl' pr., . Vulgate Lutin Bib].,: ~ Beati
misericordes, qllon bm ipsis miserebit"tlr D eus.~
[61 Z:mg;l fa, !OOO, Ill" : 81 - :: ~Sanero ,IC I:><: atissirno al~<)5to lo loh:\(mi e\,;UI geJi5t~e
Galla PladJiJ augusta l'um filio sun Placido Vak ntin b no aUb'1.lSW lOt fil ia ~1.Ja
Il usla j Gnt:l H onoria august" lilxrationis pericul(or)um maris I'otu m sol vunt."
T he insc ript ion is also publishell as CIL XI. z67e.
r(o~ l.PR eh. V: "Conuona hoc:, Deus. <Jund <) I~r~ru~ es in Ilubj~; t1 templo 010
in Icrusalem tibi ",£rerent reges munC.""ra ." The insc ripti on is rep<:at .... d in the
scl"und s\"nnon 3nd by Rossi.
[63 LPN. eh. l 7i ABndllls S~J' S this im,]ge shows the s']nc(i t~' of r.h.is bishop. See
F3riol; C3 mpan ati. ~ Ra"cnna, Consuntinopoli," r !)<)!, p. [:>9; Deiehmann,
H)7'i , pp. [ ~ : - 3; and earlier Gra bar, 1 ~.l U, pp. ~ 8, [ l 5- t:\, 3nd [ 53 - 5' 7..a ng3Ta,
: 000, PI" !8<)-9I, suggestS tha t th .... image J . . pictetl_\ll dehi;;.,d~k r.tth . . r thm
Peter I, simibr to the exam ples in San Vi t3le and Sam'Ar>ollinarc ;n Cbssc;
bllt us we will see, there :m.' specific reasons for th .. depict ion of ,\1elchisedek
in thOSe contexts, which in my cas., arc not fou nd in the S:llTIC loc3tion lx:hind
th e bishop's thro ne . Also, Agnclllls notes that a depiction of Bishop J ohn 1"":15
found in th ... same 1000:1(;on in 5nnfAg\Lta (LPN ch. 44). Siuce Agnelllls rd:L(eS
a sto rr of John eelchratin g mas...; in me presence of an angel, it scems likely
th ut S'lrIt'l\ gau had n similar im:lg.; to the one in San G iovanni EV'lrIgelista
(:l lthough Naoerth, 19i of, PI" !9-3~ , not.:s tha t ,\gnd lus docs not specifically
desc ri he suc h aliturgie~l in",!!:" in S'lI1t'Aga[~).
164 Dcichm ann, 19;4, pp. [[6- l j; Grabar, [Y36. p. !8, assumes that there mu~t
han: u.:cn earli.,r Llamp[cs, uut offcrs no Cl'iJencl' for theS<."". 'Iller" arc other
330 N O TES TO PAGES 68- 71

eMmples of pictures of imperial f~m ilies in p"bces,:ls we h:lve seen for R,,\'ellll",
ami as an' known for th~ p~1aee, L'slx:cially th~ Ch~tkc Gat~, in Con~1:antinopl~.
In ROllW, G~lh Pladdi:l ~pp'lren rty Iwl pictures ofhersdf ;IIul her children seT
up in the church of S,mt.1 Croce ill Gemsale mme, which would panlllel our
example here (sec Kralllhcimcr, 19j7 , p. 168). The earliest such depiction in
Constlmtinople W;IS appartntly stt up by tht "mptror Lto I (45 7- 73) in dl<!
~psc of th" chapo:l of Iht: 'Ib"otokos of th" Blach"mae, Lh:picting Le\}. his
wife, Verina, and their sons ;It the sides of the enth roned Virgin; see Farioli
C;llnpanati, "Ral'enna, Constantinopoli," 199', p. 147, and Mango. 19y8.
165 of all the Ix:atihld<:s (,\lutt. 5), onl)! th<: nn<: ()n ",iJ"t'rirardu CJn IlIle(jui\'o'l:allr
;'flPly to tho~e who :lre rich and powerful in s<)(;iety. In fifth -century exegesis,
",j'''rirorJ", is usually intcrpITt<:d as r<'fcrring to eharity and alms giving; ~c,
for example, Leo the Great, Srr11/Qll~ [ 0, [6, 78. and 95; Perer Chrysologus,
Si.'1711(/11 8; Valerian of Cirniez's N(l/lljlirs 7, 8, and \) Oll 11I1!1""i(ol'lli,/, whil'h are
speeifieall~' addressed to the weolthy. J ohn Chry~ostom, in Hom ily 15/; on
Mntrhew, I'.liscs rhe fJllcsrioll of whnt ~.)'oiWOVEI'· means: MHere H e seems to
me to spcaL: not ofthosc onl), who show mer<';.' in gi"ing of money, uu t thos..·
likewise who arc mn~iful in th~'ir octi()ns." ·'''EVTuV\lO 0;' TOV~ 5'0 XP'1I-'Crr"'v
t). ~OVVfas !Jovo1.' h.oi BCKEi MYEl"', 4}..M Kol ToU~ SulnpaY!J,hw1.'."
166 Rlz1.ardi, ~1l .\1Jusolco I The .\busolcum." 199<1, p. 1 I!, and 1993, pp. 3Bil-9l.
167 tPR eh. 41. Zangarn, 1000, p. ~7 0' Ilote~ th~t Agl1 c1Iu.~ offer.; no evi,lcnee for
altriLJIlting th~ church to G'llb, and suggests thar it W:1S huill u~' HOllOriU S.
168 See Cortesi, (97)3, pp. 48- 5~; Geliehi/Nm'a,'a, 1995, I'p. 365-6 n. 50; and
M~n7.clli, R,WCllllu, !OOO, p. !3 Q.
16y For a deuilc<d aec'ount of the history of the so-called ~mauwlcu lll of Galla
Pladdj'I," including illfonn~dol1 :!bout S~nf;] Croce, see bllllllCci, ·'11 m11US(>leo
ritrOl'aro," 1996, pp. 198-9.
[70 ' Inc main puhlished d~scriptions of this huildin!::, ~nJ in; 31'<.'haeolob')' arc
Dtichmann, [974, PP' 51-9; Corttsi, 1978; anJ Gelichi/NOVarJ, 1995· l'or
the archaeological hi~tory of the <,;hurch after the sixth ccntu~', S<:e Gdiehi.
1990; and G.. lich.ilN Ol'arn, 1995, I'P· 364- i7'
17' Sec C()rtesi, l yj8, pp. 61-!.
[ fl I..l:wi5. 1¢9; R i7.7.~n li , "L 'arehitemlrJ," 1996, pp. 131-3 '
173 From tllc Lo rsch Sylloge: "Fonn,1 <,;n,ds ttmplum est, tcmplum \'ictori.1Cristi!
sacra triumphalis signat imago locum." Lewis, I <)69, discusses the meaning of
this poem in the context of the newlr developin~ u~ of cross-planned churches
in both East and \:1,' .,;;1.
174 Other churche~ from the tifth century that had a ctQs~-!;round phn were like-
wise dedk;l(ed to al)()srles 'Illd m~rtyrs, sHch as (he Apostoleion :1( COlllO, S~tl{O
Stefano 3t Verona, St. J ohn at Ephesus, etc. It is interesting to note that in
R:n-etlUa, the church derlic'lted to the ;Ipostlcs (nQw San Fr.mecsco) was built
as:, reg\ll~r b~silica, not with a c rucironll ground plan; Ltwis, (969, p. 2 [).
175 Cortesi, I 9i8. p. 66.
176 Gclichi/NO\'nr", 1995, p. 352 , re port th"t this was S('cn in the cxc"""tions
wnJucteu U)' Oi Pieno in the 19: 0~. and ag~in uy Cortesi in tllC 19705.
T77 Nov:lra, ~ L~ Ra"enna urrlo-hnptriale," ,001 , p. !69. 10 the tenth or el~\' enth
l:enhTry, the walls{)f thc chun:h Were rebuil t, thc '11"><: W;lS redone as II scmidrcle,
and" crypt was Jug in the chancel: C()rtesi, J Qill, p. 66.
1,8 5mith, "Fonn and Function," 1990, pp. 19 1- 5.
NOTES TO PAGE S 7]-74 H'

179 Rizz. rdi. "L ·.rchiteuuro.~ [9!JO. pp. 1'9-30.

180 Gdichil1\'ov:aro. 1995. pp. 358--9 n. 31; Stt ]'.... n. [984- 5'
18, Rizz.rdi."L ·.rchitetturo." [9!JO. p. [H.
18, l.nnucci."1l m>usolw ri"O\.. <o." 19!JO. p. [So.
183 Vern i•• "L ·. n.lisi." ' 005. p. 'J '9; ",e.1so GclichiINo ... ro, '995, p. 361.
184 Cortesi. 1978; origin.ll), Di ]'ietro, ' 9'7. Its location i. now co~ered h)' trees
.nd > p.rIo:ing lot.
185 I.I'R eh. 41. Gall. ]']acidi. did no' h."" • niece n.med Singlet]i •. OS for OS
we know; Testi-R.sponi, [9'40 p. 118 n. 1, proposed thot ,he 10mb seen b),
Agnellu, w.s th . t of Suinigi]d., the wife of Odo.~..,r.
186 PO\·. n, 1'}84-5, Pl'. 35'- "
187 GelichiJl\:m.. ro, '995. lkl\';ni, ' 950, like"';", do", not include, northern
ch.pd in hi. reconstruction. of the nonhex, Imt Cirelli. ' 008, p. '35. does
include it.
188 Nov.",. "I.. Ra."nm "'rdo_imperia l": '00', p. ,f>?
189 GelichiINov:aro. '995, PI'. j5o--s.l'roconnesi.n m.rnle fom,ed. large part of
the gr,),-wined nurnle of mi. floor (p. 355).
1'}O Se<: Deli).. nnis. ,,,,ns., '004. Pl'· 336-7·
'9' On stUCCO, Stt below. with reference to me Orthodox B.ptistery.
'9' Christ., '9!JO. p. 9', not'" thOl me rcfcrenre to e hri" h.,,;ng no kginning
or end is. pointed s",tement of .nti-Ari.n meology; for more on this. see the
following ch'p,er.
'93 N.u"rth, ' 9N, p. 9'. nO''-'S th . , sillCe this "'p,ession ,ef"n< to 'he cross-sh 'p"d
church of S.nt. Croce, .n)' one of me .rches.t ,he crossing might be meant.
not n,'Ce""" ,ii), the .rch of the "P'"' .
194 lm.ges of Christ o"erthe dool"Wll)' on the interior of churches ore known from
other structUres in R.vCIl">, n.mel), me "m.usoleum of G.II, 1'l"";di . ... the
(apr'hI arm~JCt,,-';k. and the I'etrian. ch"rch in Class<:; they "",empli/)' John 10;
7; "[ .m me gotew.), of me sheep ... ~: see Deichmonn. ' 9 74. p. 57.
'95 At l""-<t, ,his is how the poem hos heCll in,er]>,,,,,,,[; "''' Deichm.nn , ' 9H,
p. 57; .nd N.uerth, ' 974. Pl'. 9[ - 4. r or. discussion of the m .. ning of me
mos.ie, Stt l'oilpr6'Caillet, 1005, Pl'. I J ' - 16; hut meir interpret.tion of me
line "german.e mom crimina '0"'''" OS 'eferring to 'he "savage enm .. of
me GennatlS" is erroneous. os this c.nnot be the me.ning of gtrmII''''t.
10 N.ue"h. ' 974. 1'1" 93-4'
197 Forioli Cam]>"n"i, "R,,·enn •. Conslllntinopoli," '99'. PI'. '4[ - ' : Rizz.n:li.
"II AI.usaleo I ' rhe AI.usaicu", ," '!)96. 1'. "~I. Ulti"'otcl),. i, is. e h,i"i."
in''''l',,~ .. ion of Ps. lm 9'" 3; "'" SIllm ..;"u, ' 99 ', wh" nO'CS ,h., ,he im.ge
repre""nts. trilJllll'h.nt emperor.
"II S,,,, esp. Po... ' ¢I"
199 "h>st recently Riuordi, ·L·.rchitett"ro," [!)96. PI'· "9-)0; Dc Froneovich .
'951H): Dc Angelis d·Oss.t, SlIId;, '0' .
'00 For e",mple, Bu,·ini. "Note." 195'. foUowed by GelichiINov:aro. '995.
p. 357, who describe 00th me stylistic .nd orner .rch.eologicol b.... for pro-
I""",d dates. Dtichm.nn , ' 9 7+, p. 5', soy. !hot • mO," pn-,cise dote C.nnot he
identified .
101 Cortesi, [978, p. 56. No" .... "L. Ronl'ln. ,.rdo-imperi.le," 1001. PI'· '7[-),
"'y' thot this seems unlikely. gi"en that ;t st.nd. in,;']e the imperi.l " .. U. of 'he
city, .nd that under Rom.n l.w buri.l h.d 10 t:l.J.:e place oUlside me " .. Us of.
 NOTE S TO PAGES 74-77

city; hO"'cver, as we will see, m.ny buri.ls took pl. c. within the fifth-century
...olls from the beginning of ,he fifth celttury.
'0' GelichiINm... "" '995, PI'. 364-6-
,oJ llrut..kcr, 1997, p. 61; on C, lIa's work in the Roman church, Stt K",uthcimcr,
' 937, 1'.168.
"4 Se. Holum, 1977, ""d below.
'05 Deichm.nn, 197~ , 1'.)).
106 J ohnson, 1<)<)1, PI" 336-8.
l07 It w,s ,101 Agnellus who identified this chol'd os the buri.ll'lace of G.Il., os
most pcople doim; "'. Deli}'.nni" 1000.
,oS M.jor I'ublicotions of this building .re lkn'ini, 1950; Deidumnn, [974,
1'1'.6)---<)0; .nd Ri",,,rt!i, cd., 1<)<)6. The n.rthe. wos dcmolis.hcd in 16<», ..
which )IOint the origin.1 e"' ... nce wos dosed off .nd 0 new door wos built in
the west woU; 'he origin.1 fonn wos restored in 1774. The building was in.
hitly ruin<-d "",e hy ,he, R7os, when "-,",,rotion effortS heg.n, cnding in '90 I .
The history of the rcstorotions is described in detail hy Iannucci, "II mousolea
ri,ro ...."'," 1!)96; .nd Vernia, "L '.nolisi," ""'5, 1'1" I t l ' - 4.
'09 For. det. iled di"""",-,,ion of the v.rious ""'torotions of 'he exterior brick-
wori:, .nd on ,n.lysis of ,he origin.1 mo;;onry, Stt Vernia, "L '.n. lisi," '005,
who notes, 1'. "'9- thot the thickness of thesc hrich is .p.rticul.rity of this
building, but not. unique case, os simil.. bricks ,re found in the other build-
ings of the perioo. Vemi •• 1", ohscrv", th" ",mc new bricks were llS<-d for ,he
heing of the . rehcs.
lIO Vern;., "L'anoli,i," ""'5, 1'1'. "30--3'"
,,, Deichm.nn, '9H, 1'_ 6«, coil> this the fir;t use of. blind "",.de on • hrick
building in h.ly, on the b"is of C<lmp.risons with the Adri .. ic eoost .nd
Syria.
, [' RizlOrdi," L'orchitcttu",; ,!)96, p. '36.
"3 For 0 detailed description, see F",nroni, "Il",cchio nord," 1w6, who notes
that many of the om.m<'J1ts of p.g.n "'igin On ,hi. sculpture corr...!'ond to
the Christion iconog"'rhy of the mos.ics inside the chapel. The uchitr.lve h.d
i:Je<,n remm'ed in 1754, hut " ... s then replaced .round [~ see Iannucci, "II
,"."soleo ri'ro",,'o,~ [!)96, 1'1'_173 and [85-
, [4 Scej\ lichelini, "Pign' m ...morea,~ [9!)6. who nmes thot the pinecone h .. never
t.....,n ,he <uhjcct of.tudy; it is .<Stlm<-d by D eich11l.nn thot i, dot"" to the I'"rioo
of C<lnstruct;on of the ch0l'd.
, '5 All of thesc window slits h.d heen filled in ot some puint .nd were rcstor<-d
hy COTr.lJO Ric~; .mund 'goo; S'-"<-' Iannucci, "11 rn. u,,,le,, Tim","o," 19!)6.
p. [88.
,,6 b nnucc;, '!)96, p. ,88.
"7 Vern;., ~L'.n,li,;; '005, p. "10; lonnucci,"11 mausolco ritrov.to," [w6,
1'1'.185--6; Michelini, "Anforc," ,<;)96.
, [8 RizlOrdi, • L'orchitettu",; ,!)96, p. '37.
'[9 f or ,rtists, Deichm.nn, [974 , Pl" 11?-9<>. ",ho suggests thot at I""" fi'-e dif-
ferent ",,,.-linen w~r'-' r<"I~>o.ihle f<>T ,he 'I""t\cs in th" tower.
"0 r ..ioli Campau",i, "Dcco",zioni," '991.
"I Deichmonn, [974 , PI' . 80--1, osSUln"" thot they are I'rophe"" because, he soys,
e .... ngel;,;ts . I""y. hold codices, while prophets hold "-TOil" Yet in the lunettes
below ,he dome in this ch'p",l, some of the preswned ol""tles hold scrolls.
N O TES TO PAGES 77- 80 333

___ Or <I type long known in ;\'l edi rerr<lne~n ~rr; for eX'lm pl"" in the impl""iullI of
the H ouse of the T riJ<' nt, on Delos, made in the s.ccond century Be.
l ~ 3 Angiolini .:\'\artinelli, 19Q6, p. 153, suggest'S th~t the n~tIIrJ1istic g.whnd rep-
resents the world, whereas the g~ometric meander repres<: nts the he'IHnly
Jerusalem promoted by Sr. Lawrence. This seems to he stretching iconographic
imerpretariun a bit tOO folr.
2 ~4 "Quell1"Ul11oJulll Je~iunat cn'.'u, :Id fontl:, a'lu~rul1l. ita ul',ident aninw mea
ad re, Deus." Deer were often used in hartist~ries. most fatllously, silver deer
wen: phcl:J in thl: La{l:rm Baptistl:ry in Rome br Pup<: Hibrus I (46 1-8; LP
V. Hilfl/'i, cd. D uchesne i.!4). See ;\'bguire. 1 gil;, Pl" )8--<).
!! 5 SUl1ull:lrized hy ,\I~ckie , 11)90 .
2 2 6 One uthn intl'rpretation is th~t tht: entire chapd is lilled with apuc:.Ilyptic

imagery, and thus the figure is Christ hastening to hum a heretical book
(Ri1.l<lrdi, "I ll1o~id parietali." 100 ;, Pl" !39-..0); see Deiehllmnn, 19;.;.
p. 75 . for references.
!! 7 Sec, for exallJ ple. a fraglllellt of gold gh~<; depicti ng L ~wrenee bc~ring a pro-
"I:';:5iol1al ero,s, in the j\-Ic[ropoli[~n .\1uscum of Art (Ruge l'S Fund. 19 18),
described with other exalllpll:~ by Lewis. [ 9i 3. p. 2 [6 n. '03,
!,8 Cf. Nonbtr(im, 1053, p. r 5. There h'IS also been clis'lgrcement Ol'er wherhertlw
grill is to be sttn mtrdy J S a symbol for Lawrence's ma l'tyrdom, o f whether
th e m{)S.:li" de pict!> the nalntivc act of his running toward it; ~ee Courcelle,
19 .. !:l; :lnd Dt'idmmnn, 1')14, Pl" 75--6, for di sc us~jon.
!!9 ,\-h eki,",. 1'190, p. 55, not'"'s rh;}t S[. Vincem is cle picucl :llllong the iD'rt}'1'S in
S"nt'AllOllinnl"c KIIQVI), and th~t his relics., according tl) Agnellus (LPR ch. 7 !),
were im'luJ"J by Bi~hop M~.~il1lian in his: ehun:h of SI. Stephen: both of thes.:·
references d:lte to the mid- sixth cenon·y.
~ 30 Since the .~iXlecnth century the chapd was 11Iemion<;d 'IS tlu;I/J(fIlIlSIlTim1J $<111( /;
MluJI-ii; this rirh: is based on a misint~rprcrarifJn of Agndlus; se" D di)'~n ­
nis, ~OOO. Tesri-Rasponi assu<: i'ltc(i the chapel with ,I mUlJ(lrurinnJ S. unln:rt-
Iii FUI"IHQyi, but it has heen shown that this idemilic~t ion was erroneous; sec
Oeieil[)1 :lOn , IOli-!, p. 63·
! 3 J Dciehm3nn, I <)j-h pp. 70-2, discussed othcr biblie~l ~nd patristic refcn:n cl:S
to the Good Shepherd.
! J2 See esp. Dddun:lIll1, lQ7.1 . pp. ; Z- 5, for ~Il e...h~lIsli\"e list o f ty!""s.
~33 Imperial : Riu;ardi. '993 . pp. 394-;, ~nd idem, ~ Il M~u5olco/The _\'13u _
$Oleum," '996. p. I~ r; dh'ine: after ~1athew,;, '09' , e~p. PI" 10 1-3; Angiolini
'\lartin~lli. 10)<)6, p. 159. cumparcs lht: n:pr<:Sc ntation tOApullo and Dionys i u~.
~ 34 Dcichmann , 197·h pp. 74- 5; see M~thc ws, I ')93. PI" 68- 9, who does not, how-
~\"t:\", d isell~ ollr image.
235 Sec Dekhll1ann, ' Yi4. p. 71; Rizzardi, J993 , p. 395; P:1Si. "Lunt:tta del Buon
P:1store:' ' 996, p. ! 1 j.
:j6 Dddmnl[lrI, J97>1 . p.B: .
! 3 7 John 4 " 3- "1·': "JeslL<; said to her, 'Everyone who drinks of this wate r will ho:-
thint}' ~g"in, but those wllo drink of till' w,ne r tll;'l I will !{i\'e them will ne ver
Ix thint)'. '111c watt:r tllat I wilt gil'c willlxcolllc in th~m a spring of WH(l:r
gu~hing up ro cremal l.ife." Re\\ ! l:f,; R( ,IOn the Al ph~ and rhe Ou.ega, the
beginning nnd Ihe end. To the thinty I will give wnteras a gift from the spring
of the wat<·roflifl:."
!j8 See Angiolini ;\'brtinelli, 1 <)9(i, pp. '5;--<i.
334 N O TES T O PAGE S HO- 82

! 39 Apoca ln*; Rinanli, "n ;\husoleo IThe Ahusoleum," 1996, p_ I!!. ~nd 1993,
p. 'IO l. Planels: Nordstrom, 1953, pp, ~6-7' Ch~ nc c : Dcj ch m~nn , 19H, p. 84,
:40 For e x~mple , in {he :!pse moSo!ic of S'lnt~ l'\1den1.hlll~ in Rom e, C3..w o , ..no in
the triumph,!1 :!rch mosaics of Santa Maria .M aggiore in Rome, created in the
4JO!i and 440 S. s.:c Dciehmann , ! 974, PI" 116-7·
:41 For ex:ullple, Deichmann. !974, p. 86; followed by Riz:l.ardi. "11 M.3uroleo,"
1990, p. I;S n. 76.
14! Applying the correspondences defined hy Jerome (Prt'fil"~ t/J th,' CrWIIIl!'lIIIIry
1m Marthr.;: , II. 59--<)0 ISC ~4! , pp.6..j.-S»; Dei<.:hmann, .L974, p. 78. notts this

para lid, hut on p. 86 he claims that Thc- liv in g crc-atures tl ill not rl'prcscm the
Gospels.
I'll Nordstrom, 19;3 , PI" : 7-8 . Deichmann, [97"" pp. 84-5, explains the "ision of
the cross ~s ~ reference to the Second Coming of Christ. nn interpretation, hc
says, th:n is so cltar that other intel"prdations IIlUSt ht wrong. indudin g Ihose
interpretations that might include more th~n one meaning.
l-l4 5<-e ;\I"ckic. ~S~'mbolism , " 1995, anrl idcm, l 003, who di5CUSf,CS the c:h~pel
dedica ,~J 10 St. Victor in .\{ibn, originally" detached cha pel built u"cr tlw
gr~vc of St. Victor, which also con tained the tomb of St. Ambrosc's brother
S:!cynIS. \10Sf nOlahle in Rave nm! w~~ tlw hurial ch:!pd of Lmricius ~I S:m
Lorenzo, dedicated to Saints Stephcn, GCl"\'~5C , and PmtJ5C, that contai ned an
imag~ of th~,;e sain l.~ (tPR ch ..16).
:45 ltizz<lfd i, L'architeltut""J," 1996. pp. 114- 5, who :llso iJ(:ntilies:1S fun(:rt:a l the
U

pinecone on the roof, the dark CQlor:s of the mo<;"i~ an d the tran~cendent~l
.~Yllloolis1ll of the mosaics.
146 Deichmann, I ~n4, p. 65. who notes that these sarcophagi ha~'e lx:"n J~ted from
th~ fourth w the su,: th centUl)', and rha{ then:: is no n::~1 w"Y of detennining the
tl:lIes abso lutely; Riu.ard i. ~L'architt"lwra," 1996, p. 135, 53)'S tll,l( they sec-m
to havc been planned from the stan for the pbc:es the), now occupy.
247 Dtichmann. 197'*, pp. 64-5 . says that thert: is no rt:~son that thcy should not
ha"c hecn thert: at the lime of constnlction, despite Ihe fact th at Agncllus
d{lt!~n't mention them, hut lS I lta"e shown, De1iy~nnis, : 000 . Agndhl~ clid
not ciC$<.,rilxo this chapd at al l. C urrently they arc known "s the sar~'ophagi of
Constamios 111, Honorius, and Galla Pi:teiclia, hut thirteenth-century tradi -
tiolls held dut dlcy colluined either Galh, V~ lenlini~n Ill, ~1nd Honori,L; or
Theodosi us (whic h?). his wife, two d,mght"rs, and the p[-ophet Elisha; or Galla,
Con.sranfius ITI. ~nd Va lentinbn rn ; see Deliyannis, ~OOO.
!48 P3uSeIli. wS 3Tl;or"g(J detto di Costanzo 111" :Lml ~San:ofagl) detto di Onorio."
1996,
~-l9 DeidlilHIlUl, {Qi4 . p. 64; see also ;\'1ichdini, " Pi gn~ rlHlnnorea," 1996, who
pro,'idc..s a detaikd history and bi6liography of the motif of thc pinecone :IS a
funerary ~ym hol.
!50 UeichLlWJlIl, r9H, p. 8:. Cf. J ohn 4:14: MWllOe\,er drinks ofd\e w"ter th:., I
shall gkc him will nc,'cr thirst; the Water tha t I shall givc him will hceomc in
him a spring of \\"ltc-r we lling up to erefllid lift ."
!51 Cf. Psalm lJ'
~ 5Z Cf. Deichm '''lIl'.~ smnm a'1', pp. 8n- i, in whieh he Jrgues that the entire d"co _
rat",'e program is funerary; :ldoptcd by Angiolini Mart inelli, 1996, PI" 149-5 I.
153 Dcidunmn, L9; ." p. 76. who specificall), argues that Lawrence cannot Ixo
understood 3S ~n intercess-or for the deceased I;.cfort Christ Ixcau:><:: th en he
would hn'e Ixocn found in a diffcr~·nt pose.
NOTES TO PAGES 83- 85 33S

~ 54 Deichm3nn , 197.1. p. 64 (followed by Ri~~rdi, IQ93, p. 4(0), den ies th~t there
would have been such ~n ah~r, ~nd interprets the castemo rientation ~s referring
to th e Second Coming of Christ from the e~st, as the Sun of the \Vorld.
l55 Rin'lrdi , 1993 , pp. 400- 1.
~56 Sec Ho lum. 197" and idcm, 19111, pp. 108-1 0 and 1~9-3 0 '
lSi .\-\ 'lckie. ~· I ·he.\b w;oleu1l\." 1995.
258 Sec Z~nl9r~, ~COQ, esp. PI" 198-304·
l59 See Deliyannis, cd., l 006, pp. 101-3 and Ilenericerri, 19')'!, pp. [68-9, For a
summ,lry of other dates proposed for the Diplo ma, see Brown, 19i9. p. I ]
n. l . O rioli, 19S0, pp. 135-.1-4, provides reasons that it should he d~tcd to the
end of Ih", sixlh cenrury. 111e diploma of ValetHinhm is fOllnd in Ih", Codr·.I·
Estm,;s, fol. 441', ~n d is published in Ptlpili dip/oJ/uni,; - d . .\Iarini, no. 57
(I" 94); /\ gnelilis Ilscd it as a somec (I.PR eh. "0). It lists the following 5Ces as
su1.J.ordin;1tt to Itl\'tnna; Sarsina, Ce><:na, Forlimpopoii, For[i, Faenza, Imob,
Bologna, Modena, Reggio, P,Inlla, Piaeen7.;;r, Brescello, Voghen7.a, and Adri".
lOO Sec Z1nganl, 1000; and Pab rdy, l004, PI" 10-11.
101 Two ofChl"}'sologus's sur\."i"ings~nnons, nos. 16j and I ij, wae g ivcn on occa-
sions whcn he waS eOl15cerating bishops for other cities. Some han' daim~·d
fhM C hry50logus w.s rhe (irst lll<'lropolitun of R~I'e l.1Jhl, and point to his
S<:l11lOn liS in which he ""elllS to he saying dut .\brcellinus is the first bishop
to he cOllsceraled hy ~ bishop ofRun'nn~. Sec D eliyannis, cd., .:006, PI" 10 ': -.1,
for the eomrol'ers)' over whelher the><: sermons lIlean that Chrysologtls w:r~
[he firS/. metropolir:m; see ~lso Palardy, ':004. Pl" 9- 10 .
.:6~ See B~nerieetti, 1995 , pro 65-6; also D cliy.llInis. cd ., .!oo(i. PI" [O~-3. Pe rer
Chrysologus was not, 3~ AgllL-lius mahs him, the second bishop named Peter,
bllt the (irst Peter, whom Agnellus calls I'eterfllllhus; see De[iY'IJUlis, ed., .!006.
P·99·
.:63 Sec Ikne rinrri, 19Q" ~sp. pp. 53- 76.
l64 Agnel[us. LPR c. 49, S'IYS thaI it WaS Pope Si.nus III (r. 43~-4o), hut in light of
what is known iliJ<lllt Ihe cpis..·ol''') chronology of R;lvcnnu in th~~ period. it b
11l01"e like ly thM he \\~l~ ol'ibint'tlloy Pope Ce lestine I (4': 1 - 3 1); ~et Ddi)"llmis.
cd., !006, p. 99.
16j P'llurdy, lOO.! , notes :I lettc'r from Thcouorct of Cyrrhlls to Domnus of
Antiodl, wrillen in 4.1 J, which ~inglts out Mihn, .~quild3. and Rnl'tl11ll1 .s
the thrCl'le~ding .~l"es of Italy (Epist. I I~ , SC I I [.'¢-57).
l66 .. Adest ipsa edam mater eh ristiani perennis et tide lis imperii. '1uae dum tide,
opere misericonJiae, sanc tit'ate , in honore trinir<ltis ,"",atam scr.:!atur tt im..itarur
eedcsbm , procrea re, amplccri, pos~idere augustom m e ruit trinitutcm." This
"rriniry" consists ofV:l1enrillian HI, Con~t".Inti lls m, ancllwrsdf, all ,/IIEII>",i (s.e~
OOSt, 1968, pp. ~66-]). lt shoulJ be noted that Ew;tbius. in his ViM CPlISliJlltilli
1V.,",o, refers to Consmndne's three sons as ,I "trinity of I)iolls SQns."
: 67 Sermon 851,; ><:e P:rlllrdy, ':004, p. 8.
!r>S Fo r a full diS<:\L~sion of the authentidty of thi~ letter, sec Olil'ar, 196 !, PI" 89-
94. '1l1e lener is published illl'L 5:, col. 7', ~I[(I 'llso among t.he eOrreSI)(,nd c n("~'
of Pope Leo I, as EpiJl. :5, pul,,[ished in I'L 54. eols. 7 J9- 44'
11"9 LPR eh. 39, hur also Procopius, De b..lln GoliJ;,'O V. r. 1",
170 .'Iajnr puhli ~'l tions on the cathedral arc De ichmann. 19;4, pp. 3- 13; and
NUVlr:t, UJ Clllldm/f, 19Y7 .
: 71 The c hoice of the Anast:lsis as 3 ded ie:ltion is unusual in this pe riod, and would
repay lilrthcr in\"Csdgminn: nnly a f~w early churehcs arc kno"11 to ha\'e ho..'en
336 Nons TO I'AG~S 85- 88

derljc~ ted TO the Anast,'sis ortO St. Anastasi:\ ( l conhlsiOl1 ofirlenrif}' ;ll~ found
in Agru::llus, I.PR eh. l3). including one in Rome, one in Beirut (H ~II, l OO+
p. ri ~), ,mil Grego ry Nniunws'sdwn:h ill Consr,lJ)tinople, builT ill the 31:!os as
an mni-Ariall foundation (Snee, J 998). Deichrn,mll, I !n6. pp. 301 - 1, contends
that mOST ofches..: were n or dedicated t.o thl' An;>..\ T:lsis hu t to St. Anastasia. Sec
also l>elow, Chapt<-r 5, aoout tllt ded ic:ltion of til<: Ariau ca(heJr~l.
;]1 Sec Ortatli, fl)'}l .
l i 3 E.'\.;stence of such a porticoed ~rreet in Fariol; CSlllpMlnti, ~ R a"enna , Con~
~tantinopol i," 1992, p. 144; for the rcfut~tiun of this thesis [,aStoJ on analysis of
the tcnth-ccnrury and later docum<:ms on which thi~ interpretation is based,
~e Novar:., Un u"'{li~ nI1mlllO, :000. PI" S5 tmd 66-8. E.\("~\':ltiolls in ~ OO.j
n·...ealed ~ row of pilasters along the prescnt Via "hriani that are a~llmed to
hal'e formed part of such a via panifllm; -"Cc .\ "1aioli, ~007. pp. ~~3""""9, infoml~ ­
tion as yet unplluli~hed.
! 74 M~ra1.7.i, lOo6, p. 5"
~75 tPR eh. ~3·
~ ;6 As <.' .~plained most recently by Russo. " L' arrhitc::nura," 1005. p. 89; sec also
Pa:;i, :005 . p. 48, and Oeichmann, ' 974. pp. 3-4-
~i7 Sc(' Orioli, :997, who presents ot]",r argum(,llt$ in fill'o,' of a POst -4OO dM.::
for Ursus. Nol';!!";!, La (,1t/tJrnk ' 997. pp. 48-9. suggests that sincl: Zosimus,
"[,j/oril/ "ot'n 5-34, says that Stilicho took refuge in a chureh and "'~s in the
prt:stnct of tlit Lishop in 408, rhis must mt:m that tht catiu:dn,1 W"S compltted
hy that .hte; hut Zosimus d~s not call it the cathed!';;\1 and there " ',,s ce l"t:linl)'
a bisl1Qp's church in e:Osrenc(."" before U("5US bu il t :1 new one.
:78 For a cumplet.:: dis("ussion or this tkUalC, ~1:e D<.'liyannis. cd., loo6, pp. 9i-
IOj . N OI'i'r.I, La ,·iJlfrdriJlr. ' 997, p. 48. d~s not :llIswe r rh is question in dther
direction. "lthough her work is or{~n cited ~s though she propOS('S:L date before
400 .
279 '111<: following is I:.ased on ::\'o"ar.l, WI ({/tICI/nlle, '997.
:80 hr~m, PI" 10"-9'
lib Oeichillann, {!IN . PI}' 8- 9·
~8! S<:C' No'""r~. WI Ctltlnlmfc. (997, esp. pp. 68-"70.
:8] J.\cm, fig. 46, PI" 1..p- 3 and I'p. 70-1.
~84 Furtl.lennurt:, N OI":ln ~ dmjts that with each reslrucwrjn~ of lht cen u·lII n~\"e
colonnade materials wcr~' prohably rcus-cd; while some new elcmenfl; may have
al~o been introduced, it does not make much se nse that {enrh-Cenhll"Y architec{~
wou ld suddenlr introduce imp");;t [,Iocks which wert: no longer 1'3r( of the
arch itccwral "ocabubIY of Italy.
~l:I5 LPR ch. ~ 3 ·
~S6 T csti-Rasponi. cd .• '914. p. 67 n. 4. cuuntering H older-EfH,.-cr. cd., 1878,
p. !t!9 11. I; on conllllCIllOT:ltion of p;l{ronagc in floo r mosaics j{l northem
INlr. s<:e Ctlilltt, 1<)93; see tllso NO"'IN, UI fiJllfl/fl/k, [997. p. :;6.
2117 Novara, I~ (atl~Jral~, (997, pp. 53- 7.
~ 88 LPR ch. <14: "And; n front of his ;m"w,;n a medallion in the Ursian'l chur.::h ,
where it is fixed in the relluv3ted church, a ctmd le gl<:ams with dear light the
whole night long." This staUment h:\$ lerl [Q th e suggestion (T e~ri-Ra~pollj,
cd., ' 9:4. p. 131 n. 10) that portraits of RaH:nna's hbhops were depicted in
medallions ;llong the nave of the cathcdral, but sin('c :\,'llcllusdocs not ment ion
any other such jX>rtrJits, ulis seems unlik~ly; see Oeichmann, ' 97+ p. 9; and
No\'~ra. La fllfl/'dra/~, 199i, pp. 57- S.
NOTES TO PAGE S 88-91 m

189 Soxer, [988, esp, PI', Sl<H!9 ond 6'7-46,

1<)0 \\'honon, [987, pp . J;8 and 366; ond esp. \Vh.non, 199;, PI'. 1"-J [; in some
cases bopti"'" wo. perfonncd ot the fcost of Pcntecost.
19 ' The .. rliest ease being ,he hou~_chureh ot Du ... Europos in Syrio; sec
\Vhorron , [999, ond C ontino Wo"'ghin rt 01., 1001, p . 136.
191 C.ntino Wmghin c' .1., 100[ , p. IJ3-8; Wh.rton, [98;, pp . J67-8, who notes
thot this is 0 dc,""lopmcnt porticulorly in the western Medit.,....n •• n.
'93 S,,,, Ristow, [9')8, pp. ' 7 - 10 for 0 summ.ry of the diffeTent fonn<.
'94 Br=d., [9')7-8·
'9; S"" esp. Kostof, [<;165, PI'· 46-56. D<:ichmonn, [974 . PI'· '5- 7, ",d, with . vcry
complete bibliog ... phy, Ri5tow, IwS, esp. pp. 10-3.
10 " ... oc"'gonus fon< Cst nlllnerc dignus 00 I hoc nlllnero decuit sacn b. ptismo lis
.ul.", I surgere, quo populi. '·e ... salu. rcdiil .... ~ ' Ine poem is prc.,:r'·ed in 0
ninth -century ",.nuscript, the Sylkigr L",yublmlrnsiJ (Cod. V~I. P~/. B;;) 111;
see Dcichm.nn. ' 974. p. '5.
1!}7 K... utheimer. [\1-1' , PI'. "-H; Deichmann, [974> pp. 16-7, ..goes without
much ",·idene. that there w. s no nll/ukr symbolism of this sort in the use of
eight-sided buil din~ os b.ptisteTic'S.
198 Whonon, '!JIll. p. J68 . •nd Camino \Vot.ghin Ct .1., '00[ . pp. '40--'.
'99 For. c",nprehen<i,'c .".J)'<i<, see C.ntino W.",ghin et 01., '00 [, Pl'· , 34-4"
Deichmann, 1974, p. 16. argoes Ihot Mi l.n'. ond R..'enno's baptisteries were
.Imost ,X>lttcrnpo"'ry •• nd thus R,,·cnn.'s mU" h ..,c hcen modeled inste.d on
Rome; onother eX311lpl e in which the dote of Ur;us L·.,ries signiflC.nt Conse_
quences for the hi5tOlY of .rehitectu .... l development. If, os J have orgued .hove,
Un;us" constructions dote to the 4 'os, "lil.n lx"COmcs • po.,.il>le model once
more.
300 Ristow, [998. Pl'. 35-8·
30t Koslof, [9'>5, p. 43·
301 Petri.no; LPR ch. ,6, So, 67, .nd 9" Ari.n Boptistery: LPR ch. 86;
S.nt·AI,,,lIin.rc Nuo"" I,PH ch. fl9, for thL~, .n,1 the Ca ·Ili.n"". see the lUI_
lowing chapters. Compore the Lorge numbers ofb.pUs,erics known for Rome
in the fifth .nd sinh centuries: "'" C .ntino \Votlghin et . 1., '00[, I'P , '4' -
50.
303 The n",in public>lions for the Orthodox (Neoni.n) Bop,istery ore Nordstrom,
[953, Pl'· 3'- 54; Mow>tti, [01; KOstof, '9'>5 (,,~th usefuJ bihliog .... phi"" l
noles ot PI'. [57-65); .nd Deichm,nn, 1974, 1'1'.17- 47; for 0 good summ.ry
of more reecm scholorshil" ""e P'squini, '005.
304 The .hsi.!ioles .1i,l not h.ve 0 StTU<.~Unl I I'U'1K>SC. n<>tes Kostof, '05,1" 47,'"
con be seen by the foct that the ones on the north ,,·es, .nd southwest sides were
Temo,','<J ot some unkno,,,, period, . nd then Testored in the m;.1- nin'"lecnth
century (their ""istenee w"" ottested by =,.. tions conrlucted by Filippo
Lanciani .. thot tim~).
30; Koslof, [9'>5, p. 47; ollhough Russo. "L·orchitellU ... : '005, p. 98, seems to
di5.gree. For the postmediev,1 history of the boptistery, see KOstof, 19'>5,
1'1" dl- 30· In the se,'enteenth ,..,ntury • house fuT the T""toT of the cathe_
dral wos buil l .buuing the south side of the bopUs,ery and storehouses .hm -
ting the north side. V..ious other .lternations were "",de to the structure
in the eighteenth .nd nine,eenth eenturi,... including the cre.tion of new
windows ond doors and the oltenl.ion or filling in of old ones. The mosaics
were restored in the '7?Os. .nd .goin in the ,8;05-7os, .. the same time th ot
338 NOTES TO PAGES 9 1-95

the tWO lost .bsidiol .. were .Iso restored .nd the .nached buildings "'cre
removed. In the [&}os ,he morble "P'U smi/f, which hod becn removed, wos
rem.de.
J06 Kostof. 191'5, PI' , 39-40 .nd 4 )-5, who no,es on obrup' change of mortor a"d
1>rid,·moclulc beginning Oo i' 11l(~e,.., . bove ,he cornice of ,he origin.1 U",ini.n
wooden roof.
107 Dcichrnann, '97~ , PI'. '3-4; RuSS<), " L'.rchi'cttU... ,~ ' '''''5, 1'.101.
JOS Identified hy ,he ",rn.ins of . ,,,>tco ""mice foun d inside 'he e",,,rior ,...11, .nd
just ,oo"e the lcyel ohhe springing ohhe dome; see Kostof, 191'5, PI'· 39-40,
.nd Veichm.nn, 1974, p, ,8 _
309 ]""'Iuini, "'05, PI'. 3'8"""9' No ...... , "r... ROl'con. t.rdo·impc ri.le,~ ,""'"
p. 163; Russo, "L'.rchi,crtu..."' ''''''5 , 1', ''''''. Kostof, [91'S, PI'. 40---', .rgu<-<I
that in th e origin.1 fonn the baptistery h.d only one interior .""de .nd mot
theuppcr wne would not h.ve been sunnounted hythe hro.d .rches ,hat now
support ,he dome; other-;. especially r.h 'Y'oni, !?6!, """1>1.-<1 by Deicbm.nn,
1974, PI'. '[ - ', proposed thOl both WIles "'ere origin.l; see most re.::emly
I'o"'luini. "'OS , pp , J'B----?
J [0 RuSS<), · L·.rehitcttu ... ,~ '005 , 1'_ [01.
J'I Kostof. '91'S, pp , J5 ond 4' - J; Doiclun.nn, [974, p. [So
3" Dc Angeli< d'O=" Sffidi, 191", Pl'. J ~B----9. followed hy tllOO, loter ""hol. rs.
3 [3 Kostor. [91'5, p. 3 J; Deichm.no, '974, p. '4·
1'4 Wharton, '987 .nd '995.
J '5 It i, u\CO. lly suggested 'hot 'he .I",idiolc on 'he so u,h .." side, ,,'hich now
containson .itor, origin.lly likewise boused on . it .. (p''''Iui"i. '005, p. H [) or
• throne fm thc hishop (\\1h.rt()n, '987, ]" J64)-
3 [6 Deichm.nn , [974, PI'. , [ - I; Kostof, [91'5 , PI'. 36-7; however. Kostof notes Ihot
some soy ,hot there wos • door on ..rn not side, bose.! on the presence of brick
reli""ing .rehes on each " ..n, which Kostof SO)" ore not origin. l, the id.. of
four doors is repeated by p''''Iuini , wo5 , p. 330. From" le.st the founeenth
"'n'ury .nd perh .p' ".TlieT, ,he l>'p,i"e1)' ",os linked to 'he c.th",lrll hy •
ponico (Kostof, 191'5, pp. 37"""9) '
J [7 Deichm:mn. '974 , p. 's·
J[8 Kostor. l'}6S. pp. '39-40- We do nol know wh.1 provision. were made for
" .. ,cr .'Upply in R"'e,l/lo', b'p,is,ery, but gi,'en ,hot the c. thed ..1complcx wos
no .. to • " ..,er dis,ribution to,,'cr for the .q ucduct. the 1>'I',i«e1)' wo< probobly
connected to tbe city's ",.ter .nd d",in.ge ">"tems.
1'9 LI'Rch , ,8 ,
1'0 Riu'>T<li,"1 mos.ici pari<~.l i ." '005 , p. '4' , n()t<"S ,h .. 'he .I, emotion of colOr!
in the depiction ohhe opostle,creotes 0 sense of rotation. See .lso Kostof, [?lis,
p. r", .nd in genc", l ]'p. r, , _ , " foT' (k~.iled . n. lysis of the """,position . l
""heme of the b.ptisle1)"s .rchitecture .nd dcco",l;oo _
J" Nordh.gcn . J98J, p. 8J n. 30.
3" 'rneories thot the lower levels of the bopliste'T dcco"'ti on were corned out
e.rlier or loter th.n the mosaics of the dome h"'e been refuted by Koslor,
'?65, 1'1" 'OO-J; and p''''I uini, '005, PI" 340-4·
3'3 \\'h, non, [987, Pl'· 364, 373 - 4·
3'4 Kostof, I91'S, p. 54·
J'S NovOT'. "Ur R"'Cnn ' l ..do·impcT; .le.~ '001 . 1'_ ,65 -
J,6 1" "'Iuini. ''''''5 , pp , J'B----9.
NOTES TO PAGES 95- ')8 339

3! 7 Amhrose, D~ i1lcT"'I/~mi)' 3.5. Ko~rof, 1965 , pp. 59- (i I, provides:\ hrief ~na lysis
of the:: ,'~rsc~ ami interpretations of them ; sec ~Ilio Deichmann, 1)i7-i> pp. !8-30.
3~8 Kosrof. t965, pp. 61-!, Deichlllann, 19i'l> p. ztl, sa}';; the \lse of Bible "ers<'~
J$ bbds for illlagt:s would go ag;Jil1~r wh'\I we know of early Christian usage.

)1') Dl'ichmann, ' 97 .. . pp. )1>-', notl'S v~rio\ls suggest.ions that, together ...:ith the
Stucco lih''lHtS in til" zont illllllt:dbltiy aUuvt:, thert were a lOul of twemy-
IQur prophets (8 + 16). v~ ne n Ihnt tho:: twentr-fvur rep~o::scnt the twenty- four
elders of the ApocalYll5e. If one want~ to give these and mher simi lar figUl't'.~
~ feminist rto3Jing", onto .:ould say, as .1000s V>.'h~rton, 199$. p. 116. that the)'
''l'mbody th.: p~tri~reh"l rontml of the ' Vonl:'
330 D eichlll ~nn, I 'n'!, pp. ! : - 3, discu.'i5<:d th eories ~,bout s\lcll tripli: urcades in l:ltt
antiqui ty.
33 1 Thc windows arc currcntly encloscd wi th opnqlll.' glass pancs mark rolook like
~l1ah~ster: this W~~ a n!storat ion of tht: 19300 (Koswf. [<)('5, p. 30). ''''tdo not
know wh~r originally cove red the windows. al though it ..-;)$ <Juite likely gl:tS.'\
th~n\'a.~ nor complerclr translucent. A docul11ent daring to 15 73 ordc rs that rwo
of the win dows k Opell<,J. implying- that they h;ltl ~II been hloch'd up at soml'
earlie,-point. while two mon° Wl're opened in '78,; the.sc weIT ~eetanbTlJbr. In
Ihe 1850$ nil ,he windows were op..:ncd :llld restored with :1 ~> rni('ircuL.r upper
part (Koswf. 1965. pp. !1-.I).
33 ~ Agnellu, uses the term gips~1I lIITtll/l" for the Ursiana eathedrJI (l.PR ch. ! 3),
Santa Croce (ch. 4[), ~nd Sam'Apollinm: Nuo>o {eh. 86): sct: Ddi~"llmis,
t rm,;., ~ OO{, p. 3! 5. Stucco suf\" ives in a f ... w pbc... ~ in S~ll Viml ... , and in addi_
tion, frag[nent5 of prohably sixrh-cclltllr), snlcco were e~c:l\':lted at Sant' ,\gat'l;
sec Russo, [9ijy, pp. 233 1-4-
333 [>'lsquilli. 200-', p. H-l-: Kostof, 19<15, pp. 7[-6, suggests th:1{ th ~ com ~lOsirion
n;; nects f:1cadc composi tions of buildings, cspccillll~' !C1/nIIU jrWI()' o r thcat.'r
backdrollS.
334 Scholars ha\"!;: identified, ]."",ed on fonnal differences between the tigllrt:s, the
Il ~nds of ~t least two artists ( Deil'hm~nn, 197 .. , p. 45; Pasquini. ! OO5, pp. llV-
'\4); Kostof, '9<' 5, liP· 64- 5 and 95-100, identities four grOllps.
335 Kostof, 1.,.6$. pp. 65-6; Pasqu ini, ~OOS . pp. 334-40, refut~s the i(b propost:d
hy Vnn l ..ohui7.cn . .\'IulUer, 19YO. that theS<.' snH:~OS were creatcd hy Coptic
:lrtists, although she 1I01i:S dl;lt t.he motif o f ,~ollfrolllill g all..im~ls is ultimatdy
of I ~anian deri,·ation.
336 P;lsqllini. !OOj, pp. 33 ;-!:I, rliscus.5es specific comparisons.
337 Kostof. 1!J6S · pp. 66- 7 I; Dtichmann. 197'1, pp. 4S-6: \·Vh~rlon. [Ii~i . p. 362 .
338 Other simila r faux-an:hitcctural 7.ones ill mosaic :Irc kllOVo11 from the period:
for example,:1t St. George, 111e~salonjke, whos~ mosaics d.lte to Ihe IHe fOllrth
or earl), I1fth century: See most n'centi y :"I'asrallah, ~oo5 .
339 &e J anes. 1998, PI" T~9 -3 0 .
340 Nordstrom. lQ53 , pp. 46-5'i '
H I Ocichmann, ' 97-l-, PP'41- 3'
34: Fo r (liSCll5Sion rlfvnrirl\IS theories, see Knstof, 1965, pp. 7~!; nnd Dcichmann,
1'174, pp. 41 - 3; more rec .... ntly, S<: .... \Vh~rton. 198;, pp. 361:1- 75; \Vharton, 1995,
pp_ [!6-;; aTld Pasqui ni, ~OO5, p- 333·
343 .'fuu . zS ; [ 9; S\:e Dtoichmann, [9 74, p. 38 .
.H4 Kostof, IQ65. p. 83: Petrl/s. Am/I'ms. [,,(olllls Zfl'~"fi. lubmlllu, P;Iipptlf. BIJr-
lololll(//:i, Imine Zdatf-', SimulI CllIllwrlls, I'lculms .41J~;, :H"lIbFlI.,; Tboll/lIl. PIII/il/!.
340 NO TES T O rAG ~ S 98- 100

This is for the most parr th e lis~ gi"en in .\ '[ an. ' O;~ -5, with the sll~i tution of
Paul for Tha,ld.l<'us and of Judas l<;C'ariot for Jmll· the 2.:n[ot.
H5 Kostof, 11)6:5> pp. S 3-5 ; comp~re the slight!}· earlier 'll)()Srles in the "m~uS()[eulll
of Ga[b Placidi:!," and also the series in thc ,"pd/II IIrrit'rsnn;ilr. ami San Vita[e.
340 Nordsrrom, [fiB , p. J6.
347 Kostof, ,,)65. PI" 89-93 . re"iews the {ht"ories before 1965; Engel1l ~nn, Hj8y.
~nd Riz:wnli, ~ La tlecorazione JUUS1\' a," ~OO[, pp. 9:!--6, indu~1c mono: recent
nnes.
348 Dei.·hmann. L!Ji4. pp. 39-40, Others have st:t:n it Inore generally as a gt:s-
ture of homage to C hrisr's uaprism, L·,g .. Eng<:mann. 19R(J ; or to rh<' cm~s
;,t the center of the .-;celie, \Nisskirchen, 1<)9J; ~nd Rizzardi, "LlL dtcornione
mUSiV3," ~ OO ', Uut the latt<T e:tpbnation OS,IlIIK'S thn there waS indeed 0 cross
in the original mosaic, 111C ~[ (emarive 1:>05.'i ihility, th~t they were olkred to rhe
tmpt~' tllTone{s) ShO\\11 in th e lowtr zone, is Lased on tht fact th,1t in the Ari,m
Baptistcry (he ~f>Ostlcs do offer their ~ro"11S to such " thron~; sce ChapTer 5.
3'1 9 Norchnom, [953, PP' 4,---6, Pas'luini, 2005, p. 333·
350 \Vlnrton , 19S7 , PI" 373-5·
35 ' Deiehmann , ' 9 :;f. p. 38, thinks that John the Baptb-t's halo, ot lca,,-t. is nat
origi",,1. Ri~l,anli, ~L" dec-or;ll.ione tnllsiv"," ~ oo [, ret:cntly prop05<)cI, on (he
basisofn ~ompJrison with th~ Arian J~pktion of the s~m~ scene. th~t originally
the Orthodox rlepimon harl a bc~nl1e5.~ Chri~ ~nd inc1ud~d the paten; ~he
acctpts dl at a drawing of the imagt maJ~ in (690, showing til e cross, the
pare". an rl the he:trdlcss Christ, ,'eAeeTS the origi nal depietion. I-lowcver, Kostof
(' 965, p. H6) and Dci~hlllann ( J974, p_ B) nt)te th "t no other early Christi,m
J~piction of the baptism include's 3 bcard~d Christ or a paten, anJ both arc
pro!)"hl)' later ,l(ldirion~ by" pres<:\"emeemh-cem:ury resror<!r.
352 Kostof, 1965, pp. (OJ-{;. Dekhmann, ' 97'" Ill'. 3 3- 4, ;llso cites interpn;t,ltions
of the goll.l hacl.:ground ~ the great light th~t came nn thc water upon J csu~'s
uaptism.
353 C f.''''h ;nton, I!I95, 1'1'· LlI - Z.
354 $t,e Mn!:,'llir;" IQ!'! ] . i'P' 14, 44- 8, who diSt:usses sistb-ee ntury !llosJics at Tegea
an d Qosr-cl-Leuia with such portrn~' n b-. Sec also Spiescr, :00 J , pp. 8-,}, r~print
of 1995, regan li ng thl' {kpietilln {,f the Jordon in th~ "pse mosaic ;It Hosios
David, of th e m id--5i"th cemury,
355 Sec Ris[Qw, 19),. and J en>C n, ~OOO, Pl" 48 and 8,f; me p"r50nili~ d Jordan
hecame e\"en more f>Oplllar in ~i;.:th -centll rr rle piction~ or the haptism.
356 Pder Chl)·;;olog-us. SrnlllJ 160: \Vhanon, ' 995, p . 12 0 ; Kustof. 1965, p. 87,
citing Nordstrom, 1953. p • .l.l'
357 Kosrof, 1965. pp·ln -3 ·
)58 Stc eSp"cbll~' Rizz.:ardi. 200+ who nOld eompari~ns bctwecn R3H'nna 's
stn«:f1.1res and those of ochcr cities; ,1100 ;\liller, !OOO, I'P' 33- 7. Rupp, ~OOj ,
pp, lOS- II, SIJtes ,11M in ~ ner"l episcop" l com plexes strove for nLnclion"I-
ity rather th an ostentation, hut this docs nor ,;cem tn ha\"~ been the ~asc in
R,,"e nnil.
H!i See .\Hiller-W it ntr, 11)8y,
360 See i\·HUer. '99' - z ~nd !Ooo.
36 1 Miller, zooo, 1'1" 5~ -3·
.;6 2 "ne m~ior publications on the epismpilflll arc Ri zzarJi. 1004: Milkr, L91) 1- 2,
and idem, IOCIO, Pl'. 22 - 33; "Iso Marano, HX'i.
NOTES TO PAGES 100- 102

J6J LPRch_ ~J; i\'lil1er, ' 991 - :, p. 149, ~ I [.h ough I do not agree- wi th he r ,md ,,;th
Dcichm ann, 'S/H.'" 194. tha t we CJn infe r from ,\ gm::llus th at th e rpis>;opilllll
pred"-te-,I rh e ca!hedr.11, :lS his reference- is t,x. "~g\le for $peci lic me;lJ\ing to be
JtT:lChed to it.
)64 Rir.zardi, ! 000j , pp. 16l- 7; for other inrcrpretations of the iconography of
thts<: irn" ge~. St<: \VickboA', 1 By..) ; \.Vtis. I ¢6; De AIl~ e li s J'Ossat. 197 3; and
N:l ucrth, 19i..), PI" 8,-<)l.
)65 RiZ7.ardi, 198(}, p. il9iM iller, '99 1- : , p. 150.
366 cf. Rizzardi, loe .. , p. ! 58; th<: <:xampl<:s most ofl<:" compared to Ra"<:nn a
arc the H all of N inctccn C<>uchl's in thl:" Gre;1t P;1 \ace of Const;lntinople , a
din ing hall wi th sel'en '11'seS e.'ic,n·:lted to the northwest of the I'lil-'~dromt
in Constantinopl<: anJ built in the I1fth century (Bordill. 199i . PP' 86""""9), and
thl:" I·h ll of Eleven C ouchl:"s huil t in the lare I:"ighth cl:"ntury at thl:" L~teran in
ROlllt'"; see in g-enera l Krautheimer, 1')66.
367 A ~cond majorcon~truction, the J(Jm"$lric~lfi" is~aid hy Agne llus to have been
begtm hy Bishop E:mp~r.mti\ls ('f 73- 7), ~l[ho\lgh it "~IS only co mpleted Ululer
ATl'hbishup .\1aximiatl in tht 5505. AgnelJus quot<:s the dedic atory insc ril'tion
thM lists Bishop Peter II ('l-9-+-FO) as the founder. (LPR eh. 75), 50 this building
will he considcred in the following clhlpt.<!r; SC~ OcliranJlis, trans., !oo+ p. I ~4
n.+
368 See Dcichm:lnn, 197(" PI" 35(>- 1; XO~-3r,l, "La Raven na tardo-imperiale,"
~OO I , p. z6S;
369 /.PRchs. '5 t an d t 55 (coll~~ and rebuilding attempt); LPR eh. ~ + Fundator
ccdesi:le Petria nae, mnf05 per cireuiOlm acd ilicall5, sed nond um omnia com-
pkns. N ulla t(desia in aedifido maior Fuit similis il b 1lC"<luC in longituJim'
nee in 'Ilritudine: et ualde e.'iom:l[fl fu ir de preciosis hpidibus ~t tessellis uarii~
dc COr:1t.l C[ l111lde IOCUplet:l( ;1 in aUrQ ,·t 'Irgento <!t lMsculis $;I("ris, qui bus ipse
lieri ius~it . lhi assc n mt aA'u issc imagincm Salu3toris dcpictam quam nu mquam
similem in picturis homo uidere poHl isstt, super regi;lll1; [-JIl1 speciosissima t'" t
as:;i mi lata fu il qua lcm ips<: I1lius D ~i in t,;ame non fastidium, ll\l~ndo gcmibus
Imlt'dic:luit.
370 The story th:lt Agndlus telb h:ts a specifically anti- IL"Onodasti~ slant; sec
Dclipnnis, '996.
3il Oeid ullann, 1976. p. 350,
)7~ Conesi, 196~ ; Nm'ara, "La Ra"c nn a tardo _imperiale." ~ OO I , p. ~65'
37.' Augend, ~N uove indagi ni," ~ oo5. pp. ~ 5O-" .;I,llgenti notes that although
Agnellus S;t)'S that the: Petriana was "in dvit3tt C bssis," he u;;t:s the s,lme phra;;c
for the basilica of Pmbu$, wh ich was ce rt'linly ou~i <le Classc's wal15.
374 LPRchs. : 9, 1:13, and 91:1 · See Cortesi, 1981 ; and Farioli C~mp:lJ1:1ti. 1986,
375 LPR th o! 1; nuthing moIT is knuwn of thl,; Stru<:turc. 51. Pullio/PoJli() was frolll
Cyb:1 b e near Sinnium, the binh pb,,~ of V'lletlrinian I. and thus was nssoci-
:lted wit h th e imperial t1Ytl;lsTy (h' rioli Campalltlti. ~Rwentl :1. ConStMll ino-
poli," 199~, p. IF)·
376 C...onesi, 19S~_
377 Ueid lln:mn, 1'li6, pp. 308-1 8.
3iR LPR chs_ !9-30 :tnd 56, which tdls ,,-Iso of th~ huri:11 there ofRishop Aureli:ln in
5~ I . Dek hm;1nn, H)76, PI" 3 (1)"- 1 0, spc<:ula t ~S th:11 the church was built duri ng
the rdgn of H onorius o r Valcntinian Ill, as in the 43°S simi lar ~unstructions
weT(: llnJertake n in Rome,
 NOTES TO PAGE S 102-107

379 Deichm""n, 1976, pp, 3 I I-I + .nd idem, I !}B9, p, '79: . lso Forioli C""'p.nat~
"Ravenn • • 1suoi rapponi," '005, p, 20,
380 '\bu.otti, 19 i 4; Deichm.nn, 1976,PP, 3' 4- 17.
J81 LPRchs.J , ."dJ9.
J8, See Dcichm.nn, '976, Pl'. '!}B-Joo, for. slbnm.ry of the evidrnce.
383 LPR ch. 44; the apse l".ul! wos rebuilt in the sixth century, so we do not know
whcrher th i. im.ge, which from Agnetl us's description wo< simil" to. depic_
ti<>n of P<~cr Chrysologu.< ;n Son G;ov:mn; t~'''mgelis''', wllS m.d,,;n the late
fifth century or O! the time of the rebuilding.
J84 See M.u",tti. "L. b>.silic>t ,,"venn"e: ,g67; Deichmann, ' 976, PI" ,83""97;
l'icaN, 1978; Torre. 1986; Russo, I!}B9. .nd idem. "L'.rchitettu ...: ""05,
1'1'. I 7<H'>·
385 ']"ne doting of these ch.ml>e~ is control"e~i.l. sununariud by Smith, "Form
and Function," 19'}O. p. 183 n. ,S and p. '99. M.zzotti claimed tho! theY"'ere
origin.l to the huilding, wh il e Deichm.nn d..",l th~m to the mid-sixth Cen_
tury; Smith likewise .ccepts them os lotcr additions, largely ba:ouse of the
'rse on the southern chaml>er, which is simil.r to other sixth-century sid.
ch.ml>ers- 1·lowever, the doo~ ot the e.st end of the .isles were port of the
origin. l huilding, implying th1t .om. son of rooms exis,ed ,here; ~rh.ps
the 1pse ""IS . dded to the south em ch. m ber "I" rt of ,he sixth -ern rury rcbuild_
ingofS.nt'Agoto.
386 Deichm1nn , '976, Pl'. ,8"-9' , soy, it is IlOSSihle that origin.tly ,he ,,,,"de ",os
supported by piers rIlthcr th.n column<.•s at the si ..h_e<:ntury Son Michele i~
AjHtuco, hut this is b.sed on his assumption that the emire church dotes to the
si .. h century, which is not :occepted by most other schol."" e.g,. PiCON. '978,
p. ~ ,. h.sed on.n .n.!)..is of the exc,"'.tions of the otrium.
J87 LPN cl" 5!.
388 Deichm.nn, 1976. p. 331. AgnclIn' rCpe>tedly confused the three bishops
n.med Peter; see De~J".llnis, ",06, p. 99.
J8SO See HIlL 97" The "Im_ enth_et",tury manu'nipt in ,,·hieh the legend is ~.und,
llrusscls, Bibliothcque Royole. Codex 6.f, olso comoins Li.,·cs of Peter Chr)"so-
logus, Severns of 11.0...'''''', o"d mony other saims to whom churches were
d",lic>tted in R,,,·cnn., ond must depend on 0 R.vcmute sonrce. Peter D.mi.n,
the cieventh-eentury monk and scholor of R.o.venno, preo<hed 1 scnnon (Strmo
65) on lI.rI..,i,n ,hot included the some infonn ..ion. S"" L'qtl:l, 1976, 1'1"
' 74- IH .
390 See Deich,,,.nn, '976, Pl'· 33'-3 ,
W' Gill ett. """' , PI" ' 48- 57"'.1 ,6' - 5'
39' Deichmonn, '911'.
WJ E"'cn tod.y ""hoi • .,; compare R"'enn. unf.w". bly to Constantinople. e.g.,
McCormick, '000, p. ' 36, "By . bout ~'5 the e"15t's new copi"l of Con'tomi-
novle h.d expanded into o"e of ,he elnpire's greates, ci,ies, wher.o, R.vC<ln.
"""mhlcd ",ther. glorified mili"ry b.se,"
394 Ncri, I9'JO. p. 571;M.""a, '005, PI" 10- 11.

f u ur. R""c nn o, ,he C'I,;e~1 ufthe O strugu,hic Kingdum

I Jordanes, Gn;(8 60 (3 16). explicitly tell, his rcoders, "Do not think that I h.ve
.ddcd or token o""y . nything to "uke ,he Gothic race look good (os you migh,
NOTES TO PAGE S 107-109 3<3

expect of someone of my .ncestry); I h..,. wrinen just wh.t is in ,he sourc ... If]
h.ve written it.lJ down •• I h.\"e found it, )' OU will see it redounds notso much '0
,he credi, of ,he Go,h. os to the credi, of the m.n who conquered ,hem" (,,,,ns,
0' Donne lJ, ! 9Il' ). \ \'hilc ""hoi. rs di..grc. o,'cr J ord.n es'. precise moti". tions,
most .gre. th., he was !lot descended from the Goths who went ro 1.. ly,
but rJther from those who stored in the Balkons, .nd thot he wos writing for
• Rom.nlllyz.ntine .udien,,"; sec, e.g., Croke, '987, 1'1" t>5~ who notcs
th"Jord.ncs i. I,-'S$ pro-G othic th.n C.ssiodoru.<, . n,1 enr'-'JT1dy .nti _Ari.n:
see .Iso Heather, Gothl and /Wmalll, 1991, 1'1" H-<i7; and Amory, '997, esp.
1'1'- 35- 7 .nd '9' - 3<>7 -
I S"" Wolfrom, I,..sS, PI', '46-08, J-J "",her, 1995, esp, 1" 149; He.,her, Goth,

d'uI R""",tIS, '991, Pl'· '5!)-<i3.

3 The yens of'Theoderic's residence in Consuminople ore somewh.. conjee-
tu",l, os is hi, .ge, since his bini! dote is not exactly de.r (Wolfr,un, l..s~,
p. ,6,). \Ve ~n"w thot he w", them for ten ycar<, from . ge seven to
eighteen. Amory, 1997, suggests thot he w.s there from 46'-71; Rorh, 1995,
.g.
1'1" '03-4 n. 9, gil-" the dotes os 459-70.
4 Theoderic's educ.tion h. s been the .ubject of some d.b>te, M.ny ""hola",
fmd it h.rd to im.gine th .. o prince brought up in ,he palo,," .. Consnuni""ple
would not h,,'e I""med how to <"COd (wh" else would he h,,'e heen doing for
ten reo ..?), but the evidence in f,,'or is "ery sl im. [,modius, in his ponegyric on
Theoderic, t I (ed .• nd Genu.n tronsl. RoIIT, '99i, Pl" 10' -3), stotCS "Fd lle.vit
te in gT'-"TT1i<> ci,-ilitotis Gro",-;. 1'TOC'SOg"'l '·'-"Tlturi,~ which M(Klrh""I, '99' ,1" l 4,
interpret. os meaning he wos educated in Gree~, . Ithough the ten should .. tu -
.1Iy he tran. lated, "Gr""",,, p"''''ging things t() come, brought you up in the
bosom of dvi/iw, , , ," (tdll"'V;' could ,imply me.n "",i..d," .nd docs not nee-
.... rily connot" lite ... cy; on the m""ning of rid/i'd' see below). John ,\I.lolas,
Cbrrmographio '5.94, writing in Antioch in the lote sixth century.oJ'S "e.v&t>I-
XC>'; . .. Iv K<->W"T<XV"Tlvoo.rn6MI 6vo-r~11 ""lbvo-yvoVs ... ," which ",,,,,n. more
explicitly, "T f'''-'oocric, brought uJ> .nd tought to ",. d in CAm'tontinop!e.... "
On the opposing side, Anon. Vlliet. 61 ""yo, • He [Th.eodoric] , although he was
illiterote [in/itt""' ....] ... " .nd og. in, 79: "Therefore King ' Ineoderic wos iIlit -
e... te [inlitt""""I_ , _on .ceount of which he ordered. gold plate to be m.de
with the four let,"rs 'Iegi' [I h,,'e read it] CUt imo it; with which, ifhe w. med
to sign. documen" the plote wos ploc<.J on it .nd he led his I"'" through
it, thot his signorure might 'JI!"'or," Procopius . Iso, Dr ~Ik! Gothi", L1, 16, .oJ'S
tint the Gothic elders told Am.l.suinth. thot ' J'ltcoderic h.d con'luered • '':i''
territ()ry ".!though he had not So much lIS h""rd of1Cttcrs" (K<:dmp Yp<IIll'/rr<o>v
o(.rSf &to... 6:l<o-Ilv Ix""'); l'rocopius, Sum History 6, .lso tells thot the emperor
Justin I " .... illite ... te . nd h. d to u"". stencil to sign ducumcnts(Ensslin, ''}ofo,
,uggests, "'ther pl.usibl)', ,h.t the iIIite"'tc ruler of A,,,,,,_ Val.., 79 wosJ ustin I,
loter mi""opied OS ' I'ltcodetic [earlier proposed by Hodgl<in, vol. 3, ,8S5, p. ,68
n, '1; hut this does not expl.in ch, 61), Grundm.,,", 1958. Pl'. '4- )0, disco ....
the to]>OS of the un lettered but wise king, .nd argues thot ",.,riors were not
eXpc"1<.J to he lite ...",. thus the cvidL"Tlce .g.in.. 'l'lte",leric'. li te",ey is proh-
.bly correct , More wor~ should be done on the to]>OS of the illite ... t. warrior.
(See Rota, l{)ol , Pl" 161 - 3.)
5 Ostrogothic ltoly .nd Ostrogothic R.venn. hOl'. been extensively described
ond .n.l)'"lCd, especiolly in the post twemy ye."" .nd lorge nwnkrs of .!"tides,
'44 NOTES TO PAG ES 109- 11 0

books, :mel volumes of collected es.~'\r~ 110ve exh oustively eAl'lored e"ery angle
of Gothic cil'ilizJlion. Sec t'''P, Bamish/_\hra7.lj, elk, l OO;; Carl Ie, cd., 1995>
C ISfuvl volume, 1993; on Osnogothk R~\'('nna. Ihe f\lnd;\ llIe nt~l ,mide
remains J ohnSQIl, 1988.
(j The AII(lII)'III'IS VilfrsinllllS 49 !;,lrS that he was scnt by Zeno to pnll'rfJ{llllrr for
him in kl[Y (Claude, IO'n , pp. Z4- s);Jordanes. Gtlim 57. has '111<::oJ~ric pro-
pO:>~ the expedition, but tht' same author in hi~ RUI1II/IIII, 3'18"""'9, hil S the ide"
mi ginare with 2£no. For ,1 .-Ietailed an'llysis or the supposed pact with Zeno,
Sto" N eri, 1<)95. pp. Ff-6. who concludes th:1l such a pact prub3b l~' did nut
cxi~t, but ThwdC'ric may han: ,aid thH it did to gain Icgitim;ll'Y in Italy.
i D~ ""'f~ G"lbjclJ V,l.!! ; ill/l)ll. V,,/u. 49 says rh:.tTheoderic entered [t~[y ~CUlll
gent" Gothi~a." H ""thl'r, ' 995, p. '53; .\loorheaJ, ' 9~ .' , pp. 67-8; aoJ \\'01 -
fnm, H}8f1, p . .: 79 (citing Ens5lin, 1959), say 100,000 tot,,1 lleople enTered It-a ly
(\:Volfram has 20,000 w:lrriors); HUrn s, 1 97~ . argw:s for -1-0,000. Am ory. ' 997,
p. 41, says the tot~1 numher ofOstrogoths \ws ~O,OOO at most, and believes
that most of rhem were soldiers; he douhts Procopius's claim that women ~nd
dlilJ~n "am~ too.
S At least "ecording to Pn){:opius. De bella Gatbiro V . 1.1 5- ~ 3.
9 lllis is tile STOry told by ProcOpillS, D~ l'elt(J Cothic(J V. I.J4- .'5. and !f1l01l.
Vulrr. 5;. both of whom, along with Cassio<iorus, Cbnmiru, a. 493, say that
O doaeer W:)$ ploning against T11eoderic, For Theoderk's conquest of ltall',
see \-VolfnUl. 19118, 1'1" ;8l - 3, and ,\loorheaJ, '!i'll , pp. [7- 3 [, who prov ides
a detail~d analysis of rh~ sourc~s .
10 Sec Cbudc. '993 '
I I Sc~' Shanzcr, 1998. p. .' 3 Z.
11 This is nored by Jord.1Iles. Geli,"" Si .

13 Se(' C LlIl(le, '993 . PI" 30- 1; \Nolfnl11l. 1988. PI" 306-~ 6 .

14 For morc on Th~odcri c ' s title and h3~e of authority, Sl'C Jom'S, HJ6 ~ ; and
Neri, ' 995. Set: "Iso Arnold, 1008, t:specially chapters 2 .md 4, who argues th~t
1 1":Olr~ri<: did l'rt: ~m hil1l~df as an clll l'~ror.
15 JolU1~I), 1988, p. 76. This coin is gellt'rally I' ie", ..(l ~s b,wiog been stnleL: in ;00
to connnt:moratt: Tht:odt:ri~'s thirty-yt:ar annil"t:r.;uy and his visit to RUlli'" but
Grie rson, '985, repeated in GriefS(ln/BlaeL:hum, '986, p. 3), argues that it was
5tnlCL: in commemoration ofTheO(leric's victory o~'t:r th e F nmL:s and Burg un-
dims in .')09, while Arslan, '9R9 , pp.ll-6, nnd ' 99.\ , p. 5.'0; and .\olctlich, ~OO ...,
p. 15. argue that it WlIS srrueL: betv.·ee n T11eoderic's taking control in Italy in
493 and :\nastasius's recogn ition of him in 497.
16 Amll/. Va/a. 11.6+ ~et omnia ornamema palatii, quae O doac:lr Constantino·
polim tr:lllsmiser.H, remittit." Odoacer's bck ofinsigni 'l is also mentioned oy
Cassiodorus, Cb"01liw, a. 4 76.
17 C:lssiodf)nls. Cbl"Olli,a ~. ; 00 .
[8 See ,\ l<Xlrhead. 11191 . p. 60.
' 9 D~ hdlo gorhilo n. I.~6 and !9: ~1i1} "IT (, 9ruoip lxo5 A6y'!lI-'Ev -ruPa.w05, ~py~ fi1
l3oa l ~NI a~q€h'1l TO::;)V W To\!TI"\ Tij TII-'ij TO ~~ opxils 1")u-50~luI") K,hwv 0';5£1)05
,,0"0"01}." Johnwn, [!,It'S, p. 7-1-, no\<:, [h:ll many epithets formerl)' uSt:J for
e lll (l<'rors we re u~d for him, such as IIlIg ,mlLS ~ml imp~rillm. See on\\' Arn olcl,
w o8.
~o "In" m~ 3nill g of th" <:thnicity of thl' O strogoths has b<:~n th~ recent ouj"ct of
intense srudy; most schob rs now "grec: th"t th e ~Ostrogoths" we re re~l1)' ~ ,,01 -
kerion of Gothic and other trib•.'s who had only hcen united for the first time
NOTES TO PAGES 110- 112 HS

by Theo:><leric before he in\'~ded Jr~ l y. See e~pecLlll~' Amory, 1997. who r~kes
the CXtr~ln~' position th~t Ihe m ~i n defining fearun: of Ostrogorhil' ethnicit:'
was mer.llhel-Ship in rlbeoderic's ~rmy, reburted most compr<:hensh·e1y hy
Heather, ~OQ7.
11 Bicrhrauer, 1975 :md r 97<'1, created ~ map t.h at is subsequently much cited, l'.g ..
Ily Ht"tlrher. 1\J<}5 , p. I 56. HitrhrJuer'~ map j~ l>ased 011 linds of "Ostrogothic"-
l y?", lewdr}' in hurj;o ls, hut in fa<.:! the usc of gr,"'c guud~ ~elllS to h:l,"e ken
restricted to a very ~mall number of people in O~trogothic society (on whtlt
Ilasis we do not know), and recent ,;cholan have <jtltstiun.::d the attribu tion of
l'thnicity based on grave gouds: sec must recently Curta, ~OQ7 . whosummarif.cs
th e debMe.
~ ! On thc questiun of whethc r thc Ostwguths Wl·n· allottcd bml (which would
invoh"c a complex dr.' isiun of estatcs and f:mlls) or r-ax revenucs, .<CC eSJ>Ccblly
Guffart. I '}~O; Ibmish, 191$6: Durl;:! t, HJ'}7; GolTart again. ~ 006, pp. 119---S6.
! 3 See R. mish, 19f1S.
!4 Amory. 1997, I'p. So-7R, tT:lces a decli ne in the rhecoric of '-;"i/i/{/$ in
Th~()(lcrit' s bt~r ytars.
~5 Sce ITeent~' Saitta, '993 ; Reydelle!. ' 995; and Stilven, '995.
d) S~in;\, 1993 . not~·s thot this toleram:e WJS part orhis eoneepr of tivilililS.
17 [)(b~l/agQlbi(o ll ·( · ~7-3 ' ;Sl'CS:!itt3 . 1993,P· 148.
!8 See Ruggini, 1961 ; So rac], 197-I; M"r~u;i. 19911; Cosentino, :005 ,
~9 Wolfram, !9l).'!, Pl" .88--9.
30 LeITers ~dopr n patton.i~ing [One to other Mh;lrharian" 11.l1ers, elllph ;l.~iz.ing rhe
~lIperio r ROlm n clIlmTe of Theodcric'~ eOllrt (I4('i :lnd 11.41); in ~nothcr,
nJdrcss.::tl to ~·i t izens in newl~' eon<jutrc·d tc rritorits in Gaul, T hcoJc'ric· urges
(hem (0 "do[he yoursell'e~ in [he mor"ls of [he tog~ , put ;Iside b~rharism. "
(HI. I i ). Other Icners pnlis.:: ~spects of Roman life 'md culmr,,: 1. 10 on ;Irith-
mctie, 1.1 0 on pantom imes, Ltj on philosu phy nnd wate r doc:L.:s, ILt o on
music, 1I1.S [on ch3rio! r.lcing, lll.5l on sm·"eying, IV.5 1 on theater. V ..p (dis-
~ppro"ingly) on animal sl'..:\:t~d\:s . V il li on a'luedll ct~, and most dOllucntly.
nlthollgh writtel) in Ih" IUlue of ·n1tode1ie·~ gr;ln,bo'l Ath~lnrie, VU].!8 on
d"ie life,
3I Sec especially .\ '\omigli;ln(), 195): Deiehmann. I yBo; EveretT, !OO3' pp. z J-33:
~nd I'obr", 1995. who notes th'lI most li to:nu)' e\llnlre \\~\S b~sed in Rome,
Slnah, '976, identifies geographic~ l wurL.:~ produced at the court ofThcuderie
nS sources tor rhe se"emh- or t'ighth-cenrul)' Ra"enn;] cosmography.
J! Set Courcdle, 11/6y. pp. ~73-330; and irb'Oin, 19(15 .
33 See Saitta, 1993 . pp. 103-3 8; '111d La Rocca, 1993 , p. 488.
34 Wolf,,;IJ\l, 1f)t>3, p. )89; S'lj r(a, 19Qj . pp. 104- /0 .
35 CassioJorus. Cbrol/im, 3 . 500.
36 For cxal11plc, Vllrille 1. ~5 , :8, 11.; , 0 1.31, 44, TV.p. VIJ . 15; also Chnmira, 'I.
; 00, which srillo:S th~ t ho: stlrpass;.-(l '1I1c1ent works. On Theodo:ric's building
program, see c~r . S"itta, 1993. PI'· 103-38.
37 La Rocca, ' 993 . p. 466.
)8 Amm, VI/fef. 1.70; Fn:llo:gu, Cbnmicil :.57: ·'Ci"it:1to:s univo: rsas lluas regc:bat
mi.; ope r i~ rest:1urMC cr munire ~olleITi~.'lil1Je fecit. P"latb quoque splendcdis_
sime Ra"enn~l· urbis, Ve ronac ct Papiae, \.juod T icimnll cognomen tuln l·St,
fabric-arc iussit . T" ntal· prosp<:rit3tis post rq,.n mn tenuit, p"l'cm cum gentibus
vieinas h ~I:>e ns, ut mirum fuissct." See La Roc<:J, [993.
39 Brogiolo, ·· Ideas,'· [999·
 NOTES TO PAG ES 112- 115

40 See L~ Rocc3, IQ!:n. PI" .j&:>-+ who perh~p$ clr:lws roo sh~rp C\ disrincrion
lx:rwccn Thcodcric's ordering re~wr~ti{ln.~ at Rome .md new tJUildings ~t
R:lI'enn,l.
41 V'l/illT lII.30, tr:ms. Ham ish, p. 60.
4" Varille I.!I, !5. rn'!!r"31, 1V'30' 51. V.g, Vl I.7, 15. Fm hibliography, sec
Johnson, 19SI:!. p. 7i n. 44·
~J j/ "rj(/I" LILlI, tr~ns . Bambh, p. 57.
44 J{lhnson. 198>1, p. 7i; Vl1ril1~ rI' J9 CAhallo), III"'H (A ries), 49 (Catnnh), IV .!oJ
(Spolcto), Vll l. l9-) O (Panna); Anon. V"les. 7 I for P,wi:. and Verona .
-15 Saitta, 199J. p. 10j .
46 La ROCC:L, 1993 , pp. 464- 5 ~nd 484- 5, suggests thaI the omission of dlUrchcs
is \"'C3USC that lind of activity did not distin!:,'uish thc king from his aristocratic
sllhjects; seclllar parn:mngc, howcHr. hy this time was viewcd as thc proper
sph~rt of rulers.
~7 Amory, 199,. pp . ·n-71:1·
-IR In 1II1ri,1r V .40.5. Theoderie col1lmrods C}1)rian for k.ilOv.<ing three hngllnges:
ill VlI1.!I.6-7 anti VIll. Il .5, Athabrk- praises Cyprian for raising his sons as
soJdias and to sl"'ak Gothic ("Pucri stirpis Romanac nostr:J.linh'lJ3 llKJUlmtur")j
see Amory, 1997, PI" 154- 5'
49 Amory. 1$01/" pp. 155-8.
50 Burns, J9R~, p. 10 1_ On the exact .htcs of the two executions. see Bamish,
t9 tl j .
51 This infol11lo1tion i~ found in the Roman LivN' pcwlijillllis, Viti1 ]lJb,IJl'/i$ I 0,
which says th at Joho ha d been impriwiled by Theooeric, but th e A1l0IlPIIIIS
Vufuitmlls sa~'s only that Tncoderie "declared him an enemy." See Noble.
1$09.1 ·
5l !'ieui, IQ~} . p . 664. f(·ferringto VI/rirlr XU.:!. written in 5.17 fWIll Cas.siodonls
himsc:lf.
53 RcyJt:l let, IY'p . p. 10.
5~ vVolfr;un, 19litt, p . .!91, ('iting- Ensslin, d aims that Theotlerk mO"ed the court
aWll}' frOID R,wJelu\a onJ},onee, to Pavin in 508. in order to be closer tothe \\';If
3gainstthc Franb: however, hc is !mown to have becn in Vcrona in 5 I!I, IC3\'ing
Euthmic in charge in RaHnna (A1IolI. Vafrl". 8 1- ! , "propter metum !,TCntium",
see -'"Ioorh~ad. 19!11 . p. 70), .md in I',wia when the ini ti,d eh:\rges were levied
against Bocthius (ibid .• 8,-88).
55 For eXllm ple, Caes~rillS of Aries, a5 recQllnte d in the min.-.;;ixth-centmy Villi
Carmrii rpi.-ropi A.rrilll'"1lsis. ehs. )6-40.
56 J ohnwn, lyflH .
57 For eX.llll llle. Ilnder Theoderic gold eoi ns were mimed only in Rome, WherJ;'3S
initially silver coins were minted in Ravenna. as wdl as in '\ 'Ubn; sec .\letlk-h.
zOO-! , p..18. \Ind Arsbn. 1005, p. ~ ' 3'
58 LI'N. ch. 94. See below for more 011 ,he loc~lion of this im;lge.
59 On city personificntions. sec Biihl. 1995- Thc image th ~t is mosr simibr to the
one described by t\gnclhls is found Oil the '/IIiiwriwlI of Kerch (Hennlt'lge
Museum), in wll icb an emperor. p<:rhap~ Constantius 11, i~ Jepl(;teu on
horse hack between :1 personitic3[ion of Vi(f aria 'lIld :1 shield hen re., see
I....:m!.:r-N.:why, !004, pp. 36-S, who discus.,.:~ iconogn phic'll simibril il's with
mounted depictions of ~lllpcror"S on coins. Farioli Cm npannti, MRan'nnJ, Con -
sttlnunopoli," 199!, p. J46, notes Ihi~ similarity and suggests that Agndlus
NOTES TO PAGE S IIS-117
'"
misinterpreted such • depiction ofTheoderic as indicating personiflCa,ions of
ClUes.
60 Bronze low-denomin.tion coin. were issued by the Rom.n Sen.te with, on
the obverse, • helmeted fem.le bus, .nd the legend Im'i"a Rlmta, .pp.rcntly
• re,..... 1 of. motif from r'1'ublicon Rome. After ,he deoth of Theodcric
(Arsl.n, '005 , p. "3), or .fter the Byzantine copture of Rome in 536 (Gri-
erson/Blockburn, '9il6, PI'. 3'-3), the lnin,ing of Ostrogothic bronze mins
"""'",1 to R"·<"T1n . , including. d""mrmmio coin that eonuin"d • turn.~_
ted fem.le bust and the legend }-,Iix Rut"""" (flo"'ever, Medich, ' 004,
PI'· 48-50. condu,l", ,h., ,he "tlix R4"",,,,, coin. we,,", minted .. Rome u",ler
Theoderic). For more on the origin of the /".vi"" /Wm" .nd Frlix Rut~mR
lcg<"ds, see Errol.ni Cocchi. "Os.sc,,,. zioni." '980, who proposes th .. the
type defined R""elln. os. new eonsuminople. After R.venn. was lost to the
Ostrogotho in 54", there wcre somc '·cry .... re pentanummi. coins minted .t
p. vi. wi,h ,he bust . nd Icg<"T1d Fili" T~ml<t. Note .1... >that bri<1« were m.de
in Rome under 'Ineoderic with the legend "Felix Romo": see Righini, ' ¢l6.
6, An .... V"tu. 11.80: "Ergo Theodericus d.,o cO,l>,.d .tu Euth.rico Rom •• el
R.n",n.c triumph""t"; however, c..ssiodorus. Cbnmica. co. 519> mentio""
circus g.m"" only at Rome, with merely. ceremoni.l ",tum to Ravenn •
• fterword .
6, C,,·.lIo, '98 , ; Pietri, '¢l3 pp. 661 - ', .nd idem, 199', p. 304.
63 Pietri, ' 99 ', who notes, p. '<)oJ, that " 'en up_.nd.."oming mem],crs "I new
I.milies, who m.dc 'hei r ""ree,,; in R,,·enn., c"<"T1'u>lIy turned to Rome. Vn -
nodius, Epistolo 5.18 , "'nnen to the semlOr F.ustus N iger, refers 10 ,he l.tter's
d.p. rture lrom ina_bil, ""vm"". but he rn,}" mc. n 'hat the city is now odious
bee.use F.ustus h •• lcft. Sec .1.., Pietn. 1¢l3; .nd B.rnish. ' ¢l8, PI'. ')1 - 3.
64 Pa"'giri"<t" mention, only Rome.
65 For ex.mple, comp"" the fonnul.e in Vam VII, on the one h.nd, civic offi-
ci.ls .re n.med only fOr Ravenna .nd Romc. not for .ny other cities; hut on the
other hondothe .ppoinnnents to Rom" are pr:aised in mo", e"""''''Vnt ,,,nTIS
th.n those for Ra"enm; ct. \ rll. 7 .Dd 8 (the Prt"fr.tII'" t'jgilllrnj .nd I) .nd '4
(the romith·,,), in which he chuges the am", of Rome to protect the nwner-
ous beoutiful public artworh of thot city, bu, .imply commends ,he rom" of
Ravenn. to corry OUt ro)'>1 ortIel'!. Certoiniy Ra,'cnn. is viewed os the ""AId
city in the kingdom; see, c.g., Y ni;u X.,8 ."d XII.", in ,,·hich the twO cities
are p.ired. Polo"" ' 995, p. 354, notes that .Ithough R.venn. houses schol-
,I'! ."d schools, in Vllria, X' 7, c..«iodorus gi,·cs highest I'",jsc to Ic.ming
.t Rom".
66 Cf. B.mish, ' 988, JIP. "7 .nd 151. L. Rocca, 1993, pp. 48'-4, implies that the
me,on •• hout construction at Rom" w", .imc,l., .nstocratic Rom."". while
th.t at Rat·enD. w.s more .imed.t the eonst.ntinopolit.n .udience.
67 \Volr...m, 19i18,p. '9iI.
68 So<:. e.g .. Budrie.i. '990, p. '''"X La""rd, ' 99 ', p. "'.
69 Deichm.nn, ' 97 6. Pl'. 37 1- ', proposes th.t this WllS huilt by Odo, cer.
70 1...1.1rd. ' 99 ' . 1'. ,,6.
71 Cosentino, ,ooS , p. 4' I.
7' For enmple. VIlri", VII.", which instructs ,he prinrip"Nu 01 Rome to send
key .dvisers '0 ,he court .. R,,·enn •.
73 Pietri, '99' , pp. )<>0-1.
 NOTES TO PAGES 117-1 19

74 l.ozord. 1991 . p. "9·

75 See M.ioli, "Jl complesso .reheologiro, ~ 199f; and Alontevecchi, ed., 1""4; ,h.
building to the north nu)' ha>'e continued to be linked to the ne,rb)' church
of St. Euphemia; s<'" Ihldini l.ipfJOlis, "l.o chi""," and "1'eriodo b),7.3ntino,"
1co4·
76 GrtiCil '9 ([ 5I); Jord.nes is here qooting from someone he coUs "F,vilIs," whO'ie
identity is, mystery: .nd ... rel), conl1nentOO on; Kien.<t. [#' <totes thot he
mUSt h,.,c heen • C'on'cmponny of j01'<l>n'-" or C ••<iodoru.<. An inscrip,ion
th.t seems to conlinn Jord. nes's statement •• urihuting the land red. motion
to Theo<leric. w"" c1.imOO by ""''-'Tl'e,,",h-<;enlury' . nd l'ler schol.", '0 have
bc<:n reported in 0 m,"uscript; both inscription .nd m.n"""ript . re now lost,
~Ut ,he inscription is report'-" in elL XJ.:.I. R••'C'nn. no. 10.
77 See Iknnond A1ont.n.rilM.ioli. [?8 3: !>loioli. "Ropporti commerci.li. " [995;
M.ioli, 1001 ; Augent~ "Nuo"e ind.gini," 1005; .nd idem, "R.venn. e Cl.sse:
.n.t.,-"Iogi.," 1006.
78 Esp. Aug"mi, "Ravenna e Closse: . rehcologi.," 1006, pp. 10I~. One striking
..mpho ... f"'gme", found in the UPI,\j """".. tion con",incd . n inscription in
Hebrew, .,idene<:. pem.ps, of Jewish mereh.n"" in Ra.-enn., os m.), be ottested
on papyrus documents from HO ..nd 54 1; Ott Somekh, 1995.
79 M ..... 'zi, 'WS, PI' , 136--4"
80 See wentino, 1005, pp. 4 ' 5- 19, for. dctoiled stud), of this issue.
8, V",-iat X.,8 .. nd XII"4- the l. tter eonttming SlJPI,lies from ls,ri.; sec
''''>Sentino. '005, p. 4,6, T hom.s H (Klgkin tran,lot", ""m,io " "m)"'l residence
at R.wnn.," hilt since in many coses C.ssiodorus uses the "'ord ".Iatill'" !O
refeT ,,, thc go,'cm"'<'TlI .n,VoT Ihe roy.l resid<'Tlce, "un,,;. must inste. d h.ve
the mconmg of "gorri50n" or "c.mp,"
8, V....ia, Xli .} 1 (,rans. n .. m ish, 199' , 1'. [76 with some modirIC .. ,ion) ..... well :os
Xl1.14,
S3 V..,.ia, 11.10; Cosentmo. '005 , PI'. 4 [6--17, notes the ""istence of ~a m vari -
ous citi,-", "flt:lly, .nd e>,id"n"" of bO'rTtarii. OT w.rehouse m. ""rs. in R,v~'Tln1te
documen"" and inscriptions,
84 V....ia, Vl.6; 'iCC Cosentino. 1005, pp. 4,8--'9. who . ssumes that Theoderic
continued. trod ilion !.>egun eorlier_
8S DtbtIIoGfJlbitoVI" S.'5 ,
86 V",-iat V.,6 .• 150 V.'7 - }0. Sec ,\ louro. cd., 1005, for more on the Acet of
Ravenna.
87 h rioli C . mpanoti. "1.0 sculrurll,- }COs. esp. Pl'. ,6--19,
88 llaycrischc S" . t.,),i),liothd" ~ l unich. Clm. 6"" is .n e.ny ninth-cenrury
Gospel bool: th.t contains on inocription s. ying thot 0 ""rum I' m-icius h.d
emend<>d the 'e" ot Ihe re'lu<..t of lIis),op Ecclesius; IhllS 'his Corolingi.n
m.nuscript is .ssumed to !.>e. cop}' of one produced in R,,-enn. in the eorlr
si .. h ttntury, ' Ine Or""ius m.nu""ript is lIiblio<= Lauren"';,,, , , ].lorence,
65. I. on which .ce Tjiider, [97" : the document of 551 is quoted in full in the
nen chapter.
8~ V",-ia, 111.'9'
9" See Dcichmonn, '?Ii9, pp, '''4-8 (monuscripts) .nd 347""9 (ivory; further on
iffiry, see Volb""h, 1977); . lso Cov.llo. [99" Deichm.nn cautions in both
co.scs th.t there is no solid evidence linking most of the items ottri),ulo<110
NOTES TO PAGES 119- 122 H9

Ra\,enna. Volb.1ch. 197i, pp _ I o- I!, notes tlut ivorie~ 3ITribmed to R~"enn~

largdyon the uas is of iconographical or srylislK simil.lril.ics with mosai(:s or
stone sculptu .... share lU3ny ehar.lclerisrks with works 11I9de in Rome, ,\'lihn.
Jnd Constantinople.
9' jI<lrilll' 1.6 and VIl .;, both cited hy \Vatd-Pcrldns, ' 9S4, p. 159.
9~ ChnJII;({f a. 500; P,mrgyri(lIs XI.56: "vid"o insperannll deco .... m Ilruiurn cill"-
riuus n 'enisse o;:t suu civilitatis plenitudine PJhltin~ uui'lue te<:I" rutiJ:,re."
In seventh--.::entUl), Fmncin, the historian p<;eudo-F redeg:1r, ;n his Cbrollifll
11. 57 notes of Theoderi<.:, ~Palati3 'lu"'lue splcndedissime R,l\'cnnae uruis,
Veronae Ct Papi;le, (IUI)d Tieinul1l cognoment1.ll1l c,t, fabril'are iussit." Sec
\Vard-P"rkins, J')R" p. 15H n. 7. As La I{o..--';,', 1\19 .1 , Pfl· 457-9, notes, such
btc noticl'S show the cffi.~acr of Theodcrie's propaganda.
9) 11//1)/1 . Va/rI. :.7 1: "P"lariulll llsfjue ad pc,fcenlln fecit , quel1l non dcdica\- it.

Portie" circa p,dalium perfe<.:iL"

94 Interestingly, the ap:'>Cs were polygoll,,1 on the c:ncrior and scmiein::u br 0011
th e inwrior, jllst like the apf;t!s of Ravenna's ch llrche~; ")Igenti, "i\ rehcologia,"
l005, p. '5.
95 Berti. ' 976, pp. ?i-SI; ""e J ohnson, 1988, p. S4'
96 Augen ti "Archeologi:l,~ lOOS. e~p. pp. 13- 16; he d:l!c$ what he c.ll1s Ph"Sl' 4
to the 1 ncoilcri...-Jn pe riod.
97 C:lssiodoru~, Omr;O'll11ll I'di,!";Il!'!' ~Renide t crust" mannorum concolor gelll -
m is. sp;u'Sum aurum fulgel' in ,_, s, rO(\I1;lS S,Lxorum venas mU5il'i ll1un~r., descri -
bunt; et tatum met::lllicis colori hu~ eomitul', ubi cerea picrura noOse .1tur." Of
eoOurse, thi$ d~s noOt necessarily refer te) the pa b ce a~ Ravenl1~.
118 LPR ch . 94: Ab'Tlellus tl'lls that the statue was mad" fur (h" <.:mp<·ror 2<.:no, but
TheoOderic :' pproOpri,,,ed it foOr himself. There WaS cert"inl), all efjueStri,lil slame
ofJ llstinian phct d oOn th t AugllstcioOn during his reign . Jnd hc Ill\lr havt a(laj.lted
it fmm an c:lrlie r stotu<.: of on~ of th~ -'betxlosius·s. Furthennor(', Jnnlalle$,
G"lir,/ 57 (z 9o), Idls Il~ that unoO str lip an equ<:slrian SUIUC of Th"odcric
alltr rrgi"1l1 palillii in Constantinople, Ihis h<.:fore ' IbeOlderk Went 10 ita I),. Tnc
SC.ltlle in l{al'el\nJ s~em~ to hal'" ~too{1 ill this plate Hodl the I\inth ceotlllY.
whe n Charlemagne had it l1rought to his nO'w palaeO' at Aach"n, as rcpurt~d
hy AgncUus and in a po<.:m hy \Vah lafrid Slraho (D( il1/l/ghlf le/ridy in V,,:ms
ill rl,'llIisgmlli P,IIl11iQ). For" oomplcte discussion of the historiogr"l-'ily of this
st~tue "nd it~ ~Tcntu~l re mov,,), see D cliy"nnis, trnns., ~ 004-> pp. 7 ;J.-<), and
idem . ed., loo6, PI" 75-"7 and notes.
119 U'R ch. 94·
100 Dcichmann, ",S9, p. 51 .
I Ot DIJ\'~ I , 1960, pp. 358--9; Dekhmann. 19;,1, p. 140; Duval, MLu 1I105aifjut."," 1978.
PP' 95-6; and Porta. 1991.
I O~ DcIiF'lOnis, trans., 2 004, pp. 7l-fJ.
10 j On ,he context of ,heSt' buildings, see Ort;,IIi, 11)91 , pp. I H - 7; ~nd Sf\lineni,
1004, PI" 356- 9. O n .\1cldob, scc Prati, 19SfI, p. l7, and PI" 56-66; on G ale3 ta.
see most recently De ,\1"riJ , ell., lOO4. On 1',,1n7.wIOl, stC Bcnnond ,\'Iontan:!ri,
1,/83 '
104 LPR eh . 39. Agnel1us tells us th,'t he 1",,..;on:111y dism~ntled this palace :md u.<;ed
the rnntt'ri.lls to huild \l hOIlS<: for himself in Ra\'<::n na! For an :m;llysis of I hi~
passag<.: from m<.: LPR, sec La Ron'a, ' 903 , pp. 486--7_
 NOTES T O PAGES 122- 124

105 Alltm. 11,,1($.7'; C:lssioaorus, Chf"(m ifll,:l. 5 0 ~ : "In rhi~ con~u l $hip lord King
Theodcric brought wate r to Rn\"('nn~, whose aqueJuct he fittingly restored.
which h;l([ bt:etl out o f u5I: for ,I long rimt: before."
106 Prnri. 1<)88. p. 17 and esp. PI" ~6-5Q· J ohnson , '988, p. 78.
107 l1arille V'311: ~ Tnn e erit exhihido decol~1 theml~nun. n ille pi!K:inae uiucis fon-
tibu~ nuctu,l],unt: tunc erit quae dilun t :lqua, nun inquim:t, post llU~1I1 buari
continuu non sit necesso; . . . si :1\1pot'llldum unda sUluis inRu.,erit, o"' ni~ nostro
uierui redduntur nceept:1, qu~n do hllln~n:1~ uitJe nullus eibus grams efficirur.
ubi aquarum dulcium pt:rspieuitas non hak tur."
lOS Scc f(lr Rome: Coates-Stephens, 1998, e~T" PI" 171-}; for Constantinopi<-:
Mango, 1995 , an d ilonoiCrow/Ihyliss, 100 1,
109 VtlrJ(J~ III.y ~ml lo, and V.S.
I 10 I agree with Kl'nn cll, ' 9'l." that it is marble workel~ rather than mosaici~ts who
are h"'rt" (':111;,<1 11ll1l7l1or.wii. si ne.: tht l,: u <,r goes on to ta lk aoour marble sbhs
split and rearranged ~ that their\'einsere;lte pleasing p"ttems. "from artcomes
that which eonqllers n~mre: rher weave rh~ discolored sbbs (If marble in rhe
must pltasing variety of d'·pictiolls. , .. " This precise fonn of wall r~l'e{Jnent is
known from San Vi tale in Ra\' c'nna, and from many sixtb_century ehurchc's in
Con.sr~1Jtil1ople .
I I 1 Sec Farioli Campanati, ~La scolru)";}," lOO; , p. 1;- 16. Itkolob';C"Jlly, latc nntique
rulers liked to as~ociate themseh-es with I lcreules; see Kennell, I 99.h although
Ne.:~, 1991 , PI" 161 - 1, poinl!s om tll'lt this ~S/;OCialion .:ndeJ with DiocI.:rian,
and ChristLlIl em pe rors did not ~$SOCi 'lre them<;e]ves \\ith the pagan hero.
1 I! V; t ru\'iIlS, De l/l".hitul/Il"lI V.4.
II ) 111is is the olily usc of the worJ h,lsilim in the ill/riM; the worJ is usc d rr~ ­
quemJy in Cassiodonos's H i.l'/Qria ral o:.·illSlit (llripJJrlilll, USU'IJJ)1 with the me'llling
of "church," bllt somer.imes refe rring to ,1 sccllhlr building such as the Senate
asstmbly building ( lo.17.}!). Rocthius nt"Cf uses the word; Enn rnlius uses it
only twil"<~, referring 10 churches both times. A1ort: commonly in sixth-century
usage gcm:nUy all: rcfnenccs to churches; hut dearly a hasilicn m rn e!1 'Iftn
H<'rcul':scollld not be u cbu reh ! On the "ther h:II1([, I)lui/fcil i, nen' r used to rt:r~r
to:l room io a palace; the word "ul" is Ilnin"rsally uscJ, and ,Iso uy C:l:;siudortls,
for this type ()f SpJCC,
114 LPR chs. "3, 16 .
• '5 J ohnson, 1988, p. 78.
116 D)'ggn!. ]/)5, ; ''''ard Perkins, 1984. p . • 6 l; mo:;t recently Kennell, I'J9'"
although ht:r connection of the building to the ein::us whose existence, as " 'C:
han seen, is based only on med ieval topographical referenee~, is duhious.
117 Th~ first U\~jor SOld)' W:lS H:lII]>t, IQI3; mol'<: recen t eomprt'lwllsive. snl dies
in~' l ude Bovini, ' 959; De Angelis J'Ossat. "Un enigma," 1960, Pl" !J3- 111 ,
H eidenreich/Johanllcs, 197 ', and K.ra\lth cilllcr's r.;view, 197.1; '1110 Dcich -
m :II111 , 1974, pp, : 11 - 39' ' 1111! lurer history of th ... monument is known only
in fragmcnt.~ before the fifteenth centu ry. Agnelllls says (LPR eh. 39) that the
m~u:;olcUrl1 \\"15 built "wlwre rJ1(:n: i~ thc 1/IlJllllstrn"IIIII "fSt . .\t1lY which is e~ I1cd
At th" Tom b of Kin g Th.:oJ.:rie." "Ill'" im plication of th is stut.:ment i~ that
at some poim ~fter rhe sixth eenm,), th e building was conve rted into a "bare]
to the Virgi n, l'resu m ~bly the lower l·hamll<:r of the structure, around whkh ,1
gallery with J wooden roof was .,r.,cteJ sometime after its original cOllstruction
(Heidt nreich/Johannes, 1971, PI'. 75- 9; De Angelis d'OSS.1t, ~UII enigma,"
NOTES TO PAGES 124- 126

[0', suggests. reconstruction of this ch'rd's furnishings). Hy the Twelfth

cemury, however, [he lower level was rrobably olreody somewh., submerged
in the ,,,rrounding ground. l>ec..."., in the middle of that cenmry 0 n.ve W25
ot"med to the structure, with the upper chamber incorpor'lted "' the choir of
the new ch urch (llcidrnreichlJoh.nn("S, '97 ' . PI" 70-106: Dcich"'onn, 1974,
pro '[ ' - '4)· [n the sineenth cemury, the e.rliest d",wings mode of the m.u-
so leum show it h. lf submerged in the ground .nd unused except as • cemetery,
wi,h a tower "'tIlch •..! to 'he :;ou,hwes, s;de, pmhohly 0 hell tower fo,the church.
The m,uso[ew" rem,ine<! the subject of ontiquori:tn interest oltd rem.rbbly
i, oppco" ;n ' he backgrounds of ",,;<>us sincenth- ond 5cH'flteenth-cen'"ry
p. imings (see HeidenreichIJoh.nnes. 1971. pro 9<>-4). In [774 ""'0 st.irc.ses
were built to . ccess the upper floor; ex ....,nions were corrie..! OUt in the eorly .nd
mid-nineteenth cenmry, .nd in [879 the emire strucmre was re[e • .oo from the
surrounding ""!th , 'Ine eighteenth-<:entury stoirc.ses were demolished .fter
\ V"rld \ VOT [, 1rul the cum_'ll' rom p ond ", i[;ngs were set up in '9' 7.
'IS A" .... Vlllu. [1.0: "s<: .utem vivo fecit sibi monumentum ex [apide qu.d ... to
mi... e m.gnjtudinis opus, et sarum ingentet" quem superponeret inquisi,·it.~
1 '9 See Di.m",ooT, ['}OS, 1'_ ,67- jerome. Ad".,..,,, iln'mimm", 1.44' '. __ Ct mi ... c
m.gnimdinis eIstruxit sepu!cnun, in ronnun tit usque hodie ollmio sepule,..
pretio&> ex nomine eius m.llso!.c," nuncupenrur." '[bis description wos widely
known; cr.• lso Isidore of Seville. Etym<>login. 15. [ 1.3' "N.m eo defuncto uxor
eius mi"''' m.gnitudinis (~ pulchrirudinis ""ru.it '''pu[chrum in "'ntwO Ut
US<jUC ho,l;e omnia mOnumen," r"~iO&> e. nmnine ,,;us 1\ \alL'ole. nuneupcn _
mr." On the fome of the eponymous mausoleum. cf. Vitruvius. Dr Anbilm"",
, .S. [0. ,",I most notably fnr nur pu'P'....." Cossiodnrus, V.,,-iar VI[ _, 5' "FeTUnt
prisei sacculi n..... 'ore. f.bOOrum septem ""nmm 'erris .dtriburo mi",,,,lI,,
Ephesi Dion.e tc"'plum, regis ,\1auso[i pulmerrimum monumentlllll. , quo
et m.usol.,. dicta SUnt .... " He lists these in order to s.ay thot Rome surpasses
them .Il.
1'0 Deichm.nn, t974, 1" l' ,.
I " His/orin N~mralis 36, [9. As DcicJunonn notes, [974. p. 11 I- I', there is there -
fore nn nud to posit that the ",ousoleum or the tower built nen '0 it sometime
befnre the mirteenth C"'!l tury .... os used os 0 Iighthnuse_
' " Fiorin. [993, discusses more precisely the en", origin of the stones which ..he
says come from the Corso region orow,d ' rries,e.
"3 Deichm.nn, ' 974. pp. '30-3, proposes mo,.., specifically thot ...... ndeTing
group of stonemasons from [saori. wos employed.
1'4 s.'<' ilovini, '959> 1'1" 13- 17; 'he m.US<l[eurn ",. s d. maged (0)' 0 jKlmh in \ \Torld
Wor [I . at which time the interior of ,he w. lls wos re"".[ed.
1'5 Hei,["n TeichlJ"h.nne", '97', pp. 8-'4 '
1,6 HeidenreichlJnh.nne", 197'. pp_ '5- ' 4 .nd 1,8-30_Kroutheimer, [973, nntes
mat ,he deco ... tion on the surviving piers is \'Cry simi l.. '0 ,h.. found in scu[p-
mre fTom contempo ... ry Const.ntinop[e. such .s the church of St. I'n[ycuktos.
"7 johnson, [¢lS, pp. 93- 5. citing earlier literatu,..,. On surviving impcri.[ ond
TOy.1 m. usolea in ,he wes" s"" 1\ lackie, 1003, PI" '44- ' 1 1,
I,Sjohnson" ¢lS,p'93'
"9 Exp[ored but not ""pJ. ined by De Angel;' d'Ossal. "Un enigm.," 10',
1'1'- 111- 14_ I-I e gil-es the ex. mp[e of the .uppo>ed tomb of Ummidia
Qu.dratillo .. Cosinllm. (first c. BC-first c. AD). which COllroins 0 v.ulted
352 NO TES TO PAGES 126- 130

cross-shaped space m~ de 01lT of ashla rlll3s0nlY on rhe lower le"d, and had:1n
upp.:r story thJt is now lost.
1)0 Dioeletian's mausoleum. built o f ;lShbr lli:lSOnry, h:l$:I crypt surmounted by
a domed upp~r space, und the same W:IS tme for simibr SfrUCnJTeS found ~t
Sarbimcn ~nd Felix ROlllul iana (Gan17.igrad), somheast of Sirmillm and in a
rtgioll well known to' rheu<leric; see Johnson, lOOS; an d Br.mdVVasic, ZOO7.
pp. 46-9 and 85-6. In p:ntkllbr, .' ·!ausoleuITl z at Gmn;.;igud had" twe h'c-
sided lower level with n cruciform vaulted chamber in the interiornnd an Ionic
!,;olonnadc surrounding tht: upp<:r It:"d. -Inc Serbian ~"trudurt:s, morco"cr.
wcre nut built in or adjacent to the p"lal'e but some dilitance awar, next to largc
tulllllii. One wunders where ;Hld how -111eoderic's finher, -nliudimir, h11d l~en
[)Uned.
1)1 Sec J ohmlJn, ! 9 ~H;' p. 94. esp. n. 198; Dc in>Tir llfirmr I1ritblll rli", " ,41 on 10 as
a [krft:<,t Ill1mber for th e Pythagorea ns; V"ril1(" 1. 10, a 1(:[[er to Bot:thillS, on 10
as symoolic of hC:l\'en.
I p Dc Ange1is d'O '5~r, ~Un enignn," l!lil, pp. 116 :md I l l . show~d rhar rhc
ratios of the width of the ann;; to th,:ir depth, the heig ht of the ,·au lting- w tlw
width of the ~nn ~, and the hdght of the door to its width ::til equal the go ldcn
<;cellon, a numc ric~ 1 r~ tjo thiLt he thou ght w:os used "Isn in other buildings from
the cu of "lbcodcric.
133 Bovini, !959, p. 14- !5. notes that Sang'.lllo·s dr~w-ing, from his U/w(J ''lJII/IUI~
,kgli :J<hr..:.i, contains m31l y olher in ~l'Cur.tcies, but aece pt!;that ,111 up~rcol"llke
m:lke~ decQr~ti"e se n~.
134 BO'1 ni, 1959, pp. 45-6, pr~5Cnts the v:lriOIlS op i ni(l!l~ that th e mausoleum
was nc,'er complcted, bur he' md De Angclis d' Ossat, ~Un enigma," 19th .
pp. 94- 5, ~rgJ,le th"t this gallery w~s Origul:11I)· com pleted, and W:lS brer spoli-
ated. HeideTl["('ich/J oh"nnes, 19; I, pp. 1 0i -~ 7, on til<' od1.::r h;Uld, "rpI" th at
the decoration w....s nevcr complcted; Ihis i ~ SUPI)orred hy Ddchmann. I'/H .
p.~!l.

135 H t:idenrcich/Johanncs, J97 ' , PI'- 1);8- 36, accc pted 1.>y Dckhm'lIIn, "174.
pp. l! 3- 9; th e wall ~ rt iC ll"'t ion they PI"OI)(")"jt! is h"o;ed largely on a bte ~cond ­
e<:ntu ry :\0 mausolt:um ncar T npoli in N orth Afrka. KT311thcimt:r. i '>? j ,
rejn·ts this r<:construnion as a product of !9)OS Gennm " rehitl'ctural design.
136 Reconstnl~t:ioJl;; o f the ]Oggi;l h:ll'e l>etn m~(le 1.>y many schol:o rs, most recen tl~'
hy Dc Angelis d'Ossat, "Un ~nigm a ," ' 96!_ For ~ com prchcosi\'c annlysis,
"ith iIIu5tnttions, o f aII the \' ll riOllS prop<lsals, see Heidenreich/Johannes, I 97 ! ,
pp. lOi -~ 7. Difftrenc<:s Uetw",en the ' arious rt:constructions of a loggia mostly
ccnter of issues such as whe ther th e collJn n ene~ had ha.<c~, how chc corner.;
were ~rticu]ate d, \Illd wheTher sfantes originallr stood und er the ~r("hes .
137 Lewis, 1973, p. 120; '\bekk, ~oo3 . pp_ 1j6-60.
'31:1 Fihh- and sixrh-cellnlry de pictions of th e H oly Sepulchre ge ncr'lll}' show rhe
{omu as II single-sw ried, ee:ntr;dly p]'lJlned building, nllhough the: Asl.'tllsion
plaque in !Viunich, Ba)'erisches NarioTlalmlL'>CulIl, ca. 400, depicts:1 two_storied
tomu of Christ fC:Iluring scul ptcd hllSts, ;In arcade, and ,I dome :It th e IlPl)(;r
Ie: vd. Anutllt:r unusual ohjt:d, k.no wll a5 the Bm:k.le of St. Caes3rius (Ar ies.
r\·lusee Dep~rrenlenl'l l), daring to th e e~rly sixth C<'llrury. :lIs<> shows th e toruh
as a two-stori ed huilding, with door.; on thc lowl' r le"eI and WhtlSl' ul'l)(;r level,
(·appc.:J bY:1 dum<:, has a dcepl)' carved l·ololll1~dc . possihly set ba.:k frum til(:
lo\\'er Ie:,'d hy a ~ries of steps.
NOTES TO PAGE S 132-134 m

'39 This niche nuy not ho"e l>een Jl"rt of the original plan. os ,he "",II articulation
on the exterior shows. al,hough l-Ieidenreich1Joh.nnes. '97'. I'P. S3~ show
,hot it is structurolly bonded to the surrounding ",.. II ..
'40 The larger windows on ,hc di.gon.1 are prop"""d by lkid~"reich/Joha"nes,
'97', p. 87, to I>e I"cr in d"e, .lthough i, is not dc.. r whe,her SIn.llef windows
would h.ve l>een there origin.lly.
'4' Dcichm'nn , '974, p. It 7·
'4' Bo.ini, '959, 1'1" ,6-)0.
' 43 L/'Rch. 39·
'44 Bovini, '959, 1'- F. notes ,h.. S,_ Ambrose. EpimWz~ 14, re<:ommends that
V.lentini.n 11 be buried in 0 "porphyrericum I.brom pulcherrimum et in usus
huiusmodi .ptissimum." JUSt" ,he empero, ,\ Ioximian h,d t.....,'L Ilovini ,nces
,he history of the R"'enna b.thtub back to '5<>4; ,he .ssertion of H eidenreichl
Joh.nnes. '97'. p. 6li, that il W28 identitied", the mousoleutll in '146 is .n
erro,. "the fouTteenlh""."tury Sou",es toOk ,heir inf.,nn.,i.,n from AgnclluS;
see Deli)",nnis, ed., 1006, PI'· 73- 7.
'4 S Bovin~ '9590 p. 4" Dc Angelis d'Ossot, "Un enigm'.~ '!)li" PI'. "'- '4,
HeidenreichlJoh.nnes, '97', 1'1'_ ,66-7, occepted by most schoh n, includi.r:tg
Deichm.,m, '97'" PI'. '" - 1. who ,!'>Ces the "",iotlS . rgumems. Dc Angelis
d'u.s., interpreted slots in ,he w,lls of both ch.m!>.", to support hi< con_
tention thot the lower ch.ml>er "'OS origin .lly fined out .s a ch .pel with .n
.Itor""":<", while the uPI"" h. d. ,,-'Cording to his f""""'truction .• COIn]>!C'
seri,-" of twe!"C pil . "",,, thot upheld an .,..,hitrovc m'C, the so"-~>ph.gu.<. ' Inc
louer reconstruction is simply a fanta>.), (28 Heidenreich/Johan"es, '97', p. 86,
mC'TI]ontbl}' so)'. it look> like "thc gTO'-e-tcI1lplc of. \ V.gncrian "ogc scti, but
docs not negate the ide. thotth. upper ch.ml>er " ... the buri.1 spoe<:.
146 Johnson , '?lil!. 1'1'. 93 -4. 'n,e problem of ocres< 10 ,he upper level is not
.ddressed; it .hould I>e noted ,hot in the rn.u501.. at Sp.loto, Sorbmen •• nd
G.mzignld, the lower le,·eI,.re suhterr.me ,n, with .ccess to the upper le",,1.
147 Si. irrcgulorly oi .....1 holes thot ourround this pl"fonn .re of . I"cr d"c;
Heidenreich/Joh.nnes, '97', p. 8" propose thot they were inserted in the
IWdhh century 10 suplXlrt a bell tower on ,he dome.
,~8 Some ""hol.ts h.vequestioned ... hethet the inscriptions ore origi.r:t. I. ,ince their
epignlphy i< completely differe", from .,,)',hing 1m0l." from silith--ctmury
R."""n, (nored by II cid""cichlJoh.nnes, '97'. p, 8" who ne,'crmek... ,hink
thot ,hey were origin. !. l>ecause i, would h.vebeen too difficult to incise n.mes
once the monolith wo< in plott). l:kichm.nn, '974. p. "9, d.im, th1t the
.bb",.i.rion SCS "'0,< not ,,-sed for 'p"stles in thc sixth cc'ntury (hut it wo,<
""nunly used for vorious sorts of ..ints, " ",n be seen in ,he n.ve m"..i",
of Sont'Apollino", Nuo"o); he .lso d.im. th .. the fonn lacop1<!f for /"roIms is
• later n.me fonn. However, he does not offer ony suggestion olx>ut when
the inscriptions would hove been m.de; os we will sec, this list of .po<tlcs
hos connections to Con".minople, .nd it wos surely onl), in the silith century
thot such a connection would h.H l>een nude (it does not rna~e sense thot
thc n.m'" of .po<tlcs would h",c I",en incised when the huilding h,-,<--ome
• ch'pel dedicated to the Virgin). As John5Otl , '?liS, p, 95, notes, the most
convincing ""d"""" thot the names ore origin.1is the roe, that the .., are tweke
'PUts,
'49 Bovin~ '959, 1'· 5+
 NOTES TO PAGES 134 - 136

150 Baal'. I Q65, :In engineer, PrQ"ides ~ [lQssihle reconstmcrion of ~ techni<Jue; he

argues thar th.· monolith wa~ rolled Up:l ramp to the \01' of the fir~t k·\·cl amI
then was 1".liseil by a s),srem ofle\'ers ~ rhe upper sto ry was built. B~a r St:Iti:S
that th~ spurs would h:l\'c been strong enough to li ft the monolith into pbce
by sueh a mechanism and that thc small openings bencath thcm show that thcy
w",re intend"d to pass ropes throu gh . D"iduH:mll. 1Y74. p. 2 19. says Ih",y were
nC"nthdess not' u~c J fvr this pUrpos<;'.
151 Deiehmann, ' 9701, pp. l l g - l O .
IF Bo,·ini. (959. Pl" )5-8. eit",s th", rd"" 'anl theories, with illustr~tivns.
(53 Some S(,·hola rs havc propoS<.:d that thc spurs wen' used as baS<.:s for .,t;J.tu~s of
these saim s, bur this se<:ms ,'ery far fetch e,l; se ~ BOl'ini, 195<). p. 55 .
• H J ohnson. ' 9SB. p. 95; Schn<·ideT. ' 94' . PI" 404-5; the thirreenth-n·ntury
author N ikolaos .\'I csalitcs lists these apostles for the ,\ postnlcion in Cnn -
stantinopl",; s.:e Down,,}', ",d .• pp. 66]-8. Th." fullest discussion of apostle lists is
in .\legaw/H~wkins, 197i, pp, 106-10. Deichmann. 19R9. pp. ! 97-H, mentions
the ea rly sixth~ccnnHy series of apnMlcs in th c church of Panagb K:makarb
at L~,thrankollli on Cyprus, antI that in St. C n hctinc's at ~\h . Sinai, uut th~'n
Tl'Ol.'iSCrts his Jx,lief that th" inscriptions we", mad" !atel-.
1 55 De Augelis eI'OS,><1t, 1<)61 , MUll enigm'I," p. 109.
156 Dcichmmn. 197.h PP' 133--9. One example of sueh romanticism is the imita-
tinn nf Theoderic's mausoleum, ~nd el'en of the 7,il"gmFi~s for the Bi~marck ­
turm in Jena, <Xrm:my, buill in t900--9.
'57 BOl'ini, 1');9. p. 59, citesJ. Stnygo\\'ski and othel'~, who Prol~d comparisons
from Denlmrk, Armenia_ and India! Sec 'Ilso Deiehmann, 197.1, p. 118.
'58 Dcichmann. 197.j., p. 1 (9, n:'IChcs this condusion .
159 V:lrlous eX'lIu ples :Ire cil"d by HeidenreichlJohalllles. 1971 , pp. 151-<)0, from
cI'clywhcrc from Bulg:lriat o Norwa}'; in :t ~ns<: . th<'y arc so rand om that thc}'
3rc not cOllvi ncing, an d th., aUlhors condu,k that the friu.c rep ....s;;:nts rnorifs
ean·td on wooden ao.;hitecture. now lost. Dei<'hll1'lIln_ 1'174. p. ! 2 [. st:ltes th at
the r;'nge of e .~3rll l'lc s is not credible; Kramhci mcr, II) ; 3, notes th3t Shs:lnbn
motifs we,.., fou nd in Consta ntinople at this l><oriod.
160 For cxam pk, thc l>ruvches From Kirchh", ill1. Vcdstrup, and GUll1mersmarL.:;
sc" J-Iasdoff. 1C)81 . I·OJ. 1, PI" 30l - 18. It is ~I!iO fOllnd on a buckle found at
Sirmiulll, ~ttributed to the Blaek &,\ rc gion (Br.lndIlV:tsic, WOi. p. 3 ( ALb.
• ~ ) . (A bracelet "ith a similarpa n em, dated by \!ickcrs, 19i6. to the "uly sinh
ee ntllry is n!)w dated to the sec')Ild or third eentl,II")'; .w e M acGregor, I 'J97 .
p. 2 (5), S~lin_ IY.!5. Pl" 159-60. says that the motif on the mausole um deri ves
from thc kY /JIn';Q/I , a cla~si ca l architcctural omamental motif, but re~lly the
simitarities "irh [he meta lwork bo rders ~re much more convinci ng .
• 61 Stc H alsall, l00 ~ . Pl" 106--8; and Cameron, IC)SS, pp. [99-200.
nSl O ' Donnell, 1979, eh . 3; in eh. 4, O' Donnell proposes that C.1ssiorlonls was
taken to Const:,m inople with other prisoners ,. frer the BYl.;\lIti ne capnm:: of
Ral·en na in 5-+0.
163 -n .is ~rr:lIlgcm(:nt i5 depicted on ~n il'ory diptyeh first made in Consl:lIltinollle
amI then ad:,pted for On:$tes, tht "'",SH:rn consul of 530, that Jepict:; AI11:' -
l:a..qointh:t and Ad",h,ric :tt th" top (now in th e Victori:l nnd AlbclT Museum);
scc N<·u.cr, J 1)8.1; :md .\ 'k C lanan, ; 001 . Pl" i<)--8 ,.
164 Dl Milo gotbico 5' ! .3: MTii~ 51 ,+,UO'fWS 1:, ayav TO appEI'GolTTol.Il:v5EIKWI-\I.I'11." Cas-
siodorlls pr..iscs her wisdom and education ill Vmlllt X] .1.6- 8.
NOTES TO PAGE S 137-140 m

16; All of this from Procopiu., Dr /HII. golbiro 5"-5+

166 At least, according to i'rocopius, Dr /HlkJ gotbim ;.5.1.
,67 On the d.te, see DeliY"nnis, mon .. , ";)04, p. 179 n _ ,.
,68 I), /HlkJ gotbkr> ,·3·' 9.
'''9 VQtiu XI. 1.9.
' 70 LPRch. 6" Deichm.nn, 1976, p. 349.
' 7' I), /HI" gumim 5.' t. t t, t8, .nd ,6.
'7' S'''', e.g., I)' btllo gothi .. 6. t 0.8 .nd 6_" .9.
17.1 Dr/HlkJgotbkr>6.1.1.t.

Five . Religiun in O stroguthic Ravenna

r Thi. Ari.n creed w•• rejected, for "".mple, in the .ct'l of the Third Council of
Toledo of Ss.., .t which the Visigoth, convened from Arimismto Orthodoxy.
1 For . u.<cful guide t<J the .. arieties of nonh",noou.<ian hdief, wh ich or" oft"n (as
here) grouped together os •Ari.n," see He.ther/Matthews, '99 I , PI' . '37"i1 '
.I Meslin, t9li7; .nd Amory, '997, pp . '.IS-47·
4 Sc<: especi.Uy Snc<:, !wS-
5 See Siv:an, I9¢-
6 ' lhe copies of the Gothic llihlc th .. survil'c, most oomplctdy the Code.
Argenteu. now in Upl""lo, were produced in Ostrogothic h,ly, perhops in
Ral'(",n.; sec Dci"h",.nn, '9l'9, I'p. 1"4-6, . nd TJader, t 97 ', on the question
of wh<~h"r. "m agister Villi"ic .nti'lu.riUS" " whose "utu> • mmuscrip' of
Orosius is soid to h"'e I:oeen produced (F irenle, Bihlioteco ,\ledice. Lonren -
zi.n., I'lut_65 _1) m.y h,,'C Ix..,n the sarHe . s thc Wi/jurip hQka,~;,-, • member of
R,,·cnn. 's Ari.n clergy who signed th e document cited below_
7 S(.., Heoth"r/!>I.tthews, '99', Pl'. t 45-53, including 0 .,..n.btion of ,he Letter
of ,\wrenrius.
8 See esp . H e.ther, 1¢l6; .nd Russell, '994, pp. 136--+1.
9 Lui.",lli, 100;, 1'1" 73i-Y, n,,'es thot h",h Vi<igoths in Gaul .nd V.nd.l. 1U1 _
lowed this ",die.1 Ari.ni.m, but other Goths who lived in Const . ntinople,
according to Theodoret ofC)'rr""e, seem to II..,. believed in • more mode",,,,
VC""'OH _
10 Th.e best Imown possible en",ple of 0 p.g. " Ostrogoth is Erelie," , the mother
of'rheodcric, os d('SCrihcd in Amm. Vain. 58; sec '\\oorh.,.d, ' 99~ , pp. 89-<)0,
.nd Luiselli, "'0" pp. H 9""50; but Amory, '997, Pl'. ,6i5--9 n. '3~, interprct!i
hcrOrrhodox b.pti<m os heing from Ari.nism. Snec, '9'fi, pp. J 77"i1, deserihes
intcntctions between Onh",l"x Christians .nd Goths in C""ston, inople in ,he
fount. ,hrough .ixth centuries.
'I Bum s, '<)84 ,1" '50; Riz",rdi, "L'ane dci Goti," t9l'9, pp. }68-]0, .nd idem,
"Teodcrico," lOO I , p. 106.
" Luiselli, '00; , pp. 750--•.
I) Bums., J¢l4, pp. t 5<rOt; Wolf","" '¢lS, p. 8,; Russell, '994, c.p. Pl" '39""40.
'4 Amory, '997, Pl" '9'-~76. Amory orgues thot the Arions who .Ir.. dy existed
in July .dopt.,,1elcm<'11ts of Ulfil ..'. C,mhic Bible .nd ",her literature, perh aps
before the o.trogoths orri"ed, .nd thot while not , Il Goth. were Ari.n.,.11
Ari.n. became associated with C.othic . so liturgica l l.nguoge .nd .n identifying
ch.rac'eri,-.;ic in ,hi. period (sec ""1'- pp. '47- 5 I .nd '74-(5)-
'SS.., A\,thiser., '997, PI'· 1'>93 - 5'
 Nons TO rAGES 140-144

[6 l.uiseiJi, '005 , pp. 75' - 3.

[7 Amory's conclusion . os obove.
[8 Sne<:, IwB, pp. [83 - 4'
[9 Amory, [997, p. 197·
'0 A M". Vain. 48, "dlbn il"" CSS<"I hon •• ,..,Iunt,,,is <1: Arri.n.e .or",e &,..,rem
pro.he'e! ... ," and 60, "sic guhem"'it duos gentes in uno, Romonorum et
Gothorum, dum ipse quid"m Arri .n." S<"1.·ue CSSCt, ..men nihil COnt ... rdi _
gion"'" eatholic.m t""'p"ns .... "
" C.ssiociorus, Varim ]], '7, U->fIS. Barnish. p. JS. The letter specifies thot the
J ews m.y remuf their syn.gogue hut n<>t ."em olly "",hellish it, o,,:ording to
imperio II.w. See 0150 Vmil, IV.3J and 43 . nd V. 37. See esp. Somekh. 1995.
" Luisdi, '00; ; sec olso Snce, [9<)8, Pl'. [80-1, "no describes the Arianism of the
gene ... l. Asp., ond Ard.bur in Constontinople in the .. 6os, ot e"'etly the time
Theoderic lived Ihere, .. heing tole!":,"1 .nd semi-<lorepted by Ihe Orthodox.
') Amory, '997, p. ,61.
'4 Amm. Vaks. ~'; Someklt, 1995, Pl'. ' 4041, closely examines Ihe meoning
of this ""em in the conten of Rom." low . nd Christion ottitudes tow.,.dJ ews.
, S Iloethius, Op,,,,,,lo SlIm' I (often co lied Dt ""'i/8u) .nd ,. On the dote of these
treatises, Stt ,.,lorenbon, '003 , 1'. 76. T he .mi_Ari.n lMtcr " De ... tione fidei,"
mributed to Archbishop Agncllus (PL 68, 001. 38[~), i,likewise concerned
"ith the question of whether the Son wos con""b"umiol with the r other and
the role "f the I loly Spirit in the Trinity. On its .uthenticity, see II uhn, [95~
and /\lont.n. ri . '97' .
,6 r or enmple, Mauhews, [¢l [ , p. ' 4.
'7 ;1",,.,. V"/,,. 9." " Igitur Symm.chus sehob,1:i~"US ludacus, iuhente nOll ""gc,
sed tyronno. diet.vit proorepto die quo"'" feri., .cp[imo blend. Septemb,.,
indie<ionc quoru, O lybrio consule, Ut die dominico ad ...,niente Arriani ha,ili"""
co[holi"", in,'Oderent.~
,8 H.mish, 1983, pp. 5 ~5-8.
'9 I_uiselli, 1005, Pl'· 755-'1·
30 lIudriesi. 199".
31 Mathisen, 1997,Amoty, [997 , p. '45, argues ,hot in ,he fifth and sixth centuries,
one of the (eot" res th>! ddUled Ari,,,, wos their minority status, ,..,g,",I).,., of
ethnic offiliOlion, .nd they thus sow themselves:as like the pre-Const:lntinion
d,u",h, without c<,,, .... IIC1d~rshil' (citing" loslin . [91'7, pp. 339-5')'
3' See C. Cecchell~ 100, pp. 757- 3; but .Iso M. CecchellilG. Benelli, [98<),
1'1'. '35 lf.
n /.PR chs. S5~; on the dOle. see De\iy.mnis, "R,,·cnn •. St. M.rtin," '009.
Intereslingly, to Al"("hbishop Agnellus is ",ributed the only .nti -Ari.n "ea -
tise comp"",d in sixth-century It:lly, "Ad Ann~"niU!n epi""I. de rorione fi(lei~;
see Brown. '007, p. 413; PL6S. coil. 381~.
H LJ'R ch . 70.
35 LPR chs. [' I ond 167. Deichm.nn. [976. pp. 3,6-8; !his church "'O' demol-
ished by the Venetion. in [457 .nd i. documented simply os fer/frio Gothorum
up to the f()urt"~nth century, .ftcr whieh it w"' ......"'i . ""1 with St. AndrL""·.
AgneUus himself uses il.s. topogTOphical reference to dcscrihe the locotion
of. ",o.""/tri,",, of St. Andrew. Eleven capitals, some of which include the
monogrom of Theoderic, su"i"e in the Musco No.zion.le or ore incorpo-
,:ned into the Palu7.0 Venczi..,o in the Pio= del Popolo of Rn"etmo, which
" ... built shonly ofter ]457. Anotkr church. known from 0 [("nth...,<"",ry
NOTES TO PAGES 144 - 146 3S7

documenT a~ S. Stefano ""d b"lneum GorhorulTI," $Tood jU~T TO th e ~\lth

of this church, provi<ling another hGothic" topogr.lphil'al referl'ncc in this
"rea.
36 Cf, Amory, 1997, p . ~ 46, who sr"rcs wit.hout evilience that "some :It least . . .
prc-d,ltcd Thcoderie."
3i CartoC<.:i. [YOJ3; \'()[\ Simson. ' Y4 8, p, 70, mentions Arc hbishop Ab'llellu~'~ mil-
itary hackj;TOund, told hy the historian Agncllus. LI'R <:h. 8'1'
38 Cf. Lucchesi, lin 1, p . 74; 3nd Deichm~nn , 19;'/, p. ! 4+ Pau l rhe Deacon, 1ft
I V 4~, reports that the Arian bishup of Pa\'ia in the sc\'cnth <'cntury WaS scatcd
at a basilil'a dedicaTed to a St. Euscbius .
39 .\brini, no. 119, pp. 180-3; 1jiide r, 195+ \'01.:, no. 34, PI" 9 1- 104-
40 S<'c ~lso C""arr~ cr al.. 199 1, p. '1°3; Dcichm~nn , [976, p. }OI.
41 Cf. ,.\11101')'. ' 997, PP·l5~-74·
'11 1 11~ dHe of the reconciiialiun of the Ari'lll church~s is ontn given ,.s 561.
Testi-Raspon i. cd., 19~ '1, II. ! 16 n. I}. esrabli~hed rh is date on the hasis of
t\gncllus's reporr (L PR eh. !l6) rh ur rhe ch urch of Sr. Euschius was rededicared
on thl' Ides of No"elllUcr (No\·. J ,I), which was only a Sunday in the y<,ar 56 J
duri ng Agne llus's reign. but in fact it also fell on a SundJ~' in 567. Agne llus docs
not mention II elate, ,md t.he only piece of evidcllce we have is ,mother p,l pyrl.lS
document that lists properties bdngtnlnsferred from the Adan tothc O rth odox
church, written at th e time of Emperor Justin II (565--'78) and ,\rchhishop
Agndlus (d. 570), and henc~ lx:twt:en 565 ,md )71.1. Tjiid~r, Igq, J.l, pp. 178-
83; idetll, p. 407, notes th" t lhe docutllem refers to ilnperi.l1 pe ,.~m in rhe
plur"l (rbriSfitJllissilllis fl< inlll'lflilli.<simis domillis lIoslriS), unci si nce J u~tinia n 's
wife. Thcudura, had died in HS, before Agndlus [x'C3I11C uishop. this mUSt
refer roJuslln II an\l SophLI.
43 Brown. ,007 , p.<j!:.
44 AmOl}', 1997, Jlp. 1 9 5- ~ 3 5 and 2(, 1,
45 Fanning, 1981 ; see Deliyannis. ~ R:l\'enn'L . 5t. .\'lartin," 2009; wc hwe SlOen in
th e pre"ious c hapt~r that the rededic"tion {)f ' J1wodcric's palace ehur<:h to St.
Ahrrin of Tours d.is]lhys th~ S:1Il1e mi1i~l ntly :mti_Ari'lLl Ilolemic in an anti_
Lomuard eontc:!:t.
46 The m~j or puulieations indudl' Deiehm:mn, 197-1 , pp. J l7- 89 ; N ov~n1 , 1999:
~nd Penni laceo , !oo+ After a .\ 'luslim att:lck that dt \' asTated the cll\l~hes
[Q th~ sou th of Cia5SC, the relics of S~int Apollin~ris wa" mm'ed from his

I:>urial ehu rch to this loca tion insicle the city wdll~ of Rln:nna, Rer~o rrl.'rl in the
Hi.floriN Il'IIm!"litJlIIs wllti Apo!!infln,·. RIS [.l (17l3) pp, 53 lIT., written lx: forc
1137, which pl ~ecs the t rll nsbtion in the re ign of Bishop John VII (c~. 850-71:1 ).
1llis rook place after the time of Agnellus the histori:lll.
47 Fbteaduri, 1977, propus<'s th at this ins<:riptiun was set up when the "hurch
was rcstored after th e early eighth-cennny ea rth<J\I.lke, by the L(llllbard king
AisOllf; how\:,'er, alth ough Agndltls SlI}'S th:.t AisOllf pairl to rt pHir the Pct ri ;ln~
church th:}t fe ll in the same e3rthquake (LPR eh. 155), he nowhere mentions any
n.!stot;ltioL1 in S,mt' AI)()lIinare Nuo,"o. Fiacc\ldori n()t~·s that it i5snrprising th:lt
~ueh an inscription would have lx:\:n allowed to 5UT\·i\,c the dllllllllfl ilJ'/11l'/IIurillr
of The<;><\erie in this ehUl"'Ch, but Urh;1I10, ~OO; , p. 97, argues [h;)T [his w:l.~
I'~rt of rhe progl1llll of "rememlx:ring w for~t," and 11l<'ntions that R ici m cr'~
origi nal d"Jil'3tion of Sant' Agara dci Guti in Romc also SUT\'i\'"J thar dlUrch's
rcdedieation. On thc appellranec of the phrase "Theodericus rex" in other
docume nts ,md inscriptions, sec Dciehmann. ! 97'; , pp, [~ 7 -8,
 NOTE S TO PAGES 146-1 4 8

48 Fhccodori, [977, pp, [4-5, points out thot this inscription does not mean
necessarily [h.t the church "'"s dedica.ed 10 Christ; however, mos. mher con -
tempo"'ry dedicOlOl)' in>criptioru; mention the nome of the ..int to whom the
church wos dedic1ted. Deichmonn, '974, p. [,8, sees the dedic1tion 10 Christ
os on imit:>tion of the ch.pd huilt by Const:>",inc in the inll>criol p.l.ce in
o,nstanlinopl •.
49 Wood, ' 007. 1" '5' , q uestions whether the font" mentioned by Agndlus Were
... fly a hopti"ery and suggestS thot they w~re f<>untain!> h<>we .. e,. e"e,y <>the,
lime Agnellus uses this word he refers to baptisteries. As we h.ve .Ireody seen,
R.vcnno in the sinh """tUl)' h,d ,,,''"erol bopti'''e,i",.
50 De Angelis d 'O_t, Suldi, '?"i l. p. 60. not", th., the teno is moinly used for
the C .rolingi1lt period 1Itd loter.
S' Deichm . nn , [974,1'. 118. goes so f.r os to suggest that rO)'llI e<:remonies "uch
os crown w""ring would h,,·. token 1'1><. here, but this is purely sp«ulotion.
5' On the history of th~ chuTeh on,l its ",nm·.,ion< ond .rrh. ",>logy, sec COm_
prehensi"ely D eichm.nn , '974. PI' . ['9-30; No,.. "" 19'}9; and Penni h ero,
'004. In thc nimh e<:ntury, prob. bly ot the time th .. the relics of St. Apollinoris
were tronsloted into the church, on .nnubrcrypt " ...s mserte-d bene.th the opse,
.nd m the tenth century . cottlp. nile wos built ott the right side of the focode.
A Hen<-dictine ttlon . stery w. s cr""ted ot the church in 973, . nd by the four_
teenth .nd fi fteenth cenruries mduded olorge complex of building. including
• hospital. In ' 5' 3 the church wos given to the Obse ..... nt Fri.rs Min or of St.
!'nmcis. .n,1 the sixteenth century !>a'" " ..jot ,,,,,on<u,K.";<><, " 'or'" in . ll p.rtS
of the huilding: the o..;um was eliminated and the porch rebu;lt; two "'mdow,
were opened ;n the upper " ... 11 of the west fi.code; ""'en ,/0011 chap"" were
built along the extemol " ... 11 of the north aisle, he niches olong the south " ... 11;
the.psc " .. , completely rebuilt, elong:ncd , and A.nked by tWO more chapels;
the nO'·. colonn.de "'"" roised by [.'0 meters; the morble furnishings in the
n ..·• were remo"ed to one of the new ch.pels.; , nd the present large cloister
wos huilt tc> the so uth of the churth (using the m lumns of thc former .ttium).
An el.bome " 'noden coffered ceilmg wos instoll.d m 161 '; at the end of the
seven[centh century a new organ was .ttoched to thc south nn'" w. lI, destroy-
ing p, rt of the mos,ic of Christ .nd the .ngels on the west side (when thi, wos
"'",'ed to the west f:1codc in the eighteen th cemury, the images weTe restored
in point).
53 Deichm.nn , [974, p. '3' . notes tho, the hrick"o"" is very simil.. to th.t of
the eontempo"'ry '''P''Ja ~~rivtfa)t'il, (sec 1>clow); and . 1so th .. " 'node" l>ctm,
were inla id in the upper n .." wal ls. ove, the .isles.
54 I'enni locco, '''''4, PI'. 30-1.
55 RUSIK>."L ·,rthite"!",,,,, ~ '005 . 1" ,, 6.
56 For oIl th is.""" Penni Iocco, ""e>." PI'· 33 - 5. F"'gmen" of the cornice were
found in '916; the cornice thot ' 1'1'"""'" now " .. s m.de in the sixteenth cen -
tI,ry.
57 LPR ch . 87; Penni locco, '004, Pl'. 36-7 , .nd idem, [993- 4.
58 I>mmi lacco, '004. 1'1" ' 7-9< Dcichm'nn, '9i4. p. t 30, saysthot no troc .. of
.n "riUttl or porticus hn'e l:>Ccn found .
S9 I'enni locco, '''''4, p. '9·
60 See the reconstrw:tion in De Angelis d'O""t, S/lldi. ' <}6I, p. ,6. The door 01
the wes.em end of this wall is .lo.er .dd;tion.
NOTES TO PAGES 149-156

6, See Deichm.nn, '974, pp. , " -6, ond '!}890 pp. '7,-6; H'rrer, ' 997;·'" brble"
;n I!owersoddllrown/G ... hor, eds, '999, ond F.rioli C.mpon"~ "R.venna. i
suoi "'pporti:' ";""5.
6, See the complete cot.log in Deichm.nn, '97 f. pp. 'J ,-6, .nd discussion in
idem, '9119, PI" '73....,;·
6, De Angelis d'Oss.t, Smd;. '<)61, p. 16, Russo, "L·orchitettu ... ,~ ")05, p. ,,6.
64 S", esp . Deid"n.nn, '974, PI'. '37""9, .nd Verni., "L'orredo," 100; .
6; Verni •. ·L·'lTCdo.~ '005, PI" 367-8, preferS th is d.te ,c''''l'tod by Deich_
m.nn, [974, p. , ,6, .nd F.rio~ C.mpan.t;, "Ro'·e",,., ConSl,mtinopo~," '99',
PI' · [67. '73. hut not .. th., V. M.rtinelli preferS' dare towllrd the middle of
the sixth century. in which c... the .mbo would hO\'e heen inst.Ued.t the time
of the cededi"",ion. The .mbo wos not origin.lly supported by ,he columns
th,t .usroin ittodoy, but prob.bly with .imple pil.ste~ in addition, a romp
would h.ve led up to it on., le""- one side .nd probobly both.
66 Dciehmonn, '97 ... p. '39.
67 Verni., "L ',"""do," waS, provides references to the v:ltious .rguments.
68 See esp. Nord.utlm, '95J. PI'. 58-79; /l.o,·ini, MllSIIiri, [958, and Deidun.nn,
[974, Pl'· '54-89> who pro,·id... comprehen,i,'" .n.lysi. of eoch ""ene of the
cycle .
.ss. z..nOtto, 1000, p. 661.
70 Zano{\o, 1000. ,..,view. e,idence for both interpretations .nd orgu.. that this
"",ne represents the C:ln.. n;tc wom.n l>cc>lJSC Ambrose, in In fidr 1.J " notes
th,. the Ari. ns m.!:e p.rtieular referene"" t<l 'his "Pi,<lde in their ,hc<llog}'.
M.ny ochol.rs, including "on Simson, [948, p. 76; Noni<trom, ' 953 , p. 60;
Bovini, M_id, '958, Pl' · 30-[; and Dc-ichmonn, ' 9i4, Pl" 1 ~5-<'i, on the eon -
t ... ry .ccept it os the hemorrh.ging woman ("'brk 5"5- 34); the debote usu.11y
concerns the identity of the three figure; hehind the won ... n .nd their rd"ion
to ,he Gospel p.ssage •. Sorries, 19113, identifie; ,he wom.n os the odultressof
10hn8'3- ]['
7' Two_th ird.of thi'S<::<"1l" is res,ored, Ciampini, '¥-99, publish",I. d ... wing of
;t hefore the ,..,sto ... tion thot sho"", Christ perfumting the m;ncle with . w.nd
.nd jus for woterlwine r:Jthcr thon b.. kcts for breod. os in the resto ... tion, for.
complete di""ussion ..e lIovini, MOIajd, '958, Pl'· '7 ond l [- 4· I~terprerotio~
of the scene os origin.lly showing ,he emry into Jerusalem i. 1Illlenable; see
1I""ini, id<."rll, Pl'. '3-oJ .
71 Elsner. '995 , pp. 136-7·
73 S<"" ,'on Simson, '948, 1'. 76.
74 110th ,'<l1l Simson. ' ~48, p. 78, onJ S(irri..", ' 983 . Pl" 9'- ;. p()int ou' simil ..itios
.nd cont .... ts in the poirs of the cycle, but some ore more convincing thOll
othen;.
75 Deichm.nn, [974, Pl'. '56-7. Pee,.,;, 1<'04, p. 16, ."ributes this to the mono-
physite tcnd<1tcy to downl'loythe hlllllon nature of Christ .. seen in his",ffering
on the cross, but von Simson, [948, p. 73. points out even the P.ssion SC<!nes
depicted here would h"'e been juring to mOlloph)",ite sensibilities th .. ma)'
h.ve surfoc",! in 1 ustin i.nic R."L'1ln •.
76 The Wenien Cosket, in the Victoria .nd Alhert Mu<;eum, 10 "'hich these scenes
:lte often compa,..,d, is now dOled 10 the ninth century; see Bed<with, "\ Venien
Casket." '958 . 'Inc date of the Andrew, Diptyeh in the smte collection. which
olso h •• • Christologicol cycle, is controversi.l; Ilcckwith, Alld""," Dipty<h,
 NOTES TO PA GES 156- 158

19SH gi,'es it a fifth-cennll}' ,Lu e, but Volhach, '976, nQ. ~ 33. arnihmes it ro
th<: nimh c<:ntury.
ii SUIlH\l:lrized comprehensively hy D eichm:ulll, 197.f, flp. 162-80.
;B See D ~ichm :nm. 197./ , PI" 18[ - 3, for \Ill eSS:ly on this topic.
79 Dddlln~nn. 197-1 . pp. I.j.o ~nrl IS9; Nordhagen, IQII; , PI" 75-{)'
80 Nonlhagtll. 1933 . esp. PI" is-9.
81 J .ms<:n, ; oo~ . p. J 59. Dekhm:mn's analysis of the <':olll p<JSition of ~JJ of th ...
im:lges (19i4, Pil. [8!-lt) led him 10 the conclu~io[] that there were not m'ljor
<:ompusition31 diifen:nc"s betwe"n th" twu sides.
81 Math<:",~, 19113 , p. 1!6, iml'rprd.~ the two gcnl'r~1 face types ufChrist 35 imli -
,':lting th~ t C hrist h\ld lriuilI phtd o\'l:r hOlh young nnd 01(1 p:lg:lfl gods; lUll Ihat
Jo<:s not hdp to ~' ''plain the "ppcar-mce of both types here.
83 In the eighth- ~nd ninth-cenll1ry Iconoclasm eontrover..-y, Iconophilcs Cq\lHCd
kotlocbsts wilh Arians, whu Wtll: t'llunted with []]on uph~'si l es lind Ihtopns-
chite~; sec Gwynn, ;007, esp. p. ~3H. For a detailed discussion of fourth · and
fifrh-ccnmry Arinn ide~~ of Chrisr's namres, ~e J.I'Il1:;on, [QR!-I, PI" 108- z l;
Ar ilns sc<:tn to h~,,~ Leli""e.! that Christ h3d twu natur~s, but that Ih~ human
nature was in<:ompl"te.
84 I'on Simson, ' !N S, PI" 73-5 ; refuted by Sordes, 1983, Pl" 57-60; :ond Jensen,
!001, p. 4;. both of whom ~rb"Ue that J :"\estoriJn I}()';ition WJ~ not the same as
an I\ri~n J>Osition.
85 J ensen, :ooz, p. 'n, and idem, Z004, PI" 15v-64·
1:16 GrabJ!', 19:'10, III" I 19- 1l; Urbano, ~OC5 , PI" 99-107; ~ncl J ensen, 100",
Pl" 159-1)4·
87 Surrio.:·s, HI!!" PI" 77'"'97; Zll1otto. ~La chks3," !005, p. ]56.
88 SOrries, 1983. PI)' i7- (J7. followd by Ril'la rdi, ~L\lrte dei Goti," 1989,
PI" 377-8;·
8\1 For ~·xamplc, Ibg:mi, 19&.. who suggests that tht: lish on tht: tahlt: at th~ Last
Supper Il:OtclS an Arian pr:lctice of feasting on [ish on Good Friday; how",,'.:r.
fish :tn: 'Iuire ,'omtnonly rouml on th<: t;tbl~ of l h ~ L"st Sll pp~ r, e.g., on th<:
Mjl:lJl lvor}' Buokcol'er and th .. Sr. Augustin.: Gospds, \l nll he~omt' comOlon
in B}'':antinc and wCSl crn \lrt; SC~ Deichmann, 1974, PI" 173-".
90 Grahar, [ \1110. p. I! I ; aL'<O for the sp<:eifi,- <:as<: of Sam ' Apollimm- N\10\,O,
Uroano. : 005, pp. 99-'1°7 -
91 s.orri~s, 19S3 , pp. 113-+ who cites Athan~si us, CO/lfr.> ; /,-jllllOi 3.
9! Ihllm st~rl:, '9 1 1; Nordstrom, 1'}53, PI" 63-71:1·
93 ,'on Simson, t 948, PI" 7g-81: Grab:!r, [980, p. I! I: Z"nouo. ~OOO, p. 667. T he
rl'btion~hip between late antique M'rmons and the art th:lt dCCOf:lted churches
would rep~y ft uthe r sm.-ly.
94 S(:e, (:.15., P(:ers, 1004, pp. 16-17, who n(:,·(:rthd <:ss provides scveral examples
of si;..th -l::etHury enlcifixion depiction~, most noubly in ~ description (fkplmlSi,)
hy Churicills of G,na, composed loetweeJl 536 'InJ 5.j.!:I, of the chllrdl of S\lint
Scrgius at GJ7.J that deserihcs images of the life cycle of JCSlL~, perhaps includ-
ing" cnlcifixion (Choricius, 1~>ld,,'iQ ,\'/,In:illlii 148-76, tr.lJlslarcd in .'vlangn,
'{'brAn 0/1/;,· B),zlIlIfillr 1::lIIpire, 1986, Pl" 60-8,)
95 I do not, hOW~V~ I', agree with the conclusion of \Vood, ' 999, p. Y'. that th~ir
primary function is thcn:fore to marl: out sacred spac<:, as ~"en if th:1I wen.: the
(':1S<:, som~'on<: n~l'~rthd~~-,; m:1J~· a ~huk<: of S('cm:s 10 indm.k.
N O TES TO PAGES 158- 160 ,6.

96 Deichm3nn , ' vi~ , PI'. 1 5~ -3, 1i~ts combinaTions proro~d by vorious schobrs
(.::.g-.. von SimS<:>n, I !I ..8. p. 81: 'I- palri~rchs, 16 prophets, I ! up(l~d(;s, and z
non~post!)lie e\,:lIlgdisrs), ~1thnugh stich proposals se"lIl simpl)' to I"" manipu-
IJtiolls of the IlUnlbers to fir th" t:"i dence. Lucchesi. 1!l7 r. p. 61 n. !. idt:ntifi.:cs
rhcm :IS the authors of thc hooks of the Old Tcst-ament. Sorries, ' 983 . p. n,
says th at th ey symbolize: the Ari31l insistt:llte on th~ word of scripfU rt. but this
",ou]J not t'xplain why si mil"r hgurt's lire found in Orthodox churches. Tht'
scmlls, hoth npen nnel closed, have hhrck marks th:!t suggest writing. but elo
not fonn alctuall"tt"rs in an y langua!,,,,. Th"y may Ix: int"mleJ to Ix.- Hehr" w
or Greek, ur, given how high the mosail·s nrc, and the bl·k of specific identities
for the individu"ls, th"y m:,}, sim pl y he illl~lllj,:d to represe nt "writing."
9 7 Roberts, l OO; , p. '77: sp'-·dfie~JJ), Rohnts refers to Vcnantius Fortun~tus's
IlOClll Dr V;,a ,\lI/niui. On the conoeetions between the poem and this church
in Rav enll'I, set' Ddi~' anllis, " Ibl'enna, 51. Marlin ," zOCl9.
98 Breekenridge, ! 9~<l, diSC\l~s the type of the throne. A ~illlihr thron e Wa5
found in the apse IllOSclic of Sant' ,\ gata ,\Jh ggiore in Ravenna, whO'iC elate is
not cl(:\~mlincd (Dc ichm,mn. I (Ii";', p. 147)'
99 Bm·ini, "PrincipaJi rcstauri:' '966, PI'. 99-10-1-, provides an e;<act image of
whal sUI".·iwd from Ihe origina1 nlOs,\ie anri how it could be part of a hook.
Thc words in the book might have been originnl or might havc lx:en cllan~,'·ed
upon the church's rededica ti on. Deiehmann, '974, p. 14 7, discu ...'<C~ the phrase
"Rt:x !,loriac." whidl eOI Il t:S frolll Ps. ;4(l J):7-I O, is not u~el in tht: Nt:w
Testament, but ap~"rs in rh,., Goth ic !'I-li $.~,l , :l11d thus "'''Y h.- " I)arrieululy
,viall fOl1l1ulation. On the other h'l11el, "\nrhro~e , Dr Fid( !.! J, u~es the phrase
"rL".~ gloria ..'" with rcfe n: ncc to C hrisl to indic ate his equi" akn~·e with th ..·
f ,lther. in 'Ill anti-Ari"ll contexT. An "Iternativ,., exphnnion is rll"t it originally
s:liri, "Ego 1>\ 1111 lux mundi" on tilt modd of the iigurc of Christ in H'lgill Sophi~
in Constantinople; for refere nces, sec D..,ichlllann, 19;-1, Pl'· !46---?
! O() This tht'sis w"s bid out by Grahar, 1!l36, t'sp. pp. ! 8,)-! 34. Ma thews, 1993 ,
has argue(1 that c n thron~d hcardl''! figures arc much more simib r to illl~ges of
Jupiter; he does not, howe""I", di$CLls.~ th is il11uge. bLit ..,on fin"s hil11self to nther,
less impcri~I-I{)Oking on~s. It has also been not"d that the \-lagi on the opposite
wall wen: paying hOlll~ge to Chri~1: as re.'; th'IS 1.H)th sides cmphllsi7.c the n 'gal
l1~wre or ClrriSI (see esp. Steigerw;lld, [/)66). Cle3r1y this dle:tlle wou ld r" I-'~)'
furth er study. If rhe book held here by Christ did contai n thl· phrusc rcported in
th ", sh1:ee nth century, th is woulel he strong eviele nce for the regal ~s.'>Odations
of tht' figure. Brtckcnridg". 1980, pp. lSo- l , discusses the: coin t'vid"nc" for
th is 1)1}C of throne.
I 0 1 T~rry/'\1nguire, ~ 007. \·01. I, pp. J 38-9, point to (he sixth---centlll), diptych in
the Staatlkht .vluScen, Bcrli n, and tht boukco\'er of th~· Gospel Book. of Sf.
Lllpicin, Bibliothcque Nationale, l'~ri~, nlS. hIt. 938,+.
I 0 : · 1 ·e rry/.\I~g'uire, : 007 , vol. I , PI'. 1 3ti- 9, point to the si.~th---celltury dipl)·cll in
the Smatliehc .\1uscel1, Berlin. ::md the bookco\'cr of the Gospel Book. of Sr.
Lupicin, I~i bliothi:quc N~ti onak', P"rlS, ms. hrt. 9384.
! 0 ) Ueid ullann, ! ')7+ p. 146, Jiscu~St's:lt I~ngth thc g~stur"s, ~:o;;tulncs, :II1U oAjct'~.
r 0 4 l1,ese 3 ' "", ofren identified "s rhe itr1~ges deserihed by C:~ssiodorus in his pan -
~gyric on \Virigis and .\'lat~sllinthu. 01·,lIinlllllll rdlf(lIl1f l ; SCl· Johnson. I gt;8 ,
pp. 88--:1.
3" NOTES TO PAGE S 160-]63

lOS Of the inscription o"er the gote of Closs<:, only "ISIS" is origin.~ but AgncUus
oonfinns m11 this city represt1ned CI.sse. D cichm.. nn, 1)189. p. 4', rorrecrly
noles ""11he wor~ m:i/tli here i. simply. hypoth""i. by KibeI.
J 06 I'or on . n. lysis ofthc shillS in this mOMic, = /l.onino, 'WI.
107 cr. Swobodo, 19'11, p. 81; Dcichm.nn. '974 , p. ' 4 "
loS For the criticisms of D)'ggve's .nd Duv.l's theses, see D.ichm.nn, '974.
PI'. ' 4 '-3 •• nd Pom., '99', PI'- , 7S--{;. hoth of ",hOln cite ,he oomprdtrnsi,'c
Study hy de FT.ncovich, '9;0. 'Inc IatteT, PI" s<J-llo, rom["'r'-'S 'he paiatillTn
mosoic to the f.",de of the Gre.t MOS<Jue of Dam.sellS, built in the early cig}llh
~..,ntury •• n,1 notes thot it ""Y .Iso h,,'o he.,n inten,bl to resemble the Ch.l\:c
ptc of the p.lace in Const.ntinople (. Ithough whether the Ch.lke was on
the ""Cst or ,he south side of the colonn.ded Augusteion does not .lfoct his
..gumenl).
"'9 Drgr·e. [94 [; proposed also by olhers; see de Froncovich . [970. pp . 7""9.
[[0 This C"ncLl" W2S "'<cp[cd hy m.ny ""h"br<; sec de Fnncovich. [970, p. 8•
• nd. e .g .• Knutheirner. '06. pr. 40, 77. 8 [ •• nd 466 n. '4.
, [' Du .... l. 191i<>; . nd in ""enl ",,~uem . md ... m"'t rocemly "La moso"ique."
' 978. in which he responds to ,Ie Fnnco,;ch ', criticism..
'[1 Utrecht ]'soher. 75v (P .. [33). is very similorto the polati"", mos.ie. Dc Fnn -
em'ieh , '970, Pl'. 31 - 3 .nd 54- 5, 11O,,'O\·er. note. tint the buildings in the
Utrecht p..lter .re used to ft"1Jl1e figures ... ther th.n to he ,rchitectunUy occu-
"'te, . nd thot this tnditi"" of im'gin.ry • ..,hiwcturc goes h.d< to Rom.n .rr.
Deichm.nn. '9H, pp. ' 4 ' - 5, .nd1ohn<on. ,~8S, pp. fl<J""9' •present Dygg>'e 's
and Do\·. J·s ugrunents in detail and refute them.
"J See esp_de Fnncovich, '9io, with e,h.u.tive bibliogTOphy.
'[4 Du .... 1does not mention them in hi. "tieles. for e,"mple.
, [5 b 'en closer, perh . p.. since it sllO"'S the roof of. building, i. the S.rcophagus of
Concordius in Aries (lote fourth c.); here the left end hos • pediment thot might
indic",e the ent",nce. but Christ is seated in the middle of thecolonnode, which
do.. not look OS though he i. in ...nd •.J to hc secn os in the .pse of 0 hasili"o.
,,6 Johnson. [988, p. 91.
'[7 Frugoni, '991, p. 41.
,[S Dc Froncovich, '97°, p_ 57. Deich",.nn, )9;4, p_ ' 4' .• nd Johnson . [988,
p. 88. orgue fOr.n occunne depiction of ,he CJ[is,ing pal",e; Duval. esp. "La
mosolque: '978. p. 1 ,8, prefers to see it ,sa generic "1'. 1.",," dq>icrion. Du .... l,
idem, p , 9<\ . •rgues th.t the I,bel show, th" the structure's function ""s not
ohviou<, but surely One could ,Iso ,rgue thot the I. hel indic..cs something
.IKlU' Tlt c<Klc,ic's '-~m"'l" of poWCT.
'[9 Du .... l. "L. Illoso'ique, ~ [978. p. '0>, dismisses these references to porticoes os
ton V'llguc; this d<.K-'S nol,.,em' good 11-"';<.>0 to summOT;ly d;,..,;" them,
"0 Rem, '976, p. IJ n. 4. cites Uo,;n;. "L. roffigurozione: '9"'8.
, , 1 Johnson, '988, p, 9 [ •• rgues in fovor of the tnoin Ch.lk< g1te ofthe polace, .nd
cites Cossio.!o,,",', ",d Procopius '. stotemcnts Ih" the enJroDCe to Ihe po lace
symbo~zed its whole. Piccinini, [99'. pp. 4' - } •• rgues that the illlelll of the
im,gc i. to Tepr'-"«-""t T ltc",lcTic's '''yo I ,utho,;')' 'n,l no' necc .... rily to depict
a re.1 building.
", See Longhi, JOoo, on which the following is bosed.
"J For ex. mple. Deichm.nn. ' 974. P- [45-
"4 Longhi, JOOO, p. 650.
N O TES TO PAGES 163- 167

[!5 Frugoni, 199 ' ,P' 46;$llPporTed byJohn$On, 1988,1'.0)0_

[!6 Longhi, 1000, I'p. 65Q-Z. Longhi expbins [he other two figures as StS. G~r";\se
:lnd Prot.IS<", who we"", ulso \'en~rJred at th~ church o f Sr. Lawre nce - he d~~
not e,~pbin "'ha[ wou ld hilH' h'lppen~d lO Sl. S{eplu:n.
Il7 Frugoni, 1I},9 [, PI" 37-8.
[z8 Fruguni , l!)91 . pp. 41-:, lJ:ls~d on cumpa rison of {his im~g", with tht apse
mosaic uf 5'1111<1 Pudenziana in Rome.
1!9 T eJiti-Raspon.i, ed., [9! 4, p. no 11.!; 'lcce pterl by nm'ini, kfo';'liii, [958, p. S,
T his proposal is then used to J ate Sant'Apollinan: :'\UU"U to a la ter de~'aJe
th an the Arian l·pis.:opal rompkx.
[J O L1reschi, LQ(i5 , p. 10; then repe:lt~d by Riz zarJi, ~Teod~rko . " :00 1, p. l OS;
Zanotto, "La c hiesa," 2005. p. 3 5 ~ , among others.
131 Johnson, [ 9~8 , p. f:S.
[3: 'nlis depiction is often lIsed ;,s evidence Ih;,t in [ht" e;,rl~' sixth century, CIaSSt:
\\1".15 considered to he it., 0"11 city (fi;,ifa>~; however, as we have seen, The

"CIVlTAS" of Th.:: mosaic Torlay i~ a nincceenth--<:entllry reSToraTion. \-\'hile

Class<: ill this pcrioo was "\"llb] alld was JC"dopc d br -Ibcoonic. dlc]"\: is 110
c\,idcncc that it was ~'onsidcr"d ~ scp~ratc administnth-c unit from Ravenna,
and [l1l1eh ~videllce that The port W:l ~ " p:lrt or RaVell'hl. &'" e .g., Pi cc inini,
l yC) l , p. 45 ; D d"hmanll , lyS9, Jlp. 4~-3 ·
'B Frog-oni, 191:13, PI" +! -_~ o .
[34 [bntr, :')95, pp. ~13-4' 111is sort or gradualmedi~tion Ix:tween tht re'11
:lIld heavenly realms is s.omerhing tha[ we have already seen in the Orthodox
BapTi~teTY·
135 Dcidllllann, Jeri_\. p. 14~, says lilat the empty gol d space ofth.:: "em nl an:h -
W:l~' goes hack to Theod~ric's til11~; howe,'cr. Frugoni, 199 [. chims thai some-
Ihillg sm:lll was replaced ther.::, 110t :1 full-scale figure hut r'('rhaps all empty
Ih mn .... .\lacColll1Jek, 198 [, pp. !37----8, hases hc r intc[vretJt\llll on the mis-
taken assllll1ption thaI an im:lgo;: of TheoJcric W"S fo\mJ in th", central ar.::h
und er the I>c(liment.
'3(, Deichl)1 :lOn , ' lli4, p. 145, following" Ri ed, Sllgge~t~ that it was n St':lted felllJle
pn~unfica tion or tych,' o f Ravenna , although thnc is no rea] reason tu assume
th is.
[31 Fnrioli Cam panati, "R.wtnna, COU~l"mtinopoli:' 1i)9!. PI-" Q 5-{i .
13R U rbano, !OO5 '
139 NOle. howe"er, that the phrase "/IIi/I/CIIS hal'1"rlirOI7I1I1, almost univer.;;ll1), llsed
by sr.:hubrs in th" con ttx t of tht choiet" uf St . Martin . is a mu~,h bIer ttnll th:lt
would ne"c r ha~-c been u~ d in the sinh cen tu ry.
[40 See Ddir:lnnis, ~ Ra\'enna, St. Mllrtin," :ool:!.
141 LPR ch. 86.
14~ l.PRch. BIl.
[4.1 L1u'>'ini, " Una prov:,," [()5~; idem. M:\lltichi rif:lciltlem i:' 1966.
[44 Ilovini, "Principali rcsr:mri," 1966.
1 45 I\'nlli b een, :00.. , pp. I O.j., 1 10, ;lIld 119-l O.
[46 '.I1l~ mu~t ~ xtt"nsi\'e study uf tilese proce~ions is \'Oll Simson, 1948, pp. 8 J - J [0,
r 4 7 von SilllSOn, J 941', P.1:I7, <lnd Lllcch ~.~i, 197 [, p. 64, stat~ rh,u no lll"rTyr namerl
Vincentb is knr>wn; yet the nmm.' turns up in various llIilrfyrll/Qgi(l, I1wsd},
Jatn] to thl' dghth c<:ntury or bter. s.:e, for L~ample, LIed,', ;\'f"J"f)"rll/ogiIl1N.
"VI hI. febr,. ,. Et sanctonllll Doti, J llli~ni. Vim:emii et aiionHtI XXVII" hUT
,6, NOTES TO PAGES 167- 169

"XIX KA L. SEPT. . _In Aqlljlei~ n3tate S5. feLicis, FomJn~t~e. Vincenti.e."

(P I. 94, col. 8:6.'\) H rallnnus ,\hurus Mnrryrologilf1ll: ~Vl KAL FEB. In Affrica
n:' (.1I1(' D ~ti, i uli"ni, Vincentbe er ,,[ionull x.x:xn"; in rhe Milrlyr%gill1ll in
the sac rament:,!), of Gellone we find : ~;",'1Ul kl. XI" f ortun:lt i, Vi1H;e l1 ti~ e,
T iruli, Pauli, Parmi, Eracli, Dl."llIctri. Felids" (CCSL 159'\, co, A. Dumas,
198 [, Jates 790-8(0). Gi"tll Vjncenti~'s 3sSO<.' i3tion here with ocher Afric:!ll
martyrs, it ~<:e!l1 ~ likely thnt this was hn identity hen: . Furthcnllorc, Lu<:che~i
notes d, al hy the time of Agnellus, th e ....·He of the saintly Ri.~hop Seven.s is
/Call"d Vincentia, anJ perhaps Agndlus ""~IS inl1um<:", J '-'y this mystcrious saint.
I-IS Interestin gly, although Agncllu s c~ll~ the female s,aims ~virgi ns, " thcT wc~ n<)t
:,11 virgins, e .g" I'e rpetll~ :,nd Fe licit:!s, who were, howeve r. lIl~rty rs like the
others.
149 See Bren k, ' 999. pp. 164-7, who notes that the differences of pose, phy~iog ­
nOlU}'. ~ nd (lm~l1I ent must m::\'e rthdc ss have l>ecn <::lrefuli)' planntd.
I So He ~Iso holds ~ d i~de m rather thun a wreath; however, so noes Clemen.~.
Longhi, ~OOO, pp. 05)-6, note ~ oth~r c~a ll1ple s in which Lawren ce is S hO~\~l in
a g uM lunic or manlk. for ("xa mplc, at S. Stenatorc at Albano and S. Lot"ClI"l.O
fuori Ie mura in Rome , and propo$"s that a similar depiction at P ore(" is also
Lm·r" nc". LIlCchl."si, r'n j , 11. 66, says th at Lm'rc ncc has a gold gown bcca\l~
he was putielllarlyvcnerJted in Rome - this docs not make much sense.
'SI Lucchesi, 197 '. I', 65.
1)1 In a li tur!{iI.:~1 tmrance proctssion, the fourth plal't mi ght ~ occupitd uy the
priest, after th e thurifer, candle he,lre ...., and Go<;pei ht,arer; in the J lIsrinbn
panel in San Vi r,,1c, th e founh I'iaee is occupied by J USTinian himsclf. following
l..ch ind th ... priest. More study of this lJuc'stion is r~'luin:;d. Agnes's lamb barely
ligures in :lny '!ll:llyses of this mosaic.
153 'rcrry/M~ gllire, :007 . vol. 1 p. 13 ,j, note thar th ~ Council of CI,,'lccdon W,IS
31so a fuc'JI po int in the Three Ch3pt,, ~ C ontrol'Crsy, fur which .'il:e th e fn l-
lowing chapter.
lj-l- "()n Sion;;()n , H.1.j.8, PI" 84- " with dis,'ussion t]ft~r . 'Ibe t able s in "on Simson
are somcwh:lt m i~le3ditlg, :l.S he e011lbiuc{1s:lh)ts froUI (liftt,rem sections of til"
litany to l"Teate one Jist; moreOl'er, the Canons uf the :\,,~ ss that he cites come
onJy from thc sc\'emh centur), 3mllater.
155 Lucchesi, IV; I, pp. (ii -8 'Illd i 1- 3. In this re g-Hd, ,IS usu:ll, much less ~ Uention
has hcen paid to the norrh side of 5an t'Apollinue N UO"o i ~ stud~· of f,'mule
martyrs in late anril]uity would be \'1'1")' useful here. It is int~resring to note th at
the ["mal<: s"ints (Iepicted on the intl"'"Jdos of th" rrjulul'h,,1 arch at the Basilie"
Eufrasialla at Poree include nine fo und hel'e, hut three (Ted a, Susanna. and
Basilissa) different ones.
156 L m:ehcsi, 19; I. pp 66-7.
lSi Such figures, fo r examp le, also ~ ppear in the mosaic ofThe,)(k.ra' s proee~~ion
in S:1fl Vitale. T hc tenth .....-e nul l')' HooL' o/ (;"I""lIolli('''' 1.9 describes ,. cer<:mony
during the PentceO'>t liturgy in which the women of the court arc prc,;cnted
to fhe enthroned empress who is flanked b}" eil:unl.)t'rl'lins ,.nrl e\l mlchs; rhe
women art" ltd in uy male court ottid"ls, ,md th", ",hol t et remony ~unds "tl')'
IiI." what we se" On til" norrh w:l.1I of Sam'Apollin:lr" N uo\' o; ~e T~ft, 1998,
1'1'.4 ' - '.
ISS Nordslrom, IQjJ. Pl" 83-7; expan ded hy Stdgawald, l(jl56, PI" ! i5- 7'
159 Grabar, lQ80, p. I '3.
NOTES TO PAGE S 169-172

160 LPR rh. 88. The currem mosaic, obove the legs, was restored by Felice Kibei
in the 1850. based panly on this possoge in the LPR ond panly on the very
similar im.ge of the M.gi fuund on the drc"," of the Empress '1"1Ieooo,," in
Son Viti Ie, ",ode at obout the s. me ,ime (olthough the Io tter 1rC rendered
,nonochrollutic.lly in gold). It is . sswned thot the relors Agnd lus mentions
were tbose thot he sow in the mosaic; bowel-'er, if AgneUus's emire passage is
borrowed from . non _R" 'enn",e sou",." the colors might . Iso h ..·• ooen lifted
wholesole from his source.
161 See Deliy:mni.. tr:ms., '004, PI'. 36-,U .nd '0[ - ', notes. Po!", Leo I wrote
",'·e ...1",nnon,on the T rin ity, "did l'etOT Chr}'sologus. noted by "on Simwn,
[9~8, p.~.
16, D.iellnunn , '974, p. '56.
163 SOrTies, [983 , Pl'. 95-6. who orgues, on "ery little evidence, th.tthe Ge"",nic
Goths preferred their gods full gro"TI.
164 I_PR ch,. '3.36, 6; , <"!C.;"''' B eliy.nnis, :004, Pl" 334- 5·
165 von Simson, '9~8, Pl'. 90-'03·
166 Elsner, '995 , Pl'· "4- 5·
16; Nordstrom. [953. 1'1'- 8,""7; '-on Simson. 19-18. 1'1'- 99""1 01; Steigcrw.ld. ,'}66.
d,..ws spe<:ific p .... Uels betwttn 1h= im.ges ond those on the btie of ,he
Colwnn of Are. dius in Consuntinoplc . How",'"" Dcichm.nn, '974, I" '49,
reminds us rhot depictions of Rev. 4 often snow the fOur-ond-twenty elde rs
holding the crowns, prcp.ring to COst them down kfurc Christ.
168 Pi ccinini, 199'. p. 44.
11>9 SteigeN'ald, ,,)66, Pl'. '75 .nd ,80, who, howe"er, goes '00 f.r in inter-
preting the m.le m.rtyrs as ",-notol'S. the fc~n.le m.rtyrs as p"rsonifi"",ions
of provinces. .nd the M.gi os b.rn.rions. See c'Speci.11y the dc:scriptions of
V cn.mius's fIOCms • Dc "irginiute," Carmina 8." .nd • Ad "irgines," Carmi""
8.4, which list virgins .nd other .. ints by n.me, .Ithough not the .. me n. mes
os found in S.nt 'Apol~nare Nuovo, See . Iso his Vir" S.mrri Mll11ini. 1.«6-64;
interpreted ;n Deli)",nni., · R. ...nn .. St. ,'lorrin," I~ .nd RobertS, '00:,
1','77,
'70 \Vhonon, '¢i7; this theory OttIllS borne out by the depiction of the .postles in
the Arian B.pti"e')"_J.n es, 'wS. p_";, notes thot P.ulinus of 1"01•• Cunni""
[8.13S--53 , cd. G. de II.nel (CSEL Jo, 'Bw-). writes of Cltrist distributing
robes .nd crO\ms to ... ints.
171 For example, Urbono, '005 ; '..,n Simson, '9-18, p, 8[;Johnson, ,¢is, p. 9';
Dcichmann , '974, PI'· J 44-5; StcigcN·. ld, J '}66, PI'· ,8,-4'
' 1' S<" \\" K><.l. 1007, 1'1" , 55"9, who, however, dOL'S not cOme to .ny condusion.
'73 See Wood, '007. pp. 15]41.
1 74 Some eody Con,tantinopolit." chun:;hes (moot not.hly St. John Studio.) h.d
golleries over the .isles, which would h"'e e~min.ted the Hot surf. ee .bo,·e
the .",ode .. . 1""OIion furrontinuous d".,orot;on (see Mothews, [9][ , p. ;8).
Comp. risons with secular monuments such os the oooli sk b.ses of-Tneodo-
sius I .nd Arc.dius in Constantinople (e.g. , F.rioli C".lllpan"~ "R,,'enna. Con -
stlntino]Kll i," '99', p. ' 47) do not ..,.,,, convincing, o. their c< mte.<t wos com _
plelely different.
l 75 See von Simson, '948, p . 8, .
176 On onology with the im.gc'S in S.n Vito Ie, onother que"ion would he the
I""otion of Theoderic . Given the depiction of ,he procession of m.rtyrs, in
 NOTES TO PAGES 172-174

whK-h the most imporant saints.re found., the he.d of the procession •• nd
the d'1'ictions in San Vi",le, where ,he emperor is shou" in ,he fourth place,
it is mosl ~kely th.t if'lbeodcric .nd his court h.d b""n d'1'icled@ Ihe w.lI ..
he himself would h.,'c been in the first or pcrh.ps the fuurth platt. tow.rd the
c. st end of ,he ch urch, .nd thus nowhere n(.. r thc pol><e; ,he figures origin.11y
between Ihe colonn.des who .. h.nds were .-.ised in .oclomotion must have
held this pose with resp,'<:, to Christ., the far end, or perh.ps in honor of the
my.1 conn<ltoti<lns <If the pala';",,,. ",.her .han dir"'-~Iy .ccl.iming "Ill.,,<i.ric.
177 Choricius, UIII""lio Alardlm; 1'48--76. lranslaled in M.ngo. Tht Art of Ibt
Br_'l1Iri'~ fjmpi .... '98~. PI" 60-8; G regory of To un, Hirrorns ll_ , 7; p."lin,,,
of Nolo. C"""",,, 17. 5 '1'"'95; SI. Nil"" of Sinoi. Lm... to Prtfm OIympi""",.""
PC 79: 577----& (.ronsla.ed in ,\ longo, id(1n, 1'1'. 3'- 3; Nilus is responding to
o question obout whether the wolls might be covered with depiction, of oni-
m.ls). According loseventeenth-<:entury drowings, the n.". w.11s ofSt. I'eter's
ond S•. p.ul·s outside .he wolls .t Rome .lso were decor",,,,1 wi.h norroti,'.
""eIles. ,\ comprehensi"e srudy of the docorotion of n...., w. lls would be mos,
illwni".ting.
'78 l'rocopiu•. Dt t"difoiis 1_'0. d"""ribes depic'ions of J ustini.n .nd Theodo ...
,.. nding . mong the Senote in the Ch.lke ...stibule, but not in . churd!.
'79 Sec I I".therh\ h,thew., ' 99 ' , PI" '01- 1 '; .",ong the sl>ocillc.lly Ari.n/Goth;.,
soints the lexts lisl Ulfi l.s, S.b •• S.nsalus, Gouthik ... Eut),ches. B,lhouse..
\Verb., Arpul .., Ahippas. I I.gio<. Ruios, Fgeth r.., EskOC<, Sil.s. Sig""'.' s,
Sweril.s. Swemhb., Thenh . " I'higa" hideric. O>n<tontius ll, I)or<>theu.<,
Inn ... Rentas, .nd Pinos (men); ond Ann. , AI... Har"". Moiko. K:uniko. Oneko,
Ancm.i .. . "d the old wom''1l'1 Rero<. (women)_
,So Urbono, 1005. pp. ¢-S. It should.1so be noted th .. , according to Agndlu ..
im.ges of ·Illooder;" ."...,.,i.,cd with thc entronce to the 1'.loce were left in
siru until the nimh century. showing perh.ps th .. Ihere WlIS not • ""m""lio
m"",,"'I(" .U.
,S, Se" most T"""ntly H.Mini Lipp"lis. 1000.
18, LPRch . 86,
183 For. swnm.ry of the ""holarl)' discussion, see Ocich",."n, I 9i+ 1'1'. 151-';
and B.ldini l ippolis, '000,1'1'- 467'"'9-
184 llaldini lippolis. '000.1'. 47 3- 4. who hypothesi1.cs further ,h.. the third figure
nK'lltioned in .he si"ccnth-ecntu')' sources "'.)' Ito,'e be"". e'ptur<.J borbor_
i.n, os ore known for "",'e.-.I late .ntique representations of emperors.
,85 lI """'hi. '91'5 . p. " , .ells th .. in ti,e fifteenth ""lItu')' ,he legend thot bishops
of Rnenn. were selec.ed hy .he ,I""" of ' he Holy Spirit (writt''1l down loy
Agnellus for St. Severns. LI'R eh. '7), led to the ide. th .. this ..'en, h. ppened
.t the site of the Arion lI'pt;"cry, .nd the chu",h "'OS subsequently <i,.Jic",,,,1
to Ihe Holy Spirit_Since these c"ents h.d token pl><e in the third .nd founh
cen.uries. c.r1), histuri. ns like Rossi .nd F.bbri though, th .. th""" structures
were older Ih.n the sixlh cenrur)"
186 M.zwtti. '957 . p. 30. Broschi. '05. p. '5. suggestS thot Theodore of A",.se,
wo< . n0t:3hlc .n.i_Ari.n s. in., lou. perh.p' she is confusing him wi,h lIosil '>r
Asterius of Am. sc •.
187 See Snce. ' 9'}8 (referring to the sixth-<:enrury Life o f St. M.reion, who o,'ers,w
the rebuilding), who says t]"t the ',,,',.::m t],,1 the Ari.n gcncro\s IruIOc ,Ioo. tions
to. conspicuously . nti_A";." churd! " .. , thot ,hey h.d acquired ,he relics of
NOTES TO PAGE S 174-178 ,0,

St. Anastosi. from ,he B.lhns, .nd thot in the 460s they were trying to acquire
public favor ond to downplay ,h~i, rui.nisllL
,88 Himrrill m!.w..ti(l1 tripartita. 9·9·3; c..ssiodon.IS specificoUy s.ys, "Quam ob
rem nim;' inopinobilemAna<tasioe nomen, id est resurrectionis, >c""pi,.~ThIlS
for Cossiodorus, the word fOrm AIJ/>Junia mcons AI1l>Jtllrif.
189 Deic/umnn, '976, Pl'. )01 - ), rejects this hypothesis, so)'ing th.t An."osi •• nd
An .. tasi. were not likely to he confu",d in the 'inh cenrury, .nd thot c1thcdr:.1s
were nevCr de,lie ..",j to ",ints. The I.tter sewment, how",'er, m.y not he true.
It is olso significant thOl on the papyrus ,he church is . lw.Y' c.lIed AI ..".,ie,
not Anastosi.", although other geniti'·"", .re gi,'en in -iIt! . Since no other ch urch
dedicoled to SI. Anostasio is known in R"'enIl>, we must "",ume Ih.t this Gothic
church l.cc.me one of the ones listed hy AgneUus.
190 S"" Broschi, !g65, PI'. '5- ,6, for Ihe loter history of the complex ond of its
",sto... tions.
19 1 Dcichmann , '974, p. ' 46, gi,"" • differen, set of m"""rement<, 18.jo mL'!C"
wide including the "",II thicrnesses, , !.4! meters long not including the .pse.
19' DeAngel is D'Ossal, SNldi, ,g6" p. '5.
193 Se<: Russo. "L '.rchitettu... : 1005, p. ! ! 7, citing Deichmann, '974, p. '46, in
Constllntinoplc, the churches of S" John S'OIIdios and the Ch.kop.. t~ia; in
ROlne,.1so S.n Lorenzo fuori Ie mu ...; .nd in R.""nno, S.n Michele in Afridtro
.nd S,nt 'Agoto Maggiore.
'94 B,esehi , ' <)6;, PI'· J7 .nd ,8---<).
'95 /l 1a"".o!!i. '957, PI" 44- 5; Deichm.nn, ' 974, p. 146; the new briels were uscd
for the opse and triumph.l arch.
1'}6 R"""" "L '.rchit~"t!uro." 1005. p. "0, beli",,", th.t thi> mcons th.t it "'os not
built by R.ven,,",e ,,·o",men.
197 Bresehi, '<)65. p. 31.
1'}8 Cotologed in Deichmonn, '974. pp. '47-S.
199 Deichm.tln. '974> Pl'· '49'-50.
'00 Deichm.nn , '974. pp. '45-6.• lthough he not'" thot /lb 1.7.otti, '957, pp. 14- j.
SOY' thOl the exco ... tions of '954 did not re"eat""y mosaic lesse .... ,
'0' L/'R ch. SII.
'0' L/'fl ch. 70 .
• 03 Joncslj\l.nind.leIJ\lorris, PLRE 3. '97'. p. 4'5- 7; I'.ul the Deacon qUOtCS
his <')litoph in full, ILL 1Il.19 .
• 04 Cummins. '99~, PI'· 97""9·
lOS .] he most recent .nd cumprchensi"e srudy of this building is Cununins, '99-t;
see 01'0 Ri".."".ti, ·Tc'Klcrico.~ 1<)0 '; Deiehm.nn. '974. Pl" '5 1_8; IIresehi .
'<)65; ond M31.zon;, '957.
106 lhc Iht",), tbat this h.pt;"e')' wos huih on the .ite of • Rom.n both. prop<".oo
bye. Rieci. is no longer bel ieved credible; see llresehi, ,g6,. PI'· 39'-40. Sonto
Spirito'S originol Aoor level ""'s .50 m higher th. n th .. of tI,e Ari.n lloptistery,
• foet Ihot h.. not been explained; Cummins, '99~. 1', 90.
!07 The Ari.n lI.ptistery. li1:e its cothed ... ~ "'os modified ... dicolly at le,st since the
,in"en' !> century, and the pa,'cmcnt ..... ,..i,,,,1 at I" . .. th,,"t! ti","" in '543;
in Ihe 1670>,", which time 0 new cnt ... nc<: porch ...·.s built in the northeast
side; .nd . n O.. lory w... dded .flc, ,667 on the ,,'cst side .nerthe demolition
of.1l of the.pscs, >0 thot the h>plistery lK."",mc the.psc of the new SlT"cn",e
(see Breschi. 1<)65, Pl'. 4 '--'7)' Rcsto ... tions of the >urvi\';ng mosaics in the v.ult
 NOTES TO PAGES 178-180

heg.n in the [85"'" Frum [9[6 to [9[9G. Gerul. o'·e,.,.,w thc reMoration of
the building, exco".."ion, resto""ion of the interior,.,.,d reom<truc,ion of some
of the .pses; .fter the oomb d.m.ge of\\'orld \\'.. 11,.11 of the sorrounding
buildings were removed, .nd in the J 95"" the westen, apse wos reconstructoo.
Enough frogmen", of the origin.1 'p"" surviwd, both .. ground k-\·cI .nd ..
the level of the \·.ulls, for Gerul, to estin"te thcir dimensions; see Breschi,
J~5, p.)3.
lOS I.PRchs.R6.nd '57.
l"9 "Ineconclusion of Meslin. 1~7' pp. 386--?>, esp. p. 387. Eunomi.n b'pti<m.1
';tu.l. attracted p.rticul" 'l1ention, for e.. mple" by Sowmcn. Himma E.d...
SiMli", 6 .• 6; Philostorgius, Ecdui4ffl<41l/imry Epirom. (in I'hoti",,) 10.4; and
in ,he conons of the Council of Const",,,inople of 38 J. Epiph.nius of S11. mis,
Ptm4l-;'m. 6.76 (54.33), 'O}" that Eunomi.". boptize people upside down ," in
the n.me of God thc Uncreotoo, and in [he name ofthe Creoted Son, .nd in thc
n.me nf the S.nctifying Spi,;' ",""'cd by the Cre., •..:! Snn." C. Cechelli, [960,
p. 754, foUowoo by Rizzordi, "L'ortedei Goti," [9Ii9, Pl'. 3611-"9. proposed thOl
even more modera,e Ari.ns m.y h.ve used the Eunomi.n fonuul.o, but there
is no ",;denc<: to support thi •. • nd on the contrary, os we h"'e .een, there;';
mnre evidence th .. ,he Ostrogoths were of ,he more moderate Ari.n ".., riety.
°
1'.ul the Dcocnn, l/iJmri.o R""""", XVI..., tells story, in the .. me section in
whi<-h he describes Theoderic, of.n Arion hishop who h.ptizoo someone "in
nnmine Parris pcr Filium in Spiritu .. nero."
,'0 Euscbius of Ve=lIi (,Iuhium). 1)< Tri";'4ft! 7. '0: "Cur rite regul.m h.pti.. ni
celehratis ct in confessione un;to nomine rrin;t"'is bl'sphen",is? " (on the
dehatc .hou' the .ttrihution of tb;s tcxt, see \ \r,Ui.ms, '99j, Pl" 33 9""4')' Sec
:'1eslin, [~i, pp. 380-<)0.
' [ J Letter nf Vigilius ad EJJthtrlu", (but o""U/ned to be Prorururus of ilng., who
mOSl h"'e consuitoo him on this question) in PL 69, coli. 15- 18; the <Juestion
was .ddressed more eJ:tensivcly by Bishop Mortin of B.. go, Dr T';'111 ,\1.,..;=.
In hoth c. ..... the 'lu~"Sti,m nf imme",ion ;< rd • ..,,1 to hdief .hout ,he Trinity.
This debate is extensi"ely di...-usscd by j\lcConnell, lOOj, esp. pp. 400-4.,.,d
'94·
, [: Mortin of Il .. go, Dr T.-intl M<TJi<m< 4·
°
: [J "]1,e f'O'" A,..,nr, ;nitially member ofThcodcri<-'s cnun, later wrote • lengthy
1m", emitk..:! liimma Ap"'roi;'tI with the mc.ning ofh'l't;",n as nne of its cen_
tral themes (1-1 ill; er, 1993), hut does not .ddress Ari.n b'ptism directly.
, [4 Gcrol. only found evidence for the southen> of these door<; the nnrthem is
only h~l""hesi "..:! (ll ",,,,hi, '~j,]>. 56).
l [5 An entrance w", created in the nonhe ... wall sometime .ftcrthe building was
fir;<: constructcd. hu, whilc thc origin.1 Aoor lc"cI "'''0 "iii in u>c; M.uotti,
·Sc.vi recenti.·· 197", p. [lO, suggests thor ,his h.ppened when ,he baptistery
was conwned from Ari.n usc, but this is jUst sperulatinn.
1 [6 Currunins, [99~, pp. 8l, . b.sed on Gerol.·s excOl"tions.
1 [7 Cununins, [99~, Pl' . 105-10. R;zzo rdi, "Tcodcrico," lOOI . p. I [0, cloims thot
th i< son nf .mhul.tory must I", On inn",""t;,m ofThcod"ri",n R,,·enn •. con_
nected to the Ari.,., liturgy, but thi, does 11.01 expl. in its presence in ,he other
enmples cited by Cunuuins.
, [S Deichm,nn, ,'}8<), p. l6J .
, [9 See Cwum;ns, 1994, pp. '10-1 S.
NOTES TO PAGE S 180-185

uo Deiclunann, [974, p, '53.

'"~ Cummins, '99-\,p·7°·
'" Dimensions from Cummins, '99-\, p, 66-7_
"3 I{",,=, " L'archi,ettura," "'>05, p. [,0-
" 4 (.lun",i" s, '99-\, p. 87·
u 5 ,\louoni, "Scovi recemi," '970. PI'. "' - ); LPR ch, '57.
,,6 t. 101:1.otti, "Sco.,·i ,,,,,enti," '970, p. "[.
"7 Cummins, '99-\, p. '0+
u8 ,\ lou.oui. "Scovi recenti," '970, PI'. [18- 10 ""d "[ - 3.
"9 lhid_,p, [H _
'30 Cummins, '994, pp_70- >; """ .1"" Krautheimer, '94' , pp_'S---?- The Council
of Auxerrc of 578 issuOO a """on prohibiting bur;.1 in abapt;stery.
'3' ,\lozzotti. "Scovi recemi," '970. p. " 0-,,
'3' ,\ l ost ob"iously, the color of the h,,1os and the sh.de of green used for the
groo"d differS hctw,..,., 1'~ter. 1'.01, .nd the .f1OStie hehind P.ul . "d the rest.
Commins, '994, p. 14),lists. preference fOr !rulrble .nd checkerboonl shading
in the cemral moo. Ilion .nd Peter. while gl.ss wasl'rim.rily used for the other
.postle>; she pro,·ides. dct.i1ed .nol)".is of the .postles .nd comp'rison with
other mos. ic figures i" R".. tllla. Nordh.gen, 1!J66, p. 59. proposes ,h., the
m.rble;n Pcter's p'llium wa. i",endOO to represent wool. to d;stingui<h h im
from tlte other 'postles, but since this figure w.s m.de by a di iferent workshop,
it ;s .l.., possible th .. it w.s JUSt a quC<tion of .ed,,,i'luc,
'33 Deichm.nn, '9 i4, p. '55; Geml., '9' 3; .Iso Bovini, "Note." 1957. who ,Iocs
not projlGS<' an amo\lllt of time between the I'h,,",.
'34 Nord"';\m, 1953. p_ H. ci.ing Bovini and Ric<;i, .mong o.hel'S, but not gi.-
ing • reason for these ""es"'tions, The figure. in this group, occording to
Nordstrom, di<play • solidity .nd monwnenta lity thot .""ords ""ith tk '1 he -
oderic.n ligures in Sont'Apoliinore Nuovo, while the othe!'!l.re more insub-
stomi.l; Cummins. how",.. r. '994. p. 146, disagrees.
'35 Wh.rton, I<)\Ii, p. 1H·
'36 See Ocichmann, '9H, I'p. '55-6. foron.logies!O this motif.
'37 Terry/" bguire. '007, 1.6" note that Pcter :md the apostles behind him w...
their m.nde. o"er both shoulde .... while P.ul and h is followe ... we.. ",.ntles
o.'cr ooly one shoulder; • simil....... ngement is seen in the del'ictiot, of the
apostles in the n ..ili"" Eufrasi,na in Poree , Qu,c'lu.rdli. ' 977, interprets
the very prominent gI,""",ldill on these m.ntles .s numerico l symbols th.t
h.d I"'rticul.r meaning for Ari.n .heology, os re,,'uIOO in.1\ Ari.n theologico1
wor\:, .he Opnr i"'P"ftmrm in MDtrbam",. but this ",'"ns to he •• n.'tehing
interpretation tOO for; :my number could h.ve been .pplied and m.. ning round
for it. The more generally '''''''P,,~l th,'Ory is th.t gam11Uldi" did nOt h,,'" .n)"
p,niculor me.ning; see Ookeshott, '<)67. pp- )78-<.1-
'38 While most schol. rs a",,"P' thot the »1tcn in the Orthodox B.ptistery is •
lote restoration. ",d thot the origin. l !iCene there showed John with his h.nd
on Christ's he.d, Rizz.rdi, ~Teoderico:' '00[, 1', ,[6. and "Dccorarione."
1001, PI'. 9'7- ", proposes .h" the 1""'" "'"" o,igin.I , .nd that .he A,i.n
depiction wos deliberately different in onler to m.ke, theologicol point. 01 -
though she does not soy what th.t point would be. The.rgwnent seems ... ,her
cir<:ul.. _
'39 Sec Oe;ch",OIu1, '9H, p. '5+ Nordstrom, '953, p. 35, coils il • counly style.
 NOTES TO PAGES 18S-188

'40 Whonon. '995, p. , H. olthough she does not saywhether the ritual positioning
would be diffe""" in on Orthodox church.
'4' Curruruns, [99~, p. 13' -
' 4' Mathews. [993 . PI'· 'H-R
' 43 Nordstrom, '953 , p. 49·
'44 Wh,non. '995, p. 'H. Rizzordi. "L'one dei Goti." '!f09. p. 376. daims lh"
th is Ari ' n ritu.l mu« h" 'e he"" different from th .. of the Orthodox Il ' ptisrery,
hut there is no evidence other th an the images for this.
' 45 Kostof. '~5 . p. 9"
'4~ SOmes. [9lIJ . pp- 99""'00.
'47 Ibid .• pp. 77-<:)7·
'48 Dcichm.nn. [97~ . p. , 54-
'49 SOmes. [983 . PP , 99""[00; repeOled by Rizzordi, "L',ne dei G<>ti," [9~
p. 373. Nordstrom. '953 , PI', 5<>--4, says thot Christ is the throne 10 whom
th ings are offere,l,
'50 Refuted by Nordstrom. '953, pp. 50--4· Dcichm.nn, '97~ . p. '55. strongly
opposes. COlUtc« ion of the dO"e with the throne, propost:d by Nordstrom,
.nd .. ys th .. the two §cenes are entirely sep."'tc.
'5' Cwmnins, [99-1-0 p. ,~o. following DeidutlOnn. [97~. p. '54; \\!hOrton, '995,
p. [35·
'5' Rev. 4"0; Mont.n.ri . "I dod iei Apasto~." '001 (orig. [09), PI'. 107 .nd 118.
'53 \\!h.non. [995 ,1'· [35·
'54 See esp. i\ l eg.w/l-bw~ins, '977. pp. , 10--3·
'55 r or eXllmple. the B. silica Eufrnsi.no .. Porte. S.. Cotherine's church ..
Sin.i, and the church of the P, n'gio K'n.k"io at Lythrnnkomi. Cyprus; sec
"'Iegow/Hawkins, '977. PI'· 100-<,1.
'56 Cwmnins, [99-1-01' , '37·
'57 Cf. M.guirc. 1007. P\l. '39""40. who suggcst5 th" im ' ges without I,bels Ill'y
rcpr<:SCnt more thon one thing" once.
'i8 See n c;dunann. ,<)6<), drnwing nO. '7'. l,." ed On the ,Irnwing made loy
A. A=roni .nd G. Zompigo published in Ricci. '93" The .postle behind
him ,Iso ' ppeo" to h.ve 0 similar focioloppeornnc., but his chin was restored
in the ninClC""!!' century. Note th., m y .rgum ""t rc<.Jui",. that these p>rts of
the mos.ics werc ",. d. in the {)strogothic period ••nd not lot.r,
, 59 G rierson (~,1. , '9lI6, p. '3;" I (~lich, ''''''4. p. " 5; see Amory, '997 , pp. 338--4"
who does not, n",·enbeless. commenl on ,he significance of these must.ches.
Word_Perkin", '005. p, 74. offers ~ "cry deor repro(huion of the pontait on
Theod.h.d·, coin.
,60 Dutton. 100-1-0 PI'. '4-41; . nd Word-P.rkins, 1005. PI' , 7'-5. both note thot
Lotin docs not h.... a wonl for "mustache." Dutton dc .. i!s the mu"""h",
of Chorlem.gne and his successors, which he prof>OSC' werc in spired by
-lfiMCnc'S ",ust3<nc.
• 6, En nodius. [8. (Om";',,, 1.57); ..,., W.rd-!'crkins. ' 005. p. 79 .
• 6. Cummins, [99~, 1', '4'.
,63 V""ia< I L30, "ho< enim noS et Ra"""n..i ""dc.i.e .,mUlle",,,,,,,n, moro<; rati,,_
n.bili oUegatione ,ribui"•... " X. '5:"ct ideo •• Iu.. "" dementi . m \· ..trnm
ho"orifice",i. compete",i horum paniwrem pro negotio R"'e!ul1tis ecdesi ••
,-""ientcIll g"'tissim. "obis petitione oomm""do_ "
164 See Brown, 1007.
NOTES TO PAGE S 188-194 H'

,6S L,nwni. '9'7, PI" 75S--6, citing especi' lly me l'rlltrtplio rtgis III ",Uta ad
syuWII'" prr gr"""''''''' rI =""
tp;stOf>«. writtcn in 501 (MGH All 12,
pp·4 1g-,0)-
,66 LPR eh. ,6. So, 67, . nd 91.
,67 LPK eh. So.
,6S LPReh. 7).
'''9 S", Deii),>nni., ",.ns., ''''''4. 1', 3 '9·
'70 Thi. is th" I""-"-studi<..! of Rovenn.'s ",onwnent<; """ G"ml •. '93'; Otto-
lenghi, '957; Deichm.lUl, '974, PI'· [¢I- ."4; Miller. 1000, esp. PI'· '9-3';
" hrleni. '00' ; .nd "he~ie. '003 . pp, 104- IS _
'7' Gerol •. [9p . 1'- 73; repe.ted by Deichm.nn, '974, p. 199·
'7' LPR ch. 4 0 : "Fccitque .. , mon . sterium s;nct; And...,.c 'I,.,.ooh; <u.que effigies
.uper u.luo> eiusdem mon . sterii est in ferius te.selli. depicto."
'73 LPR ch. 77' .nd see l>elow. Chapter 6,
'14 ,\ Ion",lI i, Ibwnma, ' 0<>::1, 1'1" 1 ,6-'7 ' \ Vhy this .nolll,l hove been inc<>1l'M1t",1
into me tpiw>pil"" at me .. me time that Theoderic wo. restoring the .quedoct
is not de ...
'75 Gerol •. '9,., 1'1'. [' [- ', b>sed on Agnellus'. stoT)' .bout ,uch • hiding pl""e
funrC05ure, L/'R eh. '58.
'76 Deichlluru" '971, p. '99' Ccrol •• '93'. docs not olfer .ny 'illggestion<; in his
d.y the ground 1"'eI w'"p"rti.Il)· .ubmerged.
'77 On the r"'c onstruction , see Gerol., '93'. In l'erl,.p< the eighth centuT)' the
ground A'K,r w. s e"e"d",) into the g.rd<",; the surviving rem. ins h.ve been
interpr<1ed os , v;,.,"";,"" mentioned hy AgneUus (see below, Ch'pter 7). A
fo urth ,tory "'2> .dded to th e toweT in the fourteenth ""ntuT)'_
,;S Gerol •. [9P , 1'1'. 9S-1 01 , Dcichm.nn. [974, 1'1'. '01 - ',
'79 LPR eh. SO; Gerol. , '93', 1'1'. '01---6; the upper !L've", of the re"<~ment, includ -
ing the cornice •• re rCSl:ored on the lw;i. of the locotion of meto I d.mps found
in the w.lls, and in comp.riron with ",·h.t "'os known from the m.pel.
,80 On ly the p.ns of th i. mo.. ic from C hTi,,'. w.ist up h.d slJlviv",1 in ' 91'
(Geml., '931, pp. 106-S), the ~on .nd serpent were restored h.sed on the
iconog .... phy latown from ,he Orthodox Ilop,istery .nd elsewhere.
,8 1 L/'fl eh_ S0' " ___ in ingressu i'nu'e cxtrinsccu •• uper liminore .. __ "
,8, G~rola. [93' . Pl'. '''7~'
,83 Cr.].nes, '998, PI'. '4 5- 7. who docs not, howe,' cr, mL"'tion this poem. Similor
poem. proising the rodi.n"" of church decoration were put up in S.nto f, lori.
f.o l1ggiore in R..'enno (os reponed in LPK eh , 57), and in the church of St<.
Cosm" .nd I)"nian in Rmnc (..... 5,6).
,84 F... gments of ,he Itlhi were found in the rourse of restorntiO!l; see Geml •• '93',
1'1" 88 and "3- ' 5·
,85 Gerol •. '93'. 1'1'- [og-IO, s;ys th.t the fonn oflhi. window is origin.l. al-
though it hod been modir,ed seve ... 1'imes.
,86 Gerol •. [9P , 1'. [09-
,87 See, most comprehensively, Meg.w/H .wkins, [977, Pl" 10<>-19.
,88 von Simson. 1948, 1'1" 84- 5' All of these fem.le m.nyr<.re fou nd in the
procession in S.m' Apollin.re Nuovo,
'Ss! See most recently Cuscito. 1007 ; ."d Hrenk. 1006; the latt.r's orgum.."t.
1'_ 3' [, th', ")n<'Odcnc must h",'c cosponso"xl thi. chureh l>cuuse of the
king's dose conn<uions with Felix I V, is ru'pro"ed ,
F' NOTES TO PAGES 196-200

'9" Deicll",,,,,", ' 974. PI'. '0<>-1, discusses s'mi lar contempo ... ry chopels of
S. Prosdocimo in ",du.ond S. ,\!ar;' ,\I1tcr Domini. ro ,he south of the
ellu",h of St>. Fclill ODd Fortun.tus, in Vic"m.. . .. well os in Asi. 1\ \inor. Sec
.Iso ,\ !odic, 1003. Pl'· 37-44-
'9' D~ichm.nn, 197~ , p. ,,'+
'9' Deich",,,,,,, . [974, p. 10). cites especi.lly Alh,no.ius, C..Ilri1 ArilmOf 1.19 and
3.9. as well 1< work, I,y Gregory of NY''"'' Iii!.,), of Poi'i ...... od Loo the
Grc".
'93 U'R cbs. 50 ""d 67. respecti,·ely.
'94 LPR eh . ,6; prohohly ' he 10mb of Bishop Peter ITL Also LPR eh . 9 1.
'95 See Lanwni, ' 9' 7. PI" 735-6; oomprehcnsi,-ciy Susini, -L. question., ~ r96S;
.nd lftidun.nn, '9i'9, Pl'. 'p-j, .nd most recently Pan; Enllmi, '00;,
PI'. 10'7-41, b.sed on the document of)5' cited .hove in connection with the
Ari.n church (l"'jlder, '954 , "01., no. 34) th.! n.mes, "Dcusdcdit for(ensis)
.;.(itatis) Cl,,-~is R,v(enn,,,).~
'?!i Initi.lly, the bishop ",,. the only person who ",,. .uthorized to b.ptize,
but in the fifth cemury • distinction kg.n to be drnwn be,woen b'ptism,
which included some .nointing with chrism (which h.d to be consecro,ed
by the bishop), and the full .nointing on the fureh .. d .nd the l.ying on of
h.nds to confer ,he I loly Spiri', which h,d to he I"'rfonn<xl by the bishop
in. 1I coses, but not nec=orily" Ihe s. me time .. boptism; see Soxer. 19S5,
PI'· 57~'
'97 "'-Ion"n.ri, '99 '. p. '45 -
'98 See Conesi. 1g68 ; D c Angelis d'Os.. t, t g68; Deidunann. 1976. pp. 31 S--- ,,;
M.ioli/S'oppioni. 1'}S7. 1'1'- 90""3,
'99 G entili. ' 9;'. p . 1'}8;
300 Smith, "Fonn ond Function. " 19')0, p. 1'}S.
301 G entili. ' 97' . p. '05, suggests inste.d thot the two eft . mbers .t the eostem
ends of the .isles belong 10 the fifSl ph.se .nd the intervening .... ces were
.dded sec,md,rily.
30' Conesi . 1968, suggested thot it "'os the church of St. Demetrius, memioned
hy Agnellus (LPR ch. 1) OS . . the sil:th milestone from R.velUl. and destroyed
,00-,_
hy h is d.y_ On the ... riou. f'O"Sibi lities,..., Gen,ili. ' 97' , pp -
303 Dc Angeli. d'Ossot, 1968, PI'· 458---9.
304 LI'R eft •. 50, 67, 91.
305 LPR efts. 39 .nd 57 • • nd .lsoAnon. V~1n. 11. 90.
306 LI'R ch. 60. It would be interes,ing to comp.re the list of clergy gi\"Cn .. ,he
,-,,,,I of th is d,,,-"Umcnl ",i,h 'h" list frmn the Arion document "f 55 I ci,,,,1 .h"ve.
307 "Ex inuidi...cerdotes ecclesi.e Rauenn,,;' toli. contigerunt qu.e omnium
,,",hoJicorum .nim.s contri,,,",,", n",",un",," .1 '""",lioo.,.. sedition.,.. proui_
toles. qu, . omnem disciplin.m ccdesiosticom di,rumpere nilcrentur."
J08 ' Inis document is in n""d of serious srudy to pl."" i, in the COnt""t of oede_
sios,ic.1 dispute resolution . nd I.gisl.tion in this period. Agncllus quotes thi,
document in full bee.use one of his m.in concerns w.s the distribution by the
hishop "f ecdcsi . stie.IJlH>perty .nd in C'OTT1e .mollg the clergy; howe,'er, this
does not me"" thot flll.nci.1 ;';"-ucs were the m.in concern of the sil:th--cen\ury
clergy.
309 LPR chs. 57. 59-S.., B. rnish. ' 98 ;;. who provide..n e"l'I'n " ion ofthc politic. 1
.nd oe"nomic bockground of Juh.n 's ",..Ith.
NOTES TO PAGE S 200-205 m

)10 LPR ch. 6). Deichm.nn, 1953 .nd 1976, pp. 10-11, notes ernphOlically mOl
Agnellus s. ys only mOl S.n", 1I1..i. M.ggiore was kgun just .lter Ecdesius
returned from Const.ntinople, .nd th is cannot k used .s. d,te for the found-
ing of S.n Vi ..]c .Iso.
1" LPKch·77·
)11 E.xpressed by TeSli-R.sporu, ed., '9'4. PI" 16)- 5, and then most extensively
by \"on Simson, '9-{8, esp. Pr· 5-<).
3'3 Deichm.nn , '')76. PI" ,6 . nd " - 7; .n,lll>mish. ,,)8j, PI" 5-<>' Deichrn.nn,
'953, PI'· ")- '4, .nd 1976, PI" 11-3, notes th", m-gmllll'"itlf w. s not part
of hi. n.me, since it does not 'ppc.r on , 11 the inscription., hut ins,.,,,1 .n
occup.tion; he W2S probably not • Iinanei.1 olf",ial of the R"'ennote church,
nor. governme", offici. l, sine<: his n.me is n("Vcr gin,n wi,h .ny title such as
roar/IJT" or honorific epithet. such as ";'- illtlftris.

Six. It ",c nn.'. Early IIp.antinc Period , AD 540--000

, Young, lOoo .
• Se<: Gum,. '000, and Arj.,.., .eo5.
3 Koder, 19')6; Arja .." '005, p. 78.
4 Gregory ,he Grc. .. /Jilllogll" 111.1'), cited .rld e'l'.ndcJ ul"'n by P.ul ,he Dco_
con, Himmo L.mgohtmkmtm 1I1.z1- 14; ,Iso reponed by Gregory of Tours,
lIinDri;u x., 'n,1 hy v.rious othCT hiog"'l'hcrs of Gregory; sec Poti,,,,,,,;
Uggcri, 'OOj . PI" F ,-<>. 'rner\! ue otheT river miracles in the DiIlIOWU" see also
Ill.<j-IO, and flood metaphors ore conullon in his let,ers, implying that flood -
ing was. serious problem in si .. h-century Italy. However. S'Iu>triti, 'wl!,
pp. 71- 5, suggests th.t .fter the sixth centul}', .uthors did not view Aooding os
such. problem, because economic .nd soci.1 conditions h.d bc"rune ad.ptcJ
to the new environmental .iN,,;on.
5 See Gi",udi. w"5 ; .nd Christie, ,006, PI'. 486-8.
6 S."" Suthakopoul<><, 1""4, Pl" "0-54 .nd ' ,.,...5: ,Iso Chri<tic. 1006, PI"
500-4·
7 B.vom, '93<), gives . population .,;tin.. te for Rome in the six,h--sc"enm <en -
Nr;.,; of '.\,<>00-10,000 reople. down from 100,000 in 500.
8 Guillou, '99' , p. 103. for enmple, .ccep" me sou",,,,, os .,·idence of. crisis;
Brogiolo, "lde... ~ '999, obser\"es ,h" the te, ,, .Itern" " Ix·,,,,{,,,,
describing
cities in crisis .nd cities king restored to thei, fOmlersplendor. See.1so OrseIJi,
woo.
') Guillou, '99', 1" ' 05·
10 See I'.,itucei Uggeri, '005 , PI'. 157-<). procopi us, Dr /Nil. G<>tbico VI.IS, reports
• strange inci,bn;n 519 or 540 in which the ",.ter of the Po fell "cry I"w .nd
,hen returned to its proper \"olume.
It SqU>triti, '998, Pl" 67-11, argues m" with the bre.kdown of political order
.fter the deoth of'lncoderic, hyd",ulic conditions estoblished dllring the impe -
ri,1 period were no longer king m.intoined by. cent .. 1 government, ...·him
led to inc ...."3S<-<ll'roblcm< wim A",.ding; Christie. 1006, Pl'. ,00-, .nd 486-<)' .
11 elL XI.I [; see P"'t~ [<ilII, p. '9; ond Gelicbi. [99[ . p. ' 59.
[3 Amory, [997, p. I', notes, • After the 55" 's, no individu . 1 co iled a Gruh .wr
.ppeo.~ .goin in 1.. ly," . Ithough ceM:linly individ".I. wi,h Gothic n.mes .re
<till ",,,,,,cd in R,,..erul1t. papyri umilarow,d 600, sec Brown, '<il4, Pl" 75-6.
 NOTES TO PAGES 205-209

[4 LP Vii" Job",,,,i, IfJ l .nd other chronicles; see E'""ren, l003 , p. 66.
[S An cx""U"m 9Jll,m.'Y of Lomb.rd history can be folllld in E.."",n, '003,
PP· 54-79·
[6 ilL 1.'7.
[7 IlL 11.,6; the evidence is ,umm.rized by heren, 1003, p. 68.
[S This is told in ilL 11.zS- lO, .nd then by Agncllus, b,sed on l'.u l the De.con's
ocroUnt, in LI'R ch. <)6.
'9 ,"PR eh. 95' "p.locopi. in modum muri pmptc, m<-'twn genti."; "'" Deli),.nni.,
ed., ,006. p. l0 n . 81, on the tern, fJ"Wropia; and Righini, 199 [, p. 'aS.
'0 fiL Il I.'J,ndl1T[9·
'I Truces in s<}8 (ilL IV.8), 60S (1V.,8), 607 (1V.,,), seve,..1 more tinles before
619 (IV 4"). See esp. M.rlru., '99i, PI'. 99"-100.
" I'ublished os Appendix VII to the NIl<..PIIt of Justini.n, cd. Scholl/Kroll,
PP·7W-SO' ·
'J PrnK""'tir.~".
'4 Prngmllli< Smulion [, .nd , S; see Brown. [9li4, pp. /H! -.od [[4.
's ll rown, [98.., PI' · 11 - )7; LI'VitJI Vigilii 7·
,6 Brown, [984 .
'7 n rs, ",ported in LP Vii" ]o/"mni. lII, r.pe'lted by P.ul the Deacon, ilL 11.5
.nd 111.", . nd LI'R chs. 9'" .nd 9S--{j. N. rses W1.S fin.11y removcd from office
in S66 by Justin II. bl!! refused to return to Con'tontinople, retiring insteod to
a viII. ncor Naples .. rhe LI' ""'-1.1,'" him of h.ving invited the Lomb..ds inw
It.ly, .nd this story found itS way into m.ny ~hronides such .., the (}rig. gmtis
umgo~tmI"'1I7n 5. and e..-entu.11y ilL II. [ - I; for the complete ~st, see E,·ereu,
'003 . p. 66. It "'ould be noto<lth.t this p,n of the LP w .. " .. in<-'J1 in the 64""
thus m.ny ye.", .Iter the foct.
,8 Brown, 198.., 1'1'. 10-['.
'9 IIrown, [9li4, p. 49. notes th.t the term ,xamam. to refer to the territory gov_
erned from R.\"Cnno is only used in the sources .fter the coll.pse of Il)"l.ntine
authority in 75 [. At th" "n,1 of thc centu!)" G,..,gory thc Creat writes lett",,;
roma"" ':"IIra", "" ItJI/i"", ruidmli Rtn:r"'''' (e.g .• RfgUm"" rpimlanrm 5· '9).
30 ll rown, '98.4, p. 136. notes thot the lost record of a proffitt'" comes from the
year 600 .
31 For. swrun.ry, see Ferlugo. "L '"",,"w,n '991, PI'. 35/H!.
3' Brown, [98~, pp . 48-60.
33 See Pietri.'<}il,. pp. &4--{i; ond Brown, [99[, 1'1'.140-1.
H Brown, [98.., p. 77, 85·
H Hmo"", 19S~, Pl" , 6-,8-
36 The Agnellus who identifies himself as on iIlfrW<)jimlond arriJiam" (different
from the .utho, "fthe LI'K) ond who wrote Lotin comment.rie.. on W<lTh of
the Greek physici.n G.len is thought to h,ve wori<ed between 550 .nd ;00;
"". Agfl,/ll" of Rilt...""" [<}8 [, p. l iv.
l7 See Pietri. '<}il,. pp. &4-7; G uillou, 1991 , p. '0'; .nd Brown. ' 99 '.
3S Arsl.n, '005 . pp. 'IS - ,8. The building excavated", the Vi, di Rom. in 1<)69
and idL'J1tified as the mint (sec .IK"'c. dup'c, 3) wc'c "HKiific,] in thc mi,kinh
century; see Monzelli. Rtronma. '000, pp. II [- , 3.
39 h id.nce for this is . story wid by Agn.llus, LPN '3'. in which a petitioner
goes to • ... the [pal""e of I Theoderic, .nd he ooke,l to be p""",,,,ed to the
cnrch."
NOTES TO PAGE S 209-211

40 Port., '99', p. '77, ~ites documents from 57' .nd 639·

4' Forioli Camp.."'ti, '989> ond • "-"·.... n., CO!ls.. minopoli,~ '99'.
4' Augem;. "Ar<:hrologia, ~ "'05. PI'. " - 3. Porto, '99' , note", th.t changes to the
p.lace buildings .ftcr the mid--sinh century.rc not c.sy to d1tc, so we =tnot
.. y how nlL",h rcdecontion belongs spoci(,c.lly to thc I.."r 'inh century.
43 LPRchs. 66-7·
44 The dotes of Victor's reign arc gi,""n ... riously os 537-44 .nd 538-'1-5. For
• concise explanation of why 'he I.tter mUSt he correct. $<..., An,l""""u_
Tre.dgoldfTreodgold, '997,1'. 7[' n. [6.
45 Ven.m;,,,, Fortun."",,'. fin;t 'wo po<."JT1s'T<! 'itbl in 'he eodieg manuscript ..
• dd """"d to. Bishop Vit.lis of "- ,,·enn •• but George, [99', p. '3 .•ssumes
thot "r"·ClUl"'",,," w. . .dd ..<1 to the 'itles I,ltcr, since the poems do not
specifically soy th.t Bishop Vitolis reigned in "-..·enno; George suggests th.t
Vitolis ""'y hO\·. been Ihe bishop of Altinum, which is where Ven.mills wos
nised.
46 Gregory, Rrgistn.m Epinolunmr 5.' [, 1', and especi. lly 5', also 6. [, .nd " m.ny
subst<Jucm lettcrs concen, contro.·crsies be,ween thc bishoJ>.nd ... rious clergy
.nd monk.... See Markus, '997, PI'· [48-56.
47 ,\l1rkus, [98" pp. 57'-3, . nd idom, '997. esp. PI'· '<>0-1.
48 Grcgory ,he Gre .., " rgkmmr Epimd..mm ,., 5; sec Markus, '?8' , 1'1'. 57' - ).
49 Deichmann, '95'; idem, '976, PI'. '3- '5; j\1orlrus, '979; idem. '997, PI'. '46-
7; .nd T. llrown, 1979, p. 7. Deiclnnann Illakes ,he 'rguIllent, subsequently
re!*"ted hy e,·c,}"one, th .. J\ l"imian"s title ch .ng.... hetwcen the inseriptions
for Son Vi",le <S47) and Sam 'Apollinare in CI.sse <S49) from ,.;'- rtt",.",dissiml"
to ,·i,. hrat;,,",,,,,, and 'his m'M ,he <l"c of 'he ch ange in 'itlc to a..,.hi<piK"Ofl'"
(LPR ch. 77). How..·er, in these inscriptions both Ecdesiu" and Ursicinus
arc.1so <."".11 ..<1 bratimml<!. ])ciehm.nn soy< th .. they used this title, but th . t
,\h.imi.n did not dare to use it for hUn.clf; this seems nuher .w',;word. In
both inseriptions, as .... ell as the one in the church of St. Stephen d.ting to
550, Moxirnian is ",11 ..<1 rpi<mpm. Of eou"". i, is possihl ~ th" Agnellus 0' hi.
copyists got this infonn.tion wrong, but in any Case the titles callnot therefore
be used for dating purposes; see F.riali Campanati, "Per I. d.t01.ione," '005,
PI'· ,66-7· In a papyros of 55 3 (M.rini. n. 86, Tj.der I., 3), I\{",,;mian is coiled
..rrhiqimlpllJ, the first definite dote for the use of the title. In . ddi,ion, in
se,'enl inseriptions fom ,he second h.lf of the <i.th cenruty, R.VL-nn.'. bishops
are c.lled ""p.o, a title that. occording to theJustinionic Code, wos to be u"ed
only hy the pope. Deichrn.llll, '976, 1'1'. 'J-I 5, p.rtia ll y revising hi. eorlier
..gumen"" .. y:s ,h .. 'h""" titles Were in f:..e~ ",the, Aui,] and ,lcl'''"Tldef>t On
circumstances, bUI then insists that ,\I.ximi.n would h..·• used the epithets
,"",ording to Justinian 's I.".,.
50 See. e.g .• Abromowski, lOO ', p. '0, who uses it to dore the mosaic! in S.n
Vi",le .
5' LPR ch. 70, then 40.
5' ,\Jarkus, '979> p. '0, .rgues th.t the ""lIitim .nd the .rehiepiscop. I litle .re
not link",] sinc. he dotes the title only '" H~' hu, he 0"':<1'" Agncllu,'s
oceoum th.t the ""Ihum w.s given 10 j\ loximi.n upon his consecntion . On
the d.ting of the .pse mos.ics in S.n Vit.le to the early 54"", see Andreescu -
Treadgol<Vheodgold. '997, p. 711. and below.
53 S.., "'I'. Morl"Us, '?81, PI'· 574~. and idem, '997,1'1' · '43-56.
 NOTE S TO rAG,S 211-218

54 Gregmy the Greot, &ginru", £pistllh",,,,, ),54, ),' " .nd 5,' 5 (to Jolm); 5,6 [,
6,]" 6,34, . "d 9, [68 (to 1I1.ri"i.,,),
55 Gregol}', R'gism"" ,pimw..,mo 4-37. Sc<: 111.,1:\1" 19'n , pp. [4)- 56, on Greg-
ol}"s relations with the bishops of R,,·enn •.
56 See csI', /\hn:us, '997, 1'1'. ['5- 4', .nd Sotincl, ' 007 ·
57 The SlOI}' i, told in the Libtr fJOnlifua/is, Vila Sit."';i, .nd Vila Vigilii.
58 l\hrfrus, ' 979. Sot;ncf, ' 007 , 1'. 9', notes mot l'tbgius 1, l!p. 5', insi<tM that
the neW hishop of Milan he con«-'Cr.lt<'<l in R,,'enn •• n,1 not A'luilei. in 553.
59 U'R cb . 85.
60 Markus, r<}S l, 1'_ 573; on the LQmbml position, see E"erc'tt, ,00J , 1'1'_ 80-4-
6, LPR 8,; ",e Defiyannis, tr.ln •. , "'J""" p. '95.
62 LPN cbs. 4' and 78; see Ddiyannis, M ., ,006, Pl" '9-)0.
6) l'icord, [988, Pl'. 489""90 .nd 500---<;. It is .Iso possible that the diploma of
V.lentini.n III thot conferred metroJ>Olitan ''''tus upon R,wenn.'s bishops,
I:no"", .. . ft"gel}' sinee the eighteenth centul}', W2S composed in this period
or " the time of the pall;II'" controversy; ~ Orioli, I<}S0, Pl" '35-44 and
helow, Ch'p«r 7.
64 LPR ehs_7l- ], 75, 76-7, and 97-
65 LPk rh . 44.
66 LPN eils. 93 2nd ¢l.
67 See esp. No", .. , La <atttdro/r, '997, Pl'· 60---7.
68 LPN th o66; set Dcith,n.nn, [9H, p. [0.
"" F.,ioli Camp.noti, "llpyrgu.<," ,9'}-t, 1" lO9.
70 !'.,ioli Campan"i, "R,,'.nn. e i suoi "prorti," l005, Pl" 2)41, discusses
.ml>os from ConsUntinople; there ,urvi,·. fragments of ""'cnl othe"" from
the chu",he, of Sts. John .nd I'.ul, St. Agnes, .nd elsewhere, prob.bly m.de
locafly in me loter sixth-cighth ",nruries to imitote ,he one in ,he Orthodox
cothedrsL
7' See F.rioli C.mp.n.ti, "If pyrgus," [m. who .rgues th.t the tenn pyrgas, used
in Cunsun,inopl" fur the .mh" ofllogi; Suphi., wos ddih" ... tc1y imito'c<l here
by AgnefJus. The foCI that AgnefJus i. identified os 'Pisrop,,, .nd not tmbirpisropllS
shows that ,he ' itle IIrcb;'pi«O(l'" wos no, used on evel}' inscription from ,he
,ixth ccntury, and thus c.nnot be usc<1 for doting purp<:>!iCS.
72 Uk eh. 8!X 1.1oZ1.otti, "La croce .rgcme.,~ 'otio. The ce", ... l roundels, . s welf
os m.ny of the smaflcr med.flions, were rem. de in ,he siuttnth "''''ill}' or
I.ter.
73 On the throne, sec c'p. C"""hdli, ' 9 J6; Mo ... ,h, '9-+0; Sch.p;ru, '95'; Vol_
hoeh , '977, Pl" 3B-S!; "lonton.ri, '<}S,jI 5; Rin,o,di, '003; an,l F.riol i Camp> -
noti, "Per I. d.t3zione," 2005. 'The throne is now in the Museo Arciw,scoviJe.
74 In foet, depictc~1 on thc thrune is. "cry ,ilOilo, one in which thc Virgin . its in
the Annunei.tion scene.
75 On the histol}' of me throne, I:nown d.m.ge, .nd resto ... tions, see Volb.cb,
' 977 , pp. 38- 4°'
76 T he ",.t .nd the interior of the .nn, were co"erM with bl.nk panels.
77 Set esp . Ri1.... rdi, 1003, Pl" '46-8, fo,. summ.ry ufmc intc'l',tu,ion< . IK>ut
the origin of the 'Mists, .nd co",es do".., on the side of Const.ntinople; Vol -
hoeh, '977 , PI'. 2' .nd ]8- 40, argues for R.venn •. Fariol; C.mp.n.,i, "Per 10
dotozione," l005, 1'_ [67, argues correctly th.t the tide rp;«O(I'" thot . ppears
on the throne does no, mc.n ,h., i, was m.de before 549.
NOTES TO PAGE S 218-222 m

78 Riu.rdi. >003 .
79 Vibn. '979> p. 105 n. 3. notes th><Joseph W2S regorded IS Iloc.1 hero in Egypt.
since th.t is where much of his srory rook pl.ce _In LPR ch. 78. Agnd lus quores
I """ion of flloximiln's chronicle in which ,\ \""imi. n says ,ha, he has visi,ed
Ale .. ndri •. For . summ. ry of the .rgume...... . bou, the workshops thot c",..ed
the throne, see, e.g .• C.pp, [94>, who cites .. rlier litc .. rure.
80 Seh'piro, [9i' . P, '9, notes th .. Jo.eph, the hush.nd of M.ry, who is.1so
comparc,l '" • bishop in p>tristic .,egc';;., is pmminendy tr-., ..",[ in the !iCenes
of the inf.ncy of Christ; see Peter Chrysologus. Sn7t/"", '74 .nd ' 75.
8 , Seh.piro, ' 95' , 1'1'_ '9"""30, ci,es Ambrose. 0. Offoiir. "'I" ' _'1 _,6; Amb"""
continues the .n.logy in • k'{{er (PL [6. colis. 884- ,) to the newly on:b ined
Bishop Constontius of 1"'01•. In .ddition. Cassiooorus W....Wt 6.3. 8.'0, and
[,.,8) holds Joseph up os. model for the P"'etori.n Prefect ",d other go".
eming ollici. 1s.; see Sh' piro, '95', p. .p . nd Mont:",ui, IQ84-5, PI'. 308-
<0.
8, Schapiro, 19.P. Pl" 3>-4; LPR chs , 70 and So.
83 LI'N ch. 66; on the c:taJYation. see Bennond f>lontan.ri, [984- ,; .nd Manulli.
l/tnm ..."ooo, 1'1'_I t S-'4-"Ibe ""th h.d.t le.st th ree building pho"",,_ Other
b.th complexes have also been identified . mong . ",hawlegical remains from
this period; ""'" Gelichi. t99t, p. J 59. For comp... bl. both complexes nClr
rpiW>jJw, see Deichm,nn , '974, p. '0,.
84 Art histori ons differ . I>OUt the origins of ,he .",hi,,,,,.. ond w"rkmen of ,hese
church<:s; Russo, "V.cehi,""u,..: ' 005. s'mngly .rgucs in f..m of m,-,tO,,;
from ,he east (Consuntinople or Greece) "'orl:ing "'ith loc.1 workmen in
ROl'cnn' hetween 540 .nd 590, while Dcichm.nn, esp_ '976,1',85 ond '<119,
1'1'. '43-<'i . nd >56-63, .rgued inste.d for movement of m.teri. ), .nd ide .. bur
not octU. 1m. stcr a",hi,,,,,,,,.
85 For 0 brief surnm'ry, see Horper, 1997, and Dcli)'ltnnis, ,ooi , 1'1', 37-$.
86 See ""I', Betsch, [977, Pl'. 119-57; Terry, [Q88, PI' , 5,-9·
87 Terry, 'Q8S, p. 57.
S8 See Dciclnnann, 19]6, l'P. 00-,; Righ ini. '991 , PI" , [5 - 16; and Augenti, >007,
PI'. '40. 'Ibose bricks me. surc c• . 50 " 33 x 4.5 ce",imerers., • type ,hat is c. lled
"'If"ip"'''/;,; bricks of this type m.y h. ve been used in Rom.n R.venn •.• nd
were cert.inly connnon in 'inh--cer\1ury Constantinople. Another church buih
ofthi< type of brick was thot of S. n Michele in AccJ"Voli ot S.nt'A=ngelo di
Rom.gn., • dependent b.ptism. I church in (he diocese of R"'enn" see Russo,
"L'. rch i,.,ruro," '005.1'1" ' 49-H·
89 1 ~)mh'T<lini, ' 007, PI" ,68-9'
90 See Angiolini M.rtinelli, [Q6i!, no. ,6. 'Ibe cen,nl port of the .mho, with
its in",rip,ion , sum"es' "Dc donis d(e)i <" s(.n)c(to)rum loh.nn ; et P.uli
Adend.ttl> p rim ("") sIr. tor in I(USlriS) p( '" efcctu f'jI e) tern p(ori)b(u.) d(0 )m(i)n(i)
,\erte)r(o)b(ilis) ,\larinian(i) arc(hi)cp(i)s(ropi) fcc(it) ind(ictione) XV.~
91 LPRch·57·
9' ,\buot!i , "LI b.silic.," 10<>; Deiclnnonn, 1976, PI" 343-$.
Y3 Deichmann, '976, Pl" 143-6·
94 Deicltm.nn, [976, p. 344·
95 The s. nem, ry of tlte IIctltlehem cltu",h "" " on octogon; Deiclnn.nn, J 9]6,
1'_ 345, . 1", suggests simil.rities with the Church of 'he Holy Sepulchre in
Jerusalem.
37 8 No ns TO PAG ES 222- 226

')6 Kr:lurheimer. 1(/)3 : <'IS I):lrr of thi~ trend, the P'lIltheon in Rome, "Iso <l roO\mb,
was rcdcdiuwd to the Virgin ~nd All thi.' Saints in 6 10, and sulY.i<:<Ju<' ndy
inspired ma ny imitations.
9i LPR eh. 59. D~ ichm:l11n's sTUdy of S,Ul Vit:lle, in 19i6, PI" 34- 205. is far more
C):tcllsh·c than his coverage of any other huililing and offers 3 complete SUI"\'CY
of tht architectu n: and the mosaics. Se.: a[§O tltt" rtccnt studies in Allg iatini
!\ brtindli, ed" 1997, esp. the c.xtn'l1le1r detaile d I::,('alog on PI" 163-l6t,l. ~s
well as the plates in \'01. 2.
'}8 AmbroSto, Epimda 77; P"uiinus uf l\'lil:tn, Villi A'l1IbroJii 14: (or Rome. L,bt'T
pOlllijim/j5, Villi [,IIIIKl7lri 1.
99 P~uliJlll s of .\libn, Villi Am/'r",i; 3: (N 'lzllrius) and 39 (Vitalis and .Agricoh).
The le gend of Vita lis amI Agricola was well -known in the fifth and sixth cen -
turies_ mentioned hy, among others, Paulinus of Nol~ anel Gregol')' of Tours.
100 Publish.:.! :IS WSl:udo-)Aillbrost, Ep. l (I'L 17, coIl. 74l 0".); on the d ate, St .: ,'on
Simson, 19-t~, II. 15, and Deichmann, 197", pp. 7-B. Agnellu. knew thi~ text
w.::ll; he cires it in LPR e h. 3l . \lnd paraphrases it in ch. 15.
10 1 Pscudu-Al1lbros~, lip. ! .I O: riSanctus autem Vita lis !jluriosus martyr C hristi.
juxta cidta telll Ravennensiulll praestat urationibus vel inte rc",ssionibus suis
h.mcfi eia omnibns eredentibus JeSllm ChristuJll llsqne ill hodie"IHun di,·Itl."
(PL 17, coL 745)
IOl Deiehmann. 197(" p. 47. By the early fnurteenth century an altar is mentioned
in tht southw.:skm exe<Ir-J of th.: eOrt directly 3OO\'t tllis earlie r d l:lp<:l; it
i~ not known whether rhe.--e h:ld alway:; heen something cnmmeltloTJting this
SllOT here, aldlQug h Deiehmann, 1976, PI'. 53- 4. rejects The idea Th at Th e site
of th~ earlie r {·!Jurl·h had alw3),s haJ an altar abo" e it, as sollie scholars had
proposed.
103 LPN ch . 59. J ulial\ 'llso donattd to the dHlrl-h a m arhle reliqll;HY, whkh still
5ur";\,C$. with the inscription "]ulianus Argent(arius) :>eI'VUS H 'st(e r) prsl'cib(us)
\'cs{(ris) basi(lic'lIl1) 3 fund a(mentis) perfec(il )" (elL xi .289, Dtichmann, 1976,
P·4)·
104 LPR eh . Ol-
IOS LPR ~·hs. 59, 61. 65, an<1 68; D<ei<e hmann, 1976, p. S~. Oth<er p<eoplc also W<OT<e
huri~d around the {'hurch , pcrhap~ in the ;ltnum; inscriptions for a few clerical
fiKures of unknown datt, and d lt f\l11\oOS Su('vtlLom[)~rd \\'.Irrior Dr<JCtulfus,
who, according to Paul the D eacnn (ilL 3.1 9), was prohahly hU"ied in the
atrium; ~e Deie hm ann, 197b, p, l8.
106 Ll'R eh, 7,.
107 Deichm ann, 197(\, pp. 7- .13'
lOS LPR ch. 57; see btel' in this chapTer with reference to Santa :\'1nria .\1aggiore.
109 D"iehmann. J953 . and idl'm, 1976, pp. 10-11, 48--<), and lOJ. Dckhmann
arg\,es thllt the 1l10nogr.llllS must have beell e;trved at ProconneSllS. I ,un not
sure dl~t :1l1}'olle h;IS t':\'tr <]utstioutd th.: ,tn ri uution of dlt':>e lIlollogr~ms to
Victo r, h ut it is worth pointing out that the samc lctttr,.; that spell VICTOR
EI'ISCOI'VS JISt) ;In-: \lo;c d in ECLES IVS EPISCO I'VS, except for fhe letter
'r, which is only fou nd :IS a small sttm pt:rp<:ndieubr allll to the l.:f{ of the
lefull05{ ,'erric:>l Stem.
1 10 Agndlus e.-en tclls ~ st()~' (LPR eh . 13) of Ih t hllildjng-m ~ster "fSI. Stephen'S.
whosc work cm ne to a standstill ~eJu~ he: could not obtain uuiJding materials
while Maximian was aWJ)' in COl1s{antinopl~.
NO TES TO PAGES 22 6- 2 31 379

[ ,' For rh e following, ~e Deiehm,mn, (976, pp. ~9-6o; ~nd the articles by Fosehi,
lannul'ci, and Lomtmrdini in Angiolini .\'1uninclli. "1 )17 ,
[ , ! Olher [\l(l(lilic;1tions made in the Middle Ages incl\lde Ihe blocking of th e
exterior door of the southern chapel in the ninth century, the ral$ing of the
tloors, pcrh~ps in thl." btl." twelfth cl."nRII'Y, a newmain entr.lIlce o n thl." northeast
face made after tht mid- thinttnth ctntury , and [>t'-rlJaps at tht S;Ulle time tll"
atrium W;1~ rebuilt as a doister.
[ ' 3 Deichm ann , l ,r;6, Pil. 69-7 !' The current cloister "".15 huil t in the sixt eenth
n:n IUr\·.
['4 Thc n;rthl'x and stair {Owen> we re udically mOllified at various mints in the
IJuildi ng's hislO ry ;,nd weTe Tes(Qre(\ in 1919; Dddll n ~ nt1, '9io , 1-'1-" 71- 6.
[ • 5 The large tl~.jng buttresses were added in the later _\I iddlc Ages when the
amhularorr and gallery were " 'lIllrl."d.
[ , 6 Deid n nann, '976, p. 81.
[' 7 In f.lCt, the IIIhi )ill iii "re used for the uppe r arches of th e ".jndow~ as well a5
for chI." domc prO[lCr, scc Deichmann , [ Q76, p. 64, who argucd that th ey (Onll
part of [/1(, dome, but for a contrary opinion See RUSID , 11/<)6, pp. J 0 -l-- I O.
[.8 Fur an c"tcnsi,'c ana lysis of th is sec Deiehmann, ' 9;6, pp. 65-8. including
an excursus by P. G rossm'Uln . Before wc e)'[)I'l.'SS surprise at thi$, we shou1cl
rcmemhcr that 311 of Ral'cnna's basilicas werc roofc.:l with wood; ~ wooden
ceiling could be quite chboratc.
[ 19 D"idllll ,mn, ' 9; 6, pp. 139-4 [, who nores th,1t ,I~pkl ions of buildings in
Rol\' etlJl3, for eX3mpie th e model of S,m Vit'lle ca r,ied by Eccle$iu ~ in the 9pse
of th is church, show windows fi lll."d with grillc$ for rcct'lnglll ur panes of glass.
Some fragments of l,.. lored and paint.:·d glass. fo und in th~ church, prohabl), du
nO( belong to the origin,,11:>eriod but WefC inst'llled bter in the .\tiddle Ages;
see DeJl"Aqua, ~ oo5 , Pl" :05-i·
[lu Dcichmann, [<,1;6, pp. l8--)l, Slx'cubtes that IX' rh a[ls the nonhem chapel was
in tend~d for th e buri,,1 of J ulian th" banktr, it was dedic,ned to the Virgin 'L t
IC;lst b}, the S(; \·entee nlh century. By the time of Agm:llus, the south chapel wa~
d",d ic;1tc d to SIS. Na7.arius ,mil C d SllS, abo Mjbnese saints . De.ichm,mn. ihid.,
pp. 8-9, argues Ihal the d",lie3tion tu Na:.o:arius and C"bus was bter because
they arc not mentionell in the ded il'ato ry in5(·riptio n. Venanli1l5 FonumltliS
(Vil,1 s,lIJtli ,\1,1/1;lIi, +680-5). writing aftt r he left Ral'elllHl in 565. says lh~t
there W~5 a church dedica ted to St. Ur..icin us as.<;()Cintcd wi th San Vit~le, an d
since we do not know of any othH church ,,~th this dedication (Deichmall n,
I '.n6 , p. 374), it is temptin t; w think th'L{ [>t'-rhnps{his was {hroriginal dtdinttion

of tile no rth ern ch ~ pcl. Smith, ~Forlll an d Functi(ln," '9 '}<l, p. [9;, 5UggCSQ;
(hat they LIlny have contained nltnrs, ~l dtough she d<Jes not cite LPN eh. ,p ,
which mentions both altaI'S ami eh~ncel S(;ret ns.
, ~ , Dcichmann, '976, p. P' Smith, ~ Form and FunctiOIl," '990, p. 197.
[:: I{usso,"' L'arciliteltura," : 005, p. 1:8-
[~3 Dcichmann, [976, p. 83 , argu es [hat the construction of San Vitale onl), hcgan
dLlri ng the reign of Victo r, thus afte r 5 38, in order to expbin tl.1:11 it w;._~ inspirer!
by Sts. Sergius and Bacchus. lout, :.s We lm" r setn above, th"n; is no "vidence
for this.
[.14 Grnbnr, 19..6 , and M;11lgo, [Q 7~ .
[ ! 5 Dynes, J96! -~, and, most c.~tcJ\Jii"cly 011 thc double-shell gl·lIr~·, Kleillbaucr,

198; , pp. 287- 9 [, who nOtes also that the church of St. John l' roilromos:lt the
 NOTES TO PAGES 231-233

Helxlomon in Const:lIUinople, built by Theodosius I .nd rebuilt by J ustini.n

in the 55os, m.y.1so h.ve been of this 'yp' (see Mathews, ' 97' , pp. 55--6[,
who concludes th.t it is the cl"""t p.,.. ll elto S.n Vi1>le). Deichm.nn. 1976,
pp. 84- 5, lists .nd dismisses most of ,he other enmples. The Golden Oc<ogon
.. Antioch colbpsed in.n e.rthqu. ke in 5,6.
116 L..,.·is, [973. orgues th.t S.n Lorenzo w.s built for the imperi,1 p.lace ot
1'.lilon. On the date .nd function of St<. Sergius . nd l1.cdtus, Stt mOSt rttently
Mathews. ,ooi, who ""'ie,,':; e.rlicr schol . rship.
"7 De Angelis D'Oss"" S",di, 10', pp. 59-li8: Dynes, 10'"""4, repeated by
!.",,·i,. '973, p. ,oS. But .• rguing .g:oin't the thesi, in rcg:oTd to Sts. Sergi"•
• nd Ihcchus, see M:mgo, [971, ond.s reg:oTds S.n Vit.le, Deichm.nn. [95"
P·I'4·
1I8 Deichm.nn, [<fo), pp. 49""50.
"9 D"ichm. nn, '976, pp. 86-135 (pan written by II. Ro.be), .nd 106-30, provides
.n c.h.llSti,·e sun'L,!, of.lI of the m.rl,le cI"nen'" in the building, .. well >-<.
det:liled study of the workshop marh, m. nyof which were in Greek, found on
them.
I JO Terry, [<}88 , 1'_ 56-
131 On the procedures by which. church's marble w.s ocquired. see most cncn -
sj<'dyTcrry. '<}88, I'P · 55---<)·
IJ' Russo,' L'.rchitettu,..," ""'5, pp. ,,[-8, ..goes th.t the orchitect ofS.n Vit.le
was from the COst, .g.inst Dcit::hm.nn's d. im ([976, Pl'. 8~-5) that the .rehi _
tee", must hove heen 10c.1. The " guments in each co"" hove to do with cOn -
struction techniques (the fonn of the bricks, which Rusoo .rgues are Constonu -
nopoliton, the ",},i fittili. whi<h ore charocteri>ticolly Rnenn",e) and the clf<"Cts
of the orchitecture (Deichm.nn .rgued th •• the "enicolism shows 0 western
inAuence; Russo argues .goinst this and SOY' thot the brilli.nce of the d""ign
mUSl me. n th.1 Ihe orchitect come from Ihe e.stem c.pitol). Since, os we h.ve
noted many tinles, RO"enn. w.s 0 meeting ploce for people . nd m.teri.1s from
.round the ., 1",liternnC3.n, it ",,,,,,, likely th ...11 influences wCre .. pl . y in .h.
mind of "tu",'·.r designed .nd built Ihe church .
I B 1-[''1ler, '99i, Oil the other h.nd, suggests thot the qWlrries of I'roronncsus
h.d 0 penn.~ent .ge~t in R.venn. who tr.~srni "ed orders b. ck to the island_
I H Dei<hm.nn. '976, 1'. 90·
135 Vietor's mOllognm '1'1""'" .Iso on tWO imposts in the plby; the mOrlo_
groms of Ju~.n .re found on the south side of the g.lIery, facing the gollelJ'.
Dci<hm.nn orgues th .. Vietor's monogn"" ,,'crc m. de in I'roconnesus, while
J uli.n \ were in"".d ".n·.d Oil blank merl . lfion< in situ in R.n""no. The ,'ery
met that the .rehitects could send some of the inll>OSts to Ro,·enn. wi,h bl.nk
sp.ce f", c. rving is signiflC,"t_ I'acing the centrol core, the imposts of the
g.lleT)· ."",de h.ve 0 cross between .conthus le.ves, while on the b.ck .ide
th~l' hO\", simply . cross. Sec Dei<!un'nn, '976, pp. 10<>-4.
1)6 On the mOTh, see Deichm.nn, [976, pp. ,06-'3'
1)7 Hetsch, 1977, p. ,,6.
'18 On the types of c.pito l in th is p"rioo, "'e 11,.....,h, '9;], PI" ' og-ll: .n.! T orT)',
I<}88, p. [6.
'39 Deichm ... n. ' 976, pp . 108 and HI-"; then lletSCh, [977 , pp. '49""50;
l'I."spondcd to by Dci<hm.nn, '9i19, pp- ,7J-<>-
140 Knuth"imcr, '!)&i, Pl'. '33 - 4, who notes th" the impost copitols h.ve m.ny
simil.rities with ,h""" used in the ehu",h of St. Polycuktos, \'uil1 5' 4--], while
NOTES TO PAGES 233-239 ,8,

composite capitols of this type were not used at all in Consl:lntinople in this
period; cf. also Deichmann, 1976, p. 110.
' 4' Tcny, ,'}!IS, p. 57·
' 41 ,\ Iorble from lasos was used in many Justini anic ooilding5. including St. Andrew
in Ravenn., ' nd, mo<t famously, in Ilagia Soph i' in Constantinople; ",e Dcich_
m.nn , [976, 1'. 117.
143 S", the deuilcd <tudy ' nd reconsmlction in D~ichm 'nn, [976, pp. 118-35 .
' 44 Dcichm.nn, '976, PI" ' 34- 5; ian","."<;i, ' 997, 1'1" 74-6·
145 Angiolin i Ala rtinell~ ed ., [997, pp. 171-6 .nd !o[- J .
' 46 Deichm.nn, [976, PI'· " 7 and, 35"'9·
' 47 I.nnucci, [997, pp. 77"'9, and Angiolini Martinelli, cd., 1997, Pl'· ! 3 3"'9·
' 48 Dcichnunn, '940.
' 49 AngioliniA1,rtinelli, [997 ·
150 Andreesru-TreadgoldfTrcodgold, [997, who note that much of wrun llliIy ",em
to be p<Htr:.iturc i< octlJ> Uy simply "' '''''''''tion, 'ppl ied hy m..<ter ' rt i"n<.
15 ' Deichrn.nn, [976, PI'· 1 , 7 md [3 1.
' 5' Deichnu,m, [976, pp. [[7~' who ,I.., notes, p. [06, in the com cn of noting
th ot rhe sculptural deuils gi"e no prominen<;e to the dome, but only to ,he
.pse.
153 Dcichnurul, ' 976, PI'. 18B--w, md Andrecscu_T rcadgoldf f readgold, 1997,
pp. 715-16. 'Inc question of whether Ihe workmen were loc. l or came from
Consunnnople i< discussed by I'osi, '005, PI" 63-4, who concludes that ,he
rno$, icist< werc locol.
I 54 Argued most recently by Ri1.zardi. [988, pp . 59".-60, . nd idem, " I mosaici pari -
culi." 1005 ·
, 55 Andreescu-T re. dgold, "The '\Iosaic Workshop," ' 99'. idem , [994. and idem!
Tre.dgold, '997, pp. 7'4 .nd 7'9-'0, who note, p. 7", ,hat Dcichm.nn was
un . ble to dOle [he two phoses bcausc he did not underst . nd thot the he.d ond
n.me of Maximi.n were inserted ,fter the initi. l composilion.
' 56 ,\ Ill....,.,lino, ' 997.
157 "Ine 6rst to .!!empl to document which p. ns of the mos. ics "'ere not origi -
nal w. s Ricc~ in his M,mI/1IImt;; 1ilVO/, non,IN of ' 93<>-]. De'dun.nn, in the
'0
p/ut1lmh''''g hi. series, I'"bli"'ed di'grom, of the mos.ics th.t .re largely
b. sed on Ricci's; for h is specifIC .,,, lysis of the ,""om,io"s in S.n Vi" le, sec
'976, pp. [4 ' - 1; S<'C for ,he more modem ern especi.11y the .'cry imcr<.'Sting
.rticle by I.nnue<;i, • Appunt~ ~ '99'. ond idem. [997. The mo<l recent work on
thcsc mosaics i, being puhlished by I. Andrc<:St1l_T re. dgold, sec esp. "I\lOS1ic
\ Vor\:shop," '99'. '994. o" d '997·
158 Andreesru-Tre. dgold, 1994, "'ows thot the new pa rts. re typica l of middle-
Byzanrine mililO'Y co.tume and thus were m. de in the 'enth or eleventh
century.
' 59 Andr=-Tre. dgold, '994,
, 60 Cf. C .i llet, 1003 .
161 ,\loguire, ['}!I7 . PI'. 77-<). interprets the com ocopi. os • symoo~c of the E.rth.
I,.;red with Ocean os 'Y'nboli1.ed I'}' the d"lph;", <m the orch th ot I~"I< "'<!St
into the oore of the church. :rnd .Iso, .Iong "'ith Ihe e.gles •• s on imperi. ]
s),,,,ool of prosperi,), th .. is linked to the p:rnels below.
,6, Andrec."",-T reo<lgold, '994,
16, Deckers, '00' , ""p. pp. " - 38. who discusses the di!flClll,ies inherent in pre -
"'nnng the supreme ruler of the ("'pire in • sUOscrvien, posture.
 NOTES TO PAGES 239-242

164 Andreescu-Tre.dgolo:VTre.dgold. '997. pp. 7,6-1 7·

165 MacConnoek. 1!)ill . p. ,61; howe,·... Andreescu-Tre. dgolo:VTreodgold. [997.
p. 711. see Justini,n as le.ding the procession . In f.ct. the m"""ie's .mbigllous
llCrspcetive ollows the . rt ists to express both thot M.umion wos firs. liturgi_
<:illy. hut .Iso thot in terms of r,mk .he emperor w.s firs,. cf. ,',"cConn,d.
' !)il l. pp . ,6, - ,.
[66 !\loguire. [!)il7. p. 80.
167 1'osi. ,006.1'. '0.
168 'un Simson, 19+8. p. '7; ond M.cConn ock, l!)ill. p. ,63, expanded by
G lllow",n. [')99, pp. 1 3'-7, .rglle that 'he nieh e an,l dool"Wll)" indieote thot
·l"heodo", wos .!ready dead. bllt Andreescu-Tre.dgold"s doting of the mosaie
to t.eforc 544 neg.,es this orgumen •.
16<} n ,rber. [990. pp. )5-6. comments th,t the m.le costume worn by the empress
creotes for her on ombiguous gender identity. neither t ..dition.lI)" fem.le nor
m.le •• nd thus thot Theodo .... here i< . tronsgre<.'''' of gendeT "'p,.""... ions.
170 For. rom!",rison of jewelry in the mosaics with surviving pieces from the
sixth CL~"Ury. sec K. ll ro ....... '979, who highlights [he prominence of peorls,
emefOlds. .nd sopphircs.
'7' '"OIl Simson, 195 J, p. ,06; Deichm. "". 1976. p. [8 J; d. olso Abnmowski. W:;H,

1'·'97·
'7' McCl.n.n. '00' , Pl'. [ }7-8.
'7J M<.<:I.".n. '00'.1'. [,8 . who di""usses ... nous thrones .nd p,ovides. 1,i1,_
liog",phy.
'74 MOS! recently. l. AndreesctJ-T re.dgold :ond W. Treadgold ([ 997) h..·e orgued
thot the ori.toe ... ,ie ligures to the left of J"",ini. n were An os"";us. the g,.,,,,d_
son of the empress ·l"heodo,.. (rhe )"ollnger m,n), and BeI;sori«.. while the
figure .dded hctwcen Justini.n .nd Maximi.n ....1lrcscn" John. ,he other
Ilyz>ntine gene",1 who expected to t.ke over from BcI;"rius .frer his rec.11
to Const.ntinople in 544. They funher suggest thal the t,,·o "·omen nen to
Theodoro.re ndis>nus\ ,..ife Antonin •• nd ,heir d,ugh'.r J o:,"nin. (follo,.._
ing Mon.,... [!)il 3). who "·os betrothed to Anost:l.ius. ·[be mess:age would be
th.t Bclis>nu,:and h is fomily "' ill h.d the 'iUpfJOn of ,he imperi.1 couple .nd
indeed were forming. m.rr;.ge .Ui.lICe with them. While the ,,",pl.n.tion is
pl.usible enough. the schol.rs do "ot expl.in why Jk~ .. r;us should h1\'e hod
the .uthon,), to decide on the coment of these p.nds, in . chutch sponsored
b)· the bishop ond. pri""e individuol; .nd why the head of BcI~rius wos not
simply "h.nged to ,hot ofJohn , . s ,.... done ,..ith II I.. i",i.n. 111.1\.1,.., '!)il3. h.d
pmp",.,,1 .ls<. "'""",,s, the p",ewri.n prefect An . st. s; u,> o,he,," h.ve suggest<.J
J uli." the honker . mong the figures.
[75 McCl.n.n. [<)98.1'. " .
[76 MacCormack, '98, . p.,OO; Deckc~ '001.
'77 Dciehm:onn. [976. p. [81; j)ecke~ '001, 1'. 38; d..1so ,' lacConnock. '98[,
p. 160.
178 On eorlier debates .bout the procession. see the .unum ry in AlcCl.mn, '00',
Pl'· ['4-7·
179 Mothe,,",. [97[. pp. '3S,7. ond specifoc.lly .bout the S.n Vitole !",ncls,
PI'· 146-]·
[s., On the [lOSi.ion of , he wornen in Hz)":antine churches. see T .ft. [<)98. osp.
Pl'. 57-<); women were gene",Uy . ssigned location, in the gal leries, .lthough
.Iso in the . isl.. - .nd, of rourse, none of lUvenn . ', bosil ieos h.d gollcries.
NOTES TO PAGE S 242-250

181 Another problem. thot in Ihis ceremony Ihe emperor is nol supposed 10 be
welring a crown when he processes wi,h the bishop. is dismissed hy Mathews,
who SOY'. "the crown, Iike the h,lo, is p.rt of the ordinary identiflcalion of the
Emperor ... ~ (p. 147). A third problem is thot the ten SOY" ,hot the emperor
is presenting a pm"" of gold, whe",., here J ustinian holds a p>tcn.
18, For. description of Ihe Romon Or"" of the mass, from the 5e1o'enth century
but 'hought to he hosed on eorlier precedent, .,,,, !\hthcws, '0'. W. 8S-sl: the
Or"" spccificolly S' )'" th3t the men oifer their gifts on the men', , i,le and the
women on the women's side.
183 "bcCorm.ck. loIl 1. 1'_ ,60; Andrecs<u-Tre.dgold/Tre.dgol ,~ '997,1'- 708;
Decke,,", '00',p. 10-
184 For . discussion of im.rp"'....tions of whether Al .. imi.n or Justini.n is
more prominent in this image. see Andreescu-Tre.dgold/Tre.dgold, 1997,
P·7 11 .
185 Gulowsen. '999, Pl" '43- 4; ,,-,c .1,<> McCl.n . n. 100 ', 1" 113·
186 Andreescu-T re.dgold, "'Ine j\ los.ic Workshop, ~ 199'. p. 3'. who provid..
the mosl comprehensive discussion of the mosoics of the pr.. hilel)'.
IS7 Riu ordi. lollS.
188 von Simson, '948. p. 3 I, ide",i6es Mckhisedck'so"ire .nd halo os I"'nJleling
thot of ,h. cml>cror.
189 von Simson, I9-IS. PI'. 3 ' - 3' Dcichrn,nn, '976, PI'. '5<]-01. soy" thaI ,\ loses did
not !'c.m.. os a type of • Chri"ian ruler in western ;cooog"'l'hy. Sec Ri•.urdi,
'Wi'
19" Brenk, 19i!', Inc.. this fe .. ure 10 Jcrome's prologue 10 .he Vulgate .ranslation
of the G ospel,. in which he soys th., I>btlhe,.- wro'e in Hebrew_
19' Sec Deichm.nn, '976, PI'. ' 74-7 •• nd Brenk, 19i!, .
19' IIrenk, 'oil" p. ".
193 Ibid" p. '3. For the fullest discussion of Ihis trod it;on, see M.goire, 19i!7,
pp. '7-8 .nd 77·
194 Foro complc1C ,Iescription of the condition of ,hese mosaics . nd their r",,,,ra _
tion, see the . nicles in lonnocci, ed .• '99"
195 Andrcesru-T re.dgold, "The Mos.ic \\' orksh0I" H '99'. p. 33.
10 M. goire, 1987, 1'- 76, identifies h.re . • mclope, fawn. nm, goot, pamhe ... lion,
dove. parrot. ow~ cock, qu.il. swollow. dock. stork.• nd pcocock, . nd notes
th1t the ,-aricty of C"'lItU"'S is ,i",il.. to ,h.. found on the similor om.men.. 1
ponels on Muimian '. Ihrone.
197 Ld",,.nn, '9015 , p. '5, pointed OUt th .. ,hc ligh' .nd d.rk orcos on coch globe
.re ditTe",n' .nd in'erl'r"' •.J ,hi, ... n .""np' to "-1''''''''''' the ch.nging ,-ydcs
of lime; Maguire, '9i!7, p. 77, suggeSts Ih.1 they represenl the Four Seasons.
1~8 Noted hy "Iogoir". ' oIli .p. 78.
199 "·lont.n.ri. T90, .nd von Simson, ' WS, pp. 3' - 1, but denied by Deidun.nn ,
'976, pp. '59"---60. SOreies. loIll' pp. I 5~, saw these d"1'ictions of Moses
spe,king to GOO os .nolher clement of .nti -Arim thwlog}'.
'00 See most recently Soreies, '9i!3, .nd Rizzardi, 19i!~ .
'0 1 Alm.m",,·sli, '00 1, Pl" 300-,.
'0' j\ 1onl.nari, "Elementi." '00' (orig. 19'59).
'03 Abrnmowitz, '00', Pl'· '9' - 3·
'04 H.b_ 'T "qui cum sit splendor glori •• '" figun ,uhs,..nti.e ei.,,;"; on
Mekhiscdcl.: . so type of UriSl, Heb. 5~. ' Ibc ide. thot this epistle W1< rejected
by Ari.ns is found in EI,iphaniu. of S.I.mi., Punmilm "9.37.' •• nd ' lbeodor",
 NOTES TO PAGES 250-252

of Cyrmus. (;qm",mlary on Hrbr..." . pref. ce (PG 8" (73), .Ithough H.mon,

1)iIl8, p. 561. notes that Epiph.nius .Iso SOY' that the Ari.ns ..... d Heb. 3:1 os
proof of their views; sec . Iso Sch.ferdiek, ,eo,. '\-Iore WON i, needed 011 this
'nterpr=t!OI1 .
'oS Prop("(..! by m. ny ""hob ..; sec Dcichnunn, '976,1'1" '43--<'i, ror the bib_
liog .. phy.
,06 Deichmann, '976, p. '4); and ,\ Ion""n.ri, '99', 1'· '55·
'07 M.cCorm:u:k, '98, . p. ,6,.
'08 See Gross",."n, '973 ; Deichlll:mn. '976, PI'. 35- 45; Elfenberger, 1)i89; and
most recently the compTChen,i"e set of .rticle. in Sp.doni/Kniffin. ed_. 'OO'J.
'09 LPRch . n S"" most comprehensively Suer, ')iIl5 , esp_pp. 38''"'95; the best-
known shrine wos., Coloss. cfClwn.i. A, n .. .-by Gennio (properly in Gol ..;.,
but associ.ted closely ,,;th the I'hrygi.n shrines) "enerntion .ssociOled with
he.ling h.d existed since the 4605; see Mango. "The Pilgrimoge Centre," [986.
I',)/, diseussion of '''rio,,-< other interpretations of Ad Prigj""" see Fff""herger,
1 ~9, Pl" ,0---1: the epithet h .. been interpreted os referring to. cold both
(frigiu-u/,,,,,), 10 • region of the ciry inh.bited by Phrygi,"s. or os. "ersion
of Aft;"" referring 10. locotion n .. r . wotercourse (the htter by Arcomone,
1007, who note< th., toponyms of the ron" A}frito ore common in Tuscany;
IlU[ she does not oddr<"SS the tennAd lirighrf. in the LI'K).
110 M.ioli, 1007, p. ,,8,
", Andrecseu_Tre. dgold, '99" .nd ,007, tells the .,(HY.
'" Grossm ann, ' 973 -
'[3 1>0"", 1007, expl.ins that the two rolwlms were transferred to the f.c.de of
the chureh of the S..·i<>ur tu! CQldlj in 1878, whi le the ""pi.. I., OI1e of mid-
sixth-<:entury Consuntinopolitan design .nd the other. Corinthi.n ". Ii....
'-'"1,i..1pcrh ' llS origin.l ly from St. Agoth. in \{ovenn •• were sold privately and
ore now in the !l1usco N.ziOl1.le in R.n"lJI •.
, [4 Gmssm,rul. [973; note th,t the church of St . Michoel ,t Germio in Phrygi'
h.d . n . ""de of pic.,;; ..,e M.ngo, "Th e l'ilgrim. gc Centre." '986.
'[s lIrenk, ,007 ,Pp·"' - 14·
,,6 ll ren>:. '007 , Pl'. '''9-'0.
, [7 See the articles by Augenti. Vemi., .nd Lomb.roini in SpodonilKniffi to<' ew;_,
1007·
, [8 h rioli C''''p"".,i, 1007, ."d Fioremini RoncuZl'j, 1007.
, [9 M.rtind.le. 19So, PI" 107-8·
110 ])cich",.nn, 1976, PI'. '7-10, notes 0 distinction bet",een the d,djra!M, refer.."!
1<> here, and the toIU«Ta!i., which ""Iui,-.,d • hishop. OS no,e,1 on the de,licr,ion
inscriptions of San Vit.le . nd Som 'Apollinore in CI.sse. lIut what. then. would
he the p<>int of "'->tting up . n inscription to com"'"nonltc the thdjcatio>'
" 1 Deichm.nn. [976, pp. 7 .nd '5- [ 6, SOY' thot they must h ...·e been cured of .n
illness since Michoel wos . fomollS he. ling saim. but doe< not link this ill""",
with the recent plog.,e epidemic.
,,, See Rohlond. [977, Pl'. 75- 103. esp. PI" 94'"'9; .nd ,\ Iango. · ' Ine Pilgrim.ge
C<'Tltre, ~ ')iIl6, "'ho notes, p. "5, that the chu,-.,h ., Genni. ""Y h,,·c I"''''n
rebuilt .1 the time of J ustini.n.
"3 I>rooopius. Blliidiugf I. 3. [4-[8 ond 1.8.1-[!f; il is interesting th" I'rocopius SOY"
thot the first of these wos ..-n.ll. ond built by • scnotor - simibr to the chureh in
RoVClUl • • S.., .lso Soxer, 1)iIl j . pp . 40'- 15. who notes, p. 416, th., the church
NOTES TO PAGE S 252-255 ,8,

of St. Mich.el built by Justini.n in Antioch had on ottoched hospice for the sick
(Proropius, Blu"ldings, [1., 0.' ;).
"4 Se<: Petrucci. ' 97 )· For Rome, see Librr ptPuifotdif, Vila SJm",acbi 9·
"5 The p[ague .. the lime of [>ope Gregory the Great is re] ..ed by Gregory
ofTou .... llimJri", 10.1; the plague is c.u",d by serpen...nd. dngon, and
Gregory orgmizes intercessionary processions from ,.. rious churehes. includ-
ing SIS. Cosm...nd D,mi,n, hut St. Mich.e1 i< no, 1nentioned, nor in the
ninth _ct.'1ltury Vi'a "f Gregory hy J "hn 'he De""on. 'lhe <h'rel of St. Mich.el
on ,he Castel S.nt·Angeio is described by the ,enth-century hi,torian Liud -
pnnd of Cremon. (jImapoti..w nr -45~ ]t "",m, th .. the fin;' li'erary reference
to such .n en",' is in the thirteenth-c<:ntury Ltgmda Au,...a ofJacobus de Vor-
'gine, dcscrib<:d in his seaion on St. Mich.cl in Book 5. ,\lore re""Kh is
ne<:ded on this ,opic.
116 Note Ihat another church dedicaled 10 Sc. Mich,e~ S.n Michele in Acerbo[i .t
S.nt1rc.ngelo di Rom.gn. no .. Rimini, "''' clo,ely linl:e,I.",hitcctu,..1ty to
mid-si:cth-«ntury Ravenn.; ..,., Russo, "L', rchitettu .. : ""'5, pp. '49-54 .
., 7 Se<: ""I'. Effcllb<:rger. 1!fS9, Pl'. 3' -{i; Andrecscu -Tre.dgold. ' 99", and idem,
'007. ,\ l ore modili""tions m.y h.ve b<:en m.d" at the time of the inst.l]'tion
in 1904, and .Iter the reproduction suffered from bomb d.m.ge in World
IV.r II; ",e Gnmcmicri, '00;.
1,8 A st.nding .ngel in the Hennit.ge in St. Petersburg is . ]so. reproduction by
t. loro; ",e AndrcCSCl.l_· rre.dgold, 1007. p. "3.
"9 AnJre"S<.'U_T", .. lgoIJ. '99" .n<l ' 007·
130 Ci2lllpin~ 1¥--9; for reproductions of.1l ,he v.. ious sketches, "'·'terco]o ....
• nd drowings, sec Eifenberger. ' 9ll9.
'3 T For cum pi.,., see Andreescu-Tre.dgold, '007 , pp. 1 31- 5.
'3' In both ,he Herlin reproduction . nd ,he h..d ofO,ri" ill London. the dothing
of Chri,t wos restored a •• blue tunic .nd red mantle; Andrecscu-Tre.dgold.
'007. pp. 1, 0- ,; the lack of, h.1o on the London he.d is likewise modem.
'33 "Qui vi<lit 111e \fid i' <~ 1'"''''_'111: ego e, p"er unum 'umus.~
134 Elfenberger, 19890 p. 4, notes th.nhe ]'robus-sarrophogus in St. Peters, Rome ,
.nd the "P.ssio-s:orcophagus" in ,he V.tican Muscwn, both from the fourth
century. di'l'lay the same iconogrophy as the San Michele im.ge of Christ.
135 Ri1.:7.1rdi, 1007, pp. 8;-{i.
'36 Ri1.:7.1rdi, 1007, Pl'. 9"'-1 .
137 Se<: esp. Christe. 1996. pp. 83-~ .
'38 Eff<nhe rgu, ' 989, Pl'· 4341; Sorries, '983, Pl'· ,,6-43'
'39 Effenhe rger. , ~i:I<}, pp. 48 .nd 60-~. ])eichmann. 19;6. ]>p. 40-3. interpretS
the scene in more gene",1 esch.tological tenns.
'40 Dcichm.nn , '9;6,]>. 43. suggc",!> ,h.t rc1i<,>; of these ",ints were found in the
ch urch.
'4' Horden. 199'; in Gregory of Tours, H it","" 10.'. it is. d"'gon in the ri\-cr
l ibcr ch.! is , .id to h,,'c coused the pl.gue ot Rome in 590; chis may be onc
of the origins of the ~nbge of St. Mich.eI with this evem , .. W", Gregory the
Gre,,'< own interest in .ngds, ",en in his I "'>n. ill Euu"g. 11. H.
14' They ore ,he eorticst surviving e""mple of this l"'"icul.r p'" of the Bool.: of
R""'eI,tion; see Kinney, '99' , p. 208 .
'43 Deichm'nII, '976. pp. 37'-~·
'+t LI'Rchs. 7' - 3·
 Nons TO rAGES 256-259

'45 Ven.mius Fonun.tus, Vita S. Martini 4.61k>--98.

'46 Se. Dcidun.nn, ' 976, pp. 33J-4; ""rts of the church still survive, in sm.ller
form, proboblymo,dy medic,,", I m.teri. l, but. frogment of. n»'e . ",.de ,hows
it wos. bosilic •.
'+7 M.rini no. 80 = Tj~dcr no. 8; LPN eh. 70. S(.., lJeich,nann, '976, p. 374-
'48 M.zwtti. ' 959. 'Inc churclt. bter .u.ehed to. monostety, wos in use until
'7911; hy 1810 it was p.tti.lly dcmolis/,ed ond shon~ .fte<word some e.e..... _
ti<>n< wcre ,lone,
'49 U'N ch . 76.
'50 r.hn7-clli. 1l1n"<1mtJ, '000, Pl'· ~ ,; Dciehmann. ' 976. p. ,06.
'5' Deichm.nn. ' 976. p. JOS, how""el, re;eelS this interpretotion.
'5' Ihid .• p. J06.
'5J See Righini. "Xl'. p. '05. who suggests thot wooden construction W"" more
prevalent in Rovenn' dum surviving remains indicate. orne reference to "nut
" e""," (/ign".~ d, muih,«) !n0Y hove wnW from an in",ri!'ti"n,
'54 LPR ehs. 84 .nd 9" 'Ine stone slob with Agnellus's opitoph (reponed in the
LPK) wos bter used os, ""ving stone in the rebuil, Vrsi.n" with some d.m.ge
to its right side (CIL I '. ',J0.\); this is the only inscription th.t we con comp.re
with the LPR's ten.
'.\5 Sec Smith, "I'onn .nd FlillClion."' '99"', pp . 183-4; .nd [{U'iSO. "L ',,..,hitctturo.,"
'005, Pl'. I 70'-5. who cI.ims thot the use of filled "'hi filli/i indicates thot the
masters of the WOM did not undcr<tond the Ihvcnnote t ... dition of hollow
",hi. and th,,-' fined them with mortar to make thcm more similar to their
ocrustomed hrick.
'56 Ru>.",. 1 9~.l'p· '31- 4·
'57 ']"ne dtowing by Ces..e Ponti W", published in G iovanni Ci.mpini. VmTa
m""immta , (16?», pp. [84ff.• os lOblc 46; also published in lkidun.nn, '976.
ill. 167.
'58 Deichm.nn, [976, pp . '93""4.
, is' I.PR ch, «; since the.T"" was ",)'uilt in the sixth c.mtuty. the pOTt", it ofJohn I
probobly dates 10 Ihi. period .
,60 LPRch' 9[ '
,6, LPR eh ,6.
,6, Dcichm.nn. '976, pp, 3 [8- , I.
,63 Greg. ,'log. lUg. 'I'm. 5.,8 ."d 8.' 5; LPN, 3"
'14 In the tenth eentuty' II these rem.ins we", (... nsloted to the Vr<ion", see Deich-
m."n, ' 976,]>. 359,
,65 /.PR ch., " 6, S, 9. 10, " (Pmbus) •• n,1 chs. 4. 5. 7 (Flc""h"lius): documentS
from 103] ""d ['38. see Deichm.nn, [976. p. 3'3 .
,66 Its dcdieototy in><ription re.ds, "Ad he,"ore", D(omini) )(e)/1(.)u XRl et
s(.n)c(t)i Elcuch.dii s"b temp(orc) Dom(ini) V.lerii Ar<:h iep(iscopi) ego Petros
prcsb(ytcr) focit"; thus it was ",.de co. 7B!rS1 o.
,67 o,nesi. [98, . p. 7' .
,68 LPR chs. 8 and 97. See Dcichm.nn, [976. Pl'. 355""?> who mought thot the
churches wcre built in the f"uTth C('1ltul)',
'<'>9 LPR ch •. 97 ."d 77· Deichm.nn. [976. p. 3' 3·
'70 o,nesi, [970.
'7' o,nesi. '98,. Pl'· 75"1·
'7' Aug.mi, ·Archeologi.... '005. Pl" '46--] ·
NOTES TO PAGE S 259-260 ,8,

'73 LPRch. 8.
'74 T esti -RosJ>Olli. '9'4. pp. 36--? n. '4; Gerola, '9 [6.
'75 Deichn,.nn, [976. pp. 357""9> who. how",..,r, .uggests cll't the cemeteri.1 b.,il-
ie. W1< built in ,he foum. century. 'rnis se,,,,,. "ery lIIlhkcly, giwn R,,·eruu'.
rel.tively uni"'portont""'1US ot thot time.
'76 ,\huotti , [95 4. is , beautifuUy written OCCQul1t of the history of the church;
.Iso idem, '9Il6; Dciehm. nn . '976, pp., 33-80; Mich.d, '005.
'77 PetruS Chryso logu....."'""=~ ,.8.
'78 Deiclumnn, '976, pp. '33""""4, argues ,h.. the SIll.1I ch.mber over the tomb
wa. only hui lt up in ,h. mi,l...,ighth century, b..ed on. frogmenl'ry ",feTe"".
in the LI'R ch. [59. which s.oys either thot Bishop Sergius buill. "ulla on
the men's .ide of St. Apolhn"i.~ or • "uflll of St. Apollin.tis on the men'.
side~ of 0 church whose n.me is missing; the I.tter, how""er, i. more likely,
see Deli)'llnrU', tro[lS., '004, p. ,85 n. '3. Moreo"er, I'eter Chrysologus Imew
the loco,inn of ,he tomb, ond it is h. rdly lild y thot it would not h" 'e heen
commemor:lled somehow, ""en if t!":ICes no longer survive.
'79 For the dote, see olxwe, Chopter, .
,So Dcichrrunn, [976. p. '34. "gues th.t the l>o<ly of the church wos built .fter
the dedie .. ion of San Vitole in 547, thus in lIIlder twO )",ors, because he feels
thot '5 years from ,he initi.. ion of the wori< lIIlder Ursieinus is toO long. E.'en
more th,n in the eose of Son ViI. Ie. when we consi der the e.·ent. of those 'S
yeors (5H-49), we eon cosily imagine th .. eons,rue,ion won: f''''lucn,1y stirred
.nll stopped.
,S, Sn-m. ,,8.
,8. Cf. DinllCT, '96~, PI" 15- [6.
,83 The dcbue o,'cr the d.te of the p",siQ i••umm.rized in D eli}'.nnis, .006, pp.
39""""40 n. 70. Some lege1\d. mus, hove existed .. the time of the construction
of S,m'Apollinare in CI.sse. yet the early bish0p5 of R"'enna listed in the
Passio ore different from those mo"", to "1oximi.n (see Dcl~·.nnis, ibid., pp.
4 1- 1), ,h~refore, the Pa;;;" must hove I"''''n WTinL'11 .. I""" .ftc. the 111id_
sixth century. AgnelJu. tells us (LPR ch. I ' 4) thot ";I'",r plot,," inscribed with
Apollin.ris's story (hiJtmi1) were pl.""d in his tomb by Archbishop Mourus in
the mid-seventh century, . ",1 when Apollin.ri.'s body WII> agoin Inn.l.ted in
, I 73, tWO .il"er 1,lates were "discovered" with ten written on ,hem rontoining
se,'enl phnscs th., correspond e"",,,1y to those USC<! by Agncllus. (Set: Testi_
Rosponi. '909""10. pp. '57-<), for, del.iled comparison between Agnellus's
Life of AI",Hin.ris and the <upposed text of the tlLk1:S. 'Inc te .. i< conuinoo
in 'he ,wc1hh-century '''''Ount cn,itl",j Dr im"fflt;"n< rorporit kilt; Ap"'I;""";'
mm1Jris IRIS l" , pp , 53 8--46] and reprinted in Deli)'llJUlis, :006, p. 40 n. 7',)
Howe.'cT, it i. likely Ih .t "'hatcvershec",Agncllus saw were lost in the ninth _
""ntury sock of 'he shrine.• nd thus th e ,u";"ing . ih·er t.ble", m.}' h ..'e been
repl.""d .fter this ,ime, in the comex, of the twdhh -"""mry orgumen, ",'Cr
the relies, with 0 lext b.sed on Agnellus's ""count! (M.zwtti, '9.\4. p. '3')'
,84 See esp. Mazzotti, '954, pr. 78- 161 .
,85 I.PI< eh. 9B: Deich", . nn . 1976. pp. Ho-t. ,\1o '.7oni. '9H. Pl" 78--l1' , notes
th" this ""Os its locolion .<cording to sixteenth-cenlury sources (Rossi. [57')'
,86 L/'R ch. " 4, "5.
,87 On 'he date of the cryp', see Dcichm.nn, '976, p_ 'J 5, who beli",',," that 'he
crypt ",.t< buil, in imi<otion of, .ndsoon .her, the c'ypt in St.I'eter's in Rome,
 NOTES TO PAGES 260-264

constructed by Pope Gregory I in the 59C'S- Others, hO"'e,'er, h.ve proposed

tho< M.urns built me crypt when he moved the hody or m ", i, wu built in ,he
I"e ninth century (Mazzoni, '954, pp. '4 ' - 53)' The moot recent ""c.votion.
in me a"", suggest thot i, was built be""""n ,he nimh and ,he ,welfth centuries;
Io nnucei, 19112, PI" 202-3, .ceeprs M'Zl'"ni's dote.
,SS LPR eh, 168; Lib.. p<mlif",~/it, Vil~ Lnnif III rh . [06. It has becn suggested th.t
mechurch was d.,naged in ,he e.nh'luakc mot Agnellus rcporrs .. ho\'ingt:lkcn
1'1. "" h",w",-'T1 7,ihf4 (I.PR chs. S<), '5'), which dC$tTI>y.,1 the 1'<-'lTi.na .nd
d.m.ged S.nt 'Apol~n.re Nuo.·o; the louer " .. s rep. ired f. irly quickly, but the
former never r,-"o"e",d, .nd th us i, i. J'O'I,ible th.t S.nt'Apollinare in Cl.sse,
too, remained in [lOOr condition until the .,dy ninth century, ,'huoni, [954,
1'1', , '9-30, on ,he other h.nd, 1'ro]>OSCS thot Cl asse wu ""cked by Muslim
.. id.," cnly in the ninth centu,y, which is wh.t led to ,he restoration.
,89 As M.uoni, [954> PI" "4-6. notes, this infomlation comes only frotn the
twelfth century, when hoth ,he monks of S.nt'Apollin>re Nuo,"" and ,h,,,,, of
S.nt'AroUin.re in Classe claimed thot the relic. were in ,heir church (the d,te
of 858 is first ou""ed by Rossi, '57'); the dispute Wa S finally mediated by •
p.p.l lcgote .nd the .rcllbi.hop, who in " 73 "found~ thc relic. under the .It..
in CI,sse, which is docwnemed in a tex, known .sthe Trl/cto/tu. , , dtimon,rimu
M'(>Orir "'a,mi",i ApoJmln'i< (RIS 1.>, 1'1', 536--8), while the monks ofthe church
in Ro\'enn. composed Iheir own text, fiiS1YJr'ia """''''limit btati ApoIIinlmf, 9'''''
aM,,.,,,,..- X VII K.olmdar Aug,,,,i (RIS I." 1'1', 533--.6). M01.1.Otti 1""llOS", th.,
Wme of th" relics wc,e tok"n to R,,·enn.> ,,·hil. the r"",.inde, wer" huried
bene.th the . Itor.
' \10 I'.... n, '9i8; lann"",,;, ' 911'; lann"""i, ' 986.
'9' Russ<>, "L'.rch;tetl\l",~ '005 , p. '44.
'9' Deichrnonn, ' 9i6, 1'. '38, rct'lOrl<s ,hot the rceonstruCtion of ,he n.nhex was
entirely .mitr.I}' and not bued on .ny ",~dence .bout its fonn.
'93 M'ZW1ti, ' 986,
'94 Only the ""n[('!TIp',rary San Vito]c h.d so m.ny do"rS diree,ly to ,he ""rside.
'95 Smith, "Fonn . nd FWlction," '99", p. '99, who notes th.t the rooms .... ere so
secret tho, their exis,ence wos not rcdi;:covered Wl,il ,877!
'0 Deichmann , '976, 1'_ '40- Ru,"", however ("L '.rchitenura," '005, 1'1'_ 135 -
40), finds m.ny simil"i, i", bet .... een this church .nd volious examples in ,he
ea"cn, Medi,er .."e.n, whid , he SOY' is evide,,,,e that, like S." Vit:llc, this
church wos designed by on ".,stem .rchilecl," whot.ver Ih .. might me.n.
'97 1'.h1.lo11i, '951 ,1', " 7-3), pro •.;dcs.n en,c",dy d"toilcd study ofthe ",. sonry.
'98 Deichm.nn, 1976, PI" 'l8-<). Hloch of ,c,1 ",,,hi,,, _<0 di V<r01"-, orc
placed under the Proconnesian marble b. ses of the colUJIUls, and different
">:'''lIlT}' in the upper k",'eh of the window lOne, origin.lly led Mnwni (' 9H,
1'1'. '35- 4') to suggest thot ., some pomt the entire nO'-e .reade h.d been
raised, as in Sant'AIXlllinare Nuovo, ,\ ,"uot,i subsequently revised ,h.. opin -
ion .nd decided thot the n.\"C colonn.de h.d ne"er been raised, .nd thot ,he
upper ",.11s were origin.~ see Deich"",,,,,, 1976, p. '38; .nd 1'.lazzott~ 19116.
'9') I.PR "h . J ' 4: Dcichm'nn, '976, p. 144·
300 LPR rh . 63 .
301 Iktsch, '9;], p. "3,
30' MOZlOtti, ' 9 54, 1'1'- '8<r" 5-
303 MOZlOtti, t954, PI), 1~ D eichnlOlU>, '976, PI', '39-40.
NOTES TO PAGE S 265-269

)04 On the restorntions, see ,\hzzOlti. 1954, pp. 18 )~ : ",rious modiflC3tions were
m.de in the eighteenth century; the triumph.! . ",h ",os r"'tored in 1883 (by
Pietro de Vccchis .nd then Corlo No,'e!~), ond od~ition.! p.rts of the .reh
os well os !arge sccrions of the "pse in I~!l (by Ciuscpf'C Z.mpigo); in
19~5--.) ond '970-' sections of the "u)s.ic< were remove.J ond ....'SCt w,der the
supervision of Muwni, ond funher examin.tions were m.de in Ihe [</805; see
Iannucci, '</86.
305 S,,,, lkll'ini, "I.e' 'Sinopicm .nd "Q... lche note," '974: ""d "1'7,,,,ni . '9H,
1'. [7)·
306 "!au,oni. ' 954 . pp. [7(i..4! 3. ('Sp. p. '78 (ninth century); .nd Deichmann, '97~,
p. '46 (se,'emh century).
307 Iso. 6:3.
)08 ,\ l uch restored in 19""l-7. but enough pieces s",,-ive<l from each to reconslrucl
both of them, .ssuming thOl they were identicol (.nd thot the te>.l on their
b.nncn w.. the some).
)"9 The number 99 is .ssumed to h"'e some significance. but it is subject to m.ny
imerpret"ions; "'''' Deichm.nn. 1976, pp. 156----7, who ")'S thot in Creek the
lene.,; of the word ·.mcn~ (/t~1\v) . dd up to W. rejecting D inkier's (19'54,
1'. 64) th",is that 99 represents the nwnLer of .ngels, while "Iich.et. 2005,
PI" 177~ and 187---9- is inclined to accept and expand on Oink!er', ideo.
)10 ,\lozzOIti , 1954, p. [73, SO)'ll that the he.d is origin.~ how""er, Andrecscu-
Tre.dgold. '99.h reportS thot the tonSurCS of Ecdesius ond the dcarons in
S.n Vit.le ,Iote to the twelfth century, .nd one wond",.. here "'hether ,imil..
modifications h,,'e been undert:lken. ' Ine lower e<lge of Apoltin.ris's eh.suble
w.s modified at ,orne point ("Ior.wni's di'gr"rn rcports in the "'-'lienth eentury--)
.nd then restored; it i, possible th'l 0 d.ln"tic wos .dded to Apollin" ris',
rostwne.
)11 von Simson, 19-;8, p. 54, points out Ih01 this pose is the some os the one
reponed by Agoetlus for tbe mo:s.aie of I'cter Chrysologus in San Giovanni
E....ngelisn (/.PI{ cb. 17, ~e ...'n,is '11>nihu, ' I"",i mi",., canit"); he "-"" tbe
some apressions for the im.ges of Archbishop Agnellus in the Ursi.n" (LPR
ch . B9. "in qWl ,.", cffigi'" manibus expansis or:,."). "nd for other bishops in
liturgico 1 ronte""" (LPR ehs. ] 7 ond 5 l), see Mich.el, '005, PI'· 58"9'
j 11 ,\ lom.nori. "L ·.!>side, ~ [</81 (reprint 10(1), 1'. 119> ''''Uests ,h", the different
p.ttems on these sheep's COOtS (those on the left ore curly, thost! on the right
ore pt.in) correspond 10 the men', .nd women's sid.. of the chureh .nd thot
the num!'.r " e.n refer to the twel"e ,rihe. of ls.. e~ thus the cntire pooplc of
R.venn •.
)1 3 Peter Chrysologus, SnTIIlmn 118; LPR ehs. 111-2 (see Pizarro. [995, pp. 5 1-00,
on the 11l<,,"pho.,; of the shepherd in this story).
)14 " louoni . [954 . 1'_ I 77-
jl S S"" /lovini, "Les 'sinopic'~ ond "Quo.khe noto," '974-
)16 flovini, ~Qu.l che no,"," '974, PI'. 100--<5.
)17 It i, possible thot origin.lly Ursicinus "nd ApoUin.ris. perh.ps presented by
. ngel... in San Vitale, w"ul,1 h. ve A. "h.J tb~ t,,>!IS in the upper pHt "f tbe
.pse; Ab ... mowsk i, '00 [, pp. 3"4- 5, notes that tbe new prog ... m gO". greater
prominence '0 Apotlinaris .Ione.
3 ,8 Another, inst.ll ed .]'" in the mid-si:<th century. is rcported for the .pse of the
cothed ... l", N.ples.
 Nons TO rAGES 269-273
''''
3 [9 Deichm""n, [976, PI'· ,+8---5'; .od j\ lich.el, '005 . pp. 63-7 Ii onlyo "cry Few
fngm.",. ry images might possibly depict ,he Tronsfogur:o,ion in some other
"'.y.
J'o Sec esp. C ... bor, 1958.
l" t\s noted by Fox, '995 .
ll' For ex.mple. Dinkler, 1'164, p. 76.
JIJ Sec the .""ellen. sum",.'Y in Mich,d, 2005 , PI'. I J-l ,. 1'.h;or studies include
Gnbar, ' 9-16; "'" Simson, I<).JR , Pl" 40-<\,; Nonlsrrllm, ' 953; Dinkier, 19"i4;
I'inchene. ! 06, .nd idem, 1976; "lulle., [9110; Deiehm.nn, 109. pp. ,61 - 77,
ond idem, ' 976. PI'_ 246-&>; Montanori, " t '.bsidc," '0<" (orig. 198.); and
Abr.>mo,,"Ski. 10"I! ,
3'4 wm Simson, '948 (who, .long with C ... bor, ' 946, linl<s this to ,he suppa""d
m.rtyrdom of Apol~""ris., which connot be sustoined given th.t Apollinaris
W2S not thought to h,,'e been. m.ny,); DinkIer, 1¢4; Deich",.nn, [976-
1" , 53: .nd Mich,"" )005 . who h .. rl.'C<'Tltly point<..:i Out th ...11 the irn.g.. . rO
referred to in the lirurgy. which thus li nks mem together os a theoph.ny m.de
IlOSSible during the lirurgy'. enoctment .
3'!i Riu.o.rrii, ""07 ,1'_ 8].
p6 Abnmowski. 100' . Pl" J"'9-'3.
l' 7 On these mosoics, ""c esl'. Ionn"""i. J \)86.
3,8 Caillct, 100 J, Pl" '74l . citing Dinkier. '04. p. 75·
319 Dcichm.nn , ' 976, p. 16" proposes ,hot it wos 1,:Cdesius who " round w ,he tomb
of Apol linaris, but mis is purely h)'J><>thctic..1.
3Jo On ,he theories for the dotes, see I.nnucci, 1\)86, Pl'. 176---&>.
3J 1 Demus, 1')69, suggests thot on imoge of Ahrahom ... ot S.n Vitole. ,ns origi-
n.Uy found in the left p.nd here. but when the Rcp.ntus mos.ic WItS in"""ed,
Ab nh.m and I ..." were mm'ed to ,he righ, pand , which w• • re,,,,de ""ith
f>-Iekhisedek now in me center.lorger th.n the others.
H' I."""",,i. '9li6. Pl" 18J4l.
H3 I.PR eh. 1 t 5' " Is igitur 'o"ius meri,is Rep',.,tu< ut<'S<e'. I Aul. nouoS h.bi""
fccit.Hog .. rc rerocuum " .nd "Constominusm.ior imrerotor. Erodii et Tiherii
impcrotor."
134 See Deii},>nn;.. 'ron._, '004- 1'1'_ 54-<S-
315 Deichm.nn . 1976. Pl'· '7 J---So. lne bishop shmm he,we"" the emreror "nd
RCI''''''nlS wouk! he J\\"UfUS, while the other du..., people to ,he left of Constans
would he his mree son .. Cons.. ntine IV. H e.-.clius, .nd liberius. D<:ichm.nn
rttOnStrucrS ,he origin.1 inscription os re.ding, "C onst.n,inus m.ior imp""'_
tor.lp"or COIL"mtini. l-I loradii et Tih"rii irnp"ro"'rjuml." 'Ini, e' pl.in< ,,·hr.
in the quototion by Agnellu .. the n.mes of Hernclius and T ikrius are in the
geni,i,'c. &ju.lIy. .. Dcichm.nn .Iso notes. the inscription could be r<"on-
.-:ructed "Const.min us m.ier imref'1tor. Ifroter H lenelii et T iberii imp"f'1 -
tor[uml·~
J,6 Sec the di.gnm in 101m """i. , (186, 1'. ,8,: on!)' p.rtsof the . Itor. ,\Iclehisedcc's
uprer bee .nd right shoulder, the shoulders of Akl.nd Ahraham •• nd the tops
of ,ho columns .nd rurt.in. ore origin.!'
H 7 Demu .. 19l'9.• Ithough he orgoes th .. m.jor mooifi"'tions "'ere m.de: eontn -
dicted by Schrenk. ' 995. Pl" 6J---9: and krore him, D<:idun.nn. 1976, p. '46,
'rgo"" thot the entire p. nel date. to the ",,'-cnth eentury-'_
318 I' •. I '0:4 .nd H eb. 5- 7.
NOTES TO PAGE S 27 4-2 80
'"
339 The mojor pub~co.tions on this churro.nd .rch.eologico. l site are HemlOnd
Momanori, [¢8 ; o"idunann, 1976, pp. 361--"7[; "j.iol~ 199' ; and Augemi,
"R,venna e CI."" , il r>cronto, " ,006, pp. j [-<5. On ,he cui, of Seve"",.ee
l...n7.0ni, [9 [0-1 [ and 191 [ - I '; . nd Dcliy;>nnis, U·.lI•. , '0040 p. I [I n. +
H O LPK eM. 93 .nd 911. Rossi, lIitron..rtttn Krt'n_ti",,,, p. 178, reports. dedic._
lOry poem nOI menlioned by AgneUus., which give. a dedieOlion dOle of 575;
""c Dcichm'nn, ' 976, p. 36[ .
H I Maioli. '99" p. 498.
14' See esp. No"" ... , 199", . nd idem, .,\ hleri. li medie,·.li," [997 .
143 "laioli, [99'. pp. 5°'- 1"
344 LPR ch. 9S. Rufillo was a bishop ofForlimpopoli who ~"ed in the fourth century
.nd mcnded ,he Council ofRimini in 359; we donO[ know why his cult should
have come to R.venn . by the ninth century.•Ithough os. contempo ... ry o f
S""erus his cult here is underst.ndable.
HS Origin,lly lkwini. [97i; ncw .1", obtoincd fmm ",e"1,·"io", conduct",1
in '007, os reI unpublished; infonnation "ken from 1\m.Jm"" r Dintorni,
8 October '007 (lmpJI w"'w .... v ..""aed inton';. itllegg i.ph p? leggi _ .nicolo=
[ '9[833597)·
146 ,\ loioli, '99', p. 5 [ I.
Hi Bcnnond Mom.n.ri, [¢8, pp. [<)-'0.
HS Bennond "10m.n.ri. [</is, not ... th.t , bt-m.. of thissizc and shape is not known
frOJn any om ... R,,·cnnot. church, .Ithough silnilor c" "'ples are found in
S. T <"<;I. in Mibn (fourth _fifth c.) .nd S. t~uf"mi. in G ... do (~i"h c.).
149 See Bennond Mont.n.ri, '<liS, pp. 35-<51.

Seven. Rne nn. C.pi tll, AD 600-850

, Cf. Augenri, "R"'enno e CI,,,,,, .rchrologi•. ·· ,006, p. < [}.
, DelirOlmis., "About," ,008.
3 'Ihe fire in I.PR eh. '3+ For ~ list of documents., ,.," c..... rro ct .1., '99'.
4 SI~",sbibliomek , ,\1unich, Cim «, see Vosin., ed., '?8S'
s For a dct. iled ,wm,,"ry of th" jlOlitics of the e>:archate in the eighth and nimh
centuries., see FeTiug>, "L ·.... ""'to," [99'. pp . 361 -"7 3; for the p.p.1 poin' of
,iew, sec Noble, [!}!i~.
6 flL IV.'S.
7 Potitucci Uggeri, '005, pp. 3'5-<5.
8 " lcConnick, '00 [, pp. 67--"74, [08--'4-
9 Ferlug •• "\-·cson:.[(,."· '99'. p. 36<, """" it . s • sign ofTegion.lism.
[0 LP ViM Dtmbdit ch. ,.

'I LPR eh. [06 say> Eleutherius "imperii iuTO ",,;cepit."'. ph~ he copi~"S from
HL 4.304· 'The ""ent'"Te . Iso recounted in LP ViM Dtusdrdit ch. , .nd Vita
&mif..lii V ch . " where;, sa)'s only that he -adswnpsit rcgnwn ." ' Ine chron -
ide imo"" .s the AlI.ml1"ii Hrt."imm Exrrnna ch . 's ("1GH M 9, p. 339)
gil·... the most exlended ve",ion, .nd soy> that one John (the .rchbisbop
of R,,·L'J1n.') rol,l meuthcrillS ,hot he h.d to go to Rome to he ero"""I,
since Ihot wos "Uhi imperii solium m.nerel."' See T. Ilrown, 19790 pr· [S -
,'.
,< On the so",oph'gus, see Deichm.nn, 1<)8<;1, p. 335; .nd Angiolini M.rtinelli,
ed ., [997, pp. 177-<)·
JO ' NOTES TO PAGES 2 80-283

[3 LP Villi &Om,,; ens. [-5, .nd Vita Th"""," ros. ]-'; ,he text puts the blame
OIl M.uricius, and soys tim he indOC<cd Isa.., to the crimes.

'4 LP Vi'" Mtlt'rini, clts. 4-8.

[5 '[ne stof}' is .old in LP Vita Vir.olinni, ehs. 1-+
,6 T.llrown, [979.1'· '5.
[7 LP Villi Sergi;, ells. 7-<), ""d Villi J./"",,,i( VI ells. [ - >; see Noble, 1984.
Pl'· '7-. 8.
I S Sec Guillou, ,<)6<); \ Vidbc'g, '978; l\'"hlc, 1<)84; and Hmwn, '00 5'
[9 OnJ ustinian 11, see ]-[e.d, '97' .
'0 LPR eh._ I 37-43; Agnellus s'Y' ,h3t hi, gre" -gre.t-grondfu,her [oh.nn;';;. W",
one ofth. victims. Brown, 1005, p. 3'3, proposes th" the retribution wo. for
Fcli.<'s snub of the POf><', ... ,her than, .. Agncllus (.nd Guillau, '9Ii9. Pl'. ' I J-
18) suggests, for the R,,'crm.te .mlY's support of POf'" Sergius or [he le.der's
""PJK'rt of Justinian's deposition, but the punishment seems nnher ""treme.
, I LP Vitu emma",;n; eh. 4. For.1I ,h"", cWnts. "''' Noble, ' 98 .., Pl'· '9-":
Il rown, "'05, p. 3'3.
" LPk ro. ,+,: Tbooph.nes, CInTAJ()grapbiil, A.A1. 6>0 J.
,3 On Faro.ld,llL V1.44: Liutpr.od,IfL VI-49' · C I.SliCm invosit 'hl". dcst"'xil~:
LP Virll Gng.,.;; II eh. '3: ,'\Jobl~, 198-1, p. '5, conO .. es the second .nd third
reportS . s describing the e,'en, of 7' 7, .nd so )"' ,11. .. Liutl'l""1"d rook Classe
from Foro.ld, .Ithough th.{ is not whO! the text "'Y".
'4 LP Vi," C_gorii /I chs. '5-18, which ""eusc< I'aul of engineerings~\"el""11 pi"",
.g.in" the pope\ life. Schrein~r, ' gliB , prop'"",d th.t 'he t:,. i",ue ,.... mo, e
impOrt:lnt, while Corile, [9Il6, Pl'. 387~' .rgues thot the rhetoric, .t I..st, wos
b.sed on 'h ...... logi.. 1issues. A""OT<ling 10 the lY Vita G,.rgori; ell.. '], "'me of
the h .li.n rel>els w.nted {o elect .n emperor .nd ,.ke him to Constontinople,
but Pope G regory 11 rejea.d this id .. ; mOst schol. rs ' '''"lbne thot such .n
emperor would h"'e l>een b. sed " R"'cnno, .nd thus 0 threotto p.pal omhority,
.Ithough there is no evidence for this; see Noble, I gII-\, p. 3,.
15 Noble, '<)8-\, "'1'. p. 40.
,6 LP Villi Gng"';; II rns. ! 9-' 3. o.nd Theoph.nes, Chronograpbiil, A.,\ \. 6"4'
'7 ilL VI.S4;John ,he D cocon, Chrrminm VmmmutGradm.,(MGII SS7, p. !l),
citing. letter written by Pope Gregory 111,0 ,he p,triorch of G",do. On {he
chronology, sec Noble. '<)8-\ , Pl'· 4[ - "
,8 lIoth of these 'i~gcs took pl""c during the cpisco!"'tc ofJohn V; Agn cllus (LPR
rn. 1 s[) oon nates the .. king of Cbsse (based on on erroneous r .. ding of ilL
V1.49> the eVent of 7 J 8) .nd the e,ile of ,he ],ishop, but docs not men,ion
the role of the 1~)mb3rds. Agnellu.< .1", d<""'ICrihc, (ell.. '5J)' foik.J "'toc~ on
Raven'" by 0 Ilyzontine .nny: this en.,.,t is not Irnown from other SOUl""'.,
hut cleOTly ' here were mony """..i,,,,s in this peri()d wh,"" such on ' U""\: w:>.s
re"""n.ble. A, {he le. SI. the story disploy, AgnclJus'. hostility to the lIyumines.
' Inc more detoik-d ,'crsion of ,hc events of H3 is found in LP Vi", L.lu/Juriaf
rns. 1l- 16.
'9 These e"ents .re not mentioned in the Rnmon LP. only the .ftenmth, once
Ai«ulf w>s ensc",,,,,,d in Ro>·cnn. (Vito Stryh""; /I ch. 8). Br"",,,, '98 ...
p. [5[, mentions the possibility that the fomler crotch Emyehius mol' st ill
11.,,'.ret:lined outhority, or at leo.. prestige, in 80 1.
JO ']"be m.in Sllldi .. or. Simonini, '96<); Guillou. ' 09; .nd T. Brown, [979.
NOTES TO PAGE S 283-286

3' T. Brown, '979, PI'. '3-' 5, notes thot on o ... tory in the . trium of St. Peter's in
Rome was dediclt~d to St. Apollin.cis in the 6'0< (L/' Villi H.,m"ii chs. 3-4),
• ,ign of occ<:ptllnce of R.venn.'s cI.ims.t t~'t time. As for the Diplom. of
V. lemini.n Ill. mos, scholors """cpt. date in thc mid--se"en,h cenrury (sec
Dcliy.nnis, 00 .. ,006, PI" '0' - 3). .I,hough Or;oli, '9Ilo, 1'1'. '35-«, provid",
",osons thot it should be d"OO to the (!<liJi"'" contro"e,,")' at the end of the
,i.uh CL"J'Irury, including ,he I2ct th ot the city of Brisillium (B,,,,,,,,lIo; Brinrum
in 'he I.PIl) list"d.s . ",ffng,m chun:h ... os d<."<tmy<.od in 603'
3' L/'R ch. ' 10; Agnellus ,ppotemly did not know thot eon".", w.. in itoly
. t the time. as he refers to both M.urns lind the pope sen,I;"g mess. gL"< to
CAnst.minople. The pr;'ilege of CAnst.n. JJ regarding the .utoceph.ly of the
Ro"""J'Inotc chureh wos given ,oM.urns on , Moreh 666: it i, publish ..od in RIS
'.r, p. 146.
33 This is how the aerount is dcscrihed in LPR cbs. 110 .nd I I l; see.1so LP Vit~
l-us II. ch. 40 ;n .... hich the ropc" "'tion h'pp""cd .fter .utoceph.ly h,d heen
revoked: T. Ilrown. [9;90 PI" ['-[3·
H LI'R ch. [15. Dcichm:mn, [976, PI" '73-80, as ..,..e hO\'e seen in Ch.pter 6,
suggested inste.d t~.t the scClle depicted the Sl"nt of .utoceph.ly. but this
is merely hypothetical. T . Brown, [9790 p. '3, notes ,ho, cotlUnunication
with CAn"tontinoplc ..,.... I"'rticulorly difficult during I!.cp.toru,·s reign (673~)
bee,use of Anlh on",b on the e.pital. ",d thus it is mo", likely that he WllS
sent as M.urns·s envoy hdore 673.
35 1.1' Vito /Jmri eh. ,.
36 Sec D cliy,umis, "About," '008.
37 I.P Vito Agatlxmir eh . r ~"d Vito l~ir II ell. 4·
38 LPR cbs. 137""45: LP ViIO Omrl""li"i ell. ,. On the di''''rgent points of v;ew,
sec Dcliy:>nnis, "About," ,noS.
39 LP Vito Z,uhllrior ch .. 9. r ' - I 7.
40 Noble, 1~4' pp. 53- 5·
4 ! I.P Villi Grtgt>rii 1// ch. 3. • "d Vita Sttpbani 1// ch •. ' 7 .n ,! '3; """ Deliy.nnis,
[(196, PI" 563""4'
41 On Ihis period, see, in . ddilion to Noble, '984 , .Iso S"igni, '99"
H LI'fl oh . ' .\90 which "Y~ t~ot loter in life. 5ergius felt d,-.;e;ved by th e lom -
b ..d, and ins",ad made an . 1I;'nce with the Vene,ians; see . Iso Brown, '005,
1'·3'7·
44 LP Vito Suph",,' II. eh . 47.
H For 0 complcre discussion, see Noble, '984, PI'· '''4-{i.
46 I.PR eh. '59; onc of thern ",. s Agndlus', gtNt_gr.mdfathcr; th is m,y 10" "
",fe",,,,,,, to the hos!:lge !"king mentioned in the LI'. Agnellus gets his popes
"cry mi.ed up h.re; sec Dcl iyannis. • About. " ,oos.
47 LP Villi Strp"""i 1//. e~ •. 'S-{i: on Leo', subsequent relation. with the popes,
see LP Villi flll<iriolli I, c)" . 7, '4-[ 7.
48 Noble, ' ~4. PI'· '7' -'.
49 Coda Carol'",,, 49, 53 . H, ",d }5: see Nohle, [<184, PI' . ' 4' .nd '69-70.
50 Cod.", Carol;",,, i 5; see Nohlc, '<184, Pl" '7C>-1.
5 ' Cod,,,, Co,"",'''''' 85; see Savigni, [99', p. 304; and Deii}".nnis, ed ., 1006,
PI" 1 [3- 14.
5' LI'fleh5.. ,67~nd '69-70.
 NOTES TO PAGES 286-289

53 Cited by Brown. [990> p. 3"+ The biogmphyof l'etronox is missing from the
LPR, but there is re.son to think m.t Agltellus did Itot 'ppro"e of his octiotls;
see Dcliyonni •. cd ., .006. p. 16.
54 LPR cc. [7' - 5. Agnellus might even hove 'ppro"ed of thl'SC .ctions, had he not
hotcd George for pc""",.1 r""sons. For 0 comprehcosi,·c oecotll\t of RO\'con . ',
relotionship with Rome .nd the F"mkish Icings in the e.ny ninth century,'"
Brown, [99".
55 See esp. Dichl, 1959; Guillou, 1<)6<), Ilro\\'l1. 198~; 'D ,I C.rilc, '99"
56 Miller. 1000, PI'. S6---{iL
57 Brown/Christie, ,'}89·
58 Brown, ['}8~, PI'· 77-&>·
59 Brown, 1'}8~, PI' · ,6--1 8 .nd 93; Ausbllttcl, 1'}87, Corilc. 199', 1'· 383; .nd
Cecmni . • oo6; d. \\~d,h.m • •005. Pl'. 596-60',
60 Corile, '991 . p. 38 •. Mteq 5 [ R.venn"e I""ders mentioned in the Rom.n Ukr
prmtijitufil h,,'. the ti tles rrmJTd ond tril"""l!; see Ilro\\'l1, ''}8~, PI" ,,6-4)'
61 LPR ch. 140, see esp . Brown, [984, PI'. 89-9" .nd 97~, who c.utiOlls, 1'. 8-f,
mot numbers of troops in Byzolttinc h.ly or in Ravenn . "' this time ,"llIlot be
esublished wi,h cominty.
6, T. Brown. 19790 PI'. 9-10, fur.n e;([ended enmple, s'"" LPR ehs. "[ - 3 ond
1)' -'.
63 T. Brown, '979, PI'. [99-'00; me choice of '9 ),e.rs wos bec.use of lows
th .. s.id if. hnner hnnc,l the <Ome pitt. of I.nd fur 30 YC'I'S, he could he
"oD<idc.-..>d I~'und to it.
64 r .soli, ·Sul P.trimonioH and "II dominio." '979.•nd idem, '991.
65 LPR eh. ,,'-
66 T. Bro\\l1. ' 9;9. pp. '7- 19.
67 On Agnellus. see Dcliy.nnis. tmns .• '004. 1'1'. 6--'9'
68 I'..itucci Uggeri, ,ooi, PI'· 's8--<}.
6<) r .bbri. '004, PI'. 47-8, .ince this J>Ort of the city is now under the Vene,i.n
fOTtrt...'<S kno\\'l1 os the Rocc. Ilr.nc.leone, its development is Mt w"n uDder_
.000
70 r .bbri. '''''4. p. 49·
l' I'.bbri. [99' .1'· '9·
7' f>loiolilStoppioni. 1'}87, <oy it w.s lorgely llIlinh .bitcd. but Cirelli, ,008,
1'. ' 38, d,ooses ins,..d thc word "tnnsformcd"; for more recen, CXC1\'1tio"
results from the Podere Chi.vichetto .ite. see Augeoti, "Nun... ind.gin~ ""'5,H

PI" '37-'1+
13 1/l,6'W;d.[.f'Rch. 'i"
74 LPR ms. 890 '5'. ond [ss ·
75 1'", e~.rnplc. 1\,,·ant. '9~ Gelichi, '99'; OTt.lli, '99'; Moi()lilStopl'ioni,
1'}87. Cirelli . • 008, PI'. '3 O-~0 .Dd ,6}- 5, notes th ot trode with Nonh Africo
ond the c.stem Meditcmne"" continued llIltil the Iote eighth ""lttury, but
the volume d""~ned .nd there W2S.n increose in poneI}' m.de in ,he Adri.,ic
region; .fter 700 the .reh.eologic.1 m.teri.1 is too sconty to soy wh" """
h·PI"",iDg.
76 W ord -Perkin., '99". On the ,"uses of the decline, \\~dh.m. '005, PI' · IK>9-
9'. 7oS-, 0. and 7,8-'41. f.vol'S ,he in,... ions, while ,\leConnick, ,"""
PI'· 36-4 [, .Iso .dmits the impact of the pl.gue.
77 Arslon. '''''5, p. "7·
NOTES TO PAGE S 289-292

78 Augenti, "Nuo"e iud.gini," '005 ,

79 Brown, 1984, 1'1'. "4- 15.
80 Antiolini ,\ b ninell;. 199', PI'. 16'- 3; on the .mbo, see D<:ichm.nn, 1976,
1'.3°7.
81 AgndlllS of R1\·cnn., 1981; c.vorro, 1993.
8, LPRch. 114; for the sources, see DeI;yonni.. cd., ,006,1'1" ,S; .nd 37' n. 94.
D.",i.n's poe,ic epiuph, LPN ch. '34, is a direct copy of th .. of /\Iorini.n,
ch, 'OJ.
8J R"",,,,,,,/ir mllmym; ctJ.mI"K"'pbi~. cd. J. Schnet7, Ililm"llriil Romm", 1 (Leipzig,
'94"); on this ten, see Staab, 1976; .nd D illemonnIJanvier, ' 997 . The .nony_
mou. gcognphcr quotes m.ny Greel<, Rom.n, .nd Gothic "philosol'hel'5,"'
showing that he wos wdl edUC1ted. This teit eert.inly shows th .. there wos
.till urb", consc;ousness in the seventh cen mry; does the f.CI thOl R,,·enn. is
singled out ;n comp.ny with four of the pttr;.rch.l cities (replacing Jorus.lem)
indicate .nyth ing .I~"'t the .othor' •• cdesi . s, icrl id<... s>
84 LPReh. '50.
85 Guillou (!991 , 1'. "'4) orgues th .. Ihroogh the se"CInh century up to 50 per-
cent of ttle pop"I";on wos G re<:1<, and C.rile (199', p. }8 5) pn"'ides sc.ttered
infonnOlion from throughout the Byzantine tcrritories of indi,·idu. l, identilied
os of Eastern origin, including s,,,·.,,,1 popes, but IIrol'm (!991, 1'. 14 1) notes
thot deducing ethnici!r from n.mes i. hoz.rdollS, .nd thot the number of docu-
ments is so .m.1I thot it is not convi""ing to generoh,., from them. On offICi.1s
fmm the E>St in " .. ren. 1 gm·emment. see Brown, 1984, Pl" 64-<)' S.n.terre
(199') likewise douhts ,h., ,here were m.ny, if .ny, Greek monks in Rovenn •.
Agnellu, proudly tells the story "fhi, gre"-g",.t-grondf.thcr loh.nnicis, who
in the I.,e ",venth century w.. noted for hi. unusu.l .bility to ,pe.k both Greek
.nd Lotin (LPN ch. 1'0).
86 LPRchs. ,,6-<); see B","n. twS.
87 Augenti, "R,,·enn. e cr.sse: .rchoolog;.,'" ,006, 1'1'. 1!}6-100.
88 Gelichi. 1000: ".".,he Ravenn. <i rurolin."; "", . Iso Christie. ,006, PI'· '49"-
5" Brown/Christie, I !}li9, .rgue thot R,,·enn •• nd othereiti .. in the Pent.polis
.l"...},s retoincd more of their urb ... ch.rneterthan those i" the Lomb. rd ore ...
89 Cosen tino, '005 , p. 4 11; thi, i. b.",d on on an.l)",is of LI'R ch . '40, which i.
hardly. rdi.hle source for popul"ion figures.
90 S<'C ""I'. llovont, '!}li9; Ort.lli, '99" Gelichi, "L 'edilizi.," ' 994; Gelichi, ,9')6;
.nd G. letti, '00; .
9' B...."" '9&}'
~, B.ldin; Lippoli .. ·Peril~lo by,;mtino."· '004.
93 B.... m , 19&}, identifies se...." documents hefore 75'; G eliehi, 19')6, p. 70, ci,es
p.pyri in Tjiidcr II . 38- 4' .
94 Gelichi, '00' .
95 ,\lome\"""ehi, cd., '004, <."Sf'. artides by Negrelli ond Libremi; Augen,;,
"R,,·enn. e Classe: .rencologi.," ,006, PI'. 194- ); Christie, ,006, PI'· '33 -
5. Bavant, [98<). notes thOl buri.ls .ppe.. within the walls of Rome in the
"" ·,,nth century, os in R.\,enno, which, .("",.ding to Brogiolo/Gelieh i 'wS,
Pl'. 95- 10[, ;s • sign of con,inuing h . bito,ion with ch.nge in priorities. "'ther
than .h.ndonment,
96 Augemi, "Archcolog;.," '005, p. ,}.
97 Augemi, "Ro,·con. c cr.sse: ..."hoolog;','· ,006, Pl'· '9[-,.
 NOTES TO PAGES 292- 298

98 Rusconi, 1971; Port., 1991, pp. 178--80, discusses pr",';ous imerpretotions of

this building as 0 Sttular structure mached <0 ,he pa loc~.
99 Deichm.nn. 1976, p. }.I5. suggested thol it w.s buill in the I.te fifth ccntu!}·,
but gi,'en F. Lifshitz's re,'iseJ doting of the Martyrologi"m <0 the 610S in Luxcuil
(Lifshitz, lOOj), it ..,<m, more likely <0 h ... e Ix..,n • 11Y""ntine.e,.., conStrUCtion
(note th.1 Ih. legend of Polyeuklos woslrnown to Gregory of Tours, Lihtr in
GIorit> M.wtyr'1rm 10', in the j80s) ,
'00 Deichm.nn. '976, pp. 34' - 1. no'es , h .. the e",]"e$ Puleheri. foumled the
origin.l church in Const.minople in 45o,Juslinian rehuill iI, its iron .. ved the
~';ty from the AVlI' siege in 6,~, .n,1 the cult subse<luently iw.'C'me "cry po],ulo ..
101 Deichm.nn, '976, p. 3 IS.
101 Ibid., p. JoB.
103 Ibid., p. 349. noles thot it Slood wlIil the thirteenth century.
1"4 Ibid., p. 374.
'05 Ibid. , p. 3"4; prob.bl}' destn,},"d .lre.dy in fourteenth cen,ury.
106 Ibid., p. H'; Tj.der, ed., '954, no. '3 ,
107 Deichm:mn. '976, p. 3"4'
lOS Ibid., p. 1'1, not"" 'hot Donatu. wos the p>tron .. inl of Epiru, . eross Ihe
Adriatic.
1"9 Ibid. , p. 3'4.
I to T he church dedicaled 10 SI_ Euphemi. in the eighteenth cenrol')' woslocOled
in the wes, pOrt of the "PPid,,,,,; B.ldin; Lippolis, "Lo chi""" 1004, suggest;
W

th .. it w. s jus, north of the e.",,,,,,ion in Vi. D'A~cglio.

1'1 KOSIOf, 105, pp. ,?-,oand '4'; now fow,d in the southwestern .\:.sidiol., the
cross h., inci",d on it the following in",'iptiono "Dc doni, Dei et S(. n)c(t}c
'\Iorie Fel •• el Stefanus oplulerunt temporibus D(om)n(o) Theodora Apos-
tolieu",:' usu.lly .,,,umed as referring to Archbishop Theodore, r. 677---9"
'" M.thews, '0', pp. 75-8?-
"3 Miller, '99'-', p. 10., and idem, '000, p. 57; ,\lonetti. '001 .
"4 I.PR eh , '4: Ric-ci, '9'9; . nd ,\ lorn'!ti, ,00, .
"5 Miller, .ooo,p·57·
1,6 See Bertelli, '999.
"7 See Brown, "Romani", .." 19B6.
I ,8 LPR cbs. 14, 37, 70, tol, ,,6----8, I 5' - 3, 158 .• nd 166.
1'9 I>;,.orro, 19')Il.
"0 Word·l'erlcin .. 19B4_
'" Resl'cetivc!y, i.PR eli .. 39, 70, ",d ,.
'" One other l"or <Ou",,", mOnlions morble columns fmm R,,·cnn. I"'ing us<-oJ
"' Ingelheim; the lote nimh--century poet Saw stoles, "To whicb he ordered
morhle columns from Rome, he ga"C noble one, from he:mtiful R,,·cnn • .w 5..0
I'oct., Am",/;'"" ik gm;, CIm)1i Magni, .I 43?-40-
I' J Einh.rd, Vita KAroIi M~gni, cr. ,6.
1'4 COihx CIm)liml1 8 ,_
II 5 See Deliyonnis., "Xl 3.
,,6 I.PReh , 94.
I '7 W ,l,hfrid SI,..,bo, V"",,lI" in A1"ugrlmi Palati•.. _. Dt imagi'" Inri';, On the
discussion .boUI the SnI,ue, see De!iyoIUUS. ,mos., '004, pp. 711----9.
"S LPReh. "l·
"9 HL 11"9; S.w 1'0"'0, Anlla/imn ik gtIlu CII,"/; magni, 5.43?-40.
REFERENCES

Abnunowski, Luise. lOOI , "Die ,\ l0s0.iken von S, Vito le und S. Apoll in.re in Closse
uno! die Ki n::henpolitil: Ko iser Justini.n,_~ ZLifJcbrifi fi"" Amiic Ch"f(rnt"'" 5'
'119-3+1.
Albu, Emily. "'lOS. "Imperi' ] Gcog .... phy ~"d ,he McJic,.. l l'eu,ingcr I\ lop.n /mtlKo
M,mJi 57: 1)6-'48.
Amory, I'otrick. ' 997- Prop" "lid Id,miry j~ Om-ogotbi( Italy, ~8,)-f H. Cambridge:
C>mhridgc Uni,w,,;ty Press.
Andreescu -Tr..dgold, hin •. [99"- "The W.ll j\ los.ics of SO" M ichcle in Africisco,
R..'enn o, Rc,liscu"eTcd. " CARR J i' I }- 57-
___ '99' · ~'rnc M"".ic Workshop ot San Vit.le. " In ,\I_in 4 S. Vi'al, • aim
rtftkuri: i/ rrmlll,." in situ di "'(}Mid pllrltrilli. Alii tid o,.,I.'t1P'" n.-r.oilm"lr nd rtrlall,"
in Jim Iii """"id "",.;""Ii, R""mnt/ ' - 1 Quliht '990, ed. Ann. M.ri. lonnucci:
31 - 41. R,,'crmo: Longo.
_ __ '994. "The Emperor'. New C rown .nd St. Vi"h.' New Clothes." CARll
4" 149-186.
_;-_'007' " I mosaici ""tich; e quell; ottoeemeschi di S.n Alichde in Africisco:
10 ",udio filologic".~ In Sot, Micbd, mAjTiciuo, r,,;. gimtini<nNa a R'''''(fl1Ia: atr;
drl C.rr,,,gno "La dWf{I.'" tkll'IITC1l1lgriO, 5"" M;dJri, in Africisco, l'uJ gimlini81lra·,
GiMnatr di ,,,,dill m mt11lMfa di Gh«tppt 1I.1.'mi, //at'm"", Sal" dri mala;;;, :, - ::
april, :oor, cd, Claudio SjIOdoni: r r 3- ' 50. Mibn: 5il--.n •.
Andreescu -Treodgold, Irin •• nd \V.rren Tr..dgold. '997. "Procopius .nd the
hnl"'ri~1 P.nds of S. Vi"I".·· Art IJrd/rti" 79' 70&-7:).
Angiolini ,\1.rtinelli, P.trizio. '08. Allari, ambo"i. dbor;, romi;;, pllll'; am jig"" di
g"imali, am mtrtrri, /rom",,,,, [ram"'''''i Vllri. ·Corpus" dell. scultu ... p. leocris_
ri.n.., bilOn(in. ",I .ltomedi"",.. le di Rove"" •. r, Rome , De Luco .
_,,-_ '976. "A.pet'; dell. culm ... figu"";v, p. lreD;",,,,;,,. "e; moso.ic; di S Apol_
lin.rc Num", di R..,(.,.",.: ;1cicio cristologico." CARli 1 ) : 7-10.
- CC-C '99" "u culm.... rtistic •• R,,'enn •. " In Siarill di &n",..w If.:, ed, Antonio
Grilc: ,;<)--r 76. Venice: 1\ IarSilio FJitorc.
-;;0- ,9<)6. "I mos>ici, I'imln'gin" d. P""""'" seeni"" • suggestione siml~,l ic';
Tbe mos.ics: the image frOln scenic presence to symbolic suggestion." In /I
""''',.'''' di Galla Pladdia a Rnv,,,,,,,, cd. Clementin. Rj",judi: '47- '70. Moden • .
---'997. La him/i<" di Sun Vi/8/,a Rtn"r1f11a, Moden", F, C. Ponini.
39' IUHR ENC ES

___ , H)9i. ~La de<:(lrnione Illusiv.\: ncl colore b \·ja delb sake~za !' rn La Iltlsjli~a
tli 5;1/1 lIiw!( II RlIll(:lIIlII, cd. Pat nzia An!riolini ,\'1 art.i ndti: 4 1-57 . :'-'i ()(k'ml: F. C.
P'lIlini.
ArC.1mon t, .\bria Gkwanna. ~ooi . "Riflessioni linguistiche sull'>lgiotoponimo S:m
i\lichl.'ic in Africisco." In SIlII ,l.(i(brlr 11/ Ajiids,:o I" frIo gilmillimwl II RIIlINlI/fI: 1I1f;
Jd COllwf,,'7J{) "1.,1 diu,'pl"-,, dd/'filTilllgrlV. Stili . \1 iebell" ill IIji-iri.<co r /,,-/,1 gillS! ;11,,1111"11 ~:
giomll!!" tli filldio in ",(,,,wrj,, di Gi#frppr Bovi,,;, R"t'mllli. SIII" If"; muwiri, J I -ZJ
111'1"1/,· ~Qnj, eli. Claudio Sp'ldoni: 3!19 - ~97 . Mihn: Sil"9IU.
Arja,' a, Antti. ~OO5. ~ Thc M ystay Cluud of 536 CE in the _'1cuitt:rran",:m Suurces."
DIIIIII",,1(111 Q"kr PIlPt'rJ: 59: 73"""'9 4-
Anl,,,,II, Pasc.). 1990. ~L'ori gj ne, [u dat e de r<!([,,,: tion el b dillusion de l'" rc h':l'yvc
de b table de PeutinbTC r." B"lIrti" dr fa S(J(iit~ "lIt imllI'c Ju IIllliq"o;'-{S de Fn:ma-:
30 l-)! T.
Amo l(I , J on;lth~n J . :008. Tln:odtric, the Goths, 3nu the Rtstor:'tion of th e Rom:m
Em pire. Ann Arhor: PhD dis.•., Uni,'crsiry of.\'lichig31l.
:\rsbn. Erillanno :\. T9f19. ~1..3 monetnione .-lei Gnti." CARR 36: 17 / L
_ __ . 1005 . "La zecca e b (·ircobzionc monc·ule." III RII~·r1ll1il: J'I {llpiwlt impr-
ri,,/c a {Upilalc rrana!c, ,: T9 '-l 36 . Spoleto: Fondaziooe Centro Italiano di Studi
sull'A lto ;'\l1c,li(l(.'l·o .
Augend. Andrea. 1003. " 1{Jn:nlla: prohlemi di areheolog-ia urballa:' In L'a rchc -
ologb dc U'Aelri"tico <bll:>. P reistori" al .\IediO<!,·o: Arci dcl l Congresso Imer-
mT zi on~le (Ravenn a. ZOOT), ed. F. Ltnzi: 537- 55 1. Flortm::t: All'illsq;n:l del
giglio.
___ . ! oo;" ~Archcologb C HlI:>ografja" R" venn,,: il P"ln7.o .-li Tcmlcrico e 1"
!\'Ionera Aur,,:!." Arrh,'ologiu Mrdirl'ille 3 T: i - 34'
___ . !005- ~Nuo\·c: indagini "rchcologiche " Cb~se.~ [n RRt"ClllliI' Ii" (IIpil,/I(
illlprl"ialc'll rilp illllr (·...,mdr, \: :3i -~5!. SI>olew: Fonda7.ione Centro Italiano oi
Srudi ~ull' A lto .\1c·cliocm.
_ _ _ . zoo6. ~ R ''''tnn:1 e Cbssc::: :lrch<,ologia £Ii <iut citd tn b t:.nb :\ntic:h it~ <'
l'alto .\'h:dioevQ:' In I.r riltl' ifllli,me 1m 1/1 Itmlf/ A'llirbilti r 1illio MrtiirlfflP. Au;
dc'! C(llll't~'7la (Rill'I"III/If, fthhl'I1io 2nrl4) , til. Andre~ Augtnti: (8 5- 1 17. Flort(we:
AlI'ios"gm rJd giglio.
___ .2006. "R:.."cnml c Cbs.o;c: il rJceonto rJi due ci tra, tra stori~ c archcologia."
In RII i.Jrllll ll 1m Oriml( (O,'drlI"IIl r : stariil '·llrd),·o!og;'l. ~d. Andretl AUg<:n ti: 19- 56.
R,,\"C nna: Longo.
_ _ _ . 2007. "5 . .Michele in Africi.'>Co e l'edili7.ia ecclesiastica ravennate tra V e X
st<:o lo: archcologi3 t top<)grJl1 a." In Slnl Mirhdc ill Aji-iri= r rrfl) glllflilli,mw II
Ravrmm: alti del Cflln'~!J"o "/ ... lii'lipwa dell'al·,allge"', S'III ;Hirbdr ill !Ifi"idil:o r trIa
gilmil/illll<'a ~: Ginmlllr' di ;Im/il.! hi III rll/Or;1I di Gill$rppr Enl'illi, RIIi,JrJ/lhl, S"lt' dri
1110miri. ~ 1 - 11 ttprilr 1005, " d. Cbudio SpJdon i: 1)3- 151' );libn: Siil·:rna.
Augcnri, Andr.:a and Carlo Bertelli, cels. 1006. Rul lN/IIlllm Orimlt! c Oo;idmlr: .<Iorill
rmr brologia. ltwenna: Longo.
Aug-emi, AndrcJ, Enrico Cirelli. Nicola .\hnCl5.IDia, :lOd Valentin" '\'iam.clli. 1003 .
"Arehcologia IllC.-licl';l le a Ibl'cnna: lln progctto I»t:r 1a c in 'l " 0 il {crritorio." In
.4 11i dr/Ill CUIlIf/"WlI N II:.iulllilc Iii A Irbrologill Mrdievale (S,t/rl7lu. ~lIolJ/T ;!<iU]), ed.
P. Pedufo: ! 7 { - ~i!l. Fi1"oe n7.,e.
t\usbiiuc1, F. M. (98i. "Die Curia len nml Stadunagistnltc Ral'~TlTl:l ~ illl sp<it'lIlli ken
kJliell." Zfimbriji fiir I'lIpY'ologie tllld Epigrl1pMl' 6;: 107- 1 14.
REHREN CES 399

B,,~r, P _ 1<)65 - ~PropQ$ ,fun ingenieur sur Ie m~\lsolee de 111eodoric de R\\'enne."

Frli,l' RIH'l'nllll ser. 3. 40: n --f}7.
Rlga rri, Belhrmino. 1<)80. "II Si&'lliiicnto delh, l"en~ nd mos~ko di S. Aflollinare
N uo\"<) in R~I"<: nna:' Edix R,W(11J1II 119- 120: 89- 94.
naldini LipJlOlis. Isahclb. 1<)9;. ~.·\ rtico[37.ionC"..- oecorar.ione del paLlr.r.o imperia[e
<.Ii Ra""'nn~." ClRB 43: 1-31.
_ _ _ . .lUOO. ;'U ritnItlQ IlllISi"Q n~[[3 f;",;d~ta interna lii S. ApQllinne ):uo\'o a
Ravenna." In Alii dtl 1'1 rofllHJllio drl!:4:N)(/II:,i oll,' i lllli,1}111 pcr 10 J1l1/fio I' 1" rOM.'r-
.·II::ione tid nwmiro, cd. FcJcrico Guido6a[di: 647-6;8. R~"cnn3: Girasolc.
_ _ _ . ~ool. Uf dom1/, fIIrrlmlillim, Fom/!' I' mppru{7I/llo:iIJlli ddlo,pll::JodolJJ"~1iro /ldlf
,'ill" ,Id Mnli/ffr<lllfO, Bologna: Uni\,i:rsity l'ri: s~ Bologn".
_ _ _ .2 004. "La chits,] di S. Euf",mi" ad Arittern ." InAn'/J(ologillllrb'ilill (/ RlII:rllll,l;
{,1 DU/1/l/s dd lilpperi d! pim", il ("'lip/elSa IIn'brologi(o di "i,l D:+:.rgIiQ, ..-d. Gio"ann~
.\'iontc"",cchi: 71. Ravt: nna: 1..on.(.:'o.
_ _ _ , ~ocl.J.. ~ Pa-jodu 6p;3ntino.'· In Ar(b.:ologill urbanll II Rlli"'lIIm: Iii DOli/lb' rid
ItIpprti di pirtnl. i/ millpl'~"J(J ar,hrlliogim di ~'ill D';I:,'glio, cd. Gio":Jnll ~ } lon{('\'ecchi:
76-;8. Ra\'cnn~: Longo.
Barber, Charil·s. '990. ~ Thc Imperial Pands :at San Vitale: A Reconsideration ."
/~r~11111 illt' IlIId MOt/''t11 (; n'I't: Sliidit'$ 14: , <)""41 .
Ibrdill, Jonathan. 1997. ~Thc P~b cc of Lausus and NeaTh), _vtonumcnts in
Constantinop[e." .'1111(1";'-1111 JOlll71il/ oJAn-b'lrofoJfY 101: 67-C;j.
___ . 19\>9. ~ Tll'" Go]J"'1l Gat<: in Consmminopl<;:: A T riumph,][ Ardl uf
Theorlosius l." Amn'icilll Jou>1JilI ofAn-bl1~/)logy 103 : 6; 1-6¢i .
___ . 1999. "The Great Pabec of the Byz"ntine Em[>cTor~ ~nd th e \Va[kcr T m~r
E.xcavations," J~1II71111 uf ROIIIIIII A rebll"u/O,I{)' I! : ! 16- ! 30.
RImes, T. D. 1<)7+ ~.:\'terob"\l des on th~ Imp<':rLI[ LUllily.n Pbo,wix ~8: 3'4- 3 19.
B"mish , S. J. B. '983, "'["[l(' AllonYlII1S V'I/'-si,11II1S If :l~ .1 SOllrn' for the L,st Years
of 111<,od"ri"." ( -D/MIIIIS .p: 4; ! -)l6.
_ __ . 1985. "Tht \,-V,,3Ith oflu[i~nus Arg",ntarius: Lat" Antiquo: Banking and th"
?''\cdit" rnlll~''n E.conomy." BT.JJmiQIJ 55' , - lit
_ _ _ 1986. "Tax~tion, Land and Ihrloari'l1l S..n[<;:lI1enC in rh", \Nestel11 Empire."
Pi/per.< 6///;<' Bri/i,'b School lit Rum, 5.j.: 170- 19 S.
___ . 1988. " Transform~tion :an{1 SUI"i"al in the \Ve stem s...n~turi\ll AristocrJcy,
c. AD 4C>0-700." Polper," of the Brilisb StlIQol <II Romr 56 : 11 0-1)5,
- > tran5. '99l. Cn$1"l'm/amr:. Selrr/cd Variac. LiHrpool: Liverpool Univcr.;ity

Press .
.ilamish , S. J. B, and F<:d<:rico M~T~zzi, cds. H}()7' The Q'1rvgnlhs from/be Migra/iol/
Pi·riQd 10 lLoc SLwb emllllY / 111 Erlmagmpbi,' Prrif/crrii'c. \VOQdbriclgc, Suffolk:
Boydell Press.
Baumstark, ;\nwn, 19'1. MFriihchristlkh-paI5stincnsis(:hc Bildkumpositionen in
:lbcndl:indis<:her Spicgclung." Bp,mllilli.,,.br Ztit:iCbrifi ~ o: 177~.
Itlll'lIU, llern,lr(1. 198<). "Calir", de vi<': t:( h"birM urbnin "'II [r" l i~ c.::ntr>lle bYl3nI in ~."
,Hila1lgcs d~ rErulr ji>1ll(Jlisr de Rome: .H~'rn of{r _ /emps mruln7us 10 I: 465-531 .
Ikdwith, )olm. 1958. Tbe A/Il{,.""."$ Dipl)'i:b. London: H . •\'1 . SIMionery O ffi~'t'".
___ . 1958. ~ ' nl e \VcrJ<:n C,]~k"t R<:consido:r<:J." AI"/ BIIIJ.-tiIl40' nu. I: I- I I.
Il en"'ricetti, Rug-gem. 19<)4.11 Pultlijical,' di RmmllliJ: studio ~,.ilic"a. F;lem;a _
___ . 199 5, /I Cb,.mn lid Srnllofll ('i S. p,..,. Cn5IJ/ogo, Studill Rav<'nn~ten si a 6.
Cesena: Ccntro Studi l' Rkerdll' su[b Antica Provincb Enksiastica R~ve nnat".
 IUHREN C ES

Bermond Mont"n~ri, G. 11)68. Ul (bieil' di S S ...."."." lid te/"rirorin Ji CI",'$f. Rim/tati

tid J"(fmti soil!,i. Bologna: R. Phron.
___ . '983. ·'L . zona archt'ologic,. di P,.lnwlo." CARB 30 ' 17-! I.
___ . [990. "Oemogr.llia do:! territorio nelln prt:-pr(>tostori~ e 1.1 prim:\ fase insc·
diali \'J di Ravenna." In StPl'i1l di RIIi)fll1lill, cd. C. Susini: 3 [-41l. Vcnicc: .\'\arsilio
EJitore.
___ . \ ~190. ~ L 'bn pi :onto urbano c i monumcnti." In StQlill il, Rllvm11l1 f. cJ.
G. Su~ini: 2!3- 2jo. Venice: "Iarsilio ['c1 iwl'e.
BennonJ Montanari, G . ,mt! M . G . Maio li, cds. 1983. R(wrmul r If porto df Chl=.
Vrllli fIlmi di ,-lin.b .. (fI.brologirbr 1m RIIl'nmll r Clrfm". Imob.
[l~r,elli, Carlo. t 999. "V(s\I:,1 IIll;lg~s of the ','own in L ate Auti(llIit}' ~n (1 lhe E'lriy
MiJJle l\g~·S." In Tbr /df" lind /drill Df tbr Tin::" brt;ul"Il u,u A111i'l',il)' I",il tb~
f"rly .\ ·liddlr /lKr.r, cd. Gian -Pietro Brogiolo: '~ 7-'46 . Lciden: E. J. Brill,
Beni, !',:.Ie, 1976. MQ)·.,iri IlIIlIeili ;11 /t,,/ill, j . R~gj(Jllr ~/lIII"iI, Rlli;!'IIml, Rome: islituto
polignli<:u" Z,,<:<:a Jellu St:ltu, Librnia dellu Statu.
B~t"5Ch, \Villi,,1ll E. '977 ' The Hhtory, Production and O istribmion ofrh.:: 1 "te
Alltiqu~ Capital in Constantinople. Phibdclphi,,: Ph D Jiss .. Unin,rsit~, of
Pennsylvani,..
Hianchi, Ctisti ntl. loo!. Spillil I!filt~' I, IVhllc 1'1 Ie flUm e .I·,tdt uti. J. -C VilJ.::nctlvc-
J'A'lCq: Presscs un ivcrsitaircs du scptcllrrion .
Hicrhrauer, Voller, '9 75 , Dir ~;ftgQtl.,,·b<71 Gr.,b· "lid Sd"w;.fillldr ill fralin,. Spolcto:
Ccnlro italiano di snldi sull';llw .\;\,,(Iiuel·u.
_ _ _ . r 9i6. " D ie Ansiedluug oerO!agoten in It-:llien." In i..rJ rdatiQllj,WII'"J'nJlpiu
rrmlo1ill t'mll}; I'ollpin' fi'Il/lf rt srJ 1'0;,';1/$; ..~II~qll' )....,"C(, Niti', 1II,'J.,.tdi 15 scplm!lY"r,
"d. Kun BiJlmer: 4! - 70' Paris: c.:·ntn' national Jc b r"<:herchIC sci<:ntifi<,uc.
oi
Bollini, M~rj". [990. OIL . fondaz:ione Cb~ e b comunita chssj"rj,I." In S,ori./ di
R,n'C"//JI') I, .. d. G. S\l~ini: 19 7-3l 0. V;;nice: ,\hrsilio Editor;;.
___ . 2005. ~La fiott:l ran:nnate, b Gn.:cia e I'O rient;.:." In J pm'li amichi tli
R.W!1I1111, ed . •\buriz:io ,\huTO, ,,11 porw rU-III"II~ ~ IejfOI/<': [:5-136. Ravenna:
Adrial'rcS!;.
Honino, M :ltt:o. 199 " "Atchcologin oa\'3Ie." 10 S tariil di R'n'elll/il O. I, ed. Anton io
Caril.. : ! ;-)3 . Venice: !,>larsilio Editorc:-.
Bono, P .. J, Crow and R. B~rliss. 200 I. LThc \-Vatl'f Stlpply ()f Cun ~1:antjnople :
Archaeology and Hy(lrog.::ology of ,11\ Early Mtdi~ l'al Cit~' . ~ EIIl'ir'JIImrlll,,1 G,1)I-
agy40: '3 z 5-'3J3'
Bovini, Giu~ppe. ' 950. II r~$idCIfO /II,mro/rn di G,rI/., P/llridlil ill R""I'II111I. Vati -
C3n: $OCid'l Amici Jdlt Cata<:ombt: Pn-sso Pontilicio istituto di An:hc:-ologj'l
C risrinna.
_ _ _ . [95:. ~Nore (monto :lila chiesa r~\'ennatt' di $. Croce." Fe/i.l· R.w"1II1I/6Q:
4 1- 54.
_ _ _ . 19)!. "Una prQva di carancrc tecnico dcll 'appartenc nza al cicio icono-
gralico teoc.loriciallo della Ill"donna in HOllO, tigun.n. sui llIosaici di S. Apollin:lre-
Num'o c R al'cnn,,:' S",di Romagnoli 3' '7- !9.
---.1955, L.:\. 'los,dci P:lrict:lli scompnrsi r!('gli 'mtichi t.-i;iici S,leri di R,I\·cnna."
Fdix Rillifllllfl 68 :lnd 69 : 54- 76, 3 -~ 0 .
_ _ _ . '956. MLe o ri gin; di R"venlU e 10 wiluppo della cinOi II) e6 ]"om~na.'· F~Ii.r
RiIl· ../III(1 i z: -1-5- 48.
___ . ' 957. Ll rlll/('/rn ebll17UII '/~J II(KOi'1l !l111''!illliIlIlO di Rllt·tlllill. RaHnna:
Edi;o;ioni "Giorgio La Pir.l Soc. Coop. a.r.I."
REHREN CES .:fOl

_ _ _ , 1957. ";"':oto: ~llib sl]cces~ione delle antiche fa~i di I~"ol"() ne1h r1ecorazione
mu~i \' ,l del B~trist(.. ro <legli Ariani," Fdi.T Rllllt"1II111 scr. 3. 24: 5~~'"
_ _ _ . 1958 - ,ll,.,,,,,id Jj S. APl1l1il/ill·t III/GI'iJ Ji RllWI/l/Il; if t'irlG rri,·{Di"'gitlJ. Firetlze;
Arnaml.
_ _ _ . H)59, II Mallso/eo di T~odo/"iro. Ra\'cnna: Edi7.ioni Dam.:.
_ _ _ . 1¢6. ~."'l1ti chi rifacim<'nti nti lIlosaiej ,Ii S.Apollinal"C Nuo\'o:l Ra\·cnna."
CARB 13: 51-8 1.
___ , 1906. "Principali resuuri compiuti nel secolo scor.<;O dol Felice Kilwl nci
mosaici <Ii S. :\pollinarc Nuo\'o tli Ran:nna." C1RB I}: 83-104.
___ .1968. MLa rafhgurnionc dd Palnw Iii T~'()(lorico nei mosaici di S. AI'"I,
lin~re Nuo,"o." /Jqll"r/lm EtOl",mi(o IMIII G UI/em tli Crml/>lI'Irio di R,n.i nwll 8: 7- 11.
_ _ _ . 1¢8. S"ggio <Ii biMioj,,'ntj;({ m Rlll'nW({ (fltlit". Holol,'lla.
___ .197+ "Les 'Sinoric' rcccm memdccolI"crtcs~lIs Ics mosaiques de ralY.;;idc
d~ Saint,Apo((illaiTt·~in-CbS5t:. i1 R~ "ennc.'· .1rll(/,:lIIi,· ilrs itur/"ipl;ollf "1 /idlu-
kttrn·. C01llp((.;,/"mdlll du $"""((1 I; 97-1 10.
___ . 197+ "Qnakhe 1I0Ta sulle sinopic rccentelliC I1TC rillvenllfc ~tto il mOS'lico
:lbsid3k· <Ii S. Ap-ollin:lrc in C IaSS(; <Ii Ran-nna." .'JtIt drfl'AmiJ~l!I ill dd/~ iI·lm:.,·
rldrI;Tillllo tli Bolagmf - CIII$Y rli il"if1l::.r 1110/".,# 6,. nO. 1; 95-1 07 .
___ [975' ~11 reee ntc rill\'enjmClI{o dd ' .\ 1on 'lsreriulll Saneri RlIllhilli.''' In
SlllIlin in MmIDl)' of D,/;;id '/ ;/Ibal Ri{ f, cd. G. Robertson: 164-1 7°. Edinburgh .
Bowcrsock, Glen vV., Peter Brown ancl Olcg Grabar, cds. 1999. f..llrr "''''iq/iit)": A
Gmli.. liJ rbr Pv)ulll.<;:,lm( WQr M. Cm nbridge, MA: I-bn'ard Unil'<'rsity Pr<'ss.
ll ..:mrll, Ulrich nnd i\ liIoh e Vasic, erk ~ooi. Ram,' r.,-ht /Jllf dtm n"lkml SplitmJlil,t
1i.~,i.,t"J/llrtl til/ii SI"dlmlillgFII ill Srr/lim. :\bim;: Philipp "on Zabcm.
HrJlIdt. O. 199i~8. ~I1 ba ttiste-TO lateram·ns..' da Costa ntinu a lIaru; un ri<'sam" Jcgli
sc:t\"i ." OPIlil"lIill ROllI/filii ~1 -~3: 7-66.
Brcckcnridgc, J UllCS. 1980. ;'Christ 011 the LYn.! ,Bllckcd 'nlf<:me." ()1II1J/t.I,-101/ O,lki
Pupar 3+ ~47~!60·
Brenk, Heat. u,lfh. ~\Velch (;n Ttxt iII ustricrcn dit: El'lmgclisten in d~n Mosaiktn
\'un S. Vitnl~ in R~ ,·tlllu." F,-ii/!l"iUdaltrriirb,' Suulim [6: 19""1-1 '
_ _ _ 198,. "SllOlia from Consr:1l1rilw to Ch3rl~!mlgne; At'srht:ri~s ,'C!'SIlS
Id<:olu!;y." Dlmdlilrton Ollks Pllprrr 41' 10 3-109.
___ . 1999. ~:\'1ir was l'iir ,\1incln kann eincm physisch Anonymcn AII(/~ritIIS
Vtrliehen wer(ltn?" hI £'w iII"l W~st; .'\'/Qd(i of CO/llI/IIII/i(IItiOlI , P ro("(dillg; ~f I{U
Fim PlI!"Jllll)' C{IIl[r"/!"lJUlll Al~/"idll, l·tI. E,.\·nngdos Chryws; "1-3-1 7.!. Lciucn: Brill.
~ :006. ~Zllr Einfuhnmg de.!' Kllites der heiligen K05m~s Ilnd Damian in
Rom." Th,'Olugiil"hc 'liif.f<·hrifi 6l, no. 2' 30]-3:0.
_ _ _ .!0 07' "San ,\ -l iehcle in Afrieiseo. Tenrlcm;e locali e interna7.ionali
ndl'architem[1'fI rn\"cnnare del V I 5E'colo." Tn Sa/I Mlrhdr ill /lfri";,-..." " {"<'Iii gillslilli-
{III'" {I Rovemw; nlti tid COIIUg1l0 "w r/ill>POIlI de/rani/Jlgdo, San 1 11irbrlr ill Afridsro
I' tria gillslillimltll"; Cionlllle di $I//IIi" ill III I'IIIO/"i" di Cillsep{><, BOi,illi, RaVI'IIIIa, S"I"
rid lIIo!'ll iri, : 1- 12 ,{pr i/I' 10('5 , <,d . Cl:llldio Sp'Hluni; 105-:! [. Mihn; Si lv;I11~.
Brcschi, Maria Gl'!J.zia. 1905. l.n mll~d,."/~ ~d il bllttirlt·/"o d~gii a/"iolli II Ri1t'~lmi1.
R;1Ven na.
Hrogiolo. Gian -P i~tro an d S"uro Gdichi. 1998. UI (ill,; IIdr IIItU IIm/ior"'1i il,llilillV:
IJJ'(b~ologill ~ .<ttrria. ROlne: Late!?:\.
___ . [999. ~ 1,Jeas of thl' Town in Italy Iluring the T r~nsi tion from Ami'luil}, to
th" M.iJclk Ages." In Tbf ldfll <II1l1 /dclli oflbt "/'0;;:11 bm::uJ/ Ullr All/i'll/it)' <IIllllbe
Emiy Midlilt- Ag"", ed. Gian,P ielro Brogiolo: 99- 1~6. Leiden: E. J. Brill.
 IUHR ENC ES

_ _ _ . .1 000. ~C~pit~li e re$idem::e regie neWhali" Longob:tr<h." In Srd~s r~gi/lc

("'III. 4UfI - GOO), cd. G. Ripoll Jnd J..\1. Gu n : 135- [6.1. Barcd ona: ,\'i<:mo rias de
h Re:tl Ac~demj,! de Bu en~s Let!"<ls de Btlret- Iolla.
Brown, K.,th"rine R. 1979. "The .\lO'i'li c$ of San Vi tal ~: Evidence for the Anribu-
non of Some Early B)'7.a nnn e Jewelry to Court' VorL:shops." Gf.111 I~: 57--6Z.
Brown, ' l lwlll:ls S. [919. ~ ' I 'he Church of Ral'enn:l and th e im perial Administration
in the Seventh Century."' £l1glisl; Himm'wl R,,,,;,"(;J 94: 1-.l B.
___ . 198+ Gm/It'll/1'1I1I/111 OjjiUI"i. imprri,,/.4dm ill i.<lr,lIilllllmd A riSllKl"illic P01UI"
ill B)7.illlt i nc Illi/;' A.D. 554-Suu. Hertfurd: British S"houl at Rum".
___ . 1986. ~Thc Aris1<Jo(.·rac)' ofRavenn;l from J ustini;ln to C harlcm;lgne." CA RB
33' 13)- 149'
___ . !986. "Rom;mi{as and Call1p:lllilil>mo: Agndills of R"\'enna 's View of {he
Past." Tn Tbr 'llbrrifillla of J-Ii.<t~"i~.f!,nlpb.r. 'jO-9')(J. cd. C. Holdswonh: 107- 1 14.
Exete r: Uni ve rsitr Pubik,ltiollS.
___ . 1990. "Louis the Piuus and th" Papacy, a Ral'enn:l Pt:r~p~l"ti ,'"."· In Cbmie-
ulIIg,ll~ '.J l-/I'ir. Nc;.' Paspmh',·; 0/1 rbf RrigJl 0I t ouis rb .. PiMit (,~ I ~ - 1I41)), cd. Peter
Godman: .1 !n-30S. o.~ford.
___ . '991. MEbrci c' ori~nt3li:l. R~,"~nn3." In 5to'-111 di RooJe.""" II. t, ~d. Antonio
C:lrile: ' 35- [49 ' Venke.
___ . 1998 . MUrb~n Vi()lcnl"~ in Early .\O\l"rlil"l·allrnly: "be Cn'ICs of ROllle an d
Ra'·cnna." In Violrllr~ (lnd SlKi"~r ill rbr Eo'"')' Mrdirl.!lll IVm, cd. Guy I b ls.~ ll:
76-89. WoudLri(lg<:, Suffolk: l30yddl and llr"wt'r.
___ . 2005 . ~ HF'11ltine luly, c. 6Ho-.:::. H76." In Tb,. NI'"':: CillllbJ"idg" ,Hrdirl'nl
HiJIOI'Y II, c. irJf>-{'. 900, cd. R05atllond ;\kJ(jttcrick: 3~ o- HR. C~ mbridgc: Cam-
LriJg~ U niv(:rsiry P r.:ss.
___ . l ooi. ~The Role of Ari:lIlism ill O StTogo{hic It:lly: The Evidellce from
Kn·clln:,." In "1'1;,' OJl rogMbi [Iv»! Ibe Migr.lli(J11 !'rriod IQ Ill( Si.\"Ih CI'1ll1uy: A ll
Erbllogl"llpbic P<'I"1f!".-tiiJf, cds. S. ]. 13. Barnish 311d F. Marani: 4 17- .p 6. \Vood -
uriJgt, Suffolk: Burdell Press.
Br""l1, 'Ibulll"s S. anJ Ndl Christil·. 1989. ~'Va~ Ther" II Br~.antin" M .... ld uf
~tllcment io Ir:lly?" MiLlIlgej' de /}~'Olf [I"lfII(Ilifi' ,,~ RDJ/I~: J\10)";>I1 IIg" _ r"l1/pi
1llOdemrs lOt: 377-399.
Brubaker, Leslie. [9')7. '-" kmonl's of lIelena: Patterns of Imperial r:cm~lc .\'lmvn -
ag" in t.he Fou rth and Firth Ce nturi es." In IVQIII..-/1 , j\1r11. <1ml t:wl/Irbs: Gemler in
B),":.ll1lriwlI, l·d. Li;r; James: 5!-i 5. Lon don: Routled ge.
Budriesi, Robert~. 1990. "'Orrnrl05s1 e ~riani: 'luestioni ravennati (riassunto)." CA Rn
37 : [ 09- 20 .
Bi.ihl, G. 199 5. COII.<f<mtillnpofi; IIlId ROl//<1; Stlldrprnrlllijikllfio1ll:11 der SpJi't.1mikc .
Zllrkh .
Burns, Thomas. 1978. "C3kuiating Ostrub>"Uthic Popuiatiun." l1rta Anti,!"" 26, 457-
46 3.
_ _ _.1984 . .4 Ni.rloryoIIII!' Oflt"OJl,Olbi . Bloomington: Indiana Ullh'"rsit)' J>~ ss .
Caillet, J .-P. 1993. 1. 'b~'gitji1l1~ '''Ollll1llnlllll [briti.." m flnH, ~/ nJri mIl78"J, d'apr~$
Npjgrnpbi~ ,kJ {hliWIIJeJ/! .<dr /Il1J$.llqilf (IVr- V //,. I.). Collection rk'l'tcole Fnm~ Ji se
Jt: Rom" 175 . Rome: E.cul" frnn\:aist;; Jt: Rum".
___ . !OO3. "Affin113rion de l'umorite de l'e\"e<]ue dun s le~ sanl"m3ire~ pal eo _
l-hr': tiem du Haue Allriati(luc: De I'inscription \1 I'image." Ddfi{m /l'S Cbmlinlll kcr
AI\·/;,l/ologiJ.:n flrMirel/li. i. -+ ~ 4: .1 1- 30.
Cnmeron, Ave ril. 1985. Proropill.\·tllld Ib" S ix/b emllll)" London; Routledge.
REHREN CES .:f0 3

Ca nrarelli, Luigi. 1901. L, diGCfi; il,,/irinllli dfl Diat/<,'C.i/Illo allo fi/1~ ddflmpr1n ofdd,.,,·
IiIle. Roma: "L'Enna" ..Ii Brctsc-hncidcr.
Camino VV~tag hin, Gisdb, M~rghtrit'l Cecchdli, ~Ild Lerizb Pani Ermini. 2001 .
~ L' edillcio battesinl3le lit: I tessuto della citta mrdoantica t: 3Itomediel':1le in It.11ia."
In 1. ',-difoit> ball,-sillla/~ i1l lta/ilt: ,upnli ( prvM<'IIII: nil i dr/rVII/ Crlllgl"fml IIII':io1ln/,'
<Ii '/I'cbcQIQgili Cri>"llllnll: Gri/Q;.'", SII1-=<IIIII, AlboiJ,lI. Filltll~ Ligllrr, 11,.111 i1ll iglit!, ll- ~ 6
fI:/tnubn I'J')b', " ~ 3 ,-.65. BonIigh~'ra: ist'ituto i nlt"m ~l ionalt" di studi Jigun.
C~ pe11ini , D e ni s. 19!!7' "C:onsidera;-;ioni intorno al ]lrohlem ~ de lb c inra nmrari;l di
R,wcnna t';)rJoanti ca ." F r/ix H,/;x'lnn ] 33-34: 81-12 0.
_ _ _ . 1993 . "Nu()vj d~ ti c d (l>~n·uioni sulla einta murana tli Ran. . nn~ tardom ·
ci c~ . " S'lidi RQmaglloli 44: 31-60.
Canl", Antonio. l y86 . "L'iconodaS1110 fr.I Sisando L· l'Italia. "In Cuft" Jdle ,,,,magilli
" aisi if(J/Iodfl.l711. I I rr; dd Ct>1IiJrg1/l) ,Ii SlIIdi, Cn","i11 r fo _ r 7 f!Jng,V;ill, r 911-/: 1.3-54.
Pa1enllu: EDt OFTES.
_ cJ. ' YIJl. Sturin di H,wr7rnll ll, I: Daf{' E til Bb llll ill,/ nl/' Eli; Olful/ill1l11:
Trl,,·j/lll"io, Erollomin,' SlX"inii. V.:nke: .\hl"Silio E.ditore.
_ _ _ . 19!'!! . "La Soci.:ta Ran·nnat" d:1I1 ' Es;lrr:1to ag li Ononi ." 111 Slaria tli Rllv..",/n.
lI.~ ; D,,/f"rtii bi::Jll1,illa ,,/{"rla otrrmin"n, rcdr>1"login, mlllm.. r "Hr, "d. Antonio
C'lrile: .3 79- 404. Ve nke: .\f 'lr-;ilio Edilorc.
_____ (·d. l Y9!. Swrill tI, RI/;."nlllli II, 1: Dllft' rtft 8/::"'lIl1il/(/ 1If/' eli! OuoT/imlil:
B.-,-lmQ/~g;a, <"tlltura ~ aru. Venezia : ,\hrsi lio Editore.
_ cd. 19\15. T("fJ(/rn(u I· i GQ/ij"r" Orimll" r Orritlm r,·. Ra\'tnnu.
l.a rtocci , .\0131; 3 Cecilia. '993 . "Alcune preci~a 1.ioni sulb intitolnione ~ S. ,-\gau
ddb Ecc1csia Gothonll n alb Suburra." III Traderic/} i/ G,.,mdt ,. i Goti d'II"lia: /Il1i
dd XIII CUII.~"'·J:lV Im" 17111:ztGlla/'· '/1 SIIIIJi mil/lito .H~diur1JU , Mihlllo. 2- 6 110"1."'111/'1"<'
'99:, l : 61 1-6l o. SpoletO' Cenrro it;lli:lJl<) eli Studi sull'Alt<) M edicx,·<).
Cw"llo, G ugliellllo G. 1983. "'1-1, <,;ulturJ J R~\·elllW tnl Corte e Chi<'s;!." In l£
Sl"lii Jlf/'I wit /lrn IIt ll'l.vnilitJ ROlIIl/grlll: 1- 'afra IIIcdioruo, cd. Qvidin CJpiran i: 29- 5 I .
.\Iilan : Sil"an~.
_ _ _ . 1991. "L~ cultura ~ rjttn I' RIIVl:nn;. tra ant iehita tanh c "Ito mcdiOl·' ·O." In
SIM·in di R,IL'lIIllO11. 2, .. d. Antol\io C arile: i9- 1! 5. Venic .. : Alars ili o £,. Ii rore.
Ca"~ rr'l , Sacnice . ]Y93. "La cultura mcdi"a a Rave-nn" ITa VI c VD ~e-colo:' )Hrdi,-hlll
lIei Sero/i n .s . .'i: 3-+S- ,60.
Ca\' ~rn., Be rt: l1i c~, G,.bridla Gardini, Gio'·"nni B~ tti>t~ {"Irenic. ,md Giorgio
Vc~pignnni. 1991. '·Gli archi.. i C0111e foon ddL. 5tona di Ravenna: Rl·g,,~to dei
ilocll menri." In Srarin ,Ii RIII'f"llI/oJ If.r, eil. Antonio Ca ril e: "o l - SoH . Ve nice:
.\'larsiJio Edi tore.
Ceeehelli, C arlo. 1936 .l", Gil/cd,." Ji Mnssjllli'lllo. Rl)me: La Lihrcri ~ dello Stato.
~ 1960. "L'Ari ~ ll es imo I.' Ie chiese uri:111e." In & (lii,'s,' IIri ,·rglli ,MI"£lIrQP"
IK(idrlll,"" l i /11/"0 "'PfX'l1i (011 ROIIIll rim iI"~'OO: 74 ]-7+ Spokto: C"ntro Italiano
di $m di ~1l11'"lro mcdioc,·o.
Cecchdl i, ,\-h rgh<'ril" nnd Gil)ia Ikrtt:lli. 1969. MEdillei di culto <1ri;1I10 in It:o lia." In
I kul all Xh COllgrh illln-Jlilliumt! d·llrchiu/ogil cbrilionu: 1.)"17/1. Vinllu, GrnJOhl~,
G.."i·t·t· rl /I(!flr (J 1-;.11 Stpr,·mlnv 1986), cd. Nod I)u\';ll, I: : 33-147. Rom \!: Ecol<'
fran~'~is.t dt: Rome.
Cecconi, G. A. ! ool'i. ~C risi e rr~~forl1.ni oni del gO\'emO municipale in OccidentI.'
fra rv I: VI SI:<.:olo." In Ole Sflldl ill de,. Spi;ll/lll ikr - Nll'l/rrgl/lIgl!llrr rVl/mld? l a-,,",,
des illltJ71l11 irlllillm Kofloij lIilllllS ill M iil/(lot'll ,/111 3 u. /lI1l1 j I . Mlli 1 ,.00 3, ~d. J"ns U We'
Krau se: l85- 3 18. Snmgart: FrJl11. Stt:iner Verlag.
 REFER,Ne ES

Christe, \',·es. 19¢. L 'Aporalypsr <k Jun: sms tI dh~lnpf'N'l"'u <k "J <'iWms
symblliquu. Pori" Pic.rd.
Chri.tie, Neil. 1<f09. ~Ibe City \V~lls ofR.venn. , The Defence of. CopilOl, AD.
40' - 750." CARR 36: "3- 138.
_-"'-.' ,006. From Con""IJt;", '" Cbll"f11JIIgIJ" All A.m",o/Dr:r'f /tgly. AD )00---800.
Aldershot: Ashg.te.
Christie, Neil '0,1 Sheil. G il.son . 1988. "The City \V.II, of Ibvenn •. " Papfff'ffb,
Rrititb 5tb ..1at R(m" 56: 1 56- '97.
Chrysos. Ev:mgelos . "'05. "Conclusions." In RA<.",,,,,,: "" '''Pitgk impmal, II ClJpitak
.","ok, " ,059-,066. Spoleto, Food.,.iooc r..cntl'O [",Ii.no di Studi .ull"Alto
MediOC\-'o.
Ci.mpini, Gio ... nni Giustino. ,6<)0--<). v,,"'. ".""i".mtg, in qIJih", pratrip,,, ".",h·"
oprra. SII<riIT7'''' proJan""""'1u. ".di"", ttrlIfflITO "' IJo",mlJ; ""tiqui ,-it'" disJmo-
ti..lih", irrmibr.'q'" ill",mml1lr. Kome: Ex trpog"'phia joonni. Jocobi K<IITI.rek.
Cirelli, Enrico. 1005. Arch""logi. Ul--h .n. a R"'<",n o: pi..",fonn. G[S dell" e"i_
denze .rchwlogiche di ct. tlInJ.o.nti", e mediev.le. Sien>: PhD diss., Universita
degh Studi di Sicn •.
,,-,_ , ,008. R",""""" IIrchrolqgill di ""II (itt". Firenzc: All 'in""gn ' del giglio.
CI . d" Eli1.Obcth A. '911', "CI.ims on the !lones of St. Stephen: 'n\. I'.rtis.ns of
Md. nia .nd Eudoci •. " Cburch Himry 5 , : '4' - ' ;6.
CI,rke. Georgi •. 1997.• Ambrogio T ","ersori: Artistic Advi"", in Eorly Fifteenth-
Century Fiorenc.' " R"",i""nCt' Snuli" , " no. }: 16'-178.
Clmde, Di"trich. '99I' "--[n<~~lerich d. Gr. und ,lie europliischcn ,\ [liehte" 10
Trod,rim it Gnmd, , i (""'Ii d'/talia: At/i <ltl XIII C""lm•• /nlmlll:il","k .Ii Sttldi
mU";I/", MroionV), Mil""". , - 6 nQl;nn/or. '99', 1 : '1 - 44· Spolcto, Ccotro it.li.no
di Studi ... WAlto Medio<vo.
Clover. Fronk t.1. '97,.1-1111';''' Alrroha"dt:t: A Tnm,l"t;"', 111111 Hi""",,,1 Om,mmtary.
T",ns.ctions of the Americ.n PhilOSClphic.1 Socict)" "01. 61 , part I. Phil.delphia:
American Philosophic. l Society,
Co.t<"s-St<l'hens, Robert. '#' "The \\,. 11 • • nd Aqueduets of Rome in ,he Forly
Middle l\ges, AD. ;<><>- ]()oo." Journal of Roman S","'" 88: 166-178.
Connor, Corol)"n L. '004. "Fem. le Imperial Authority: Empresses of the '[boo-
d""i.n House, G.llo l'loci<li •." In W""'''' of Br..untillm, cd . C.ml}'" L. Connor,
6+- 7" New U,,'en, CT : Yale University Press.
Cortesi, Gi=PI"'. '04, "R""""i s''''I",ne . rcheologichc nell. l.On. di Cl.sse.
La bosi~", Petri.n.:· lklklrino <kIlts Camml di Com",,,,",, Ji /Vn"""" II: 84'-
847·
__-'.' '05' "1.. h.,.;lie. della C... Hi.oe•. " 10 Afti <kl / C""gnm nr.J"""I, di
u"di Mumtin; (tmbrckJgio-~t"tt), R.n."""". ')-,, maggio 196,: 43~. R''''etlna:
A. Longo.
___ , 1968. " Nuo"e ind.gini suU. topoS",fi. delt. ron. deU. bosili", recente-
mente rinvenul'3 • sud di S. Apol~nare in Cl.sse.~ In Am .It! C"'tt~gno Im" -
nazi..",I. di SlIId; ",ll, Amichi/J di Clam. RAt"""'" '4- 17 Qllobr. '967: 441""'153,
R.venna: Longo.
- cc- . '~7°' "S'ggi<J di riC<Jgn i,i,mc <ull. hasilic. cI.ssiC1o.,)i ..n 1',.,,1>0." F'fix
RIn.",,,"']()1: ]()S- 1!3.
_-,-_. '978 . "1.0 chie.. di Santll Croce di K,,'eru .. alt. luce degli uhimi SCll'i e
riccrchc" CARR '5' 47- 76.
___ , 1<IBo, Clam ""Iwrri"ilma • ""lrobizllntilJll, R.venna: Libreri. Sirri.
REF ERENCES

_--;;;-, [911', ~l princiJl"li ediflci socri ... vennoti in funzione sepok ... le nei sccoli V
e VI.~ CA kB '9: 63- 1°7.
Cosentino. S. k .l0,..,. • 005. "L·.pprovvigion.memo .nnon.,io di R,,·enn. d. 1 V
_1l'VlII sccolo: I·org.ni,.:u zione e i riflcssi socio-eronomici ." In IVn""""": dd NIt>-
itllir imprri,,/r "'''pitalr rfli77air, [: 405- 'H 4. Spolcto: l'ond.,ione Centro l<O.li."o
di Studi sull 'Alto ,\ ledi"","O.
COS", lI .. Eo Gotti , .nd G. P. Togn"n. ]OCH. "Not> t",,,ie.: n"lte prelL..."" d. ",ur •
• ntiche d. llo SClvo Jel l. lIane. Popolare di R,,·enna. " In PoniJit=irmi "",icb<
in Italia: Eta lYf>,dJhlicm"" ed. Lorenzo Quilici: '3- '8. Romo: L'[ nn. di llret -
ochneider.
Coureelle, I'icrre. 1948. "Le Gril de S.int L.urent .u f>hu""lec de G.Il. Ploeidi •. ··
Cllbit", Arrbrologiq"" 3: 3' If.
_;:;--; [!)69. [,m Lotin Writ"' and TbdT Grttl: S""rrtS. T ... nsl.,ed by 1·lorry E.
Wedeck. Combridge, ,\1A: H.".. rd lIniversity I'ress.
Croke, lIri.n. '987, ·C. s<i",loru.< .nd .he G<titll ofJord.ne .. " Cltmiwl PhilolD/rf 8>:
11 7-'34·
Cununins, Sheila. '99+ The Ari.n H' p,isle ry of Ravenn •. lIloomington: PhD diss.,
Indim. lInive rsity.
Curci<:, Slobod. n. [993. "Late_Antique 1'_ I. res : T he Me.ning of lIm.n eo,lIe ... "
An Orinlt,,/if ').
Cumn, J ohn. lOOO. Pagtm City and Christum C"pilai; Rom. in the Fu"rth Cmlllry.
Oxford: Oxford lIni"crsity I'ress.
Curto.. Florin. 100"}. "S<11ll" Rc",.rit.s on Ethn;"ity in M"die,·. 1Archaeology." FJZrly
Mtdirval Em""" I 5, no . 1: 159-185.
Cusei.o, Giuseppe. 1007. "Origine e svi luppo del cultu dei sonl; Co,,,,, e I).mi _
.no. Tcstimoni.nze nell. V....IW .1 Hisrri,," In S.m ,Hid"l, in Ajri<is'" , I'rtll
gi"uinianta a 1/4'.'f"tma: atti dtl C""wgno "u dw'/'M"" dtIJorrtmgrkJ. Stm Muhrk
in Ajridsw , I'rt~ girlS/ini"".,, ": Gi,,",alr di mflliu in ",emoria di Gi,,,,,p{Jt B,";ini.
I?;wm"". Sala dri m"",id, ll - l l "prik '005. ed. C laudio Sp.doni : <}9-1 , I. ,'.lilan:
Sil,·.n •.
Dogron, Gillie". 1974. N"iI1Im« d'"". capila/f: C"",ltmti""plrrt m i',.,ir1lli.... dr 3]0
11 +5/. Pori.: I'resses uni,·.rsi,.ircs de Frru.ce.
D.vid. J.. n-!>1ic~cl. ,9'}6. Tb, Romnn C""tpml of Italy. O.rord : m.d"'ell.
Dc Angeli. d'Ossot. GuglicLno. 10<>- "Un cnigm. risoho: il oompl... men.o del
M.usolco Tcodorici.no."· CARli 7, 110. l: 77- 8}.
_-,-_ [\)6l. SlIIdi TIT"."nmt1ri: problmti di amiltllllTtl palro.:rislitma. R"'enno: Edi-
1.i,,,,i D.nte.
_-:--:- ,\)68. "Qss.,ru1,ioni sul l ·.rchin~tu .... delle h.sil ichc ,;coperte • C],,,,,,,." In
Alii drl C."vrgno /nttrnazitmak d; Srud; IIIUr Antirhitil di Clam, Rnwt,,,,,.
'.of-I 7
utrubt"r '967' 4H -4~1. R.H'nno: Longo.
---;-197) ' ·Sull. distrutu .ul• .lei 'Quinque acellbil" R,,·cnn •. " CARB '0'
>63 173·
de Fronoovich, Goh •. 1958-<}. "SlUdi sull. scultur. R.... nn.le. I: I .. rcof.gi.·· Frlix
1?in...,nt1 .6-18: 5- '7l, 5- 175.
-C-C-, '97 0 . /I P"IUfill", di Trodori", II Rat',",m,,, I" "'Mtflil 'urrhiUflllr" di PomrJl.'
f'robInni d'imrrprrlazMlt di I"IIjfiK"l"llzMU arrbilrlltJ1udJ. "tll'am wrda1mira •
a/tlmldw"..alr. Rome : De LlIC:I.
Dc /I h ri •. Sondro, cd. l<Xlof. NII'"" nun'" , ran:; ,..ll'an" d,n" ViII" di T,qJ"';", a
G"I'''I'': aU; dt/ia Gionwl" di fwdi, Rat·" "", .6 mar-.../) '00'. llologno: Ame quem.
 IUHREN C ES

Deckers, J. ~oo~. MDer er~te Diener Christi. Die PT(l~kynese der K'li~r ~ l s
Schliissdmotil' der "·!os.llkcn in San Vitale (Ravcnna) und in tIcr H aghi ~ Sophia
(lsr:lnuu))." In An, CiI"i/llO"l/ itll el Lilltrgie ,Ill /1 {tryrll Agc, A(le;" dll Cflllcll'l. de )e
(" (ie ROIl1(lIId df Lem·u. LaIl.<lIIIIII,-Fri/'olll"p,", l ';-~J 111<11" 14-1<; ,/lJrit, / 1 - 1 ) "/11(/;
lO(lt), cd. N icolas Bock: 1 I-57. Rom!.': VicHa.

Deichm3JlII. F. \V, 1952. ~lliwli dei vescovi rav.:nnati &1 Ecdtsio ~ Abssimi3110
ndl.: t'pignll (ktlkatorit' til S. Vilalt' t' oi S. :\pollin:lrt' in ChlSS<;' tr.ullU ndatt' J'I
Agne llo:' SlIlIli RI1I11I1lf'lu/i 3' 63-fi7·
_ _ _ . 1<)53. "GriinJ ung und Dalit'rung I'on San Vital", in Ral'cnna." In Ane
dd prim!> l/Iillt"1/1I;o: Illli rid ; . Cl1l1"'rgllo pt'r III .rtlillio rlrlI"Il17,· ddl'l/lro IIIdio ("I'll
Im/lfn pn',"1C }' Ullit'n-yi/,) If; P'11lill /lol l ,·//("ml"'r 19'i", ",d. Edm rdo Arslan: I t I - I I 7.
To rino: Viglon!;o.
___ . '95+ Sllllfir1l ':-111" / /",bilrk"", Kallmmrilloprls, ;111 ). Imd 6. ](1hrhllllifrrr /llIrb
Chrillll$. Ibdtn Bad.:n: B. Grimm.
_ _ _ . 1969. R,lv mlla, H llllpl.>11ldl rlrs sptil<lIIltkm A/let/dlmldes. ,V;"sLa,kn:
F. Steiner.
___ . ' 974. Rllv mllll, !-llmp/slmlt drs sp,j'flllllikf"ll .!Jilmdllllll/rs. 'Vi~sLJdcn :
F. Stcinn .
_ _ _ 1975 . Dir SfWlim i ll der S/'IIIIWlit'/,1I ;/l"I"liilel: lllr. Mu nich: Rlrerisch"
Ahdcmic ,ler \Visscl1schlftcn .
' 976. R"Vf'II11I1, llallpl"/(1dr dc. >piilllll lit'j"// Abmdl/mdc• . \Viesh~ den:
F. Sr~i n .:r.
___ . 19Ho. "LJ 1'1) 11:1' dei re gnti ~ Ral'ennJ." CARn ~i: 41 - 5.1 .
___ . 19~!!. "Co~ranrinopoli e RJ\'c nn a: un confro1Uo." CARB ~9: 143- ' 58.
___ . ' 989' R1I1'ellllll , !-lIl1IPltlilllt ,/"s rpiil,ullikm A/>mJllllltia. ' Vi~sb3 ,kn :
F. Sreiner.
Ddipnnis. Dd)nGlh I\ \. 1996 . ~Ag"dl\l5 nf l{:wcnn;\ ;H\d ]cQnoclasnl: '111cology
and Poli tks in a N in th Century Historic~ l Tc:.:t:' Spmlllllll 71: 559-576.
_ __ . HXX' . ~Bury Me in ({,lI'enn;li .'\ppropri:lting Galb P bddb's Body in th..
Middle Ages." Srlldi 'lJlt't/in:llli, 11 ..<. 4.1: z8!)-.l99.
_ _ _ • 1 00 3. M Ch:lrle lllagne's Siker T~bles: 'n", Idenlo,,'y of an Imper ial Capit~I."
E11I1)' l'llnljn;,r/ Ellrope J ~: 159-J 7 7.
___ , trms. 1004 . The Book oIPolllifj~ of Ibr Cbllr..b of RaJ.'rmlll. \VJshin~'1:on, DC :
or
Tht: C,nllOlic Univt:rs ity America Press.
___ . zoo,. ~ Proconncsi a n :\hrblc in N inth _Ccnrury RJVl"nn a:' In A Il'b{l(Q/ogy
ill Alybill'C/II/'('." Sl lIdir.> ill H~nn 1" cf Creif L Sfrikn', ed. Debo r~h , .,. De1iy:mnis:
37- .:P ' .\binz: Verlag Philipp von Z.1lxm.
_ _ _ cd. ~006. I I"IIIII"I".IS AgIII'//I/J, l .ib..,. pOllfijimlis udr.HIII" Rlli'c/llwrii. eee,\!.
TUnlhout: BrerH)ls.
___ .1008. "ALout the Lib~r pUlllijiriJli,. of the Ch urch of Ran:nn a: Its Re btion
with the RQ!llan .\·lodeJ." In LiM,., Gn/II, HisIQi,.e: &rirr f'hi>l!>irr: drs h '(1I1CJ (I ,{I'$
Pilprl, de I'ml/i~lIitl llll XX!c sikh', ed. Fr=IlI~.ois lioug'lrtl. T urnho1lt: Brt: pols.
___ . ~ oo 9. ~Ra\'enn a , St._\hrrin alld the Battle ofVouillc. "l/JillOisCianicJ11 SllIdirs
33: fiHthcoming.
Ddl'Aqu:l, Fr:mccsca. l ooS' MEnhandng Luxury tllrough StaineJ Gbss, from Asi:!
Minor to Ibly:' DlIIllba/7lJ1l Oal:;' P"p'>1'1 59 ' ! 9 3 - ~ I !.
Dl'mus, Otto. 1Y(!9' "Zu den " l'sisllwsnih' n \"()Il sn11l 'Al'01linare in CbSS,":']ilhrllllfh
'/rriifftlTr/fhirchrlll1.r...ollti llisril· 18: ~~9-~.l8 .
REHRENCES

Oi Pietro, F. 19~7. R(1V(/m,1 scpolta. P""I" ':.<nI(1 tlrdJ<·alagittl" R,,~'cJ11I" t 1/ Cl"sff.

R~"cnna: Adrial'rcss.
Di~ hi, Ch:ltb;. 19 51). J1'l/1lt~ WI/" I'nd1/1i"is/.m/ iOIl /ryt..'1!1 illt dll/IS 1'~:(tlrt'b'lf J(. Rll~'n/ll"
(S68-?SI ) . New York, B. Frmklin.
Dilke. O. A. \V. 1987' 41rineraries ~nd Gcographical " 'Llps in the Early and Lltc
Roman Empires." In The Hi"l(1)' OfCll1o!"O"/·ilp/~I'. wi. I, C,mo!,'1'(lph)' ill Pnbi.l<J17(,
AI/(i("1ll. "",I J'irdi('t'JI1 EllrQpr IIml fhl" 11'/rdircrrmlrll1l, cJ. J. B. H arlc)'; ~ 14-~ 57 .
Chicago: Unh'ersify ofChicngo Press.
Dillcrnmn, Louis anJ "\:\ 'cs Janvier. 1997. UI CW-J/wgnlpbtt" tin Rnulllw/c. Brussels,
Latomus.
D inklcr, Erich. [964. l)",' Apsi¥1110;<llit· ,!/fl/ S. Apollil1(l1'( ii' Ch,iS<'. KollI: \,vcst-
dcutschcr V,·rbg.
Donati, Angela. 1990. "Scrinunl, socictii e culmra." In 5rnd" di Rnl'CI/n.l', cd. G.
Su~ini : 469- 480. Vt"ni~e : _\'hrsilio Editort-:.
___ , ~oo5. "JI mondo dei Cb~siari:' In [ fWl1i ollliebi II, RII\.'r1J1l1l. cJ. ;\-laurizio
.\'1,mrtJ. I, II pOI"/O /TIll/Ill/a r Irflour: 117 - 1! 4. R:wcnna: Adriaprcss.
Dreshon_' Vciiantl, J una. L !J98. R(p~I"IQ,.iIl1lJ l"'r c"h,.;'1Ikb-lIl11ikm 5111"l.:lIpllllgl" Vol. II:
itnlim, Dill",,,li..,,, k[",ull der IVeit. !.·!,t dllf"'" NII,btmg Ram 11m' OJ/in. RC?"rto _
rillrll cler chrisdich -,mrikcn S'lrJ,:ophag.... '~'1:linl' P . I'n n ZLl.~rn .
Durlbt, Jean. 199i. ~Citc, imp"t ct inrcg'ntioll des barbarcs.·· III Kingdoms of tbr
Empirr' Tb, lmqp·"tiQ1I of RI/ri,"r/lms ill IJllr .il11filj1li~r, ed. 'Valt ... r Pohl. Lcidcn:
L J. Brill.
Dutton, Paul Edwud. 200... Cb"dtlllilgl"'s MlIst.1{b~ Ill1d 01b..,. (;"It"",J1 Clll~Uri of
II Vi/!"}; I lgt. New York: Palgravc i\hcmilbn.
Du\'al, No.::l. 1960. ~QUl' s,n'ons- nOllS du Pa13is (k· ·111<·odoric 1L Ra\'c'nn~?" ,1Uftlllg,·s
d'Anbia/agie ,'1 d'His/oi/·t 7 l; 337 - 37 I.
_ _ _ . 19i8. MComment recot1naihc Ull palais imp,'ri:L1 OIl rOY;II? Itl\'eTlrw c Pian.l
AL1l1Crin3." F,'lix IlIIPrlllll1 1 I.'i: !~~.
_ _ _ . [978. "La mos:L"iquc du ' P"btium' de Saillt-ApullinJirc-le-Ncuf repreSt"lltc-
(-elk· unc r,,,..:.dc ou un ~difi<.:c aphonP" C~Rn 15: 93- 1::,.
___ 1997 . ~ Les residences imp~ri:1les: leur rapllOrt ,1\'ee les prohlbues d~
l.ogitiTnitc, les part,,~e s de I"Empirc ct Ja chronologie des eombinaisons dynas-
ti(IUeS.'· In L'J"/ll"pmiomm iff drr Spiirllillil:r: Akrm drr Ko/l0'lllimm ~Sllllllm'"(lCb
/fIul SI,l/llli"iJkei,, " 6.- Hl. Mdr:. 1996, SoIOlIIlI!7IIH,'nr: r/f H,'iln/g" , cd. Fr.lLl~,ois
PaSl:hou& ! n-I53 ' Stuttgart, F. Steiner.
D~'gg... e, Ejn ar. HJ4J. R,n"fllllilf/IIIJ PrJ/,lfilllll 5i/(I"/11I1. 1-<1 basilit,' ipn,."lr pa Ul"f-
mallie. Dt"t Kg!. (.hIllS!.:e \'idensbkrnts St"lsbl>. Ar<:haeolog-isk-kunsthistoriske
Tllcddclc1!iCr. ITL !. CO]lcnhavcn: E. "'lunksg\lard.
~ [957' ~E.~cu rsus 5ulh 'BasiJ ic~ H erculis' ricord;Lla dol Ca~si(ldoro . " CARl:
4-: 75-7 8 .
Dyncs, \-V3ync. 1961- 4. "The First Christia n Palacc -Church Type." MII'">..,·IIS 1 I:
'-;).
Effcnbcrger, Ame. 1989' Dlls .HOlolil.: ""S drr Ki,-chr SOIl iUi,i>r/r ill Ajj·ids.'a ::"
R,wrllllll: dll KIIII1f~,:rd' il1 "(T f'riibihri.<lhrh-'')''::,.illllilliSlf!;m Sl/lIIlI/hlllY,. H~rlin:
Staat lichc Mu~cn zu Bcrlin.
flSller, J "~. 1995·;/n i1lld th~ ROIIIlIll Jfi.-.rtr, Th~ T,.,msjiJl7J1atimJ of Art from flir
('{{gllli IVQrM (I) Clim1illJlif),. Camhridge Studies in New Art History and Criti-
tism. C:uubliJ6r.:: Camhritlgc U ni\'~rsity Prcss.
 IUHR ENC ES

___ . ! OO1. "111e Birth of lA te AnTiquity: Riegl ind Stnygowski in 1901 ." Ar/
Hislory' zS: 358- 379 ,
___ . !004- ~ L:tte Anrique Art: The Pmbbn of rhe Cotl<:e pt..nll th~ CUlllulath'e
Aesdl<:tic.'· In AppnhlrhiJlg u m A llli'll/ily: Thr Tnms[ornllllioll from Enrly fO Life
Elllpirr, cd. S. Swain and). Edwards: ! 7 1-309. O:-.ford: O xfo rd Unin"rsity Press.
ElIg~ m anll, J. 1989. "Dit H uidib'\lng der .o\pom,l im ,\Iu~aik d"s u \' tnn aUS-
c h <:n Orthodo.\" nlmptiste ri ums: ' In B"itnigr "- fir Ikol/QgmJ'hic '/1111 Hrrmmcutil'.
FUTi"bl'ift jii l' Nih/,lIIs rtiJlmlffmflllJl, ed. H:l11s-U lri ch C~ in , 481 -489 . .\llai n7,: P.
"un Z alx:rn .
E.nsslin, \Vilh<:lm. 1940, MR<:x Thco< kricu.~ Inlittc r~tus?" Hirron5.-brs ],fhrlJflcb 60 :
39 [- 396.
Errubni C occhi, Em anuch. l y80. ~O""' n'azioni su[['originc del tipo m o nda lc
ostrogoto 'Felix Ra"cnn~:" Smdi ROH/II.'{Imli 3 I : ll-44'
E"tre n , Nichobs. 1003 , Lilrmtj· ifl L Olllb(ml / lidy , c, J 68- 7H' Cmnuridge : C.Ull-
hridge U n i~-c rsiTY Pre ss.
F~ hhi, Fu l"ia. Zoo l . ~R~vl."nna rolllan~ ndle d ('OSTnnioni ~torkhc g l',lfichc c car-
w grafi<: hc ," In R'I1:.-uml Rami/lin, l'd • •\ Ia uri'Lio .\I!aU TO: I Oj- l F. Ran, nna: Adri-
aprrss.
F ,) b bri, G . S. looj. ~ L) no na militarl." ori." nlal l." - J{ 'lI'<.'nn:I ." 111 I p~t1i mllirbi di
R,w t1llw, ('d , .VbU ril.iO "huro. I: 11 fWrto JW/liIllO t If jlDtlr: Ss-s>6. R;1\'(,lllla:
Adriapres.s.
F.)buri, P~ o lo. J 990. MI l pa<:~ a,!(gio r:1I"eIlTl.) t" deJl'e\'o :mli,'o," In S/arill (Ii RII ~WIIIII,
/: l : ..:·o I1 l11iro, ed. Gi:lIlcarlo Susini: j - 30 . Vene1-b: .\la rsilio Editore.
_ _ _ . 199 [. MTl eontrollr:l delle ae'llic t r;) tec nic a cd eC(>II (>III[3." In .')/ol'i" Ji R'WCIIII,' ,
ll. " <,d. Antonio C lril<,: 9-2 5, Vellin·.
___ . .:004. "'L'eta amica e med iel·,lle." In Le 1I1I1n7l1dl" ,'Iori" JlfbrlJlJ1 di R" ~'CJllIiI ,
1." .1. Paolo F:lbbr[: 11 - 97. Rt1\'<: nn~ : SOCic{'1 tli smdi r:I\·<: nn:1(i.
Fa nn ing'. St<:n:n. 19111 . ~Lllmhard Arianism R('cun sid<: I'cu." SpCW/IIT11 56: !4 1-! 58.
]!,mmu i, ,\hrco. [801 - 1804. :\-lulllmrmi i m vamllt; ,Ir' .« yoli !Ii 111~o;.:.o per Iii IIJlIggiD I'
P.,rfi: i,m/ii i . Vcnitt: FranceSl:o Andrcola.
Fa doli Ca mpan llti, Rtl fae ll ,l, 1977. RII;r1'1I1111 ,'Dlllllllfl r biu lllt illn . Raven 11:1: Longo.
___ . 1986. ~ L" t<.JrnJx- de i "esc<.Jvi cli R~ \"cnll~ del tard<.Ja ntico all'alto mcdi{}C,·o."
In I. "illhlllll/ll hm pm,ilf'gii e'/II IV, ,UI Vlllf siedf 171 O,dlll'lll , cd. y , Duval \Imlj .-C.
Pic~rd: [65- 172 . P~ri s.
___ .1989. MLa lO pogrn na imperialc di Ravcnna clal Va l VI sccolo." CA RE 36:
139- 147.
_ _ _ • [y9z . ~ D,,~o r:lzi()ni (Ii urigint (".;;sil" sui repcrturio del mus.,icu pavimtn(ale
prntnbi7,amino del "ieino O riente e Ie cor risp(>ndem:e dec(> r.l tivc pa rietali di
Ravenna, S ~lon kco, C05Tnntinol'oli e QlIsa)'1. Anll''' : ' CA RB 39: 175-196.
___ . 1991. "R.,,·cnna, Consuntin<.J poli: As]X,tti Topogra f1~o -,\I oll urnenta li e
Iconografici." 1.11 SIQ r ili di Rllvrmlll fl. ]. , ed. Anton io C lrilc: I ! j - I 57. V en ice:
M :lrsilio EdiT(>r<: ,
___ . )994. ~ U p~'rgus del['ardvescnl'o Agnello e b S Ul data7.lone," CARR 41:
: 07- : 18.
_ _ _ • I 9,)5, Im oS<liri pI/ viII/mil/ii rld"l ,hi.",,,, ,Ii S. G ;Q I',"mi l:.·uIlIIgdis/(/ ill RII ~WIlIiI.
R n" e nn a: F.di7.ioni del Gir<lsole.
___ . zooS. ''' P<:r hi dat'l ~.ionc della cm tcdr~ IIi ALls,imiano c dd l' mnbone (Ii
..\ ,'1\c[[o ." In S'll/ii ill III{1/Wril1 ,Ii Plll ri: ;" AI/giolm! ,Hi/nil/dli, cd. Sil\'ia P tlsi:
165- 168. Bologna: Ante que m.
REHRENCES

___ , H)O, _ "R~"enn~ e i ,noi rupP<'lTi con Cost~minopoli : hi sculnlr~ (secoli

V-VJ):' In Vm.-;.in r RiS"II'.:Ja. /lsprlfi ddll, m/rum al1;,lim hi:.ilIl1i11i/ '/11 Rtn:r'/I1/11"
i/,'1lc, i., (V_X/V .....·rQ'O), ed. ClemeIHin,l RillHdi: 13-43' Veltke: IsriOlr o "enew
di sci~nze. letten: ed arti.
___ . ~ OO7' ~llllosaic i pavirncnt:lli di Ravcnna c di arc<l ad ria lica in cta guisr.ini-
ane~. 11 t3ppttu mllsi,'o til San .\liche!.: ill Africi><.'o." In SIIII Mi(hr/r in AJ"iciKo
crail giI<J1;llilllm, " R/Il.!rmll/; mli dd CQIlI-""Sr/Q ~L, dill,-p<Jo, rirf/'"rClmgrfo, Sail
.Hi(be/., ill Afrid$l:o r 1"'(iI gillslmiilll~'/-; GiQmnft di srudiD ill "wlID/'i" di Gillsrppt
Bm;il/i, R,wnlna, 5,,'11 dd 'ltD"lIifl, ll -~ 1 uprilr 20Uj. cd. Cla udio Sp~Jolli: 17'}-192.
"'1ilan: Silvana,
I';.soli, Gina . IIn9. ~II dominiu t!:rrilori~ l e degli ~n;h'esoo\'i di Ravenn;, fr.• I'Vll1
"t I'XI sc"olo." In I pain; IrmpuJ"iJ1i de; ,'n.:IJvi ill/t"I;a t il1 Grrmal1;n lId mtJiQe"D ,
cd. C.-G, .\ 'ior: 87-qo, Bologna.
___ , 1979. "Sui Patrimollio ddb o,;hiesa ,Ii Ra""nna in Sicilia." f,·ht· Rmlmllit
1 r8; 69-iS .
___ . 1991. ~n p~llilllOnio clella ch ic5:t Ravcnmlt('." In $Io,.ill ni R,tVfl1ll1f 11.1,
"d . Antonio C~rik': 381)- 400. V"nlt-c: Marsilio Editor",
Felletti " iaj, B. _ "I. 1968-69. "Un.. e..rt3 tli Ravenna roman:! e bil;an tin a:' R,:nniamt;
dl'lI,l Palll iJiriil IIcMdrm ill IYnIlIIllII di 1II~'bfOlogill 4 1 : 65- ' !o .
Ferlu!;,J, J adr~n. r 991. ~ L'csar<'Jto," In SlDri" dl RiI;.'r"IIn", II. I, cd. Anton io Carile:
.'15 1- 377' Venice.
Fh,cC;IJOri, Gianfnlm::o. IYi/. ~S ull a rm: mo rhl h:od.,ril'iana di S;Ul M3rtino in Cie!
d'Oro.~ Fdi_t' RII"'I'III'" 1 13 - 1 r4' 16r - 1 ;9'
FiQrc m ini ROllcmr;li. lwtt,.. ~OO7. ~ De gr'H-lo chilllic(l-fi~ic() nei nlO~"i ci p"villlent'.lli
Jel V I s<:colo: il11<' n '<'l11i di r~s[auro." in SlIll ,\Jirhde hi A[ndr.·o e frll) p,ills-
/iJ/;1111ri1 ,/ R,It',7111i1; ,/IIi dtl COI/l.:eg/lo ~LiI dinsPQI"iI dclliJr"lIl1gdo. SIIII rHiclidr ill
tlfri(ir."O r r,'rll giIIJliJliilll(u "; GiOl1lal" .Ii IIIIJiv ill I/Iol/ori" Ji GiIlS''Ppr HOl.'ini,
RIn'CIIIIII, Sl/lil dri mor-lid, ~ /- 11 ,lp,.il,· HJO j , CI\. C laud in Spa don i : 3 1 1-3 I 5. Milan:
Silvana.
I'iori, Cesar<:, .\'1ari'I1l!,,=la V;mu ini, ;l1ld Vak'ntintl l'>'bzI',oui. 1005. "T cenolof:ia"
colort' lit'l \'etro dt'i nlOsaici II i S. \lir,lle ~ Ral·t'nna." hi R,';:<'IlmJ; dll 'Ylpila/r
;mperi"k" mpit,t/r CSlIIl'l/k,!: 915-94Z, Spokto: FonJazione Centro Italiano di
5t11Ji sulJ'Alw :\'lcdioe"o,
_ _ _ lOO;. ~Ttcllol ogi~ del colOr<: del ,'.,tro uiz;11I t:ino nti l11osaiC"i nlVtJ\n~ti."
In Snn Il h.bdt ;" AfrkiS<'/J r rrttl girmil1inlle" II Rllilell1w; Jlli del Co"~'rgllo "L,
dillif'ol"ll drllnlTallgdD, SIIII lllicbrk ill Aji'ici""D r fel,l gillsrillillJ/fll": Gimlll1lf di
.1111!1i} ill 1IIr11l1Jritl tli Gills<:ppt BOilhli, lI.,/Il,·I/1UI, S,illI tlci musllid. ! / - : ~ tlprile ! 1111),
ed. Chudio Spadoni: :I I ; - 3~+ .''lilan: Sikana.
Fiorill, .\hris~ Bh1l1e(O. 1993. *11mOllolite dt'l mausoleo di Tt'oool'ico." III T.'~dr";(a
il GmllJr r i Goli ,f'llnlin, Alti drl .VJI CUlIgrafrl ltlW71l1::, iDllllle rli Stmli >"II/fAlto
Mcdifll.'Vf), ,Hi/al/o, !-O nO" cnl hrc 199~, ~: 601 - 60<} . Sf!Qlcto: Centro italiano di
Studi 5ulJ'Alto .\1ediOt'vo.
Foschi, Silvia. 199i. "Apponti PC I' una ctonologb dell" trasformal.ioni 3rchitct _
tonichc <Ii San Viralc."In {.,,, b/lsili.." Ji Sail Vila/r" R";:mllil, ttl. 1',ltri 7.ia Ang10lini
.\"lartin"lIi: 5~8, Modt:na: I;. C. Panini.
Fn~, Robin Lane . 1995- "i\r[ and the Beholder: The Apse. Mosaic of S. A1)()lIinu.'e
in Cluss<:," By.:.mllmiKbr Fm'sdlllJlgm l I: ~4;-l j ' .
Franzoni, Cb udio. I !J!>I6. "Br3ceio nord, porta]" d'ingn:sso. Arrhitra\'" romano con
fr<:gin b:lcchico I N orth :trlll, .,nt.r~nce portal. Ronml "rchitrJ"e wi th Baechic
 IUHR ENCES

frieze." In II "",,!Svita Ji Gall" Placidi,' a Rn'll!1/11a. ed. Clcmcnn na Rin:lrdi, ~09-

Z 10 • .\1 od" ml.
Fr.lssin;:ti, G. 199;. "L'~ntic;l Cbs,., nel 'Liber [)olltitic:llis' di Andre:1 Agnello."
R"Vr:lllliI. Studi c Rirrrche~: 39- 55.
Fra...~i nc ti, Giancarlo. 1 005 , "La flon:1 impe ri ale lU ma na dalla nne del sec. I ,\'e.
alb t~rda In!ichita,'' In I porli IIlIIi(hi ,Ii R,'l'e1llIll, ed. _\'1nurizio .\buro, [: 1/ POlto
rQlI/(tIlQ r fr' flotr!: 67-84. R,wenn'l: Adriapress.
Fntgoni, Chiar:'!o [99 1. A Diifmlf Cil}': IlIIngri of Urbllll T?.l'pfrim,r ill flu IHrdiel'lll
rV~rld. T ranslated '-'y \Villi~m _\-1cCu.lig. Prin~'etun , :'\"J: Prinn:lon U ni versit),
Prl'ss.
C"ddoni, \V\lll d~ , 1989, !I 'lI/m,ft""O di Trodtwiro, Bolog1l\J: Unil'<:' rsity Pre~s.
G~ bssi, Giuseppe. [930. Rmllil " Bi",,,,,io, , 1!11liiliri d,' i&V!n1ur r I~ oTigfl/i ddI'nru
;",Iillll," Rom c: La librcri~ clell(> st'ato,
GJletti, Paola. lOOj. ~C;1I1IHeri ddl'cd ilizi~1 pri\'ala ill una cit1~ capit'lle." In RI/ vt'mlll:
da rapilnk i1!1Pf"'''''~ " mpila": (J"'T" I~,~: 88 7""""9 14' Spolew: Fon da ~ione Centro
Italhn o di Smdi l>1l11':\lto Medioc"o.
Gdkhi, Sauro. 19)10. "Nuo"c ricerehe a rcheo lo gieh t nd b (·hit.sa Ji S:mta C roce a
R aven na." C-'I RB 37: I9 j-!08.
_ _ _ [991. ',]( P:lCs:lggio Urbano Ir" V c X ;;ccolo ." III Slo,.i" Ji RIIII<'lm,/ l/." " d.
Antunio Cnile: I 5.I-[6 j . Venice: .\.farsilio EditnTC.
___ . 199-1-, " ' .'"dilixi" re sidclllia lc in ROIll;lgna tra V c VTJ I $<:col(>," In
Edilizill ,."sid",r:.illl .. /1"11 V e VIlli >wIIlII, Alii lid I V S,.",i/l",.ill )"//1 Jim/ollflli(l) C
I'A Ilo"'tJic~lJO i}, ftnlia u11lr"-f"lln!ll'ioJId/~ (!.\"fo"tc RIII1'o_ Gillhiatt. vao, ~ _-I ~IU1l1_
1m' '99;), ed. Gim- Pietro Brogiolo: '57- ,67. :\bmo\'a: SQCict:1 Archcologic:l
Padana.
___ . 1996- ~N ote sulle cina biz;lIlrinc: dc:II'Esarcato e de1b Penupoli tr:l IV c:
IX 5<'colo." 1.11 t:arly M,'din,,,1 "/"Q'1;!IIS ;/llh,. I V(SI(11I Mediurrmmm, RIIVd lo, ~; - l-l
S"f'lrmbrl" '991, "d. Chill- P ietro Broginlo: 6;- i6. M antua.
_ _ _ , :000 . "Ran':nn a, ascesa e dedino tli un,! Capit3k." In St"llu n:giur (1I11T1.
-I uu-8uu), e,1, G, Ripoll 'lmlj, ,\!. Gurt: 10!}-[3+ Barcelon'l,
___ . l OO !. ~'l1lc Cities." Ln 11iI~)' illl b~ £,II1y il!iddlr AgtJ', 'n 6-, ()()O, ed. Cristi nn
La Roc"a: 168-188. Oxford: Oxford Uni\'ersity Press.
___ , ~ OOS. " Lc mura di Ravcnna ." In RfWCII1I11: dll " ,pifllir imperilliit 11 fIIpi-
/",," ,'SIIr<'illr , ;: 8z 1- 8,,0. Spolew, Fond:rt.iune Ce nt ro h albno di Swdl su ll'Alto
Mcdiocvo.
Ge lichi, Sauro and Paola Novara, ' 99 5, ~La chiesa di Santa Croce a Ravenna: b
sequ enza nr<:hit"ttoni~· a . " CA RB ,p : 34;-3 81,
Ge ntili, G. ' <)7 ". ~O l;gi n i c fasi c~ru ni\"c .lei complcsso ccdcsiale delb C:1.' Bi~ nca
pres.<;/) C lasse ;Ii R:lv~ Illl:l:' AI'brolMt-i V..,111 it· Z Y I 9(i- l I I .
C"urgc. Judith. 199~. V~1Iimlil/r FUr/IIlI"lus: A Lui" Pori in Mrnwi"gill/l C,IIII.
O xford: Oxford Uni\'crsity Press.
Gerob. Ghlseppe. 19[6. ~Ll \'jl!ore de ll~ f!;lsi: 'a m;: "Itare' lIdlo storko Agll~llo."
A n i ~ meV/orilt ddf""'admlil/ di .'lxrirolrurn, Sdm::.e r LeI/ere di Vrl'OlI", sa. 4 19:
:5·
___ . 19z 3. hl1 restauro dd Battistero ArimlO tli Ra'·tn1l3." In SlIIillt'lI ='111" Klllw
des Oiloli; JllSrf SI'-:'j"gu-,;;sl'i =.1111/ iubo:.igSUli GdN"1J1ag" t·"" seiflrll f',.r lmdo, ltlld
Srhiil(ni, ell, Heinrich Gluck: I I Z- J ':9. Vicnm1: A,,~lun.Vcrlng,
___ . 193 2. ~ 11 ripristino tldla capella tli S. Andrea nel palazw v"scuvil" tli
RI\·cnn"." f'.-li:r R'H'r7111il 4 ' : i [ - I 3~,
REHREN C ES

Ghir:mlin i, Gheurrlo. 1916 . ~Gli sc,\\'i rlel palazzo oi reorlorico a Ra\·enn:,-" Mall-
IImmli Alllicbi, Rrld,' IImuhmi" del 1.111"0' "4: 737----.'1;8.
GhCOlll.ini, Paola. [990' ~An:lgr~f~ (lei dtt:ldini r~\·enn~ti." In Sloj'ill tli Ravt-lIl/lII,
ed . G . $usini: 137 - ~ n. Venice: )1nrsilio Edito re.
___ . 1990 . "1\nagrJfc dci cI3ssbri." Tn Sloria tli Rnvfllilil l , cd. G. Susini: 3! 1- 36l.
\I<- nice: Marsilio EdilO r<-.
Gillett, AfHlrew. Zoo l. >;Ro1l1e, Ravenm, and the l llst \Vestem E,np<:rurs." I'nprr.<
oJlhi' rkilisb Sdll10l al Rom~ 69 : 13'- 167'
Gi,."utli, C . zoo) . "l ate- Hu IOL-.:ne AJlu"i:li E I'<:nts in the Centnl Apennines., It aly."
The Holormr '5: 768-77 .1 .
GOA'lrt, \V:,lter. 1980. BIll'/otwi,lIIs /llIIf Ramll/Is, A.D. ';18_j~'';; Tbr T"dmill'lf" oj'
Amml1llDJlltiOll. Prin~'eton, NJ: Princeton U niversity P rcss.
___ . loo6. B"I"I/ilri!m Tidrs: Till' ,-\oli,'{I'IlIioll Agr ,111,( Ihr l.nt!:r ROllllll1 Empi,....
Phibd",l phi,,; Uni"ersi t)' of P.;nnsylvania P n:ss.
Grabar, AnJrt . 1936. L 'f'7/1prrrllr dllns 1'11>"1 (rJt1ltI1lr: rreh(1. be;; ,711" r,1l1 uffirid dt
i"rlllpin' "'Griml. Paris: Le~ Bcllc~ Lcrtres.
_ _ _ . 1946. Mllrt)'rilllll : I"fChrrrba Sill' I,' mllf drs rdi'lllrJ e/ 1'1111 rbrftim 1I111ilJllf.
Paris: CoIICh'" J" Fran"".
_ _ _ 195 ~f. AIII/WIII,.,' tit Trl7't S"ill/(' OHIIIIZII, }Jol!{,iQ). P:lris: C. KlincJ.:~iccL:.
_ _ _ . 1980. Cbritlitmlamog7"ilpby .ll SlIId), o/Its Origil/J. PrinceTon, NJ: P rinceTOn
University Prc~, Original cdition, 1¢8.
G r'1I1l~11Iit-ri, Claudia. ~ OO i. "II mos'lico l1b!;i(lal~ J i San ,\Ii d lelt in AfriciS(."o
artrn\'erso Ie .Ir1Tiche ripm.... uzioni iconogufiche.'·ln Sm, Mi{bd~ ill Afrid~u ~ ('!:{,i
gillstilliallfa II RmNlllla: ,mi de! Clllwfgtm "/",1 dia.pol"ll tlcffurt'lIl1gdo, Sill Ilfirbrlr
i ll illrki~<"o f I'flll gillJ1il/;'WfU" : Giol7llllt .Ii sllidio ;lIlIIflllOI"llI tli GiIlYt'PP" Hodlll .
RP~W"/JI, Si/lp Jri 1MMiri, ~ J-1 ~ Ilpri/( ~ooJ, e..... Cbudio$p:ldoni: 337- }48- Mibn :
Si"',m~ .
Gricl'li<m, Philip. L985. "'Inc D .ltc of the Gold .\c\"da11i<m of "i11cmlerie Th~' Gr<::lt."
Hikllill 1 L: ' 9-26.
Gricrson, P hilip and :\hrk A. S. Blackburn. 1986. kl..tiin"t/ Elll7lpmll COlm,X'" ~!.·itb
II CUlllloglI( oJthr e llin! il/ Ilit fi,:::illillill .'H llklllll , CllllllwiJgr . 1'01. 1, 7'"" &1'1)'
Mid"!.- Ages. Cam briJge: Cam bridge Univ("rsit}' PreS!>.
Gmssmann, Peter, 1¢+ "ZlIm NJnhe:non Sun Gio"a nn i Ev~ngclisra in Rl\'en n ~."
RijtJJi,;rb~ M i lldl/lligm 7 ' ; W6- l !8.
_ _ _ . 1973. S. ,Hirbe/e;'l A/n,h,-0;:11 Rililemw; hnllgfscbi"hrlicbe Ullt~r'-'fcb""gm.
Maim: am Rhein: P . "Oll Zabern.
G run dlll~nn , H ("rixrt. 1<)8. "litte,."tUS-IlJitter:ltuS, Ocr \~I andel einer BiI-
dungsnonn "om AlrcrfUlll zum .\'1 ittcl~ l rcr." Ar,hh, fiir Kllfrmgr$.·bj;-hl~ -J.O; 1-
6,.
GU:lJ:lb'11ucd, Anna. ! OO7' Le dna ddJ' ltalia sctt"ntrionak nd IV S(."coio d.C . L au-
rc~ spcciJlisrk;], Uni"crsit~ di Pis".
GUillOIl, And rt . 1<)69. IUgio'I<llimlf ,'I illllfpI'IIJIIII«(" JliIIS ('rmpir r {r.,;lIIlill 111/ Vllr
5j;'d~. l. '~-"~mp/~ de r£t:nr,.bnr ~I de 1,1 Prlltapo/r d ·ltalie. Studi Storid i 5- 70. Rome:
istitllto storko it:lli~no per i1 Mcdio £\'0.
_ __ . IYYI. "Dt:mo g ra lia <;: societa " Ha" <;:nna ndl'et~ e ~arcal .... " In S/(I/·i,1 iii
RIl~'e/11l/l II- 1, ed. Anronio Carile: ' 0 1- T0 8. Venice: '\lTarsilio Editore.
Gulowsc n, K. I 999. ~Liwrgka l iJl ustrations or Sacred Images? The imp",rial Pand s
in S. Vi tale·, Ravenna." ..1(111 "d 'Irrh'lro/ilgilllll il ,111;11111 h;sIOI"/IJII/ prrillltlllia. Srrit
"[I<'r" in 8Q t I: 115- 146.
<" IUHREN CES

Gunn, Joel D . ':000. ".-\.D. 536 anrllts 300-Yt~r Ahe nnath." In The rem:!' ~;lha1fl
Slllll'llm~ Trllfillg ,1.D. 536 11m/Its Aftr,lIIlI/b, ed. J. D . Gu nn: 5- 20. Oxford:
Ardl;leOI)ress.
Gwynn, O~"id i\'l. lOC,. MFrom ico!locbs1l1 to Arianism: T1le Constnlctioll of
Christian Trmiilion in the Iconoclast ('..ontro\·crsy." Gruk, RIJIIIIIII, lIud (Jr..allfill~
SllI<li"·<47: '!~5-25 1.
Hall. LindaJom:s. ! OO4. Rut",m Boytl/o. B,-imt in ulle Amill"i/y. London: Routblg.;.
Halsa!1. Guy. JOOL 1I1111101lr. flislOIY IIlId "olilies ill um AlIlitl"iT
)' illld rh,' cllrly
,HiddfrAges. C:unbridgc: Cambriugc Uni"~r:sity Press.
Hanson. R. P . C. 1988, The SrnlTh for fbr Cbrinhm DIKlrlm" of God: Tbr /J,.j'lI/
Crlllll"Q.'rI~" ; J R_]N j . Edintllirgh: 1'. &. T. CI"rk.
l-bdow, l\Iary. ':004- ~Galla P[,lt:idi,,: Conduit of Cultun'?" In rV"mm", 111fiflmc~ OJ1
CI<lm",' CiIJi/baion, cd. Fiona ,'-'!cHanly: 1,f!-150 . Lan non: Romlcdgc.
Harpe r, J amt:s G. 1997 . ~The P ru\'isioning of AI~rbl~ fo r the Sixth-Century
Churche.~ of R~\" cnn": A Reconstructi,'c Analysis." In Pm/III11 Romamill/' RidHlIw
k"nllllbfimrr ':-11111 Ion. Gr/wrlSlllg, cd. RennTe L. Coklla: 13 1- l.J ll. ' Vicshaden:
Rcidll.,rt.
Hasdoff. Gunther. '9~" Die gf:17111ll1iKbr Tirron1Clmmtik del' V;,tkrr;;:'lll1dcn"'gL~ir'
SllIIfifll ::'1, 8111i1l'S Slili. Berlin: \ ,V. de G ru),t..,r.
Haupt. Albrecht, 1913. DdS Cnlbwill Tb~oJrricbs Jrt Gro£st"JI::'1I RJIl.'I'1J1ut . .\Ionu-
me nta Germaniae :m:hilcctonica L Lcip1.ig.
Ht:ad, Consmnct:, 19i~, JII" I;lIillll II vf liP,Hlllilllll, .\'1:ulison: Un i" t:rsity of \Vis-
con~i n Press.
HeaTher. Peter J. 1936. ~The Cro~si ng of the Danube and the <..iQthic Con'-crsion."
Grul'. ROIIIIIII, 1111<1 Br.....mlillr SIIIl/iu z 7. no, .': ~ S()- 318,
___ , 1991. Co,hs ,/lid RIJI1tIIllS,;; !-.j81J. Oxford Historicnl.\lonographs, Oxford:
C I,If"(;ndoll Press.
___ . [99j. " ln cod~ric, King of the Goths." IWI'9' ,Htdie;'111 EIII"Dpt 4, no. ~:
145- 1]3 .
___ . wOi. ~Mt: rdr ~n Ideology? Gothi.., Identity in O~trol{oth ic h air." In Tbr
OS/I'agalh.,·flwlllbt Migntliall Prriad to Ibl' Si.wlJ emllllY All Elbllog>','piJit P,'rsp"c-
lIVe, "tis. S. J. B. B~mi..m and F . .\braui: 3 i-80. V,'{)(}dhridge , Suffolk: Bo)'ddl
Press.
H.;:,n11"r, I'tler J, an(1 John 1\1~tthews • .;:ds. 1991 . Tbr Gallo,'! ill Ib( Pww/b emllllY.
T ra nsla[..,d T ens fo r J-fistori~ns. Liverpool: Liverpool Univl·rsity Press.
Heidenreich, Robe n ~nd H e iIl7,J ohallll e~. [971. D,u Gmf,l/Ia( T,'Mrrkh ZII RaVCII1IIl.
DeU[scht:n r\n.hJolog. lnstituts, no, 8. WieshaJt:n,
Hen ning, Dirk, 1999. Prl"ir/ir,m$ ,.u pub/ica; k"niJrlll1f11 Imd Elilm ill d;'" Kri.-T' dr$
W"ilriilllisrlml Rrirbu .jj-Pj- 49J N. ChI'. SnltTgtlrT: F. STeiner Verbg.
Hillier, RkhlrJ. I ()SlJ . Armar an the .'IrIS af Ihr Ap~st/~,: A Baplimlnl ClJlIIlIJl'1J111IJ'.
Oxford: Oxford Uni,'crsiry Press.
Hodgkin, · L1lOmas. 1885. /1iI9' II/IJ Nrr 1111'llIlrl"$, vol. J, Tbr Q,1TOKOlbi( I IIl ·il.'·;UI/,
476-jj 5. o.~ford, Cbrclltlon P res...;,
H ol<kr- Egger, OSW JIrl, cd . 18i8. Ub<'l" plmlijim/ir mlnill" 1i,lt'nll/llli,·. •\'\ G H 5<:: rip-
lOres refUIll La n gou~rJic:lrum d 1t;llic~fulll sat:",. VI-IX.I-J :mo"t:r.
Holul11, Kenneth. [977. ~ Ptl lcheri:l.'~ Crusade A. D . .j.!1 - .!! and rhe Ideology of
Impc:ri~1 Victory." C,.....k, ROlli/III, mul B:r,.1mllll~ SlItd'rf 18: 153- 1i z.
___ . 198z, TbradoJilll1 ElIIprusrs: WOlllm 1/111/ Imprrilll DOlllillioll ill L.llr A'lIIillliIY,
Berkeky: Uni\'<:rsity o f Ctlifomi:l Press.
REHREN C ES ",1 3

Horden. Peregrine. 1 99~. " D i~,\sc , Dragons and Saints: The .\hnagement of Epi-
.I~mic~ in the Dark A!{cs," In Epid.-lIIkJimd idr,w F.1SiI)'10n fh( Hinoriw/ l'~m'pfioll of
Prnilma, ed, T~rence Klnger: 45--16, C~lTTbddge' C~TTl hri dge University Press,
H umphrer, J ohn H. [986. ROIIltlll Ciml1ri: An.11t1J' jiJr Chariot Rlldllg. Berkeler:
University of C~lifornia Press,
iannucci, Anna l'vbriJ. [98~. "S. Apullinare in chsse :1 Ravenna: cOluriLuti
lllJ'in(bginc Jdl':1Tl:~ p re~l>itni alc ." C..J.RB 19; 18'-lll.
___ . 1980, MI vescovi EC<'lesiu.s, Senrus, U rsus, Ursicinu5, Ie scene liei pri\'ilegi e
Jci s"ni l1~'i in 5. Apullinan:o in Cbssc - lnJa~il1t: ~j.sklnati(·a, " CARE 33' 165-193.
___ , 1991. ":\ppumi per um storio~r.JIi~ .lei del rest~uro r~rietale musi,'o, II
C\1S0 di R~\'enll;l." In MO';'lid II S. Vi/"J,. ~ ,,1I,.i rt.i'/ilill"i, II I'(;"IiJIIIYJ ill siru di ll/O",i.;
parielllli, Alii drf CaugHm' l\'l,:::.,mll,/r suI r~'-/Il itm ill 111 it di ,Howi" pfll-i~llIh (Raun"",
1- 3 Orla/wc 199"J; 19-!9' Ra\'cnn~,
_ __ , J 996, ~ I tltosai<.:i di 5, Apollin are NlIOV .... : rie1aoonl'.ioui con ,\'Iatlahe Image
P rocessing tl i indagini tl iagnosticlt" multisp"lt rali." PIXel 3/4: 5-'4.
___ . [996. ~ 11 ;'.·hm.o1co ri[l'OV~TO: d~g1i aci.m:l1nrnui scuce~ntcsch i "i progrui
c rest:mri tra Onon'nlO C Non'ccnto 1 1 111' ,'vbusoleum n'tliSl.'O\'l'n:d: from
cib.-htcenth.century modifications to btl·. ninet"enth. and rv.-enticth-c"ntury
projc et.~ ~lId rc~tor;l{ious." In II Imlti.[()/ro tli G'IIIII Pfll{iJlill II RlllH'IIWI, cd .
Clcmcntina Ri17;ardi, 1 i 1-106. Modena,
~ 1<)97' "-La lunga vicenJa dci rertauri in San Vitale fra cantiere C earteggio.
Tre ljue5liuni p'lnil"ulari." In /..." bi/Jilm' rfi 5/111 Vitl/lr II RmlCllIIlI, ttl, P<1trizia
Angiolini M~mtl~lIi: 69- 1:19 ' Modena: F. C . Pal1jnj .
___ . 1998. MTl1e In11X>ITance of a Comprehensive Survey Project on Archaeo-
logical Structures: T IlL' CaS(:- of Nconia n B~plisrry at Ravenn~." In Alfi tlfl.J\.·JJJ
COII~M UI$PP (Forn !i-I., ," pl, 199(,), cd. Nicoh ~T "I. S:mroupoli. Forli.
___ . 1998. " lntcgratiOll of .\1\11tispccrral Diagnostic R~se~rches for Conscrva-
tion and Restoration : An Appli"ation to the Parietal Mosaics in S. Apn1linarc
N uovo at R"vtnna." In /ltli drl ,l(11/ Congrrr.\lJ VIS!'/' (porn 8- 1'1 sept. H)'J6):
:7 I- Z7S. f orrl .
1'11\l1uo:ci, Anna !\hria, Ctsar~ f iul; and Cdl)' j\'1uS(;o lil,l o, eds, 1991. I\,fof"i,i "
S. Viii/ie f Illni rafiltlri: il ,,,,51,/111"0 ill sitll di mOP/jei p"l"Irlitli. A rti ,id Convrgllo
1II,:::.ioll"I, )71/ rull/lI/lJ ill Jim di I1f(JSilirl p"delll/i, RI/.'e1ma , - ) OIIO!>'-f 199'" Ravenna:
Longo.
J an~s, Dominic. 1998, God "lid Gold h, Lnt~ .1",iquily. Cambridge: Calnhridgc Uni-
"eTl)ity Pre~s,
J "I1St:n, RoLin.! ooo. Umlrrnllfllfillg £lIr(y Christian AN. Lonllon: Routledge.
_ _ _ ! OO ~. "1l1e Two Facc$ o f J esus: H ow the Early Church Pictured the

Dh'ine." l1iblt Rrvir.J.' l!l, no. 5: 4: - 50.

___ , HX,+ Flirt fa Fila: rlot PONnli! of/lor Diville ill EDrfJ' Cl'ri51 ilIltil)""\linn,,apu-
lis: Fortress Press.
J offe, Alt'.'wndt'r H . 1998, ~Disembeddt' d C~pi t:l ls in the Western Asiu n Perspec-
tive." CompaJ"oJli1!l' Swdirs in Socifty Imd His/o,y 4Q : 549-SSo,
J ohnson, l\hrk J . [988 . ~ T(>w J rd 'I H istory of Theodcrjc's Huildiog Program."
DIIIII/mI"lVII Oids I'ilprrs 4!: 73--y6,
___ . 199" ~OI1 rh~ Burial Places of the 111eod()!;bn Dyn~st}'." Byumliol1 61;
33 0--33 8 .
___ , ~ oo 5' ~Frol1l Pagmlism to Christianity in the Imp"rial _\busolca ofthl'
Telrarchs :lnd COllst:ontine." Ll Ni,' i Vi-ullllij": 1m:; 1I/1/IC1/; skl/p. ;Vis, ;-r.jUlt
.'. IUHREN C ES

zoo.; ; u,~J"JJ'-J: rndo;:a [II, d. ,ltifil R,.J,:06jil , ed. Jris~ Rokocij~, J 15- '!)' 1'\i$: g u ll.
N is.
J ohnson, $tt!phen. 1')83. Lnlf RII'II/tl/l FIJrti,fi"I1/jt1llJ. Toww~. NJ: B ~rn<:s and Noh]/,'
ll(>Oks.
J ones, A. H . .\!. 19ti:. "The ConsrinJtional Position of Drlnae"r and llworlcric."
]ot/mld 0/ R~m,m SIIII/iu 52: I d'- I _,0 .
___ " 1964. TI,,. Lafr.- R,mllll/ Empin', l8-1-6,n: II Sf1{i.d, &v1J(lIllic, III"{ Adminls-
1m/jilt SIII'-" " NomHn: U niversity of Okl~ h oma Press.
Jon<:", Arnu ld H ugh _'hrt in, john R. ,\b rti noal" and J ohn Morris. t 97 1 . The I'ro'TJ-
pogmpb)' ofrbr l.Mrr Ruman Empifr, vol. 3, / J.D. 5 ~ 7-641. CamhriIJgl'; Ca mbridge
Ulth'ersity Press.
Kelly. Chri,,1:0p hcr. 1998. " Em p<' IU "', G m 'crnm c nt a nd Burcauc r.IL"Y." In Thr Com -
brid.v.r Allriml l-Uff",], \'oL 13, The tlllr Empire, l ID JJ 7-4 ~ ) , cd. Ave ril Ca nu,' ron:
J 38- 1!:IJ. C Ullbridge : CaHl bridb~ Univ"rs il), Press.
___ . 200+ Rulillg Ih~ Lifer Ruman Empir( . C,ullbridg~ . .\tA, H arv ard Un iversity
Press.
K~·nnd l. Stefanic A. H . 199+ ~ I'krcu lcs' ltl\'isiLk llasilic3 (C~ssiodorus, Variac I.
6) ." LntomfIJ 53: I 59'" I 7;:·
Ki nney. O'lle. '992. ~The AllI)C;ll)'psc ill E'ltly Ch ristian .\ ",o nulllenfill Decoration."
In Tht ApIXttlJpSt ill /h~ MidJlr Ages, cd . Richard K. Emmerson: 200-116. Ith3ca,
NY: Cornell Universi ty Press.
___ . 1997 ... ' Spolia O mnn atiu' and ' Renu\'3liu IIh:muriae.''' ,-\-I''1110il"fo!thr AI!1t·,.-
h,w AUld"my ill Romi' 42: 117- 14R.
___ .1001. "Roman Architccmr,]l Spoli.].'· PrtJl.WJi//gH{lht AmCl"ir,1I/ Pbi/osopbiml
Sodl'I)' Q.5: 138- 161.
Kltinl.mJl:r, 'N. Euge nt . 198i. ~The Double-Shdl TelrJoollch Building al Perge in
I'llllljl h}·lia ;mci the Origin of the Ar.;hi1cct\]r.d Genus." Dumb'lr/ol/ O"b Pupr/'$
41: l7i - l 93 ·
Koder, Johannes. 1996. ~Clilll~tic Chang.: in lhe Fifth and Sixth Centuri<:s~" In "fb,'
Sixtb CCIII'l/ry: Emlor n"g11mi"g? t·d. P'luJine :\l len: ~ 7o-~8;:. Hrisb ,me: !\ ustnllbn
As;;oc iHion for Byz~(\t i lle StudiO's.
Kollwirl, J oh,mnes and Hdga Hcrucjurgen . (979. Oil' rnt'mnllli$!'h"/l SlIrkapINlg".
Berlin: Mann.
Kostof, Spiro. 1965. Tb~ Orthedo;< Bwpli,·I.·,)' oj" R,/t'c-//JI(/. New H~\'en . CT: Y~le
U n i" crsity Press.
Krdu rheimer, Richard. 1937. empw' biUi!iCill'J/II/ ROIIJI/c, \'01. r. !\lonu menti di anti -
chi('" cristiann. Set. z vol. ~ . Ciu-a dd V a tic~no: Pontificio i~litu t o di an::hcologi:l
c (;stiana.
___ . 19+:. ~I llIl'od uction Tn an 'kollog r;lphy of :\'1e.-ljaelc.11 Ar<:hilecl"\(re.' "Jour-
lwl of tbf rVnrbwI{ lJIU/ Cali/lOll'" I m1itmrs 5' 1- 33.
___ . [953' ~S"ncI:! Mari:! Ronmd:!." In A,'u riel primQ lIIill...III';9: 01'; rid 1. COII -
1"'g1lO p,'" Ir) tlm/io ddl'",.,r ddl'ltito IImli/} r"<: /} Wlllia P1'(.'iSQ rUllh~'/"Si',i tli P,/v il, lid
smrlllbu 1950, cd. Edoardo Ar'lb n: ! I -~ i . TOt;no: Viglongo.
___ . 1961 . "'Ill<': Architcaure Olf Sixnls Ill: t\ I' ifill-Century Ih' n"$Ce ncc?" In
t.'·mys;1I Homr II! t.·n:;11 !"lIIoj"sky, "01. [, cu ..\ I ilhlru .\'Iei~s: ~91 - 30~. New York:
New York U'lil'ersir), P r"'s.~ .
___ . 1966. ~Dic Dl'c,mncanlhita in KOllsr:llllinopcl. Ei n klci ncr Beitrag lur
Fragc ROlli u. Bpla nz." In TortI/1M: Swdim ZfI IIltrbrisrfirbm 111111 lty-..nmiui.-rbm
JHrllllllllO'J/IrJ/. ed. \ V"lter N ikobus Schumacher; [95- 199, Rome: Herd",r.
REHRENCES

___ . '9;] - "Re"iew of Roben Heirlenreich anrl Heim;joh;\nne$. Das Gmlmud

Th"lJIf('rkhs ::'11 RIWI'IIIU/ (\Viesbmlc::n : Fnmz Steiner Verbg, 19i I)." AI1 Blllfrtill
55: :99-: 89,
___. 1983. Tlm:r: Cbris/ill" Cilpifllls: Topognlpll),lIIld Polili.s. Berkdey: University
of Ca l iforni~ Pn:ss.
Kr:luti1<::im",r, Rich,.rd ;lml Slubudan Curcic. 1986. Eudy Cbri.1iflll ./Ild B)'~mllillr
AIl·birrl/flrr. H 'lonomlsworth: P",nguin.
Kulikowsl:i, ;\'Iichael. :000. ~The Notitb DignitaRll11;1S;\ H istoric'll Source." lIis-
lor;'149; 358-77.
KUI1f.clm~nn, 1\. '931. ~Die Chron ologie cler Sennllm:s des hI. Augu,~-rinu~." In
Mi""'/{iIlwf Agostiniil/lo: (~'"fi ~ slm!i, p"""Ii,."/; (( "/1/"/1 dd-I'Ordillr rr.-mil,"/I) di s.
Agmtf"o "d XV n·"I",mrio dolill ",ort~ de/ ,m/fo dot/ore, ed. Gennain l'.1onn, ~:
41 7-5 "0. Rom.:: Tipografi~ pnligloml vaflC;Jlla.
La Rocca. Cristin a. 199:. ~ Publi c Buildinj!;s ,md Urb,m Change in Nurthern h aly
in fhe Early \ '1cdiaeval Period." In Tbr Ci~r ill l)llr AmIlJIII'ty, ed. j ohn Rich:
l(i l - I&>. London: eRe Prcss.
___ . 1993 . "Una pTmkntl' m:lSl.. hcT:I ',\ntiqU3 .' La politic~ e<.lilizia <.Ii T "oderico."
In TrOfler-ito i/ CHllld~ r i CDt; d'ltolio: /Ilti drl XIII Omgr.,»o ll/trl7l.7",io/",/~ di
SlIIdi .rllll';lIfo M,'dinn. 'o, .Hi/tlIIO, 2- 6 /1o;,,.,,,lm· I !J!J2, ~: 45 1-; 15. Spoleto: C"n{ro
it;llh no <.Ii Stuui sulrAlro .\le<.liocvo.
La Roce~ , Eugenio. '99!' "Claudio a Ra'-cnn~." La Parolo dd P"»lItQ 47: :65-.1 14-
Lmzoni, Francesco. Ii} 10-1 I. "San Severo VescoI'o dj R al'enn~ (;42 - 3) nella stoda
e nell" leggentla." .4l1i ,'Al(>J}JQl"ir de/In D,·p'JlII-:.imlt ,Ii S106,1 Potr;II p,." Ie Pr(rvillfit
di ROil/ltgI/O, >1'r,.,. J: 3!;-396.
___ . 191 1-1!. "San S~"~ro VCSl:o\,o di Ral' ~nml (Hl - 3) nelb stori:l e 1I~1I;J
leggen&I." Alii r !\-fmlfJrir ddt" Drpl/i{/::.iol/e di $Iol"io P,I/.-ill per Ie Prwil/ri( di
Rl1l1/oglJtI. )"(r. 4 l : 350-396.
_ _ _ 19!7. i.( '!i'lft,,; ,flttl/i" ",Ille origllli til prilldpill Jd ,«(9/0 VII (~"4)' Sllidio
Crll;(o. 1'":I<:m::I; F. Lega.
l..:' tIUa, H"ns Peter. 1976. TnulitlQllflI 1I",II.~ithildrr ",·i dem RIIVIrIf1ltllrl' Rrjol7l/fr
P"lms O'III1i1l11i, 10., ~ - /Q5:. Municb: Fink.
Lawrence, i\hrion an<.l Bruce RogeI'5. IIN5. Thr Stlr,"T!pbilgJ ufRallrmlll. New York:
College I\ rt Association uf Amerit';1.
La'l..1rd, Syh-iane. [991. ~Gori e L ltini:l R~\'en nn." [n StQri" Ji R11~'r-nIIil. fl." ed.
An[QnioCarik-: log- ' 33 ' Venic".
Leader-=--ewby, Rllth E. lOO.j.. Sih'fl" ,1IId SlJi'irly 11/ l.ill~ .4miqllil.l" F'lllfIIOIl.< IIl1d
M''lIlIillgs uISih·tl·l'llIfl' in Ibr FQI/rtb lu fbI' Sn.:rllfh emll/rh·,.. A.i(lersho(: :\shg"3te.
Le hmann, K~rl. '945, "111C Dome ofl-lc,wen." An B"IIerill : 7: ' - : 7.
Levi, AJln~linn 'Ind ;\-1nrio L,;,\' j, 19'67. /limn/I'hi Pi,'/o: CQl/Il'il'lllO 111111 ,m/{lio drll,/
Tobll/II Pnilillgrrilfllil. Rum", L 'EmI3 <.Ii Bretschneider.
Lewis, SU"laIU1". 1969. ~The Latin Iconogrnl)hy ofrhe Single-:"'l\"cd Cruciform
Bn~ilic~ Apostolorum jn M il'IJ\." AN /)II/I"lill ; [ : : 05-: ' 9.
___ . '973. ~S an Lorc nm Revisited: A Theoclo~bn P~bcc Church at :\-tiJan."
]UltI1l11l of (he SQ{"i~l.r ujilrr/!i/wlII"/ Hi_'I~rillll$ 3~: 19;-1: l .
Lilm:nti, Mauro. 1004. "Atnuient<: ~ continuit:1 d'U50 (VII- VIII d.e.)." In A,,("r-
ologio m'b"" •• tI ROllmllo: 1,/ D01JJ1J$ dei tllppNi di pi"II'll, if "(J",p/~S;<Q (lNbrologira di
viII D'II:"'glio, cd. Gio""nnn _\Itmte\'<:<:ehi: 116- [ l i. Ra"cnnn; Lo ngo.
Lie~s<:huetz, j . II. 'V. G . : 000. ~ Ravenn:l to Aa~hcn." In S({'~s Regill( (111111. 4'1<)-
1>'(0), ",-I. Gisela RipolJ: 9- 30. Barcelon;l; Rei,,1 :\c;ldi: m i~ de Bones Lietr"s.
•• 6 IUHR ENCES

_ _ _ , '! oot . DedilJ<> alld Full of fbI." RMHlIl Cily _Oxford; Oxford Uni,-ersiTY Press.
Lif~hit.,., F.,lice. 2005. Tbr Nilllle oflb(' Silinl; Tb .. M,mYT""luX)' ,,[Jr,-om .. I/Ild Am-51
IIJ I(u StIl'n'J ill Frilll(il1, (,z 7-81 7 . NOTre D 'lIIlt', IN: U nj " ~rsj ry of Notre DaUle
l'rc$s.
Lomh,lrdini, No ra. 1997. " Lc vicendc del monumcnto clal [860 ,\ oggi:
I'dim imz.iull<: Jell.: sup<- rfttazioni.'· In UI INuiliw ,1i S,II/ Vilflfe ,/ RJ/1!~mU/, t <l.
P:l ( r1;!;ia Angiol in i .\1artindli: <) 1-[ 10 . Moden;!: 1' _ C. Panini.
_ _ _ . ~ OO 7. ~Sul comportame nto sTI1Jtmrale r1i ll1uratllr~ in bteri7.io in usn nel \11
s~co[o. L' eSt:mpio <Ii San _"l i<-hd ... in Africisco." In Satl ;I!i(bd~ in AJririsco r I'rl(,
gillni llirlll"" /I RIlVI."/lIl1f; ani dd Cm/";'(fP1o "l.ll dill$f!QrtI drli'ilrnmgdo. Snll Mirhrk
ill AfririJ:(o ( I'rl" giUfljl/iill""'''; GiQnllII~ ,Ii sllIdio ill IlUl/Il)ri" ,Ii GiIlSl'PP" 110"illi,
R".mm", S"I" dci 1I1l)wici, ~ , - ~ ~ upril. ~o"5, cd. Claudio Spadoni: ! S3-28! . :.\'Iilan:
Sikana.
Longhi, D. :000. riLl f>':ma urbic:1n~11a rJl1igura<lion~ rnusi\'a ddla cin" tli Ravt'lIn:l
in S. Apvliin;]Tc N uuvu di Ral·cnna .'· In Ali i lid VI .01/01{lIio drll'A=cio1~iIJ1J' i/,If-
inllll po'" I~ srl/dio e Iii . o.rl'l1:<l::.iollt dd lllru" i(n, c d. Federico Guidohaldi: 647-ti Sf!.
Ra\"~'nn3: G irJsolc.
Luccht'si, Giovanni. [97" "I santi cdcbmti daJl' Arch-cscovo Agncllo." In !Jgn~!Ia.
,IITi:ml>;OiJo .Ii RIIl"'I/IIII. SlIuli pI'/" it Xl V ,WI/rllllriO "dlil 1110/1 ". (n o- 197<», cd. PiLol:l
!'.Iund: (1l-78. F'aenzJ: Frltclli Lega.
Lui~c lli, Bruno, 1005. M D all'ariancsimo dei Visigoti di Costantinopoli all'"ri'lIlC -
sirno J~gli OSlrogOli J' Iulhl." In RiI"lJt'IIII": dll ' lIpilil f. imperinlt' " ." pill/Ie
1'1JIlYa{~, 1: 719-;60. Spolero: Fonda7.ione Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Aito
i\Icdioc\'o.
Luzzano, Giuseppe I. I \J68, ~Sul pruul<:!n3 ,kllu statutu munkipale di R,,,·enna."
In A lii dd Cl)lIt'I'PIO 11111'1"1111::';01/.,1.· di SllIdi sl/lll' AII/iellil" <Ii C/,jb~" R" ~'tllllil>
14- / 7 QI/Qf,n' '967: ~ 89-300. K""Cnll'l: Longo.
l\iaeCormaek, Sahint'. [98 1 • / In 0111/ Crl)'/II oll,)' ill 1,,11<' .411/ ilj llil.)" Jkrh h:y: Univc r-
sity of C3lifomia Press.
M~ cGe"rgt; , Pe nny. l oo~. l..urr ROlll"'l IV",.{,mh. Oxfunl; Oxford Unh'crsit)' Press.
N\;l eGr~gor, Arrhur et "I. 199 ;. A,hmDlellll ;\I1I,tulll , O.tfOI,l: A SmlllllfJ''Y Cll/fllQglle
I)f thr CMlinl'llll1l I/rrhrolug;r,d Collrrt ilms (ROIl/IIIl Illm /lg<'. ,Higl"llliM /','/"iQ/l, Eflrl)'
M~dilO.'III), Oxfonl: Arehaeuprcss.
M:l,~ki e . Gillian. ' 990. ~Ne w Ligh! on the Sr~-ctllk·J S:lint L:m 'rem: e l'~rld:lt the
Mausoleum o(Gallo Pbcidia, RaH nn n," Crstn ': 9: 54-60,
___ . ' 995' ~The Mausoleum of Gall" Plaeidia: A Possible Occllpam," By-J i ll/lim
65: 396 - 4 0 4.
___ . [99 5, ~ Symbolism anrl PurJl('l'C in all Early Christian .\ 'brtyr Ch~ l}l'l: The
of San Vino!\' in Cie1 d'Oro. Milan." Gmll 34, no. I : 9 [- 10 1.
ellSt'
___.1 003 . Ellrly Ch ristlaJI Cbupds i ll tbe /Vt,1: D<'Crmltilm , F"I/(Iillll. omJ PutrtUllIgr.
T oromo: Uni\'cf5iry of Toronro P rcss.
,\"Iawlalino, P"\ll. :00 1. MArislOCl11tic I)ikoi in (h~ T~l1th :HHI E le\'~ m h R<:'gions of
Constantinople." In By:.t11ltim COJlstil1Jlillopfe: ,\lo11Uml'1"5, TDpogl'l1ph)', ,,"d Every.
Jli)' tife, ell. N . Ncdpo)!lu: 5 3-i :. I~ irlcn: Brill .
,\'bgn~nj, Stdano. ! OO I. ~ La H"I"<:'nna pr<:'romana: r ond '" docum<:,nti:' In Ruvl'lmo'
ROf/l(1ll(1. ~d . .\-IJurizio M :mro: ~ 5- 45' Ravenml: .'\d l-i3pre~~.
i\1"gJdre, H enry. [987. Enrth (1ml Omm: Tht Trn'fsrri,,1 World 11/ Enrl)' BY--fllllm r
An. Un i\'~rsitr Park: P<.:nnsylvania StJt<.: Univ<.:rsity Pr<.:ss.
REHREN CES

___ . ~ 007 _"Eufr.'l~ills <lnd Friends: On Name$ <lnd Their ;\hsence in ByzanTine
Art." In An IIml Text in By:.•mr;nr CIlIIII'U, ,·d. Liz Jmncs: 131)- 160. C ambridge :
C,ltllbridg<;, Uni\'<;'!'sity Press.
~\hioli, i\i. G. 1995 . "E<-tilici .Ii eta repubhlicJIl:1 e :llIg11stea nel compksso archeo-
logico rl i ,·ia D'Azcglio a Ra\'(:nna." el l RR 4~ : 5°7-51 1.
___ . : 000. ~ L.: lIl11n di RWtllll:l in e poea impaial", i dati (]i sc'l\'o." In ,' flln/,
purle c loni di R{fl;mlJlJ. ed, Ahurizio ,\buro: 4 ] -5-' R,wenna; btituto italiano dd
caste lli, Adria press.
_ _ _ . lOO I. ~ La t'itta dd morti, Ubica:t.iolle e e3 T3ttaistiche delJe nn;ropoli r31'ell-
nati; Ie tipologie funeraric, Ie per~one c i correlli: ' In R ilUClI1I(J Rl11l1ol1ln. l·d. ,\-fau-
rizioM:1I1ro: !'I3-~5 o. ltl\·e nna : AdriulJr<:ss.
_ _ _ . l OO I . "Vit d';LC(IUa e SnitUl r<: porttlali di R,wenna ruman a." 11.1 R lI1n'UI/"

RIJ/IIIIII,1, cd. '\'i:mri1;io Mauro: : H)-! !4' Ra.-cnna : Ad rbpress.

_ __ .• 00 1. ~Vil'tre " Ravt nn;\." In R llt'f:1//I(1 R O/lIl1I1i/, ~d, M auri ll.io ,\huro: 177-
187. Ran,nna: AJri"pn:ss.
___ . :005. "Gli appnwyigionamcnu:' In I pOl'li Illlfirbi di Rllil<'JllIII. cd. Mamizio
_\lauro. I : II porto rolll ano c Ic OOH':: 173- 178. R31'enn;l : Adrial'rl'ss.
___ . ~ 00 5. ~La topogrnl1a di Ravenna c Class<: in et:' ruman,,:' In J poni allliehi
.Ii RJ/lJl'/IJIiI, cel . .\'1aurizio i\1'Illrt), r: II pOtlO ronHILlO .: I.: non.: : 45- 56. }{:L\,.:nni"
AdriJprcs.<;.
~ !007. "San M ichele in Africisco nell a Rl\'cnlla del VI sccolo." 10 Sall.~ lirbdr
i ll AFitil'fo r tf/II gil/SI iujill/ril " N" I,' e/lllll; ,lfti dd CIJII I'l'gliO -UI di"'1J'Ir'l dd!"I""lIgdo.
S<fIl .\1ilbd~ ill AIl'itiA'o ~ rtf" gi IISI illiil,, ~,, "; G iOMlllIt di Si rilliD ill WI."1!1o,.ill di Gimeppe
BO~'i/l i, R,lIwmlll, Slim dd1ll0$Uiri, ll-~ ~ IlpriJ,> ~("'5, crl. Churlio Sindoni: ~ 1 3- : 3 ~ .
.\Wan: Silvana.
,\ bioli, M aria G r:lzi,l. 1989. "La "ilh rOlll'1I1,1 di Rus~i:' In RJlm, UII mmm /Q .171/
If'ITilorio, cd. Vittorio Pr.lf17.illi: J 83- : 0 ~. R'lI'cllna : Longo.
_ _ _ 1990. " La topngrafia ddh l.ona eli C lass..:." In Slol'i'l oli R'I;;<'III/IJ 1, cd.
G . 5llsiru: 37 5-'114. V~ni<;<':: Marsilio Editor".
___ . 1 99~. ~Nu<Jvi dati suI ~oml'lcsso nt'hcolo~co di S. Severo a Class<: (RA):
sc~\'i 198 1- 1991." CA RR .19' '19 7- 510 .
_ _ _ . 199'1' "Rn\'cnna c la ROlOagnn in cpoca gota." In I Gori. ~d. Ennan no:\.
Arslan: 13l - Z 51 . .\'iibn: Elct,tra.
_ _ _ 1995. "R:1I'fJOrt.i cOllllllerci~li e m:l le rbli di Ral't'nna e CI~sse ill ~POC'l
tcodcrician~." In Troderim r i Goti Fa G r imr/' r Ouidmu, cd. An tonio Cadle:
l l 7 - ! J6. Rave nn a: Longo Editore.
_ _ _ . l ool. ~I purti 3ntichi fino all'<"{'L lIlodcma." In 11 ""110 iii R"Vrllllil, ~J.
'\'b.urizio Mauro: .~ 7- 45' Ra\-cnn~: Ad ri apress.
~ : 00'1. ~Lo 51;,1\'0 :trcheologico di "j:1 D'Azeglio: inqlmdr~mento top-
ograiico:' in ",lf"Cbro{og;II /{rbnrJO II Rnt·,.,/JIJI: {,I Datm,rdd tapperi IIi pi,.t,.,., il m-mphrso
Ilrchrlllogiro di viii D·A:.rglio. cd. Gio\'ann:1 Mont<;'H <;,ch i: 13- 1'I. RaH llll 'l: Longo.
,\-hio]i, M arhl Grazi,1 tllld Mari~ Luis" Stoppioni. lySi, Cl llm" Rln'I'1II111 fl'll I(lnl f
man, Cillii _nrcl'Opali, 1JI0lllfJIlenli. RaVCnn3: Sini.
,\-h lna1<', L. ,mel A, V iolante . 1995."1l siSfc mn llrb'lllo di VI c III S('l'O]O in Emilin
ROIll'l ~l:l In EtruSl: hi t: Cd ti (l'IUL V'/ol C1I1II. 16.3)." In L 't,·/{rop<' a lli'lllt· dll Vt
"u IIII' $i~dr 11VilJ/l .1__C ClJlllil<'lS. ("bllllg"f 1'1 1II01lV<'I""JiIJ dr pop"lnJirms. .4rtn d"
del/xii-me S)1l1porilllll mm7lllliol/td d'Hlillwillrn, ii- II) <N:lnbrr 199., t:d, J l'an -Jac(jucs
C harp)': 97- H 3' Sccaux: Kronos lloV. cJiri ons.
••• IUHREN CES

i\hlnari, L. !OO5. ~L'Adri~tiLQ prima dei Romani," Tn 1 pani mllichi Ji R""tillltI , ed.
"'burit.iQ .\·[auro, I : II rortO romano c Ie Rone: lS-3+ Ravenna: Adrial'f<:~.
1\hlln~ , Elen". 1983. ~ Di un 'ip()tesi per J'individu,lrione dei personaggi de; p'lllndii
tid S. Vital<::1 Ravenna e per]a 10ro int~rprl':r.\ziont:." Felix RrlllCnllII [l5 - 1~6:
' 3-37-
Mango. C)'ril A. 1971. "'111t Chllrl~h of Saints Sergius and Baec"hllS at Constantino-
ple and the Alleged T",rli tion of Octagonal Palatine Chu rches." ]"hrl1llrh dr,
iis/I'/wicbll<bm R)':.mllilllrri1· l T: ,89- 193,
_ _ _ . 1985. Lr d;-.:r/oppmlt71t "rb,li" rt.. CUll>1l1l1till"pfr, IVc-Vll .. si,\du . Paris: Dif-
Il.lsion de BOl'C:l nl.
___ , 1986. Tb,' Art "I (be f)r-muilj/' [/IIpir.., ; /~ - 14jj. Toroll{o: Univer-
sity of Torumu Press. Original edition, Englewood C liff" N): Prentiee-Ihll.
197 ' .
_ __ . 1986. "Th ... Pilgrim,,!;:e Ci."nt~ of St. .\tidI3c l 3l Gcnni~." ]flbdl/l..b tilT
b~1rlrrl..biscbnl B),,::.,mtilliJ1ik 36: I t 7- 13' .
___ . '995' ~ 1l1(~ \.V~ rcr Supply of Con~m ndnop1c ." In C(JIWlllllill~/I/" alld h.
Hilllrrhl1ld, cd. Cyril A. -'bngo: tr I 8. Aldl·rshol, i·b nts.: ,\Sh!;.\le.
___ . 1998. "The Orib>ins of the Bbehernae Shrine at Constantinople:' In
R,II/0 V; XIII. 1IIcdlllllll'Ol/IlOg 1·ongn·sll :;'1"'1'lrot"""'III"~'lIl1rbr'ologijll: 5'/1/;1- 1'(1/"(( (:5.
9.-1. 10. 1994) /Ac/a X11l COlIgl"tSSIl$ ;lI/(n/atioIllIJii IIJ"(h,uo/Dgil/c chnStill1lll~j, cd.
Ne nad Camhi, :!: 6 1- 76, Split :md Vatican City: Arheol oski mu:r.cj ~tl{l Pontificio
ISlitutu <Ii Archcolugia CriSli,mtl.
" 'I,msi, Gim'anni Domenico, cd. '90'-' 7 (repr.).S,uIYWIl11J roJldlio'~IIJ/ "'/1'0 n omp/h_
iimo rol/.:tI;o, 53 "ok Pa ris: H . \oVclter.
:\Lmsudli. Guido A. ' \l6L LI ;.,illll nJll1illlll/1i R,Ul·i. F.lcnzc: SUDiJimctlto Gra[i(;o
Fratelli Leg;!.
___ . 1967. ~ L" I'orr':\un:'l di 1{anmn:t." CA RB 14: 19[ - 11 7·
___ . 19i [. "1..1." tonti su Ravenna antied." C;IRl) 18: B3- .H i.
_ _ _ . 1990. "[mog<:nesi r:l\·tnn;lti.'· in Storill di R"v,"",1tI J, td . G. Susini; 10 3-1 12.
V(;nil-c: .\1arsilio Editon:.
Nl,ltJZelli, V;l lencin~. !OOO. ~ Le forci(icaziot1i rom,111e e h Porr:! Aure.!." [11 .'.HI".,I,
purrt r tuni (Ii R(wtll1w. <oJ ..\bunzio _\1auro: : 5-46. Ra\'~nn3: Isti tuto italiano dei
castelli, i\,lria press.
___ . JOOO. R"m>lllliJ. Cin~ ({om~ne l. ({Ol11 t : ~L'Emd' di Bret;;dlllddcr.
___. '000. "Ra"cnna, un~ citt" d i frontiera: Ie antkhe mum n:pubhlicane."
R,Wrlll/fI, Sill/ii r Ritrr.hf 7, no." 19[ - H)6.
_ _ _ , Z oo [. ~ I monumcnti pt'rJuti: lpotcsi ricostrutti"a del foro ddb (·itta," In

Ravrmm ROII/OII1l, cd ..Mauri~.io M~u ro: 6 3- 80. R~"cnna : Adrbp rcss.

_ _ _ . l 001. "L n fOMW\ Itrhi5 di R,I\l<'Tlna in eta romana." In Rur.'f'/II/fl ROIIIIIIIII , ed.
Maurizio .\lauro; 45-62. Ra venna: Adnaprcss.
_ _ _ . lool. ~Lc mum di R 1Velln:1 rcpubblicatu." In FOrliji..,.::.ioni fll//irhe itllllltiu;
Eli) "'pIIIMir"",/, ed. Lorenzo Quilki: 7- ::. ({om;!: L' Erm'l di H~ts<:htlckh: r.
___ . ! OO3' ~ La Jon1ll5 dd Irit/i"iv: 10 SCal'O dclb Banea Popobre." In Drwl1lJ dd
",,.idill;o. "U/(I )'fOp"rlll .Ii RIlV<'1l1ta I"Omlll/il. ,HQmid r "II ri /I">-vri IIIlIi ~'i.<I i , cd . .\1on ka
C,lrJas<':1.t : 55-60. R,wenn a: FtHlll:tz.iulle RavellllAlltica, Par(;o "rch~ulogicu Ji
C b s,<;c'.
___ . : 005. "ponti e docltTn,'nti.·' 111 1rwni '1IIIicb/dl R"I'rllnll, ell. .\\altrir.io ""hUTl/,
I : II pono rol11~no e k notte: 3 5- 44. R~\'enn~ : Adriapress.
REHREN CES

}bnzelli, V:llenrina and G. L. Gr~$Sigli. ~ oo J. ~ Ahit~re :l RlVenn:\: £dilizi:\ priv~Ta

c upPJr:lti d.:-corativi nel l.:- dUlllu~ fJI"'nmni di CIa romana." In RII Urlllll1 Rrm/{lIIl1,
ed. ,\1"lIrizio ;\but'Q: 133- 1iO. R~venn'l : Ailri:lpress.
~\br:1II0, Yuri A. ~oo7. ~Domus ill Qua ;'Ihneb:lt Episcopus: £pi!;Cop,,1 Residences
in Northcnl Italy durin g Larc Antiquity (.j.th to 6th c. A.D.)." In H OIISl1Ig III
Llllr AmilJllit)': FI'iJ'1lI PIIIIIIX.I 10 Shop.f. cd. Luke Llvm: 97- 168. Lcidell: E . J.
Brill.
MUJ7.1.i, Federico . 1998. "The Destin ies of rhe Lare Anrique h'11ie~: Polirico-
Ecunornic Dt: \·dopmt:nts of tht: Sixth Ct:ntury." In Thr Si.wh Cmtlll)': ['rotilirtiull.
Dhrri/mr iQII (lilt! Dmumt!. cd. Richard H oo:lgl's; 111)- 160. l.ci(kn: Bril l.
___ • : 006. ~ Cl(b,'er:l urhil1l11. JlIlOl'e c~'l-'ita li e ROlila a<:tenl": l'ideJl tjr;, urban:, in
Italia fra erisi, rinascita e propaganda (seeoli Ill -V)." In D icStadt ill der Sp,iullltil'c-
NirdNy,all,fl. oJrl' IVallddt A klrll drs illl1'1711l1iOlllllel1 Ko"OfJlli/lll/ .• ill .IfiilldJl71 al/l ;a.
/IIld ; I. A'flli ~ U()J, td.Jens Uwe Krause: 33-6; . Stung-art:: Fr,ulz Ste ill<:r Verlag.
_\hrt:nl>on,John. t003. Bor/biIiS. Oxford: O .xford Uniq,rsity Press.
j\I:lI'ini, Lu igi GaCI11110. ,805.1 pllpiri dip/mllillifi /'IIm"!i rd i1l1l>11'111i. Rome: Sr,ullpcri~
ddb S'IC. congr. de prop. fid!:.
:\'1arl.:u~. Robert :\. ' 979. "Carthage - Prima Justini:ma - R:.vcnna: An Al>l"'et of
Justini'ln 's Ki""brnpnliliL" HplJllioll49: !i7-30! .
_ _ _ . 19£1 ,· " R~\'t'nn a and Rome. 5H--60.j.." JJ)'::.Dlltioli 51: 566- 578 .
~ ")97, GrrglJl.}' tb~ Gre,,' illid llis IVorJd. C .lllblioge: Cumbrirlge Uni,·ersity
Press .
.\ ·hll'tind31e, J. R., ed. 1980. T IN Pl'as()pogr,'ph), af ILor [.atH· RO]}/i11l r::11Ipi"~l vol. 2 ,
I I.D. J9j-j27. C:lmbridgc : Cambridge University Prc!'5.
_\'l:rrtini, LUl· iaml ~nd Ck mc'llIin~ Ri7.Zardi. ~ds. 1990. A!'uri bbllllilll ~ IImfin:alr ml
.HmtQIItI';i()l/tllt di R.lt',~ma: eiuiI/ogO. Ra"~nn ~: Longo.
i\Ial7-crtl. 1\. zoo;. "L'AnticC) f'~piS('Qpio di l{;lve nn ,l c il modc n\(ll'~lazw ,\r<:iVCs(:OI' -
it!:." R,lllrllllll. S lIIdi e Rir~/'(!Jf 9, no. I: 99-135 .
!\I3[ht:ws, Thomas F. 1<)62 . "An [ "rly Roman Chancd Arra ngement and Its Litur-
gkal USl·S.·' Rit'iSill di 'JrrhnJior/II ,-,.isrillTllI 38: 7 1""9 5.
___ r 97 1. Tilt eMir Cb ll rr/u$ QjC01lSt,lIl1il/oplt: Anbi/mtll\' I/lid UIIII'!,,'r. U oil'tr-
sity ParI.:: Pt:nns:-,],'mia Statt: Uni"t:rsit)· Prt:SS.
___ . 1993 . Tbt Cla,h of Gods: A Remrrrprmll;oll of E"r(y C!JriSlirlll A rt . Prince tun.
NJ: Princeton Unh'crsity Press.
___ . zooS, ~Thc Palace Chun::h o f 51:5. SCfbrius and B:lcchus in Constaminoplc ."
Tn rlnhll(olog:r ill A r,.bitNlllrr: SrI/diu hI Nailor afCcrif t . S Ir;"",., eo.. Debora h .\'1.
Ddi Y31111is: 137- 141. Nbim: Vt:rlag Philipp "on Zabem.
" hthisc n, Ralph \V. '997. "Barharian Bisho r's and th e Churches 'in Barbarieis
Ge nribus' during Lnre Antiquity." Spmlflllll 7 ) : 664-697 .
_\btthews, John. 1970. "OlympioJorus of Thebt:s and the History of [he \VcSt .'·
JOIln/al of RolI/(/// Sllldiu 6o: 79-9 7.
___ . 19i5. W,',fM11 /ll'iSIUo'm( iu II/!d Imperilll Cum'l, A.D. ;6~-~ 2 J . O xford:
Oxford Univc .... ity Press.
___ . 1981. "Anid us .Vbnlius Scvcrinlls IJo(·rhills." In 8u~lbillS: H i,. Lifi', Tllolighl
IllId flljfllmrr, t:d. M . Gibson: 15-43' Oxford: Oxfo rd Univcrs il)' Prt:SS.
;\Iauro• .\ ·Iau rizio, eel. :: 00' . Rm:mll(J Rom""". R",enna: Adria pres-~.
------. c(l. 200:. II I'OrlO di RU(;r/lllil. R,,,'cnna: Adrial'rcss.
_ _ _ I cJ . l 005 .1 port i llllli.hi di RillIet/llil . Ravenna: Adriaprcss.
 IUHR EN C ES

,\ -huro, .\'i,..urizio "nd P~ ob No)"'.\r~. cds_ !OOO, k ('Ilr(I, por'" ~ ton'i di R" ~'':JlJla.
Ra\'<: nna: IstitulO italbno d<:i c~stelli. I\dri~ press.
,\hzza, .\1.IMO. ! OO5' "R~ve nn~: I)rohlemi di lin:! ",'pit-ale." In RIl L'wJlil: diE ("pilille
iJ/lpr";lIlr II mpilalr "III ,m"'. I: 3- -10 . Spolcto: FOlldaz.i,)ne Centro Ita li.mo di Studi
sult'Alto .\ 1edioc,'o.
Mazzoni. Mario. 1954. Lt, IltIri/ira IIi S. .4.pol/illllrr ill Clmm:. V;'tkan Cit}': Pontificio
I,tilUto di ArcheolQgia Cri~tiu n".
___ . 1957. "La 'An'l~tasis Ghotol1.llll · eli Ra,'enna eel il SilO hanistero." Fflix
R,I1"'mw 7 5: ! 5-6 ,·
___ . 195\). " La basili",a <1i Sant'Andrca .\1aggioIT." CIIRB 6: I S7.
___ . 1900. "La basilic" di S . .\'\ aria .\,t ~ggiore in Ravenna." CA Rll?: ! 5 3- ~0,).
_ _ _ . [ 960. "LI cro....e 'I f !",,,,,ruC;l dd n:S<."('I\'o Ab'llCllo dd Alus<:o An.·iI-cS<:(l\'iJe di
Ra\'Cnna." CARR 7: ! 6 1- ! 70.
_ __ . 1961. "II haUist<:ro ddh canednle: <Ii R'l",;nn,l ." C.4. RIJ 8, !S5- !7S.
_ _ _ . I ¢7. " L a hasi li",a ra l'Cll1l3tc lli S . .I\gM3 .\bg-g-iorc." CARB 14: ! 33-z 5"
___ . )970. ~Sc"vi rcccnri "I B,mi~{ero deg li "rbni in Rave llna ." Frlix R"WIIIII1
Ser, ,!-- I : 11 5-1!3,
___ . 1!J7+ "La eripr~ della chiesa r3\'Cnnate di S. Fr3JJeesco clop<> Ie ultim"
csplon17.iOlli." CA RR l l: ! 1i - ! 30.
___ . 1986. "S. Apollinarl' in Cbssc: indngini l' !;tucli cll'gli uitillli trl'nt'anni."
Ri;;irt., di lln-br~/agi,' ~l"iJ/ ;"">1 IS ~. no. I - !: 19!r! 19.
AIcCt:mall, Anile. 1998. "Ritual ,md Represcnt'ation or tile BY"lamine Emprc~s
C OIll't at San Viu]e, Ral'e nn 'I." In Rt/dou; X liI. 'Judlmflly};'/ilog j:~lIgn,,/ -:.D
J/'lroiu"Jl:iEmkll <lrbrolagi)II. 1994, ed. Ne nad C ambi, ! : I ' - l /) . R<)mc : Pontific;:io
htituto di Arrhcologia C risti"na.
_ _ _ . tOOl. R~p'·r.'rllt.lliom· of £'11"1), By:~/lIIillr E1J/pr(,"I(,~ [mag" I/Iid Empil"( . N ew
Y,)rk: [':llgml'c Ma .... mill an .
I\ IcCo nn cll, C: hri~tian David. ! OO5 ' Baptism in Visigothic Spain: O rigins, Devel -
or
opment and ]nt~rpr.. tJti()n. Not re: Darn .. : PhD diss., Universi ty Notre Dame.
McConnkk, ,\iiichad. woo. "Emperor "nd Coun." In Tbe C;"",bridgc AlI<HIif
Hi$/OlY, voL 14, I...ile Allli~lIily: EII/pil"r' ./lid Stla~.m" :', ;1I) 4~ )-(,"'" ed. Aveti l
Cam~ron: 135- 163. Cam],ridge: Cam],ridge Univcrsity Prcss.
_ _ _ • ZOO I . Origitlf of the Ellrol'rIIll F"OI/QIIIJ'; COlllllllm ic.lI/ol/J'lfIlil COIllIllf/W / 1,0.
juv-9(l{l, C nn],ricl!!t': C uu],ridj)t' Unil'e rs it)' Press.
,\lcg~w, A. H . S. and E. J. \ V. I-InwL:ins. ' 977. Tb~ Cblll\"h oj Ih~ PalliEgia Kl1/l!1brid
Ilf l ,ylh1"l1111'omi ill C)pmr. lis M~sair:s fl lld Fusmrs. \-Vashington, DC: Dumbarton

036 .
I\ lcslin, ~I.ich el. '967, I.e.< ../,.iWl d'QuidCIII, J)'- -I)D. PatrisTic" Sorboncll.5ia 8.
P~ris: EdiTions du Seui!.
.\It:tlkh, _'vtkhad Anurcas. 2 00+ Thr CuitlllW D[Om'ogolhi( luI/;" London: Spink.
'!\'iich:l~I, Ange li kn. l005. D'II / lpsb'lIlll<lil.: ;)011 S. ApQIfiIliJ/"~ ill CI".<$e: s" il/l' Vellumg
im KQlt/ r.w dcr Ut,wgir. FnUlkfurt am ,\iain: Pet",r Lang.
-"'Iiehclini. Roben:!. ' 996. ~Anfore de gli cstrado!\.~i della cupola e delle volte.
R'lI"elln;l, .\1\lscn Na7.ion:1 ic I V.1S<;S in the dome extnl<lox an,1 in the "'H,lts.
R:l\'",nna, _'vl usco Nazion:de." In 1/ I11II1ISJJ j,'O di Gill/II ['/iui,/ill II &t:.'ellll,', cd.
C lelllcntin:l Riu.Jrdi: !-IT - ~4!- .\-fodena.
___ . [996 . "Pign3 mannOrl:3 sul"l s()mmita dd t~ttt) /.\'larhle pin~("onc at the top
of thl· roof." In ll11U1II50l,,(/ di Gili/" PIII..;di" 1/ Rt, UIIIIII, cd . C lcllll'ntina Rizzardi:
2 1 O-! 1 !. -", oclen:l.
REHREN CES

} Iiller. } Iaureen C. 1991-9~. ~The De"",loprnenr of rhe Archie risLOp~ 1 Residence

in Ravenna , 300--1 300." Fflix RIIL','nlllI 141-[44: [45-1 73'
_ _ _ . !00(l. Tb~ BisblJP ',' P,Il.,et: ;lr{iJil,'(/"'-" lilld Alllhor;l)" ill iHer/it;hIIIM1j" Ithaca,
N Y; CQmeII University Pre~s .
.\ 1omigliano, Amaldo. [955, ~Cassiodol"\ls and Italian Culmrc of His Time." Pro-
rmlill!!.~ ~Ilhr Brili,'h ;leo/rim!)' 41: lOi- !45.
_\"on"1fl~ri . Giovann i. 1 rn I. -l:. lettera dd I'Ard"eSCoI'O Agnello D~ Rilliolle Fidri:
fi lolngb, storia polirie~ , religione. ~ In Agmllo lII,i"fSt"Oi'O di RII~'fII'lll, SlJIdi pn' il
XI V rnt/nlllrio dr/h, ",or/~ (57O--19iO). ",,1. Paob _"Ionti: lj-5!. Faem:e: FrJtdli
Leg-a .
___ • lyR:. "L':,bside ,Ii S. Apolli[Hlre in ClaSSIc' ,Ii R:."enM: .\Ii srero Centr:.)"",
anmnncsi cd cuca,-isria." In JHiraIlallrtl di struti "rl igi(i r In/all ri ill fJlIfJrt· di GlU1'lIllui
Paf/all ; ill o....ll1iom· drl.\");,l/ di pn'iidl'mr, cd. D,unc Balboni: 99- 1!7' NalXlli:
A. De Dominkis.
___ , 198-1-. ;'Giu:;eppc-I'EI..>noo de lla Catted!";., tli ,\i:Jssimiano: prototipo del I..>uon
govcl1lo?" Felix RnOlrl1ll1l 117fT 30; 30 S- P!'
___ . 1991. "Culw~, liturgi3 3 RU\'enna tlal IV ul iX ;;ceolo." In SI"rill ,Ii RiIl.'NIIIII
lI.~ , "d. Antonio Carile; ~4' -! S I. V"n"zia: .\'i3rsilio Edirore.
_ _ _ 190. "kollologia 1I~11" r;'Pllrl"""nc<lzioni <Ii Mos(> in S. Vit:ll~ (Ij Ravl"1l1u."
CARR ,po 6!i-6-l-7.
~ !OO!. ~ Elcml"nti pcr un~ riel"re~ storieo-teologic .. sull 'arianesimo' ndJ~
dlla tli R.wenna." In IIlI i'rIIl/lI ; l'i(ul/o{ogili. SlIggl <Ii im .. /"prml.,i/J/I<· m{t IIl"1d,' " r ..h-
giom ,Itt" ddi 11111sit'i: I B9- !0-1-. Ravenna: lAngo Edicore. Original edirion, Raven _
l1u~cl)si31 (Cc,5Cna, 1969): !7- 50.
___ . l OO !. " I tlOOiei Aposwli nd monume nti r3,·cnnati. 1i'i1/filio {tgis" t'olle-
gi;llit~ ." III Rin'tlllm: l'i<"QIw{ogiu. S"ggi di NII"'prrlt1';il1/1t' rll{III,",,{~ r rdigiosa tid
.. ieli 1/111;1"j: 105-: ~4. Ravenna; Long" Editorc. Origin;!1 edition, R;"'cnn~(('nsi3
I (Cl"scnu, [969): 337- 3°9'
___ . 2 oo ~. ".\bssimiano an:i\'e~ow, .Ii Ra\'<:nn:1(;46--556) come eom m ittente."
In R,n·nm.l; l'ifQ"o{ogil•. SIIggi iii im,·,-pr"IIJ':.iQllr CII{f'","" r Tdigi~"1 rI~i (id; lmmvi:
I I-54. R'I\"tl\ll~ : Longo Eil irore. Original ",(Iition. Stucli Romagnoli 41 ( 11/91 ):
36 7--1- 16 .
~'I ontl'\'eechi, Gio"ann;l. !004' An'hfologlll J/r/'IIIJ1I.J Rm.'l'IIlIIl: /" 0011111. rid IIIppeli rli
pi(rr.:J, il ((1J/1plr~"«l ''''''hcQ{ogiro Ji ,.'i,1 D"A-:.rgfio. R~ ~'ell1l": Longo.
_ _ _ • ! OO4- "La ~tnltla c ]a struttUnl fognaria." In An'hral9gia urblll'" n Rm'l'lIIu,:
{a Dnllllli rid IIlp~l i di pirml, iI (91/1p/W'O lIn'h<'o/ugim di "ill D'A:rglio , ed. Giovann~
.\"lont<:veethi: ~ o-z 1. Ral'enna; Longo.
" "oorhcad, John. ' 99!' ThrMnir ill hafJ·. O ... ford : Clarendon Press.
MOI"~ rh, Giinth"'r I,.Vo lfg:lng. 19-1-0. Di.. :\Iuximillllskalhrnl"ll il/ Rm!mwi. Freihllrg",r
Theologischc Stuc.l.kn, 54. Frdl..>urg: Herde r.
-"" liiller, CLmdi". 1')80. "Das AI)sismosa ik von S. i\pollinarc in C1a~se. [ine So-uk-
turanalys<:." Riillli~h,' QII//I'/llfs</)riji fiil" (/)riftlid}r AII<'rl/lIl1skIllUfr 1111'/ Kin-/}-
I'JlgCf(hi(hle i s: I I- 50.
,'<Hilli.' r-Wiener, Wo lfg-.mg. '989' "Bis.::hofsrcsiden7.en des 4.-7. Jhs. il11 osd ichcn
.\"liltdmeer-Raulll." III Am'srlll Xle COllgd:s 111/(1"11111;0111,( d'All"liiQ{ogie Chriltrl/JI~,
ed. Noel D'I\'ul, I: 651 - 709. Rome; I;..eole fr:ln" .. ise de Rom e, Ponri6cio i,rituro
.Ii ArchcoJogia cristbna.
,'<Iu';(."olino, Ccny. ' 991. "I mosaici Jcll'art'onc tli S. Vitale a R:lI·enna. Oss<:rv:lzioni
I.' scdt.: metodologiche per un rest:lllTo." In MosHiei'l S. Vi/uk r "f".i r".(l<lIIl"i: if
 IUHR EN C ES

r~>'/{f/lro ill filII di mas.Jid f>i'ri~lali. AlIi d," C"""~gI16 11<l,,-i(JIIalc m l n-.<!.Jm·6 ill "jll/
tli IIIOJilici pm ·i"M/i. RIW"IIIIII f - ] QUo!",,, ' 9!}f!, cd. Anna Mari ~ Ia nnu cci: 55--QZo
Rwenna: Longo.
___ . 1997. ~ I restau ri m usivi." In La basilim di Silil VilJl!r 1/ Rrn-cIIIUI, ed. Patrizi'l
Angioli ni ,\'hrtinclH : 11 I - I ! I •.\1odcoa: F. C. Panini.
___ . 200i. "11 musaico parie tale hizantillo fr:1 leCllica e n:sL_uro." 1n S,II/.\'/icbdc
ill ,4jriri,ro r /'rf,j gillstiuirl1lflf u R" ;'''",III: (Iffi rid CUI{V~gIlU ~ La di"spU/"j1 d,·II·,n"(,mgdQ.
S'II/ M ich ..lf ill Afi"ici.r<o .. rNa gil/J1il/lIlII ..,, "; Gi"I?l<Ife di fwdiIJ II! IIINllnri,1 ili Gi lmppf
B6Vllli, RtlVrmlll, S"I" dr, "16m/d, 21 -22 aprile 100 5, ~d. Ciaudiu Spaduni ' 2 '}i-3 10 .
;\iibn : Sikana.
N:'Sl"ol lbh, LauT". 1005. ~Em]Jir~ and ApocHlyps;: in -1l1e~s~loniJ.:i: Imerprering Ihe
Early Ch ristian Rotu nda." JOIl171uI6/ Eady Cbri,1iall Sl1ldiu 13, nu. 4-: 4-65-508.
Naucnh, C hlildin. 197+ t1f(lIrHII~ r'oll RI,.'mllll: Umcmldmllgm ":-lIr '1n·b;iologi5l.·bm
M,'lbpd,' Ilr,' 1"111),'1111111 is,;/JI'II CbI"OlliSI~, .\hmich: :\rlxo~g<!s" ll ~ha ft.
N auru)" G';ranl. 1989. ~ L .... m3l"ty r~ d.... Laurent <.to[\!; l' hymn()die et fa prcdic;ltion
dcs TV e e[ Ve ~icde , e[ l'aurhcnticire 3mbrosienne de l' h)'mn c 'ApostolonJm
supp~ rem .' " Rt'~'11r du Ell/des / I I/gl/sl illlrlllirr 3 5: 44--81.
Nees, Lawrence. [99 [ . A Tuintrd JUantl..: lJ~,.ml... all/I the Clmsiwl Tmditioll .71 tbe
C,1I"fJ/illgillfl COJll1. Phil:idclphi1: U nil'cl'5it)' of P" II)1sylvanitl Press.
Negrdli. Claudio. !OO,!-- ~Pc,;odo alcumcdicvalc." In /Irrbtolagitl Jlrbltlli1 tI Rn,,'rmw:
fa DIT/IIIIS dri IlIpprli di pir tra, tI iomplr.<'io alTbrolagiro di "i.7 D'.+:.cglio, cd, GiOV;lnn~
,\ iontel'o;!cclli: I ZO-- l: 5. Ral'enna: Lon!\"o.
Neri, V. ' 990. ~Verso Ravenna ea pitale: ROIll" , Ravenna e Ie resinence ill1l'Cri31i
fudoanriche.'· ln Sioria tli Run'llIIlI I, cd. G. $usini : 535-584. Ve nice: .\-!arsilio
Editorc.
Neri, Va lerio. 1995. "La legi u:imita poli( ic ~ del regno reode rici;\no nell' Anonymi
Va lcsiani Pars Posterior." III r rwkri(o r i Goli jf" Orimlt r Orn"Jrllf,', cd. :\mollio
Carile: 31) - 34° . Ravenna: Longo Editnre.
Nd 1.tr, Nanty. 1983 . ~ Rt'da{ing the Cunsul:ir II'0ry of Orestes." BurliltglPl1 All/gil-
ZillCl .l,: ~ 65-~ 71 .
Nohl~ , 1110mas .F. X. ' 984, Tin' Repllhlir Dj St. Pel;>/,. 0,,' fli"lb Dj the P,/pill SIIJU,
68v-G.l5. Philaddphia: Unil'ersit~, of Pennsylvani a Press.
___ , 1993. "ThcoJcric ~n{l th l' Papacy." In Tt'odl'l"Iro if Gril1!dr r i Gori d'llitfiu: A lii
dd Xll! COl/grrJ:>o lfll(nlll~jollldr Jj SI ll/ii .mll 'A lto M"dion"fJ, !HiI'/IIo. : - 6 !lo!;cmb".
r99J, T: 395-4~4-' Spoletn: Ccntro Italiano di Studi 5u]]'A!to :\lcdiocvo.
Nmdhagen, Per Jonas and Hans Peter L 'Ol":lnge. 1966. i\ /O.f;J((f fi"O/lI Alllilflli~)' 10
Ihr £11'1]' Middle Aga. ' Ihnslat"d by Ann E. Ke~p, Lundon: .\1e thuen.
Nordh'lgcn, Pcr J onas. 1983 ' "The Penetra tion o f B}'7_~ ntinc :'\·Ios~ ic T cchniquc
inro h aly in the Si:>.1 h Ce nnll"Y." In III Collaq/lio illlrt'lllI~iowtfr SIIIIIIO;:,{i{o IIlIIiro,
R,I"'f'IIIW, 6- 10 filumhr r, IgBI) , cd. R3fadb FariuJi Cam panati: 73-8+ Ravenna:
Edi;r;ioni del Gi rasolc .
Nurdstroln, e nr! OTto. 1953 . R,n'{'IIIIIwllllim; idrclIgr"r birb llirbr mill ikrmogmphigllr
Ulllel'SlIcbllT1gnJ iibrt· dir iHoJ{/ikm L'rrIJ Ra::WT1t1. Swckholm: Almql-ist & \Vikscll.
Nul':tr;., l'~o1a . 1988. ~I P,llan.i Impc ri:l!i di RaVCIIll'l. I. La tnuluzion c riel ' PaLl? 7»
Ji Galla Pl:JciJia.''' L ~4.Hbidr,I ! , no . ..j.: 10-- 13.
___ ,1990, "N or" sol 'P:ll;17..70 degli Ortoni' ill Ra,""nllH" sull:. cappella di S:m
P'lO!O fuori P<>rta S:m LOrl:n7.o. Le fonti." CIl,i/ril i'iII/III"1 3; 7y-8,),
___ . ' 997, UI ('II/ctlntit tli RirJ<'lIIlil: s/~/"ill <' IIlTbrDlogitl. R31·cnna.
REHREN CES

___ . 1997- ~:\hurhli mertievali dallo s<;avo delhi chies;\ oi S_ Severo in Cbs.<.e
(RA):' In I COlIgunrJ NiI~iQnllk ili /Ird!fDIQgiil A'Irdi" 'lIk, c<1. Sauro Gclkhi: 3z8-
33 I . Florence : Edizioni all'lnst'gn" II",) Giglio.
___ . 1998. S,ur;,1 ddt/' :.rop~l"Ir nrrbro/Qgichc tli Ril V<'IIlIII ( Cl,,..,r. i ,..,(~li XV-XIX.
Ravenna ; D. '\Ionmnari.
___ . [999. VI!i IIIlIlIi pr;(nll1!W I)(C/ll"l"/illi . Sioriu t· I/rrht'o/~gitl dd/fl (ilirill di
S. Apol/i,,"u N lIUl' O, dd 1l/o",'~rrv ".-nrditt inl/, poi (01l1.wntQ tid Fml; ,\l"wn O.<srr-
1III11f;, I' dl'llJllilni~l"f I"ilmll/O rUI"t,1 plllil~;l1If "filii R";'<Wllil 11I1""OIl1l1iol. Ravenn;l;
D. ,\lunt,mari.
_ _ _ . Z000. U /lll'mpio 1101111110 rlili pon i,i; I. fCQPt'rfr (I/Tbrl)/ogi.hl' rJfi:fI fi lm' lIdl'(1I11MIO
rldh, (aSI,,"~iu"r rldl" St,d,- ("""'IIle dr/lit CfI:r;<o, Ifi "hp",'llio di & Jl."fIIl!lI. Rlvenn:,:
Fon Jazionc Cassa di rispannio di Ra\·enna, Cassa di risparrnio dj Ravenna.
_ _ _ • 1 00 1. wL'cdili7;ia di culto t'lrdo-am ica:' Tn Rnrlnma RPlmwlI. cd. :\-laurizio
.\huro: :lil-3o!:1. Rw<:nna: Adriaprcss,
_ _ _ . 1001. MLI Ra"<:nna tardo-il1lp"ri~k: ' In R"~''''lIn'' Ruman,l, cd. :\-lau rizio
.\'1,mI"Q: "51 - ZaO. R\l"cnn~: t\drbprcss.
___ . ! oo l.l'idtllillm: /( rirrrrhr Ilrrh(u/ugirh,' /Idle pI""prir/I) dr; J,t/erialli tJl/I"IIU{r>lI
Ir rdll~iulli iii fCa~'O di G"~I(fIw Na-;;r (19' 1- 1915) ' Ravenna: B. :\1ontnnari.
Sov~ra, Pnola anrl F . Snrnsini. 100 1. ~Oisk:c{i\ n1<:l11br,,, 1:r scnlmr.l .Iccorujn: c j
capitclli antichi Ji Ih,·cnna.'· ln R,wnIJu/ ROIII/IlIi/, cd. Aburizio :r.huro: !li- I06.
Ravenna: Ad riaprcs..<;.
O:lkeslloU, \\'~lltr. 1967. Tbl" IHOJJIICffJj"RolII.·. Grtenwidl, c r: Ntw York Gr'lphk
Socic£)',
O'D onnell, James J 1979. C,/.<SiOOOrlli, Berkeley: Univc rsity of C llifollli:l prc ~.
_ _ _ . 198 ,. ~ Th (" Aims of J orJa nc~." Hi>"lul"/,' 3 [ : !'3- !40'
Oli":1r, Alex.ll1dre. 196!. LM senile/it'S Jr S"" Prdra Cri'rJ/"go, tSlm/i" (I"ili(o _Abad!\! de
Monlso:rnlt.
Of)~tJ Stcwlr(l lrvin. 196; . ~S()mc Prublcm~ in the HistmyofGalh Pb ciJi:l ." 0,11-
tir,,1 Pbilo/"g)' 60: [ -1 0 .
_ _ _ . 1\168. Glfllil "/uridl/I Aug,ot'l: 1I BiQgm/,hir.I/ E.:i:iJly. Chicago: Univcrsi ty of
CI\ic:rgo Press.
Orioli, Giorgio. 1980 . ~I1 catalogo <:piscopal~ :\gndliano <: i "CseD"j di Ravcnna nd
V S\.·colo." Rollurill u ddlll Rllai,! Gum di GrlJU/lfi'rrarll 34: 135- 144'
_ _ _ 1997. "Ll data tid);, dedk~z ione ddb basilica metn>l-'olit'lTl '~ ddl'Am,usis
di Ravcn na." Rllc'l'7Im" Stlldi r Ri,'cn-he + no. !: 19'- ' 90.
Orselli, Alba iVlaria. l OoO . ~Epil1rni e e scomparse di c in~ nelle fonti tesRlali t'a rd oan-
tich"." In Lc d lill ili/lilll!<' 1m III Ilmlll AI/titbit,; r /,,,110 M ~t!i","".I. d rt i rlrI COI/U'JPlu
(R,,,'rllllll, f,hirnriu ~u(J-I), cd. Andrea Augcmi : 1 7 - ~). Florencc: AII'inscgna del
giglio.
Ortalli, J acopo. 199 1. "L '£Jili:da al>itatka." In Slarin di R1WN1l11' II. J, "d. Antonio
C arilc: 16i- [ 9l. VC llice: JI'In;ilio Erlitorc.
Ouol.: nghi, L\lisa. 19 5i. ~L :l c;lpdb ~rci" escol'il e in Raw nn:]." !i",,:\" Hilill"II/II, 1r'/
In·. 7S: 5- 31'
1'"lan!)" H'illialll B. : 004. Suint Peln Cbl)'Jnl"gIlJ, &Ir(f,'" Scm/MY, vol. ~. 'J1\<:
bth~rs of til<: Church: A Nt:w T mnslation (Patri~tic Series) l OY . \.vasbington,
DC: Catholic Uni,,~ rsi ry of .-\"l~rica Pre....~.
Pallottinn, .\·Llssimo. 1991. II HiiIDl) ' af Ear/irll Itll/)'. Ann Arbor: Univer.;itr of
,\-liehig~n Press.
.'. IUHR ENCES

P~ni Ermini, Letizia. !OOj. ~Lo ~paz:i(l urh:mo delle ci~r?\ c3pit~li." In R""~IIII'" da
",pilille illlpai"fr II mpira/I" ",(Ir((tI", ~: lOOJ~1058. 5po1.:lO; Fondazionc Centro
1t"limo eli STudi sulJ'AJro -"Iedioel'o.
P:111vini Rosati, F. 19j5 . "Trc l.~Ct;he impe ri.lli: T revin, .\lediohnu111, R,\\"cnna ."
CIIRB ! j : ! 11~!!11.
P:lsi, Sil"i~. 1996. ~Br:lccio nord, lunt-tu dti BUOll PaSture I North :lnll. tUndtt of
the GQO(I Shcpherd." In J! mlll/wku rtf G"II" P{'t(iJiflll R"'"r1/llit, cd. Clementi""
Rinard i: ! I 5-l [(,. ""'Iorlena.
_ _ _ . !005. "R:l""n na c Bisanziu. '· In Vrmc:),1 c Bisrm:-;u. Aspe/ti dd/a wl/unl {"ti!"
Ii", /,iZ/wri/1lI till RflvC1Il11I ,/ ;!(IIr;.;a (V-XIV w(oio), cd. C lcmcntim Riuardi: 45-70.
Venice: lst.iOlto vene to <Ii sdenze, letter;: "d 'Irti.
_ _ _ . 2006. JUWCII1UI. S'III Vilfllc; il ron,,,, Ji GillSl illiJIII~ r Trvdonl ~ i 1lI(J~liri JrI
pn-sbitcl"io r ddf'nbJidr, " Iodcna: Franco Cosi mo Panini,
Pasquini, Lau!":I , HX>j, ~ll l>:lttis("ro Jdb c~1te(ln,lt Ctl lt oli (;~ ~ RJI'tnml."In Vnlr::,i"
r BiS/mdo, AJprui tfrflll C1/1tllnt (1I1is/I(11 I!i::"ml im! till Rlfl.'r1111l1 11 V'lIr;;. 11l (V-}.-J V suulo),
cel. Ckl11e nrina Rizzarc\j: F 7- 344 . Ve nice: hrimro yenero di sckn7-C, Icnere cd
ani.
Patitu=i Ugge ri, Ste ib. ' 005' ~ Il sistema Rudo. lah',.:mare, l'inscdiameoto c l~ difeS!:
del (e rrirorio r.1VCll lhlrC s<:tte nrriOIMk (V- VII] sccolo)." h I R,/ I.'fllllll: ",/ Olpilillr
imprrill/r'l olpill!lr ulllm/r, I : 2;3 - 360. Spoleto: Fondazionc Cen tro It ali 3no di
Studi sull'Alto )\1criiocvo.
Pausdli, Valentina, 1996, ~Br~cdo esr, sarcofago Je lw di Coslanw III / l!.a~t anll,
so_call,.,d <;,,!'Cophngus of CO{l£t"IlS 111.." [n 1I11U1JJ1c/eo tii Gn/Ill Plnridiil d R ,IVCIlJId,
cd. Clc mcn ri na Riu;ardi:! 19-1!0. Modena.
___ , 19y6, -Braccio O\'c51, sar{'ofago JcttO di O no rio I WCSt an n, so-calkd 5ar~
"i
coplJagos of Honorius ," In 1I 11UIII,y>/eo Gllilil Plilcidii/ II R,n'rlfllll, ed. Clemenrin:l
Rizzaroi: ::9-1JO. I\l odena.
Pn\'a n, G . 19ifl . ~Rcsta uri c ritrovullll'nti d~lla Basilica .Ii S. Apollinurc- in Cla:;sc.'·
CARB ! j : 133-!64.
___ . 1,)84- 5. ~ I TTl(1Snici tid]" chiesa ,Ii S. Cruce " Ravenn a. Vecchi c nu~wi
ritNJ\'~mt"l1ci." "'~Ii.\' RlwrlllUl ser. <j, vol. 1/2: 341 - 380.
Pens , Gknn. l OO~ . SII(l7d Shock: Frmllnlg Vimi/I £\-prri~lcr in BY--4mriullI. U n iven;ity
Park: Pcnns),lnni-,1 Starc Uni \·cr..i t), Press.
Pelle grini. Gi ewan R,uisr:•. r 990, ~ToJ->On(lTII"stka preroTII 'IJJ~ e romulla del f<I\'ell~
oatc." In Slorill di Rm'nll1l1 I , ~d. G. Susi ni: ri9--,}8. Veniec: "Iarsili n Editore.
Penni h ecn, [manuela. 1004 . '..., bm-ilicu tii S. Apollillllrf' NI/ovo "II/'/1~W'iO i .<Noli.
Sludi c SC3\'i, nm:)\'a scric B. Bologna: Antc quem,
Pe n ~abcnc, Patrizio. 1995 . "Rcimpicgo e nIT(WC modc archite u oniehc nel hasilkhe
c risrjant' dj Rn!l1~ trn TV t' VI seeQ(O." In ill'lc'lI dff XI/. !lIIc'l1hlfiol/il/f1l KOllgrl'sst'1
}til' rhrinlirhe Ilr(biiolugir, BOlin, 2 2- 2$ Srpl~lIJbrr 19111, "d. Ernst DasSmann and
Joscf En gcm:1lm: 1076- 1O?6. V,niean City: l'ontificio j~tinlto c\i arehcologia cris-
(ian,1.
Petrucci, Annando. ' 971. "Origine e diffusionc del culto d i San M ichele ncll'ltnlb
mcdic",,1c ." 1.11 ,\ '/ illilillirr IIIommiqllt' illI 1\1(.1/11 S,lim -ftficbrl, ed . J . et at. L~l)l)rt(·,
3: 339- 354· Paris: p, LeLilidl eux.
Pi,lIleastelli, Mooie~. ! 004. ~N (lte sul1a "elcx:iriP, di subs ide n z:!." In An'},rnl"gitllll'}lillJd
/I Rllvrmw: 1/1 f)VIIIII~ d~i /tIppel; Iii P"'/I'II, d (01ll/1!;-.<$0 .'lcrbrIJ/vgi(iJ iii 1' /(/ D'A~X/io,
cJ . Giovanm MontcH"cdli: 1 16- , 17 , Ravcnna: Longo,
REHREN C ES

Picard, Jean-Ch"rlcs. 1978. " La 'l'Mdrip<)JTi'l"c de Sanr' Agal" de R'I\'cnne." Felix

RIIWflIlII 116: 3 r--IJ'
_ _ _ . 11)88. Lr $(II/;'.'l/ir dts f'~·('llIe.~ ,,"pl/lillt'rl, Iirla rpiSl.'opillr; (I 1'1111, du i lJ"1/1t·I.'I/
1t'lli~ dll Nord dCI origim:s (/II Xc .<ii·tlt. Rom.:-: [cok frarl(,:lis.o: de Rome.
Piccinini, PIUO. 1991. ~Immagini d'~utond a Ravenna." In Stor;'1 di R(/'lI'mlllll.~,
<,d. A.J1tunio Carile: 31 - 78. Vtniet: ,\1arsilio Editor<:.
P it-tn, Ch:,rI<,s. H,)8). "Lo:s aristO<.:T"tit:s de RllH'nna (Ve-Vle sih:ICli)." S fluli RomaS-
IIDli .l-r 0-13--673·
_ _ _ . Iyy!. "."'-ristucnzia e dero al tempo Ji Udoac..., t: di Tt:oJt:ricu." In Siorill
rli R,n'rl/l/f/ If. /. cd. Antonio Carl Ie: ~ 87-3 /0. Venice: " 'larsilio Editor\:,
I'incherle, Alberto. 1966. ~llIrOnln II un ,;:elehre mos~i co R'lI'enn;IIt::' li)":.,mliOiI 36:
49 ' -53'1-'
Pi7.arro, Joa'luin :\'hrtincz. ") 95' IVririll.'{ Rrn.'/'/!/Ia: I ll\'a,.,.,,,h.. r Prrf017ll(wrr ill lb.'
N mlb Cmllll)'. Ann Arbor: Uni"o:rsity of Michiipn Press,
_ _ _ , ! 9<}8. "Crowds and Pow~r in tht: Ubcr pIJIJlijit'lllis rrdeslilr Rflt'rmlllliJ."ln Tbr

COII/IIIIII/i ly, I br F'III/ iI)" (lml rhe Sailll: P(llIfl'llt ~/ Pw;;:rr ill &/,.~y ,H"i/ir,m! £lIro/,r,
r.:d . J, Hill: 165-~ II J. Turnhout: Brr.:pols.
Poilprc, Anne _Orange and Jt:an- Picne Caillet. ~OO5' M,,;ertm- Domini. Pans, Edi_
tions elu eel·r.
Polara, Gicw::mni. '995 . ;'Lcttef".ltura in Iulia nclJ'ctJ di Tcodcrit:o." In TeDderiro
r I GOli fr~ O"in!lr t: Ot(idt:/ll(, cd. Antonio C~n le; 353- 3()6. RWenna ' Longo
EdilOrt:.
POrt;l, Pnola. 1991. "-11 cenrro del pote l'e, il prohlema del p:llazzo dell'e5:1rco."
In Sr~"i(l di R~lN/l/la lI.r, cd. Antonio earlle: .:69-l83' Venice: Mar~ilio Eeli-
ton::.
___ . !007, "S,U} ,\tichel~ ill Africisco ,\ R:lvenn,\. L:. scultur~ architertonico-
dccomti\';l:' In S tili Mi.b,'I. ill / tj'r-iri:>(o r I "'II} S/IIJ1illi{III(/I {I R,Il,." "/i1i1: ruti drl C PII-
urgliD "t~r ilills/,o/',/ Jrll'flll'Imgelp, 81111 At itbt'lr ill AfritiKO r I'w; gillrtillilmfll ": Cior-
11111,· di ,111l1iu ill lIn-muri" tli Gill.<t'pP'· BouI",', Rllwmtn, S,IIII dei motait!. H-~: aprile
~(!U >, ted. Cbudio Spadoni: ~ o5-': z ~. -''Iibn: SiI" ana.
JloS!, 1'~lilliS G.J. 1981. ~Conclllc~his leonelli . Some Icollogr~phic ,mil konoloifie
N ott:s on an Earl),-Ch ristian T crncotta Lamp with :In :\nastasis Seent:." Rh·i!/ll
IIi 'lrcbcploglI' rrinlrlllli 58: 147- 176.
l'nti. LudalHl and Alherto Amoninzi. eds. 1988. !-'fIlIlWI ,11/11II,'dutll/$; 111Mi'( KfiP-
ntr I1rrbrologicbr dogl; Ka-.,j p~r I'l1ul"edollo ddlo R01l1I1g1l0. BoIQgn~ ' N UQ\'a :\lfa
Edi{Qri~le.
Quacquan:lli. :\nlunio. 1977. "Lt: ~a l1ll1l alkht: dd Battistt:ro deifli Ariani di
Ravenna," (',.1 RR !4: ! 93- J o l.
Rapp, CI:1Udia. )00;. Hn/.)' fliillOpS ill Llfr .41/1i1"il)" Tlit MIfIllVO/CbI'iSlioll Lradrn'liip
i ll (III Age ofTrlll/siti"'I . Bt:tkdey: Un il'l'rsity of California P...,ss.
Ra-':r1l11a dll mpil,i/l': il1/~17ale a mpilllle ullrfiJlr. Atli del XVII COlIgrt:SJo illfe'·IIII:,ioIlOI.,
tli III/Ilio SI/II'I/IIO 1II"Jitmo'o, Nm ....lIIll1.
6 - /! gil/gll o lI!04. l 00 5. Spolew: Centro
lraliJno ill Studi 5ull'Alto !\'lcdiOt:\·o.
R('hccchi. F. 1978. "Crnnol<)gi~ c f..si di f;lhbric~7.ionc tid sarcnf"gi pag'lni
Jdl'ollieina Ji lbvtnna." SllIIli RfI1l1l1glluli !9: l47 - ! 75 '
Rehecehi, Fenundo. '9!)j. ~Ra ..enrl", ultima eapir'lle d'O=idenre." In SIQrin di
RQI/III, Ill; I:m) Io'milhllllmf. t:(1. :\m"ldo _\'Iomigliano. !: I luoghi e ]" l:lIl turc:
1 ~ 1-13 0 . Totino: Gui Jio Einaudi.
• •6 IUHREN CES

___ ,1998, "Greciri\ e Greel ~ R3\'enn ~ (e dinwmi): notiva ed dementi oi dis-

cussion;"," In SPI1I11 "if drf/II pllI/,mo; djl..n;'mi fill (1lfIIlogrJ f n i Hil //Ionnl jrrl""r(ft:
tllf j Com'rlPlo illirn/l/'::,.iallil!~ di ,'Ilidi ~Spi,,", dll' tit.'iliil {/ (oll/romo ~ (J 99</: {J", Vtr-
.ill; d~gfi >1/1t/i Ji Frrranl), ed. Fem :mdo Rebecchi: ~95-.P4. Rome: " L'Enna" di
Bretschneider.
_ _ _. "d. 1998. Spillli ~ if dtlltl p III/IlIIO: rijlr'.~i.Jf/i nil (1IIIIIog~ e >~d(tf lIIo.1TII ji-rmrYsr:
/ltti C(I(Ilirgno ;11/rl7l;I';;'OI1O,," ,Ii nml; -Spill'" ,hlc rlt,jltl' {I wI/jP,lIJIQ (19').1: U"hT~i/(,
n

licg'; mll!i dl P"I"I"IIrn). Rome: ~ L'Enna" eli l'lrerschneidel'.

Rd.><: nkh, Stcf~n. 1)l8} . "Gratian, 3 Sun uf T hcmiusiu5, :md tht: Birth uf G "lb
P [~l·idjl." Hi.radll; bilKbrift fiil" i Jlrr Grsd! irbrf H: 37Z-385.
Re),{ldle!. .\l,\rc. 199 ~ . "La reg'll il'l teudericiana:' In StGI·i" Iii R,/t'~1II1fl ll . .!, ecl,
An tonio C an [", 9-30, V" n ic~: :\Iarsilio Editore .
___ . [995, "Theonene et b ci"i[itas." I n Trod""ko r i Got; Ji'II On'l"IIfr r O((idr/llc,
e.1. Amoniu Carile: 285- .:0)6. R"ven na: Longo EJiwte.
Ri<;ci. C orrado. [9 19. ~ Il Vil'aio Jdl' are il'cscOl'ad u di R."'cnna." Bollttt;lIo d'ont I):
33- 3(\'
___ . [930-7. 111111111I1mll;: fil l/olr sll/rich" ,I..; /11M/it; d; RlIlI"mw . ROlll a : h tituto
polib'Ta lico dd[o sta tu,
___ 193! . ,\!Ifnl/lIIll'11li: I,wolt' iloric".. dri mOSllid Ifi RJ/ IJ17I11tI, ::0/. ], 1181111islrl,(}
d{gli Ari,11Ii. Rom:!: Istirut<) po[igralico dcIIo sueo.
___ ' 1937. l\-/olll"lIl"IIli, I,/Uoll' J/or;(/]r dei /!Iosai..i di R"VI.Wlla, ,'01. N, S. Gio~""l/Ii
EIWltgrfiJUI. ROIll3: Isti lUw f'Oligralieo dellu statu.
Righini, V~ leri a, 1986, ·Pelix ROllla _ Fr/ix R":Jf1I1UI: i holli b eeri~i ni T ..one ,1eo e
l' ~nivit" edi li1;ia reonericiana in R,I\'cnna." (;/ 1RB .l3: H 1-398.
___ . [9\10. ".\'!aleriali e t<'<'nich~ da l'ostrUl.ione in eta pr~rolllan3 c' N IlIJna." In
$lOI'j/l .Ii R,lVmlta I , ed. G. Susini: .! ;i- l 96. Venice: M~rsili o EJitore _
___ .1991 . M.\b re:riali e: Iccnichc ,i;[ eostru1.ionc ill eta t3rdo~ntic" c altomc-
dicv~lc. " Tn $10/';11 iii R,I:JNIII<I fl.1, cd. Antonio Canle: [93- l ~ [, Venice: .\-Ial'silio
Edilore.
Rbtow. Gunter. 1957. "Sulb pcrson ifil.:u.iunl.: dd Gio rd:10(1 neill.: r"pl' rc~nta ;o;ioni
h~ttesi lll al.i nd[\lrt" del primo Cristi ~ot'sil11o." [n AilS drl ' f,)":Jllllilli$l.·/Jl'1I IId,..il
drr dl."l1/ubm drJIlQlmlli5<hm R,.PIlMik, ed. J ohannes In nsl'he r, 1: I ~o-I16. Berlin:
Berlin Akadcmie-Verlag.
Ristow, Sd.1:\Sliau. 1998. FriihdJl·;,'lli(/]r B,/ptillrri"II. J ;lhrb\l~h f(ir Amike lind C hris-
ten rum. Ergii ngu llsband ~ 7 . •\ liillstcr: Aschcndorll
Ri7.~ ard i, C[ementi na. [98S. ~ Paradigmi ideo [ogici ed e~e[ici ne i mosaici r;]Vennati

di e:t'" giustiniane:a ," Fdix R":!''''1I1l1 135- 136: 3i-6l.

- - -.1989' "l ::trtc dei Gotl" Ravenna: moti"i idco[ogici, a~peni iconogT,,/ici c
fOnllali nella dt'coJ'nione musil'''.'' C4RB 36: 365-381:1.
___ . I98y. "Notc sull'antico " piscopio di Rave nn a. forrnazion" e s\'ilu ppo." In
Arlrs'/II Xli' C(J/lg/'~$ hllrl1"lIi~I",1 d'AIThr'fl/cgir (;hrelimllf, I: 71 I - i 3 1. Vatic;l)l
C iIY·
___ . 1993. ~,\Iosaid pa rietali esistcnti c scom pa tsi di etc. pbddbna 3 R 3\'CIlI11:
iconografi<' impc ri:.li <: "1)(.>C"littichc:' CA HE ~Q: 385-40i '
___ . 1995. "Coru.idenlzioni sui mosaic i .Ii S:lI1 Vita le: ,Ii Ra"e:nna: ill'idu eli
Mose." In Fijib 1111"17111Iio11111 Colloquiul1I QIl ;/Ilfir/ll il'/lIS.JJi(5, B,u/] ' 987. "d., Pe ter
Johnson : Z If)- l 30. Ann Ar[,or, ,'vII;Jou m ;11of Roman t\TI.'hacology.
___ . 1996. ~ lI .\l ausoll·o nd mondo cu[turak e nrtist ico Ji Ga[b P bt.:icli3 / ' l1,c
'\!ausolcul1l in lhe cultural-artistic world of Ga[b Pb,;idia:' In 1Ilnilllsoko di G,tll a
REHREN CES

PlliCidill Il RaL'Nlml, eds. C lerne nr in~ RiZZ:lrdi lncl Patriz:i'l Angiolini } Iartinelli :
109- 1.: 8. Mod~nn.
_ _ _ . t 99(,. ~ l lIlooJki elt:! triclinio (Id P,liiJlil/ll/ eli T eodorieo ~ Ra,'enna. " In AlIi
del III Colloqllio "..t! :4Sl'oci,,:;ioTit ilil/itlllJl P<T /0 III/diu C "I (11I1Sl'I<.'n 7.il1"'· dd 1110.<11;(0,
Ro/"dighml, 6- 1" diwl/llrt 1995, cd. Federico Guidonaldi: 353- ;6.:. Bo rdighcra:
Istitu[(l itltt.rn azion ~ le di smdi liguri.
___ . 19\16. w L'~ n;nito:ttura do:l (\I:1US<.>J<:O tra Orio:nlo: 0: Ot"cid<:nt<:: cos-
mopolitismo e auronomia I The .\LlIIsoleum ·s architecture ~twe~n EaSI and
\'\'<:SI: l"osmopolilanism and aU lonomy." In If mill/so!ro ,Ii Gilff" l'iII,idiil II
RIlW/lIlII, c(k Clcmcmina Ri7.T.ardi ~nd Patril.ia Angiuli ni .\ brtindli: 1l9-146.
Moden:,.
_ __ . zoo!. ~La d<:coraziotl<;: musi" '1 dd battisto:ru .legli orwdossi e . Io:gli 'lrimi
~ Ra'-cnna: A!cu nc considcral.ioni." In CEdifid~ Rllltcsill/,t/r ill !111/ia. ('S{lmi c
prub/cllli. Alii 1""'JI1l CI>/Ign·.'i;W Mr:.il>lIIdl· tli Arrbe%gill Crisl illllll G"novlI, Snr:-tnlll,
Afbfg>lII , Rillllfr Llgtlrr, Vetillligfia, ll-~S Sc/tc1IIb1'r I ')')S. 2 : 9 15-930. Bord igh~ra,
Tsrimrn inr(' rn~<:ion~l(' elj smelj lig-uri .
___ . !OO I. "Tco(h:ric-o:l Rln'tlll:l: il lhnist<:ru <.Itgli Ariani alb lucc ddl'ido:o-
logia po litico. religio~a del tempo." In IVC"IItiisco. J Ge17l1/wi mflc jpolldc ric! 1!111I"C
NOSlrlll!! - Alii rid COI/1:,'W'O IlJlrl1l11 ~i(>!Jtllr di SllIdi, P"dol''', I J-r r OIlO"1'r '9')9,
ed. Alessandro Zironi: 10 1- 1 IS. Padm'n: Uniprcss.
~ ~ oo.,. ~ L :l catteclra ehume3 di "1as.~im i ano:l R3V'!l1 n:l: re1cttura sti listica."
In f/llilml/lm ; IIItI1l7JO II IIrm':,ltl " 11/ mrdiul"vo Inl 111"1i, .10ri" r 51oriugiljiil; iUllli ill
011ltl"t Ji I Vfadimiro Drwigo, eel. [nnio C oncinn: 145- ( 50. Pacio\'a: II Polig,-afo.
___ . .:004. ~L'Epi !iCOI)io eli R(lVCnna nell':lrnbiw de ll 'cd ili~iu rcligios:l QCciclen-
tal.· cd oricnml.· Jal Tardomtit·o nel l'Alto !\1 cdioc"o: gli amuicnti di rJppr<'s<:n-
t:mz,l." Alfi " MNIIO,.ir ddln D rpllln':.ioIJ( Ji Storin P,II rill p," Ir Pro;;iluir di RIIf/ttJW,.j,
11 ..<. :;T 1'17- 175'
_ _ _ !OO5' ~ I mosaici parietali <Ii Ruvenna (Il Galin Placidb n Giustiniann.'· In
Vnw:.ill r 81.,,1117.;0. A,prlti della W/w/",lllni.<li(,1 ['i::.tll1lillll tin Rnlle/1Wl 1I rC/I/::.ill (11-
XIV 5"'·0/0), cd. C I~mentin" Ri u,'lftii : ! 3 I -~ 73 . Venice; i>tilUto " ~ neto di ~iem:e ,
t"n"ft' t'd arti.
_ __ . ~ 007 . ~ I mosaici pa rieta1i di Ra\'cnna di <:tit guistinianca <: b cocva piu ura
ucci'kntak ~ nriL"nta1c." In 51111 .H icbde ill /1! ,.,df(O e r r ril ghmill ial/(·tJ a Rlwrmw:
IlIIi dd Crm;;rgllo "UI dil1>"/Jfml Jr"·"n:,mgt'l". S'III 1\ lid,dl' in Aj"ri,.i$(o r !"rlc) giuJti"i_
Imrtl": C ifJl7lm~ di ,1'lId;0 ill /IIrmoria di Gi11Sepp~ n~"'il/i, R.1 ~wma, S(J/" dei /llfJStliri,
~1 - !! I1p,.iI~ "01)5, til. C lnuelio Spailnni: 93- 91-1. :\'Iibn : Silvana.
Rizzardi. Clementina an d Pattizia Angiolini .... lanin t lli. cds. 1996. 111111111>,,/,.0 Iii
Cnll" P/addi:l a Ravrwlfl . Mode na.
Roi>erts, 1\tich:ld J. )00). "VenanthlS FnrmtlalllS'S Lif.. of Saint Mnrtin." Tl"fldil io
5i, no. 12 Y- 187·
Rohland, J ohannes PeTer. '97i. Dt'/" f r::.rllg..! Jl1irb.uf A I':;I mId Fddhen~ Zu·";
Aspd,'/! I/,'s Vo/'- tlllt! r,·ilbl')'':.Jl1Jlil/Ji<b,·/j iH idJ",·/s1·/Ifru. Leiden: Brill.
Rohr, Christian. t 995. DCI" Tbcl1tkrid' - P"Jt·!J~·iC1lJ drr E1modillJ . •\ 'Ionumcnra Ger_
IO'lO iac historica Swdicn nne! T cxtc I':. Hnnnovc r: Hahnsch (' Huchhandlung .
Roncuzzi. Arnaldo. 19\1L ~ ToJ>OgrJtla Iii Ra""nna anri ca: I" mum." C4RJJ 39: 69 1-
7·F·
___ . : 005. "II territorio di Rnvcnna nell"mtkhit:I:' In R(JlJf"IIlI,I: 0/,( mpltlllr il/l~'
I''''/f II ('Ipifll /( f$,/lYiilr, I: 383- 40+ Spolcto: FonJazionc Centro Italiano tli Studi
~"" tr Alto .\'ledi<X"\'o.
•• 8 IUHREN C ES

Roncuui . ..... rn.lldo ~nd Lelio Veggi. r 908. "Comrih'lTo ~Ilo $OIoio rlell'evoluz:ione
wpografi~'a nd tcrriwrio rn"cnnalc in ruppono agli ~ntichi ins(·tliamcmi umani."
In Ani lid C~iI;;(gllq nlirM/tJ';.ilmJllf Iii fwdi mll'illlli..bi/,1 di CI" ....,(. R" V~llIIil, /4- 17
1'}67' 9[ - [ 1+ Ra\' enn~: L(mgo.
(ll/l1bn:
Ropa, Gbmp;lOlo. [993' ~ ,\giogralia c lirurgia 3 Ravenna tra ~lro c hasso mcdiocvo."
In Sfl1rill Iii R,rt'<'mlil. ;: Dill mill,. 111111 jillt drill! $igllQrill Po{rfllllllll. ",d. Augusto
Vasina; 3'P-393 ' Veni..,,,,; .' 1ai>ilio Editon:.
Ros..~i (Ru~u s), r*rolamo. [57~. /I ;>1I'l'i'll"ill1l1 Rfl Ut'IIII,III11I1- lil".i D,'WII . Venice.
Rota, Simona. 200l. P(lII{'gin'ro dd rklllntlinjmo n: T,.",/i".ico. Rom",: H erder.
Ruggini, Lellill, I g6,. F.41Il10Il/;'r r .wia,', "rll' ~rfl1lillllllllo1/lrr;n~; mppol1ifiYIII.'l,riroflmw
r ,·,mmlrr.;il) dill IV ill /1/ it,'ofl} d. C. Mi!.m: A. GiufTri:.
Rusconi, Antonio. " ,17 I. M Una num'a ipotcsi sui cosiddcuo ' Palazzo tli T codorico'
a Ravcnn;l." CARn Ill: '1 75-506,
Russell , Jamts C. 199+ Tbr G''I7l11l/1i~''li(}1I oIEllrfy 1\[,·dir.",1 Cbrin i.w il)',' A Soclob,!-
lone"f ApplYJllrb II} RcligiollJ Tmmfo17lUllioli. Oxford: Oxford University Pre~s.
Russo, Eugenio. 19119' ~Sca\'i e scopenc nelb chies~ di S. t\g:nn di Ravenna. N ori7.ie
Preliminari." In , !elf,. till Xh Omg1):r /1IIrl7WliQlIIti d:,1I'rbio/l}gi.:: Cbl't'limllf, ) :
~3'7-'3-I" Vatican City.
___ 1996. MSuib cu poh. in mbi iittjU (kiLl c h ieS,l Ili S. Vjt ~ lc di Rllv!:nl1;l." Rilli>'!il
t1i mybrofrrgio crill ill11l1 71: 1S5-F 9·
___ . ! OO5- "I:~rchitettur~ oi
Ra\'e nn:l 1'3Ieocristiana." Tn Vmr.-ill ~ nir,mzin_
A~prt(; I/rf/II r ill/,ml 111'(;.-/;,'11 /,blll/illll rill RIII'I'II/ill /I I'<'IIr..ill (V- X IV.wu/oj, tal.
C lementin" Ri7;t;udi: B9-~~9. Venice: Istituto \,eneto di sciell7-t', lettere ed
arti.
___ .2005. "Una nuova pro]XIStll per al sc'lucn~ l'Tonologica del Palazw impc'-
rialc: di R ~"": lm3_" In R,W<7111t1: ,/" Mpifill( imprri"/r 11 (l1{1ilflh' r;"rr"lf . I: 155- 190.
Spoleto: FOIlJazionc Centro itali:l[lo di Studi sull' Alto .\'kdioevo.
Saina, Biagin. 19<)3' 1.11 rh'INllli di T"fJdrriro. Rigol'f 11111111 ill ifII'm h .o, ~lol!r"'III'ZiI" I '(/i-
gioslI r I1'wprro dr/r'lII/icl) 11dl'IIIIlili oJirogoltl. Rome: ~ L' Enna" £Ii Brt:lschntider.
$"lln. Bcmhnrd. 1935 . Di! tllfgrrmlllllKbr Tbi...-(mlUlJimlik. 1)'{lQ/Qgm-bc Slutli'iibn
g"1111lIlli$t.'IJf '\/,·ItI"grgelln Jlld,· /llii d(tII III. Jli,'/x' ,7l1iJl'bllllden lIebn "illrl' SIIIJi(
iibrr irin-br Omomrnli1\ Stockholm: \oVahlstrom & \Vid!>1:rand.
Salway. Bener. 1005. "The Nature and Genesisof the Peutin~TCr .'I ap." Imago !HI/II//i
5j: 1 19- 1j).
S3 nstcrre,Jean -.\ hric. 1(.191. ",\ 'lon3(."; c ~1onasteri Gree; a R n-enna:' In Sif/ria t1i
R,wrlllia lI.l , ed. Anton io Carile: Jl3- 319- Venice: Marsilio EdilOre.
S'lI'igni . R~ffa tle , 199!. "I Papi e Rwenna . Dalla Cad uta ddl'Esarow alia Fine
del 5e<:010 X." Tn Sw"iIJ di R(/iI(IIIIJllf.~. cd. Antonio Car;le: 331 - 368. Venice:
!'Ihrsilio Editort' .
Savini, Gact:mo. 1<)05. L, 111111<1 tli RO;Jl'llnll. Ral'enna.
S;lxer, VieWI·. 1965. ~lllons pour sc l'vir a l'hisroirc dll Qllrc de I'archangc 5:1inr
,\ -lichel en OrienT jllsqu'a J'iColloclaslile." In No,n'/'" ;imrlil; kli"cdl.II/o'11 illllJ~"'l1r;"
til A. Amou 0_ F. Nt. , 1. SIOI-;II tiel/a tl,icSil, IJlrhr%gitl, a11e, cd. Isaac V:!"'que?
Janeiro: 357-4;6. l~orl1 c:
I'ontilicio AtCIl<:O Antonb no.
___ . 1986. us rill'S'/1' I'itlilililioll (bnltirTIllr'/lI fl.. •111 Vir ,·ii'r/r. EJ111im.' IIi.</u6'1'II·
N >'ignijit'l1lirul d·l1p";,,. 1m/'! p"i"ripill~" limoillS. 5poleto: Cent ro it~lbllo di studi
su ll' alto .\'l<:dioc\'u.
Schi'ifcrdick. Knut. ~ OO !. ~ Dl'r \'<:nn<:in tlkhc Ari:lI1isllIus J~r Uhib-lliLd. ZUlli
Umg3ng mit einem Stereotyp." Zt'it.<l"hrift /iiI' Alllikcr Cb,.islmflllll 6: 31o-p9.
REHREN CES

S<:hapi]"(l, }Ieyer_ 195!- HThe Joseph Scenes on The ~h:>.imi~nlls TIHone in

R~\'Cnn~." C.l':.>.·/I/" drs flrilllx-!lI1S 40: ~ i~3S.
Schneider, AlfotlsAhrb. 1941. "Die Symholil.: ,Ies Theodorkhsgr:lI)l!S in R1werul:l."
Byzmllillisdll: Zrits.:briji '" I: 4 0 4 If.
Scholl, Rudol f and Kroll, \Vilhdm. 1fl95' Corpus Juris Cil.'ilis, 1'01. 3, NOl 'r flnc'. Berlin:
\·Veid1l1:l111I.
&:hR'iner, Petcr. 1988. ~Dn loyt.anti nischc Bildcr.;trdt: i.:ritioche Amlysc tie r t.dt -
genossischen meinungen mId d~~ UITeil ner N~chwelt his hellte." In Riwllzin,
Rf11lld r rJllI/i,/l1r!l'fllto M,.dlOc.m, ;-9 .'prilr 1986: 3 19-40i. Spulcto: C ISA.''l.
S<-hrenk, Sabin",. 1995. Typos 111111 Amitypos ill drrfdihrbrhrlkbm Kmm.Jarhbu(;h flir
A_n t ike IIMI Christentum, Erg:ill'wngsband ! I. MOnster: Ascht:ndorA"Sche Ver-
Iab'Shuchhandlung.
Sbmcni, C~ rl~. ! OO+ wResidcntial Villas in LaTe Antique Itnly: Contimlity and
Ch:U1b~.' · In RNrlll R,·s,·.m-b Oil Ibr UIII" .4.11111111<' COI/IIt,)"r""(', e(1. \Villiam llowden:
.B S-}76. Leiden: Brill.
Sh~nzcr, Danutn. r99/l. ~Two Clocks and a \Vedding: TIleodcl"ic's D ip lolll~ti c
Rtbtiol15 ,,·jlh th,· Burgundims." R<I1l11f11o/!llrfrllrlr,1 [4: ~ 2 S -~ 58.
Simonin!, Augusto. '96\1. Ant(Jufi,lia ~d &IIr11/a j" Jltllia. R:w"nn3: A. Longo.
Siv:ln, J·h gidl. [996. ~U U;h's Own COIl\·e~ioll ." 1'bf I-!.wwml Tbt'mogirdl RC1 'in~
8t), no. 4: 3i 3-386.
Smith, Janet c. 1990. "Form and Function of the Side Chambers of Fifth- ~nd
Sixth-Century CllU rt:hes in Ravenna." ]oU/mll oj"fb,· SlXirty oj"Arrhitrrmml Hi'1~
riam49, no. ~: 1 81 - ~ 04 '
___ . 1990. ~ The Side Charnl:>cr$ of San G iovan ni Evangelista in RaHlma:
Chun:h Liur~rk s of th" Fifth Century." Gmil 19: 86----9{ ,
Snee, Rochelle. [998. ~Gtegor)' N :12'.b[IZen'S An:lsr'lsi:. Church : Arianism, the
G OThs, and H:lgiognlph)'." Dmnb"nOll Onkil'apn-s 5~: 157- 186 .
Somd.:h, Alh"rto. 1995 . "Tevckric<ll· gli Ehrd di R~\',-,nna:' In T~oJrrim r i COli fill
Oriml( ~ Omdemf, e(1. Antonio Carilt: l3i- 149. R"venna: Longo Editorc':.
Sor.,~i, Ros " rio. 1 974. !/spCIII di srarill O'cUl/ollli(i' i/lI/i'l1lll ",II'..,,} ,Ii C"IJ)-ilJ(lonJ . C"t;mb:
Nov,l.
Sorrics, Rcinn. 1983 , Dlr Bildrr ,Ier O,1bQJiown illl IVrmpf geg<71 tim l /rioni>1l1ll$.
fil/O ' Apol0K'~ dl'/" (JrlblJ(/lJ.xm Cbriflolagir Will Triniliil51rbrl' grgmii/lrr do' "ritllli1Cbm
H.i"rr.~i(, d1lrgrsl(l/t ,11/ .1<71 r,wnmtlli.fI.·hc/I MIJu,ikm ,mJ BiMrm ,Irs 6. ]tlhrhlllld.·I'Is;
::.ugleicb "/11 n~i,r{1g ::'''}// VrD-tiind,,;s .1(1 grnm",iJ<-h<71 !-l1J1Il Q~I1,m';-. Elll"Op~ische
H ochschli ischrif'ten !}, Theoll)gie 186. Frankfllrt: PeTer bng.
Sotinel, CbiR'. ~ OO4- "How \Ver<: Bishops lnfonneJ? Infunn~tion T rJnsmission
aero\'.'> the t'dri~tie Sc~ in Late Anri("juin'." In Tn,,; ,.{, COrllllllmimlioll alld Cro!{-
"'Ipb)· ill UII~ .4.1111111il1' S.m,,·,1 lind Pr(Jilllt , e,~. Linda Elli~: 6.\-7: ' Alder;;h~t ,
"shbrat~· .
___ . 2007. "TIle Three Ch ~ptcr;; :md the Tr:lllsfonn3tions of Imly." In Till'
Cri)'is 1{lhe Oi1'ollllJcl/r: T/u Tbrrr Cb.1p lr/ "f <Ill" 111/' P'lilNI QI/I.·,l flJr Ulli,}, ill thr
Sixtb- Cmllll)' ,l1rdilrn-<1/U,rI/, ed. Celia Ch;l7.el!e: 1l,-l ~ a. Tumhout: Brepols.
S,,,,doni. Claudio 'mcll..ind~ Kniffitz, eds. l OOi. Sail .'l'/idJdl' in A/ri(i_<I"o .-1','1,; gill.llim-
111lt'<I1/ &/l.'I:IIIIiI. Alii dd Wllt'tg"O ~Lu dil/tpaTil drll','TClIllg!'!(J. Si/II ,H irbdc i ll AJ;'iriKo
r reta gill.1ilJi"',,",1," Gio17l11la di )·tlulio illmr1Jl1Jlin .Ii GillJrppr Ra ..·jlli, RIl~'rll/lll, Stilt,
liN !HOfIlid, Z/ - J; I,pri/~ l{J(!j. _"Iihmu; Sil"all1!.
Spics<:r, J .-'\I . J 998 . "The Rcprc.s~ntntion of Christ in the :\pscs of Enrl)' Christim
Churches." G(.M 3i: 63- 73 .
.,0 IUHR EN C ES

___ , !OOI. ~ rllrrh "r Remarks on rhe Mos.~jc of Hosio$ D~vid :' Tn /h·b,1Jl Iwd
R"'igimls SpII,.a ill LPf~ till! i'l ll if)' "lit! EIII~Y B),=<mfilllll: L- [ l. Al dcrshot : i\sh~~lc.
Sllu;ltriti, Paolo. 1992. ~" 1~rshes ~lId .\Iemalities in E:}rly M~di e\'a l Ravenn,L" J/ il/ _
11Jr. "'kdi~.'111 111/(1 Nnwimll/r,' SlIIdirs .! 3: liS.
1-
___ . 1')98 . llr,fltr and Socir{)' III Em1J ,'\'Irdiri'id Ilnly; 1I D 400 - 100n . Ca mhridgl':
Camhridb't: Uni"<:rsi l}' Press.
51;1al>, FrJn:t;. 1976. "Ostrogothi<,; Geographe rs ~\' the Cou rt of Thcod<: rk lht'
Great: A Study of Some Sources of the Anonymous Cosmogupher of Ra' "erlll'I."
Vi#lur: ,\lrdir.iltf lind Rnltlimmu Stl/{firs 7: 27-58.
SWmatioll, Aristidcs. 1<)<);, ;'Th<: Musaic o f Christ in ,hl' Episcopium of R I\'cnna,"
CA RB 39: 74 3-ii5 '
St~ (hakopolllos, D ionysios. 200+ Filmi,,~ ami Pr,1ilmrl" in thr LotI" Rom"" aud E",-~)'
R),:.lIItillr f.mpirr : A S),>/("'I<1(i( S tlr.:ry of S ltlmnC//r( CriSl"f alld Epidnlliri. ,\ldc r-
shot : ,-\Slig,;)t;:..
Srcigcn\"ald. Gerhard. 1¢i6. "Chrisrus ~ls P>mtokrator in cler untersten 7.olle cler
L mghnusllIosaik von S. Apollinnrc Nllo~'o ZII Rave llna." I,ll Tonl/lilf, Sf/ulil'll -:'II
Itftd'ri,1 /irbm tllld by::.Jllllilli';':/1i'I1 1Hollll1l1e1l1l'11, ~.J . \,ya[tcr Nikolaus SdlUtlIacher:
>7Z-!8+ Rome.
Sl<)ppioni, Ai. L. 1005. ~ Le prmll17.ioni e 1(> merci: i conrcllirori da rr.lsporfo." [n
[ porti amichi di Rl/;;rlltlil , ed. _\'iaurilio .\'lauro. t o' II pm"to romano e Ie notte:
! 15- ! 31. Ravenna: Aclri'lpre s..~,
Slricevi .... , G. 1959. Kiconogralia J d lI10saici imperhlli ,I S. Vihtle." Fdi.T RII ~'rIlllfl.'
5 -~i'
Snlvcn, i\ame. 1995 . Rtrbrlirhc .-'Illspnigllllgm dl'l" ·d;;r1ilas~ ill Os/gowlnir/}. iHil ;;er-
gMcI!I'/lI/rr Bu"iirhigbliglfll,'{ drs 1.-U1xulisrht'll IIIIIi i/u [Nirgl/lllli,;,:h.." RuhlS, Franl~
nlrt :UIl ,\bin: P. Lang.
SUSilli, GioLrK llr10. 11)68. ~La qllcsti()1w dell:l 'cjl'itas Cl;I5Sis,'" In Alii <ld CQ'I"rglio
ftlli"I'1wzi<1ll,tln/i SllId, SlIlIt I III/i.hilil tli ClilS'Ie, R'Il'Nllla, '4- ' 7 ol/obr .. 1967 ' 33 1-
345. Ra,·tnn a: Longo.
___ . 1968. ~Un ...."tnJogo dassiario r;l\'ennate." Snufi RQ11l1'gllali 19: : y 1- ] 07 .
___ . 19138. "Un fmgnwllt epigl"lphillue llOur I' his toil't' cle Ra\'~IHH." COIIIPIf~
"n"l"s lieS Sh1l1CCi dt' r !/(,ult'/J/ir d fS fllmptiflllS ('/ b"lks-leffus 1F: 616-64 ~ '
___ , ' 990, ~ R aY.'nna e il mondo dei Romani," In Slarin Ji RII ~"'lIIla J, cd,
G, Susin i: 1 ~ 5- 1J6. Venice; .\'\tlt""Silio Editor.:,
- . cd. ' 990. S iorin <Ii RlliJrlJJ/n, val. I, L 'n;a amira . Ve nCl'ia: Mnr5ilio Editor...,.
Swoboda, Kari .:.\1 . 196 t. "The Prohlelll of the Icnnography of Late ,'\ntique lmd
Early ,\\t,Jiat"al P~L1C"S," ]olwlIld altbe S(J(irlJ' olArrbiltrllmtl Histurimts :0: ,8-
".
T nn-, Robert F. 5. J . [998. ~\.\/olll<'n .Ir ChllJ'l."h in Byz.'lntiull1: \Vhe~ , \Vhen - And
YVhy? " Dllmbilrlan Oilks Pllpas 51: ~ i - Si.
T 'lglinferri, I'hurizio. : 00 5. LI Chil'sil IIIr lroPQlilnlll1 /",/L'(7l11alr t i SI/f); mp(>Ql"li roll la
CWIJ Ilill"i,lli((1 orimll/lc: II//i Jd XXVll COIl1)rgllo lid Crlliro .l'llI/li r l'ifc'f>..Ii.· IIlIIh·"
provincia "des/afti,a TOVI'1l11t11r. Ra vrIl11t1 ~ 9 - ) I 1Ila,'(f{io ~oo 3. (mob, Un i\'c r-sity
I'r(>ss Bologn:l.
T "rry, Ann, ~988, "'l1le Sculpture at tht: CatlieJI"31 of Eufrasius in Por,,"'" Dllm -
"'l/10IJ 0,,1-$ Pap"rs 4!: '3- 6+
T erry, Ann and H en ry Ahguir.:, : ooi, Dyml!lIi( Spl<'llllat~ Tb( l VI/if :Uos/lirs m /br
CiJlbrdrJJI of Ellfl"llSitis <1/ 1'01'((. Unil'ersity Park: Pennsylvlnia SUte Univcrsity
Press,
REHREN C ES .:f3 l

Testi-Rasp<'l1i, ,\leSSClnnro, e.-I, 19~+ CaJr.,· pmlliji"1Iis ~uksi,,( RU'!f:1I1Ulli.·. RIS 11.$.
~.3. Bologna: Z,1nil·hclli.
,[11Ompson, E. A. 19~+ S"illl e. ..",,"/,/$ pJ A"x~rl"~ ,md I/!e H,!'/ 0/ RO/lltll/ B,.il"il1.
\-Voodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell l'ress.
Thompson , E, A. and Peter HeM hcr. 1910. Tbt 111m•. Camhridge, ' -J A: Rbekwell
P ublishing.
Th<'>111~<;"n, I{udi. 19.107. Thl; IltIli( Rrgjlm! fi"fJm ,4l1gfl;.tfl.< tu fbI; V}/"bl''''/ I1I1m.j"".
Copen hagen: Grlden.-lal.
T ibih,lti, G. 19i3 . "Rav<;"nna p6pufm fQ~da(IIYI.r<: It" Zone ddt., Cisalpina TeS<: fflrillt
nell'S9 a.C." SIIUIi ROllllIgJwfi ~4 : ~.5-~ 9.
Tji; der, J ~n Olof. 1954- 8: . Die n..ichditerarisch~n bteinisch~n l.ajJ~' ri !t;>liens ,nl..~
da zeit +45-; 00. J vols. Lund: C. ' ·V. K. Glecmp.
___ . 1971. "R'l\'cn nn ai tempi dell'nrd,'csco\'o Agnello." 10 Ar,1ldfo (lrd~'f'«D'!Q
rli Rltl'rmlll. SIII/!i prr il XI V (<"1/1("1/(11"/'0 dr/hr 1!Iul"h·. ( 51 (J- I.'I io) , e<l. P~ob Monti:
1-23 . famza, Fratdli Lcga.
___ . 197!. "Ocr C(l(lc)( argcntc lis in Upp~"ln lind dc r Rllchmcisrcr Viliaric in
R'l\'l'Tln~:' In SIIIJiil Calir.l: Dir rism~fillkbl'll Vrrbintflmgm ~,,'iJdJ(/1 Sdr.:-rtfm l/Jltl
SiidoSlell,.ap(I, Vo,-Iroge bei", Cotm>J711pashm im Slntt71~ Hi,tori,J.:II !Ii/mum, Sto.:k_
ilQfm, "17°, cd . VIr friL: H agherg: r44- 164. Stockholm : i\J mq\'ist & \ViL:..ell.
Tor rt:, Franco. 1986 . LI /JlIsihm Ji S,IIJ/'AglJlll MilggiorY In RtlVmllll . Ra vcnn~: C1s..~l
di rispamlio di Ra"cn n ~.
TrJ.TTlOnlL S. 19Y7. hLa pir.m:ria aJrhllica e l ~ polilic'l n~\' ale l\uglls\'e'l {J6- 3 I 'l.C.} .
Una propostn di esegesi delle fonti .~ulb .scelra auguste3 del portO di Raven na."
Rrliw""" S",Ji c Ria:n:bt 4, no. J: H9- 1.10.
Uggeri. Gio\'anni. 1997. " II nodo iti m'r~rio di Ra"enna in eta RUTllana," C/ I RlJ 43:
887-9 10.
UrhaTlO, Arthur. : 00.5. ~Donat i(>n , Dt'die'ltion , ,111<1 Darnna t io .\1elUori,rc: ' l1lC
C 3tlmlic Reconciliation of Ravcnna and the Chu rch of S~nt' Apollinart: NUOI'fJ."
}JlIl"1/ill af Early Cbn',.,jil" 5tlldil'>' 13, no. I; i I-I 10.
V3n L{.huil.cn-;\ 'luldcr, ,\bb. 1990. "Stuccoes in R ~'·cnna. Purci; anJ Civitbk of
Coptic Al flllllfal'rure." Hltl!~til/ 1I.llieh He,,·b.ll!illg fi 5: I 39- 1.';6.
Vasin~, Augusto. 19i 8 . ~ Bc n<ed<etto B~Cl'hini c l' Edi4ion<e dc! 'Lib<:r Pontifie~lis'
.Ii :\~'I1ello Ra\'l·nnn te." In LiM.'llIl'1l1i cull/mili ddI'Emilia- Rolllaglill. ,rllli'lllari¥
1110. t:rIulhiOllt, .10riog1"'lji" did XIV ,,/ XVIII J"(~/o, ed. Augusto V;\sill:l: 130- 148.
R~"cn n n: Longo.
~ 1971:1. ~L~ Fomma di Agne llo rOlven n ate lino ~l XVI seeolo." In UII((IlIlI'IlIi
cuklmdi ,Jdl'Em ili'l- R"lJIlIglIIl, ,nlllljllilrillru, ''nulizlOJ/r..<tllriugn'fill dill X/ V (1/ .\'V111
5<'(1)10, cd. Augusto V~si n ~: i 9 - 1~9' Ra\"Cnna : Longo.
_ "d . 199 1. ReprrtoriD dd/II CrWhlrbistim Elllihilll~- R~/JI"gIiO/1l (;Wt. IX- X V).
N uUI'o stud; sturic:i 11. Rome: b tituto storko iuliano ~r il.vltdio En).
V asina, ;\ugusto. Syl\'innc L n~1Trl, G. Gorin i er aL, ed~ . J 98;. Rircrcbr t 1/1I'/i SIll Bl"t-
lI;/IJ"i/l1l/ ( r d (Jill! RII!WIIWII;.· (CUI!itt BII1'1II'O). SOldi Storici r 4H- Q 9' Rome; isliTlilO
Storieo ltali aJto per il.'Icdio Evo.
Val1UOm:, Riec,lf{io . 1990. "R:lVcnll:l nella lCl1CnlOlril ,mticJ." In SIOI·io Ji RfII'rmhl f,
cd. G. Su~ini: 4!)--68. Venil'e: Mars ilio Editore.
Vunb. Ihrhar:l. ~ OO5 - ML'~na lisi delle stru[rur~ rnur~rie dcgli edifici di cul m di
R:wcnml; il caso del rnaus<)lco <Ii G'llb Pbcidia." In Rllll(7l11l/; "" r"pllille imprrillk
,/ ('Ipitnlr (sllmrlr,~ : I 1 0 7- 1IP . Spokto: FonJ3zione Centro Italiano tl i Studi
~1.IIl' Alto .\'lediQe'·O.
 IUHR ENC ES
' 3'

_ _ _ , 1005. "L'~rredo litllrgico de ll.\ basiJi<:~ di S~nf.o\pollin~r~ NllO"O "

Ra\"<:nna." In Vrm;;;i/ r Hifllll: ;O. / bprtri dfllil ,lilt IIr,l l1l1 is/1m bi=-tllll illil dll Ri/Ommll il
v.'IIc:.,i" (V_X IV,wQfo), (:,L CJetl\enritl ~ Rin:trd i: 363-37'" Venice: istiww \'endO
tli sc ienze. lcne re ed arti.
Vcspignani, Giorgio. ~ OOS . "II circo di Ra\"cnn a "~gin r;I';III," (sec!:. V-X)." In
R,, ~·t7IlIIl: J" ,-"pililfco illlprrildr ,I rapilillr 1"1I/m ,{r, :: [ I 33-1 [,p . 5(>Oldo; Fondazion<!
CentrQ ltlllhmo di Studi sull'Aho .\1<;·Ji"",\,Q.
Vicke rs, Mid·Hlel. 1976. "An Ostrogothic Rr:lce let with 'Z:lIlgelorn'lm~nt' in
Oxfurd ." Arrbiiolugi.vb,.,. AlI:.t'igo- t I, 278-80.
Vibn, G~ry. 1979. "J oseph k onugnphy on Coptic T..,:\ti1cs," Gm{f !8 : IN-ToR .
Vulha<.:h, W01 fgu ng I' ritl. [971), Elji:llf,cillllr/,ril(11 d,,/" S[l"(llIIlik~ 11/111 da /rliiJl:JI i Hil -
1~/l1ltns. _\lbinz: Von Zabern.
_ _ _ . 1977. / /VO/"l' di .<mo/~ r~vnlll("r lid II" f Vlwrof,J. Ra"enna: Longo.
,'on Simson. O tm. 1941:!. Siltn'd FonlYl:t: JJ)":.Jllll im An " lid S/,'Iarrl}i ill RU II(·mlll.
P rim'clon , NJ: Princclon U nil'cn>ity P rcss.
_ _ _ . '953' ~Z\l den M05ail.:en "on S . Vita le in R\I,·enna.'· Ry:.mllilli:r<hr Zril.~·h,.ift
46. no. I: 10 4-1 09 .
\Vud-PcrHns, Bryan. '984' From CliIffl<"l1j A11'i'I',il), to Ih~ ,' fiddle Agn: Urbll1l Pll['/ir
B/lildill}!, ill Norrlmlllllul em,rill/lllly, A.D. ]o o-Jij o. O ~fo r.t: O.d ord U niversity
Press.
___ . 1996. -Urhan Su n·i,·al unci Urhan T ran5fon\l~tion in the [.~5tern .\Iecli ter-
rJm:an." In &Irl]' IU(·,/i..L"d "/"0:""111 ill tbe IVr,1,'11I i'J,lrdilrn',IIIriIll, RlwrllQ, ~ ~ - Z 4
Srpumfm' '991-. cd. G iom _Pierro Brogiolo: 143- 15 3 . .\-i "lltua.
_ _ _ . 1997 . ~ Contin\litj~ts, C:ltastrophi~t~, and the Towns of Post-ROlllan
NOrth~ rn h aly." 1"lprl"S" oftbr JJrilisb Srb(lf}/III Rlllllt 67 : 157- 176 .
_ _ _ . 1999· " Re-using rhe Architectu u l Leg'ICY of dle Past, ent re ideolog ie er
pnlgrmlt isme." In "fbe l<lru ,md {d",,1 of II,,· "t(J1.,·1I fll'/,r/'m l..al,· AII/iflllil) ,md tl,,'
Etlrly Mid,llr I lgu. cd. G ian -Pictro Brogiolo: ! ~ 5- l4+ Lddcn: Brill.
_ _ _ . l OO 5. TIl( FlIl1 oIRulIJr (/Iullhe EIIJ oICh;;/izttlion . Oxfurd: Oxfurd Unh'er-
sity Pn:ss.
' ·\ leber, E.kL:eil:lr(1. 1989. ~ZLlt Dntienmg del" T :lbl1h PellfingeriAo:L." In f.pf,nl"
ol/l11iblli mill .. C croM ' ''''''srr ::.,,111 70. CrbllHsltIg ,fprgl'ilm rbl oNJ/ Frrmllll'll, 1\.01-
Irgm /fIul S(hr7lr17l, cd. I kinz E. I Ic r1.ig: 11 3- 1 17. Srurrgart: F . Srein~r Verl ag.
W e is. A. 1966 . " Der romi sc he S<:h,JpfutlgS'lyl.:lus des ) . .rh. im TriL:linium Neolls zu
Rave nna." In Tnrl/lloF. Sl/ldim ..II altrbr i$1lirbnl lind /ry".JInlini:>£bFI1 ,H o"'{>"P1llm,
ed. \.\'~Ite r N ikoln us Schumacher: 300--316. Rome.
Wharton. Annal.>cl Jane. 19 87 . "Ritual \lnd R"construct"J _\h: ... ning: Tne Neunian
Baptistery in Ravenna." .'111 Rlllfl";/l 69: 358- 37).
___ . [995 ' R.jiglll·ilig tbr PO$I C/'lssira/ Cil)': 0111'" EIIf"(JPO", J" "'/$/J, JtI'II""~1!I I/Ild
R,"'f'mw. Cambridge: CambriJgc University P...,ss.
___ . 1999. "B:I[ltisterie5." In !.,au I llIIi'l llif}" A (i/lide ,a 1/'" PQsldll$.<iwl WarfJ, cd.
G le n ,.v. Bowerso d :: 331 - 334. C:llnbridg e, MA: 1·J:,rv:.rd Unh'usit)' P ress.
\Vhitchousc, Dn·id. 1988. "Comment nn 'Tubi fillili (V3ulting Tubes) from [hc
Sc'1 - tile ROlll nn \-Vrccl.: at Punta ,Iel Fc n:.io, Is bn,1 of Gi glio' {lJN A, 16 : r8i-
l OO)." IlIt'TllluitJIlll/ JUlIIlIId a/IVIII/liat! Al"d'llr~/Qr;r Ii, no. l: 18 l.
H/ickht:rg, Paul (-rl)rdon. 1 9il:!. "The Eighth-C.entuT)' Archbish op~ of Rnl'e nn a: An
Indfl·t:ti,·c Alternative to Papalism." S lIIdics 1/1 !\lt din"'/ CI//(urt J ~: ! 5- 33 .
\Vicklllln , C hris. J 98 1. EUI"I]' .H(din.'I1III11~)', CfIIlI"IIll'u:;''''' 11111/ U~£/I/ Sociely. 400-
/f/DO . London.
REF ERENCES

_;:--;- 1005. Frtmling 1M MiJdl, Agn: Europt '"'" ,b, M,d;lrrr"'tr~N. 400--800.
Oxford: Oxford Univ~rsity I'ress.
Wickhoff. F. '!i94' "D•• Spei.."immcr rl.,. Bi""hofS Neon "on R,,·com.·· R,prrt<>-
rimu fir KmtJtt.·;:amSlbaft '7: '0-17 .
Willi.m" lJ.nid II. ' 995. A ",brau ofMil"" lind ,IN b,d of ,IN A rlu,,· N iatu COl/flirts.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Wissk;rchcn . Rom.ut. '993 . "Z um Med. illon im Kuppelmos.ik ,Ie< Orthoooxcn _
h.p';s'erium<.~ ]abrlJ/u:b for A"rih lInd Cb,."m"'tm 36: ,64- ' 70.
Wolfrom. Her.... ig. ,?S8. History <ltbt Gothl. Trnnsl.ted by Thom•• J. Dunlap.
HCThk"y: Uni"c",ity of C.liforni. 1' "",-
Wood. 100. '999. "Im. ges os. Substitute for Writing: A Reply." In oortmd Wm:
AtMts of C"",,,,,mk,,,um. PrrKttdil/gJ of tbt l'int Plm,.". c,mftm":~ "t 111...i4II, cd.
Ev.ngc1os Ch rysos: 3S-OO' Leidcn: Bri ll.
_~_ '00]. ·"I"'codoric'. Monuments in R.vcnn •. ~ In Tb, OstroglJlbs from tbe
Migruti.., Ptriod 10 lbe Sixlh C"''''17: A" P.tlm"P""pbi. P"'1'm,,"I', cds. S. J. H.
B. rnish .nd F. Alo rn,';: '49-' 78. Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press.
"oung, B.ilcy. ,<xx>. "Clim",e . nd Crisis in Sixth-Century h. ly.nd G.ul." In Tbe
y,,,,.,. ::::i,b(l1l/ Sll"''''''': h"""g A.D. ;;6,"", III Aft.""",b, cd-J . D. Gunn: 35- 4' ·
Oxford: Arch,eopress,
"."mg.n, V;ncen ... , 1<XX>. "Un. prcJiC"17jon" . ll'l'rcscn.. dei prineipi: 10 ehi= di
R.venn. nell. prim. melo del sec. V." Amiquit. T~rdit"l' 8: ,6S- 304.
"..anini , I,~ '998. U IIII/it bi-:.mtliltt: Ttrrilorio. mudill",,,,,i d WltIMIIiIl ",/I" ",..,·mria
hmwt;"" d'/ta/iil (VI- VIII molo). Bari : E<lipugli •.
7-"'1otto, Rit •. [995. " Reimpieghi di sculturo .rchitenonic. e nl'poni ron l'Amico:
il C2,;<) <Ii R,,·cnn •.·· CA Tm 4': 'N9-975 ·
_;:--;-_ ,<xx>. "Ric..",e iconogr.fico di un p.nnello del cicio cri"ologiro in
S, Apollin . rc Nuom di R,,·e,Ul'.~ In Atti drl VI roJldq"io ddl"As.rodlr.)/)/lt illl/-
i",,~ ptr '" IIndio, /" <=rV1r.Pmt tkl ",,,,iii,,,, ed. Federico Guidob.ldi: 65~ .
R"'enn" G irosole.
- CC- )005 , "I.a chic<> <Ii S. nt'Apollin.re Nuovo • R,,·cnn • .'" In Vm......ia ,
Hi"",,,,,,,. A'fJtlti dtll~ "'/lItr" arlislic~ hiumlin~ d~ /Un,,,,,,,,, ~ " .".....)a (V- XJV u",lo),
cd. Clementi". Ri,zardi: 35 ' - 357. Venic~: Istituto veneto di scienze, let,~re ed
.n;.
___ '005. "I'roctic. del reimpiego .reh;, enoniro in w'" c'1';,..I<: ", rdO:lm;<::I: i]
<::ISO di R" ·CIln. ," In 1&r."I'mw: dIl "'pi,,,I, imptrillit 11 "'I'illi/",="It, !: , t 43- ' , 50.
Spolclo: Fond.zione Centro It.li.no di Stud; sull'Alto Med;oe"o,
Zir:>rdini, Anton;o, '761. Ikgli "michi tdifi-::ii profom di Rflt'tnnu. Foe" ,,,: Prc"",
l' A",hi 1",1'''''''<;(>< C.me",l. e del S. VIi"io.
_-::--:- [9'J8---9 ' lk Imtiqlus UI,,"' Rnmn", ",difo;iJ lihrr POS"''''''' An,...i; Zirrlr-
dil,i _ Drgli /lurichi ,difoi ".m di /Un,..,mll /ibm 1"»"''''. di A . Zirard'-"i. R,,·.nn • .
I NDEX
A.chen, , J I, , n. '<is, 349
A=i. n Schism, 113. 14'
ali Cb"lcbi, !I. ••·cn"'. [46
Ad.lo.1d, king of,hc Lombords, ,06
AdeoJ1tus, priml<! lml'/Jr, "0
A,lri •. '5
Adri.tic Seo. "" '3. " , '3. '4 , '7-8, H .
40,110, lI S, "5, ,8,. ,88"'4
t kdifiati. dlli'd';' RJ,"'11I11l(, 7-8
Acr;us, 44- ;
Agopitus. pope. lJ I
Agotho. flOJ>C, ,84
Agilulf, king orthe Lombmls, ,06,
,,8
Agnellus, And, .... histori.n, xix, 1,
;--8, 10, IJ-I 4, ,8, ]8, JI/. 48,
5[- '.56-7. 59. 61 - 5. 67.70, 7' - j .
8l-~, 9-I,
10<>-",1°7. "5 - 16,
"9-", "4-5, ' jl-J. 1]8, '44,
[46-74, 177-8, [8[, 18fH;lo.
'9' - 3.1<)6-100. '03- 4, ,06,, '0,
'[1- ' 3, llS-lo, "4-5. '41 , 'So,
'51, 'Sj--{;, '58--00, ,6,.
,64, ,68,
'7' , '7' . '7·1. '76-8, ,8,""9"
'94-8
Agncllus, archbishop of RO\'cnn.,
'44-6, 'P, 16.j-6, ' 73 . lIO,
,,'- 1.{,'57,35 6
Agnd lus. iO<TO'''l'h;", 'B9. 174
Agnes, S( ., ,68
Aistulf.l:ing of the t oml.m!., ,8'-J.
,85. ,8'), '9'. 357
A1.m.,mi, 36, '05
Atoric r, king "fthc Visigoth,;, jJ
Alaric II , king of the Visigoths, 1"9.
"0
A1ooin, king of the Lombords. ,05~
Alcx:mdrio. '90
.luTCloth, '''-I), " S-'9
Amobberg', 110
Am.l.frid.., '10
Am.I.ric. king of the Visigoths, '10
Amol."1.Ii,,,h., queen of luly. 113- 14,
136-7. '00, '07 . "3, '59
Am.lasunth •• que<:n ofholy. 343
_bo. '50, '76. 'q- '~, 210. '56, '57.
'75, ,89
Ambrose. St. ond bishop of Mil.n, 70,
8~. 86, 8<), 93. 95-<1" ,8. "3, ' '4,
'50, 3'6. 35.1
_","Ja~, ,~
Anost..;. ofSinnium. St., 175
. n.st.,;s, 85. 1]4- 5
An .. usi"" LTIlpcmr, , '0. "3
Anoon., 20j
An,lre .... St., ,86, 18<)-90
.ngels, 3, r ~7, '5'. 150r<>0. 166. [g6.
'38, '411. '5'- 4. '57. ,66. '70
A"""J"'''' V~k,;""", {JDTT ""'"n ....
107.
[10.1[' . [[9> Ill . "4, 1'9.
1.1'- 3,3 17,3'4
Anthcmius, cmpcmr. '04,3,0
Antioch. ,9<>. 3'j. l8S
Gol<l<'I1 Ocug<>n, '3 I
Antiochus, prefe<ot. '07
Antonino, , [ I, '4'

AroUin.ris, SI . • nd bisho!' of R.venn ••
3~ 48. [67. [68. '56" 58--60,
.68-7°. '74. ,<;>6. '¢. 317. 357.
3)8. j89
port ...i, in Sonl' Apollin.rc in Cl.ss,,"
.68, '70-[
. postles, 97-8. [14- i. [B3 . [Bi-6. '94.
'"
Arostles, church of. R,n-enn •. Su S. n
F.... ncesco. R.wnn,
Appian. '7
. qucduct, ){ovenn •• H. 60, 100. , , , - J.
' 91 , '01 . '04. 3[3. HB
Aquilei •• 18, ' 4. '7. 3 I. 36. 38. 45. 47.
6 ,, 86. Bo), '00, [88.100\ . " [-".
3" . 3'5. 315. 37 6
m[nt, 59
Arabs. '7or&>. ,B,
Antor. [ [,
Arc.diu;. crnf>Cror, 43-4. 4 7. 68
Ardabur. [74. 356
Ardahur Aspar. 44> 46. 53. ' 4[
Argen .... 'i9
Ari.nism. 139-4°
.nd ic<>nOgTOphy. ,,6-7, [69-iO.
' 7' , ! 78 . 184-j. 187. ,<;>6. '49-50.
'51. '7 0
.nd ·1."coderic. " 3. 140-6
Ari.n B.ptistery. '5. 1>9. [4 [. 1"4. [63.
' 70, '77-87, [<;>6. '98, HO. 365
dome mo .. ics, 4. [79- 18'-7
Ari . n ""hed...!. S" S.mo Spirito
Asp'r. TH, 356
Ath. loric.l<ing of Italy. 'I j - [4. 133.
136-S. 107
Ath.ulph, king o f the Vi.igoths, 44
Atulns, 43. 53
Att;h. l<ing of the H uns. 45
Audolled •. 109
August;neof H ippo. 6,
Augustus, CTnf>Cror. '4 . '6-]. H , 1.6
Aurcli.n. bisho!, of RavcnJt:l. I I j . ,87 .
H'
Ausoniu. of Borde.ux, 38. 49- 5' . I 16.
''''
Auth.ri. king oflhe Lombords, .06
. utoceph.ly. ,83 - 4
A,"rs, '79
Avitus, emperor. ' ''4, 3'0
INDEX
B.c.uda. '00. '50. '5'. 'i4
B.darenus, ,88
B.du.ri"". 104. ,06
lI. n,," Popul.,.., (archacologieal site).
14. '4. " , H, " 9. 3'3, 3 1B
boplism, 88. 93 .1 97
Ari. n. '7B-9
h",ui'a U.rnili;. R,,·cnn. , " 3-4
Bml. of Fontenoy. ,86
Beli"" ;",,. 137. '04-j . " r, '39. '4'
Bethlehem. Church of the NOIiviry.
'"
Bideme. ri'·cr. ' 1. '"
Biondo. FIO\·io. ~
llac-th ius, J " , "4. ''7, 143, 350
8m'urium "e1mar Rtrornlultis. '78
bricks, [9. '4- i , 53. 6[ . 4. 70, 7' , 14,
i:!<}, 103. 148. 176. ISo. 191 . 198.
,"
l uti.n, '76. "0. '5' . ' 57. ,6"' 74
,""u!ting. 76. [76. ISo. [9' , 19-\. H9-
' 30, , 61
hrie\:;;. 'H
Bu lg.rs, '79. ,81
C.'Bianco. ' 5. 1>9. [So, 197'""90 '57 . 3'9
C, ,,,,",, C.iusJuli"", ,6. 33
C.""arca. 56. ! 16.106. '58. '91""4
eu",m"". R.venn •• 33
C . I""erus. hi"'"p of R.wnn.., 158
C.lll.ldol""i.ns, ,61
Canos •• S." CiOv:a'Uli. ISo
caprlla arrivm",..ii<, j . 73. ' 7' . 11M.
! B8-<;>6, '[9. 'H, ,6, . ,67, 19-\.
33 1 ,HO
C.ssiodorus SenOlor, 100-7. 11[-13,
1,6-,0. " '. "4, .,8. 1j6, '38,
' 74, ,88, '0'-3. 314, 3'5
.,.thed .. l. Sf( Ursi.,,". "alhed", l of
RO\·enn .
cemeteries. RO\'enn, ,nd Cl''''., 35-8.
61 , 1'5. '59. ' 91 . 31B. 3'7
Ch.rle",'gne. '3 [. , 85-<>' '97 , '98
Ch.rles the B.ld. emf>Cror • • S6
Chlo.l"sind., 'Iu"en "f the Lomh.rd<,
10 5
Cbtwtira lit d"ilalr RA,,,,,,,,I/;,. 7-8
Ci,mpini. C . C ., 8, '53 . 3 ,g, 359,
3B5-6
INDEX
rihc"""" [50, , [0, , [ 3, , [9> '36, '58,
'7[, '94- 5
Cicero, ,6
dpo/!;I1o rnsm, , J.f, '56
cirrus, R.V<'nn., 59- 60, 350
Closse, city of, 9> [4, 30, 37-8, 54 , 5~ ,
''7- [8, '0-7, 'a, '58, ,60, '74,
,8" ,89> H', 3~3
w.lIs, [0'
C1osse, h. rbor, ,6-8, 37, "7-[ 8, '77,
,88"9
Cl.udi.n, ..11--9, 53
Cleph, king of the Lomb,rds, ,06
Clovis, king of the F",nks, ["90 [10
Cod,,, R""ilms. SN Ilre,'iuiu"" ",-,desi."
RO""nn"is
Comocchio, '79, ,8,
Con."'n, 11, emperor, '7' , '77, :80,
,8)
eo",uminc J, emperor, XI'iii,', ,8, 36,
4[, 48 , 50-[,51)-7, 70, 74, 88, '39-
,6' - 3, '3 ', '5', ll5, 39"
("'An,"n,in" TV, empcrOT, '7', ,80,
"4
Const.n,ine, emperor, 68
Constomine, [lOpe, :8 ,
Consumine, umperi.1 usurper, ~j
Const.minople, ,-), [5 , [7-[8, )5-<5,
4!, 4,-5, 47-8, 50-[ , 59, 6" 84,
'0" [Cl,f, [06, '''90 '[0, "3-' i,
118,"6, [37, '40-), [48, '50,
[76, [8[, [9", '94, I9B, '0[ , '07,
,08, " " "3, ,,8-[9, "J, '3'-',
' 4', ' 5', '7!J-84, ,86--7, '9", '91',
J'7, )50
ArlosNsi., church, '74
.qucduCl, " '
Augu"eion, 1, 0
Ch.lke gote, 57, 36,
Ch . lke G.te, H , ,6J, 330, 366
church of the Virgin, B1,ch em.e,
!l',13o
D.phne ]>,I""e, 56
H.gi. Sorhi., '34 , 36" 376, ,8,
11 d~I,mwn, S,. J "hn, church, 66,
,So
Holy Apostles, church, 70, [oJ, '3) ,
354
mint, 58
pol""", ,6","90 H[
SIS, Sergiusond B.crhus, "5, '30-'
Con'tont;u. I1, emperor, 68, [390 346
Consn,,"ius III, emperor, 43 - 4, 68, 7 j,
314- 5
Cosmos ",d D.mi.n, SIS" '94, '53,
'14
G>smogr. phcr, .nonpn<>u' of
R",'elUl., ,9"o H5
("'Aunci1of Ch.kedon (4 5' ), '4' , ,68,
",
Council of Consuminopl. (38 ,), '39,
Jog
Council of Ephesus (43' ), 6" 85, [4'
("'..uunci1 " f 1Ij"",i. (754), ,84
Council <>f Rome (n [ )' ,84
Council of Rome (7~l. ,84
Council of S.rdi"" (34 3), , [3
mrW of Ravenn ., "7, '0' , ,08, ,87
Cypri.n, Mntf lDcrorilml IIIrgiti"'''tH,
'"
D.mi . n, .rchhishop of R.."nn., ,60,
'9"
Diode';"', empcmr, " J6, 4' , " 7,
llo
Di plom. of V.len,ini.n Ill , 8.. , .8 j,
nO
Donus, [lOpe, ,83
Droc,ulfu.<JD,...tton, 'i? ,06, 378
m:ksiiI Goth.,.",,,, Ra,'cnn. , '44, '9'
Ecd""i"", bishop of R.wrm o, , , 3-14,
lJ8, 187, [98--'00, "9, ,,,--<i,
'3',13 6,'55,.7 0
[IOrt ... i! in San Vi"le,' 3~ '43 ,
'48, '5 0,'55
port",i, in S.n" Al'oliinore in CI. ss",
'70-[
Einhonl, ,gil
Ele""h . di"", bi.hop of R"'enn., , 58
Elcuch . di"", S" .nd bishop of
R,,'elUl' , '58
Eleutherius, eXllT"h, '79- ,86
""phyuwi!, , 87
Ennodius of P.v;a, ,06, , lJ , JJ" , ,6,
1'9> 187, J4J,)5o
'pi!wpilnlf, Ari.n, R,,'enn', ,,6, '44,
[77, '94, '9 8
 INDE X

fpillXJpillm, o nhodox, R.,'enna, J+ G'rnzigrod, "7. IJO, JSJ

,0<>-" ,81i--9, '0' , "3, "9> ,86, Gal.:!, St, Sergi"s, church, '7'
,,.. GeI •• ius, pope, 49
bath oomplex, " 9 Genoa, '79
d_,,, Fr/iriJ, '94 George, ...d,bishol' of R..'enn o, ,86
"""",, VRlrnRNR, ''f.! George, 51., '44
Tricollis, ,88---.), " '- , 3 Gcpids, ' 05
"mmum, 'W Gennanus of Au.e ITe, St., 6,
Etruscans, " - 3 Gerv..., .nd Protosc, Sts" "J . "4

.,
Eudoci., d3ughter "f V.lentini.n 111,

Eudoci., wife of' fh rodos;us II, 68

Ge.oli<:, king of the Vi.igoths, " 0
gillllo I1I1liw, 76
gbdi.rors, ,6, 3'
Eudoxi., wife of Aradius, 68 GI)'cerius, em[>Cror, 104, J'o
Eugene II, pope. ,86 Grodo, 100, ,So. J9'
Vunomius. ' 78 Grni.". e",peror, 68
Euphemi. ofCh'kedon, St" ,68, '94 Grotiosus, archbishop of R,,'enn., ,85,
Euscbius. J6 "9
EusebiusofGes. rco, ,68 sorcoph.gus, '9'
Euscbius of Nicomedi., St" '45 Gregory I, PO[>C, 10'- 4, ,06, , 10, '57,
Euscbius of V<rcelli, $", j +t
Euthoric, ''4-'5, '4J. 3'5, 146 ""
GregolJ' II , pope, ,8,
Futrop;us, 36, 318 Gregory Ill, pope, ,8" , 84
Eutvchius, " .. reh , , 8" ,86 Gregory of Tours, , liS
&ureromius, bishop of Ranlln •• 85. Gundoh.d,46
' O'-J , 34'
H.dr;.n 1. VO[>C, ,8" '98
F.no, '05 lJ .lic. mossus, AI.uselellm, "4, 130
F."",ld, duke ofSpolcto" o6, ,8, Helen., empress, 74
Felix IV. pope. '94, '99 Helpidius, ",
Feli x, . rehl,ishol' of R.w""., 84. ':' , Il er>eliu," hro,her of ('. o",,,,,,i,,,, IV.
'7' . ,8,-:, ,84. ,89.'90. '94, em[>Cror, '7'
l" Her>ehus, etn[>Cror, '79--il<>
Fc'ro"" '79. ,8, Herrninifrid. king of the Thuringi."",
£Icct, Rom.n, ,8- 30, 36 " 0
floor "'''''''ics. S" p3l'cm<nts, ",,,,,,,ic I lends, '05
forum, Ravenna, 33, "4 Honori"" em[>Cror, 3, 43-4, 46-9. 5' ,
foss. Am"i., ' 0' , '56 53, 5Ml, 6, . 68.83 , 330, 334,
forr" AtamH. 5), ,88 H'
forr" A"g"SIIl. , 7--il, J5, 37. 55. J' 5 Hormisdos, VO[>C, , '3 , " 1
forrll l.4mHIl, , i , ) 5 houscofDroc'on, R"'c" n., 'H, 'n
F"mks. ,66, ,05~, '78, ,84-5. 346 Hun eric, kingofthe V."d.ls, 45
Fredcpr, '" Ihuts, 45, '04

Galea", ,,, lconoclosm, 18" ,84, J60

Gall. pl,tidi., 6, ;, ,H-5, 48-<), 5 " 56,
61-3,67-70, 74 . 79. 8J-5, ' 04.
' J8, '48, '.p , '97 , 3'f. 3'8, 330,
lH
gllmmlldiA, '58, 184
impost hlocks, '7-' 8, 64, 65 , 87. 94-5,
1O'-J, 148, 176, '9', ,,6, ')'-J ,
'J6,'57. ,63. J "
Is>'"". cx. reh. '7<r-So, ,86. ,89
s:trroph.gus, 180-' , '119
INDEX
Istri •• "5. ,87 . 3[4. HS
lusto Gnt. H onori •• 44- 5. 68. 8J
jerome. 36. [' 4. , ['. '46. '9'. J [S.
3H03 8 3
Jel\lS.lem. 74
cltu",h of the Virgin. ",
H oly Sepulchre. 7'. [30, 377
J."", [[7. [4' - , . [8S . '9'. 14S
John I. hishop of R"'eno'. 85. 88. '0' ,
[O\!. [8;. ",. 'H
john 1.]>Ope. ['3- [ 4. [4) . [!)S. [99
John II •• n:hbi.hop of R,,'enn ••
"0-11 , "3. ,60, '74
john Ri •.ocopus, e.. rch, ,S,
John V •• n:hbishop oflUvenn., [46.
'S', ,84, '&J
John Vl, .rchbishop of RO\-cnn., '9'
johnVl,]>Ope, 'S[
,"
john VII, archbishop of IUvcnna,
j ohn, enrch, ' 79
John. imperiol usurper, 44, 46, 70
jord....., ,8, H . [0] . [ " , [[7- [S.
FO,H'
J"~.n 4rgmlm,lS. '00. "9"'0, " 4-5,
, p , ' 50, , 5', ' H, ,8 ,
Justin I, emperor, [ [ ,-[ 4. ' 4 ' . [!)S.
HJ
j ustin II. ("'peror, ,06, 143, 357
justini.n L. emperor, [[, . [37, [40.
[43, [ +6. [66, [73 . J88, ,0<>-"
'0S, '0;. , 10-[" , [8. ,,8-.J 3.
'5', '1i9. '79
]>Orrroit in S.nt'Apollin.rc NuO\'o,
[7'-.J
S.n Viui.n,osaic, '48, '50. ' 7'
,,.,
justinian II . <'TTlI"'",r. ,8,-" , 84, ,S7,
Umtl)tlt. river. ' I. '5 . )5 . ,88
L.uricius, 61-'
L.wr""cc, St .• 6 ,. 78. , 63. , 68. , 56
Leo I. pope. 6" 3'6, 330, 365
Leo II, pope. ,84
L<,<> m, emperor. ,8,
Leo Ill, pope, ,6o, ,86
'"
Leo, .rchbishop of Rovenn •• ,S5
U/rn- {wmifi",,/h of Rome, 6, 59, '0'.
" [. • [3 , ' 78, ,8,-;. ),6
Libcrius III, bishop of R. venn., '0'
Libius Scverus. ",nperor, '''4. po
Licini. Eudoxi., empress, 44-5
ligh'house, R.w,nno, ,8. "5
Liutpr:md, king of the L,omh.Hl<, ,8"
'"
Lom ... "I., ,66, '0' . "4-<1, ,0-8, " ',
'78-&, ,8 • • '14-5. ,88-<,;1
Longinus, prof""" ,00, ,oS
Loth ... emperor. , 86, ,!)S
LPR. Sa Agncllus, Andre. s, histori.n
M.jorion, emperor. [04. 3'0
M.rcion, emperor, 45. [0-8
Morini.n, .rchbishop of R,,'cnn ., , '0
M.rti.l. J [
M.rtin I, pope, , So-- l
Martin ol T ours., St.. ' 44 , [46. ,65.
,68, ' 56
M.rtin, uchhishop ofR,,''''''''' ,86.
'9'. '94
,\ tortin, hishop ofBrogo.. ' 79
M.,osuinth •• 106, " 4. [l0, IJ7-8
M.urice, emperor, 'i9
M.unci"., ch'n'/IIlim1l!, ,So
Moul\lS, archbishop of Ravenn •• ,60,
,6" ' 71 , )8,. 187"<)0
"m.usoleum of G.ILo PI.cidio". ' . 9-
[0, [J , 68. 7'. 74-84, 133 . [80,
[1}6, ,6;. ,1 9
Good Shepherd mosaic. 7y-81
S,. L.wrcnce mosaic. 68. 7S---9. 83 .
[63 . 1<)0
",.usolcum on 'hooderic. , ,6. " 4- 36.
' 76,186
Muimion, .rchbishop of R.venn., 6, 7,
' 4, 'S?> "0. ,,,-,8, " 5, '4 '.
'43, '48, '55-60, :6<)-]0, '94·
H'. H[
San Vitole mosaic, 'H, '39"4 [ ,
'4"
,\b. i",i'n , emperor, '30. , 5J
Mckhisedck. 6. ' H. , 50. '73 . 3'9
MeJdol .. H. ["
Merob.udes, tl.vi"s. ;;6
Mich.eI. S,.• nd .rch.ngeL, '51
 INDE X

j\lil:m. h •• IS. 36. 38. 4' . 43 . 45- 7.49. Orthodo. B.ptistery. ' . 9.73.87- 100.
5' . 53. 84. 100. ,,6, ,,6. 'H. '38. '58, 'io-,. '78, '79. ,8 1, '96.
168. 194. '04. "' , '95. 3" , "5. "', '3,. '94. 33' , )6}
lJ5 dome mosaics, ¢-Ioo, IOJ
"•• rroph .gusof Stilicho~. ,6, Ostrogotho A=g";, "'9
BiID/irllllp,molornm, 70
c3thcd ... I.86 p.d enn., ' 5. ' 7. ,8. 3). 55. 60, ' 50.
""thed ... 1baptistery,~, 93. ,So '56, ,811-<), 3'}-'4
mint . 58 pa l.ce. cpiscopal. S" episcopium
Son Aquilino, 'Jo. 3'8 "I'.bce of Th eoderic" (. reho<'Ologi",,1
Son Lorenro. 'J' sitc), 10. '4 , ,6, H)7. H . 5tH!
S." Simpl",",no, 70. 7' pa l.re. Ra,·c",.., '98
S.n Vittore.1 Corpo, S,n G regorio, e:<orcho~ 56-7. '0<), ,86. '9'
' 30 imrerul, ;S4l
Milm. hi.h,,]> "f, J. 84. ,88."" "J Ostms"thit, 56-i, ' ,6. ' '9-' " ,6,
minI. Ravenn •• 58--1, "0 P.lozrolo (.rch .eological site). I.., '"
j\liscnwn. ,6. ,8. 36 p~fljtl"" 84. "0.' 39. '70
monophysilism, 1 '). '4' , " 1, '79 P.sch ol l. [>Ore. ,B6
mono\hclitism, '7~ PlIs:tio Win; Apollitlllris, )8, ,60. ,8).
j\lome C . rg.no, , j ' 3'7
j\10ntonc, ri'·cr. " I'.ul the De.con. ,oJ. 'OJ. '78, ,~,
Mt. Sin.i, St. C1th~rine, church. '7',
.,"
",
Poul. "<.,,,h, ,8,
p.u l. pore. ,85
Nopk", '374l. 'OJ , '5', 'i'}"80.
'00, p""cments, m"",",. )0. H, ) 7, 58, 7' .
,B" ,B6, )N. )~ 8B.103. 1'7, "0, '3'. " 4. ,),-<i.
N.""", 1)7. '054l. ' " '51 , ,63, '74- 5. )'5
Nwn. hishop of R.n,nn. , 8;. 9'. 94. I'.vi•• 110, 1" , "4. lO5 , ,84. 357
,~.
Pem~poli5, '79.'S" ,84, ,S7
N~p"., "'nre A", '04 P'1,in. king of the Frln h, ,83, , 85
Neslori.nism. '4' Persi.ns, '79
Nichol... S, .• 178, ,8, Perugi. , '5'
Nicomedi., ',p j Pesaro. '05
mim. 58 Petcr I Chrysologus, bishop of
Nol . , St. f elix, church, '7' R..-cnn., 7. 41 . 6J. 6S--g. 84-6,
NI)/iti~ Dignirm""" ,8 , )6, 49 99. '0'-'. ' 04 , ,SS, ' \)6-7.
158-60. ,68. '7', '9". ;>6, BOo
OJo.eeT. king of 1.. ly, J. 46, 5', 56. 85. H',3 6 5
106.109- '0. "4- ,6, "J, '4'- j . Peter II , hishop of R.venn•• I I j,
,87 ' Bi"9C>. '9' . '0-7, H'
O l}'brius, sen.tor and emperor. 45 . 104 Peter m. o",hbi.hop of R.venno, '04.
Olympius, enrch, ,80. ,86 "0. "), "'. '57. >74
Opilio. 6, I'etrion. church, CI.sse. 89. 10'-',
"Ppid"",. Ra'·enn,. 'J-ll. J'""4.]7. J9. 'l!, '57. ,89. ]31 , 357. J8S
)" H. 55. 85, 'OJ , ,,6-17. "4, 1>optiste1)', '0' , ,88, '¢-i,' '9. '5i
IJ8. '56, ,88. JIj , )15 St.J.mes, ch.pel. '97, '57
"Pus I«tilt, 34, 58, 7' . 76, 10' , 1 '7. '48. St. M1Ithcw. ch .pe~ '97. '57
' 9', '9), »6, ' H -<'i, '57. ,6, l'etronax . • ",hhishop of R»-cnn •• ,B~
Ores,es, 46 petronius J\ 1",,;mu5, cmreror. '04. 3'"
INDEX
Phi~ppicus. emperor, ,8,
I'hocas, emperor. '79
I'I,cidi•• d.ughtcr of V.1emini.n lll. 45
pl.gue. '0[, :03, '05, ,,6, '5' , '5-1.
'79
plnUIl mllWr, 55, 58-00, [63 . 3'5
Pliny the Flder, H , , 3, , ;--11, " 5
Plu,"",h . ,~
pili/tum, [50
1'0, River, '[, '3-4. '7, 34, 47, 55,
'04-5 , '79. ,88, ,89, 3[4. 3i3
Pod"", Chi. v;ch("tt. (.",Iu('Oiogic. 1
.ite), [4, [[7 , '78. ,8<), '9[ , WI
I'odere M.... bin.o (.rch.eologic.1 site).
,<
pope . S" Rome:p.p.cy
l'o rcc(P.rcnzo). [00, [7' , 'H. '5.f.
3<>4,37 0
bop'istery. [So
Pona Aure •• R.n.'Itn •• 3'- 3, 53
porIlI N"': II. R"'enn,, 390 '0'
poria S. VinoriJ, R,,'enn., , , 6, 156
porta .<;"n /.,rnr..o, R,,'enn. , ,63. '9'
"",tm dll o"ilirmu, R»=na, '55, '9'
prll./mw d-u, ,8
I'rogm.tic S.nction, '07
Probus, St .• nd bishop of R. vcnn. , 1;8
proconnesi. n morble, 35, 66, '0' , '48,
[50, '9[ , [93,"3-14, '[9-" ,
1)6, '3 ' -4, '36, ,;6-;, ,63 , ,64,
H'
Procopius ofC."",r.., H, 107.
[,0-[' , "3, [[8, [36-8, '00,
'°' - 4, H)
Prudcntius, 7<), '9", p6
l'tolemy, '3
Pulcheri., L'JI1l'rcss. 6" 83
pldvini. S" iml>OSt h1,x:ls
R.tch i" I: ing of the Lornh."". ,8,
TrW. fltmlfil1Ul. R.venn., " 4, '56
Rep' ro,us, .rchbishop of R.venno, ,60.
'7' , ,8), '94
Rrorrrni/i Plllm, 7
Riccol", ldo d. hrn",. 7
Ricimer, 46, 49, ' 76, H7
Rimini. '3 - 5, '0;, 186, PJ, 385
d\ll:e, ,85, ,8i
Tempio lo. IoI""",;. no, ,6,
.. '
Rocco Il ronc:o leone, R, --.nna, ,8
Romonus, prefect. :o6, '711
Rome. ,-<S, , 8, '5 , , i , 36, 38, 4 [ , 43--11.
;0, 5' - ) , 5<), 6 [, 74, 84, 86, 88, 8<),
95 , [03 - 4, ,08, ' [0-1 [,
[00,
[ '5-, 6, ,,6, [37--11, ,tiS , '94, '0',
' 03- 7, "o-[ [,' 59, '77--11 ,.
,84-<S, ,88, '9", '94, ' 98
.nd Theoderic, [10, , [ " ['4,
"3
.qu.ducr, ' "
Aro P"';" [67
Arch ofConst.ntine, [6,
Ari.nchurchcs, ' 43
Lot"ron I"pti""ry, 8<), 93, 333
Llte ron c.thedrol, B6, 88 , '>0, ,80,
H'
mint, 58
P'P"'Y, 3, 6, 6" 114, "), '4' , [4) .
[88, 10'. '07, , [0-[ " , 78--80,
, 8,-<S, 197
S."to Croce in C"rus.termnc, 6 "
74, 31 0
S.n", " b rio M'ggiore. [5' , 170,
[7'.jH
S.mo PudellLi.n., [6" H4, ,63
S.ma S.bin •• [94, 3'9
S.m·Agoto dei Goti, [76
Sen"e, 3, 4',4 7,490 '04-5 , " [,
"4, [[6,1°4, ,oi, ,86
St. "1ich.el, church, '5'
St. P. ul's, 6,
Rom" .ld. ,60
Romulus Augustulus, emperor, 104
Ronco. river.ll, H . , ,,
Ros.mund., queen of [he Lombords,
,05--{i
Ros~i . Gimbmo, 8, 67--11, [73 , "',
,M
Roth.ri . I:ing of ,he Lomb.«ls, 'i9
Rul.>eus, 1-1 ieron)'TI'us_S" Ros.i,
Girol.mo
Russi (.rch.eologic.lsite), 30
s.ton>. [80
Sol"';"", 60
Son Andre. dei ('.uti. Ito""""', [63
Son Francesco, R,,'cnn •. '5, iJ, 10'-3,
[6','[9, 31<)'33°
..'
S... Gio"""n; Ev.ngeli<,o, R.:wcnn3,
10, 53 . 56, 61 - 7°, 71 , 86--7 . JOl - J.
'48, '7' , [94. "9. '4', '56, ,6"
l'Y
Son Michele in AfririltrJ, R'V("Jln1, '3.
' )7. '00, "3. 'W, '5<>-4. '57.
"7
S.n SeveT<~ Cla~"". 14-1 j, 30, 10l,
"3. '58, '74- 5. '9'. '?S
St_ R"fill<>, chopel, '74
Son Vit.Ie, RO>"efln., 6, 8-10, '3 , 1 j.
7', 7-\. 104, '57. [63 , '7' - 2. 'n.
,86, '94, '0' , "3, ,,8-'0,
"'-50, ')4. '56, ,6" ,63. ,67.
'7<>- '. '73, ,80-1, '97, 339
.pse mos,,,,,,- , H-il
Justini"" . nd Thcodor:a mos. ics, 7.
'73, "3. '37-,41, '7 '
St. N."",ius. ch0l'd, "4
S. nt' Ago'" J\logg;ore, Rov<... n., 00,
10' ..... "3. lJO, '57. 3'9
S.nt'Apollin.rc in Closs<:, 8, 9, J;, )8,
,6], ,00-,. " '-'3, , 1<;-' <,
'54- 5, ,;8-7-\, 184 . '~ '9'
RCI"'r:atU>i m,,,,,,ic, '7'-3. ,83. ''N
sirwpi,. ,65-<5, ,68-<}
St<, !\lori.:, M.rccllus and FehruJo,
ch.rd. ,60
T nnsfigur.ltion mos.ic, 8, ,6;.
,67-;0
S.nt'ApoUin.re Nuo"o, R",'cnrul , 9,
10, 14, 57, ~ 1'9"-'0, 146--74-
176,178, 181 . 185, 187.194,
I¢-S, '09> '19, '43.'}4, '57.
,60, ,89, '9' , 3B, B9> 353,
l">
Christ ond Virgin mos.ics, 3, 147.
15 8-<>0
Christologicol mosoics, [53~
palati"", and Cia... mo",""", 4. '53.
[00-5 , F3
processions of saints. 164- 7'
Sontll Croce, Rovenna, [j, 34, 53 , 6, .
4 , 7<>--4,83 , 10'-3, 196, "[-'.
'3°,'55,3'4.339
S.nIa Mori. in Cosmedin, R.\"Cnn• . S"
Ari.n Baptistery
S. nIa Mari. /I h ggiore, R.,-enn., '00.
'''- 3, "5. "7, '3 0
INDE X
S.mo Spirito, R3\'e!ln. , [63. '74-7,
180, '51
sorcoph . g;, 35, 50, 73, 8" \)6, [[8, ,64,
,80--[ , ,89> '91 , '!)8
Soxo POCIa, ,!)8
Senig.]]i., 'OJ
Scnig.n;. mcd. llion. [oS. "0. 'i4. [87
,.,
SeTgiu." archhishop of R3V<'Tln., ,84-5 ,
Sergius, [lOpe, ,8,
Sergius, St .. [44
Severns, emperor, 36, 391
Severns, St, and bi.hop of R,venn.,
38-<), '[ 3, '7 0 , '74, 34', 34
port",i, in S.n, 'Al'ol lin >Te in CI • ...."
'70--1
Sc\'o""" St, and bishop of R,,..ClUl •• '58
Sicily, [09> 13], '05, ,So, ,87
Sidon;us AIXllhnoris, So, H - 5, 5~,
Sigi.mund, prince of Burgundy, 109
Sil\oerius, pop". 11 1
Singledia, 7'
Sinnium, 49, [74.3'5, HI. 35' , 354
Six"", III, [lOpe, S<j, 3,6, 335
Sl.vs, '7or$[
Sm.",gdus, .nrch. ''''to ,60
Soc"'te. Schol. sticus. 46, 5 J
SolOmon , 53 , [74.3 [9
Sl"' iatl>. "7.16[-" 353
Spino, 'I , '4, '7, 3'
spolia, 18, 61,103"91 , '!)8, 3[1
Spreti, Desiderio, 8
St, Agnes, church. l!.avenrul , [0' - 3, 376
St, Andrew /, ,*bcm;"fn , chopd,
R..'enn., '9'
St, Andrew M.joT, church. Rownn. ,
" 4, "3, '5 6,,1><)
St, And rew. ch.pel. RavetIDo, '9'
St, A[lOllinari. in c'rd", church.
R..'enn., '9'
St. Apolhmris, eh.pd;n Ari.n
. .
0PIscoplum, [44
St. ll.rtholcnlC"·, ch.pel, R,vctIDo,
'"
St. Don.lU. in Momm""" ch.pel.
Cacsa",., '9'
St_ Eleuch.dius, church, C L. sse,
rihori"fn. '95
INDEX
St, Euphemi'lld An" trm, church,
Itovenn., 38:1. 86, '9-1
St, Euphemi.1lll ",art, church, CI . sse.
"3,'58
St. Euphemi. in s..nmJ Calin;",.
C ...... r ... '9'
St. FuseLiu., church, I{,,·enn., , ,6,
'"
St, George. church, R,,'enn., '+t
St. John Illl ,....tr<';",u" ch.pel, R.venn.,
'"
St. Lawrence. church, C. """r,,". 56.
6,-,. ,63
SI. ,\1.rtin of Tours, church, R.venn •.
8ft Sant' Apollina,-., [\ill''''O
St, ,\1.ry ad BIIlrbrrntlJ, Coosare., '9'
S,. ,\l'ry;n C(J5'11ud;n. Ravenn • . Stt
Ari.n Bap,i"ery
St. P,"~ church, RO\·enn •• '9'
St. Pcte,.t the Orph.nage, R"'('lIn .,
,,"
St. Polycuhos, ot1Itt>riIl1n, C.cs. rc.,
'9'
St. Probu., church. Cl.sse. ' ' '- '3,
'58-<), J'9· H'
SI, ]>u11io, ch.pel, R,,'enn'. 39, '0'
St. Scrgius. church. CI.sse, t+t
SI, Scverinus. church. ROl'cnna, ,,6
SI, Stepheo. church. R,,'enno. "3.
,,;-6, J3J
SI, Theodore the de.con, ch.pe~
R,,'enn., '-16, '9'
SI_ Theodore. church. R,venn •. 'H
St. "--"ch. n.", ch. pel, RO\'CI\!\., 63 , 7'
St. l..mo, churd" C'('S1rca, ' -11
Slephen 11, pope, ,85
Stephen III, pope, :84
Stephen IV, 1"'1"', ,86
S,ilicho·13-1, 19, 3" , 336
SIT' b<.>, 'J, 'i, J'-'
Sts, John .nd B.. b"i.o. church.
Ito"enn., '04
SIS, John .od P.ul, church. R.venn •.
"0, '56, 376
Sts. John .nd Stephen, mor"swry,
Co"""r... '57
Sts. Stephen. G ernse .nd prot.~
ch'pel, 6,
stocco. n. 76. 9+ 91'. 99> ' J5
"3
Suetonius. ,6, 3'
Symmachu., pope. '94, '5'
Symmachu., Q, Aurelius ~lemmjus,
"4
Tacitus, J'
Theo<l.h.d, king of lto ly, 1Ji---1l, ,87,
,88,'°7,'"
Theodegoth •• "'9
ThCo<lelinda. 'Illeen of the lAmb.rds,
,,"
' Ihcodcric, king of luly, 3. 4. 6, 7, 56,
85 . ,06, ,08-38. '40-6. '74, 187.
,8S, I~. '0'. '04-5 • .07, '090
"1, 'i), '97---1l, 3", 315-6
Theodo .... empress, 173. " ,
San Vi,.I. mosoic. '1<>--' . '18. 'So
Theodore C.lIio!"'. eXllrch. ,8<>--,
Theodore, .rchLishop of Itovenn •.
'46, ,8 ... ,89
Theodore. ex"dt. '46. '9 ' -'
'1heo<iorc, St., 1+\
ThC(KI,,,;i u., r, c~npcmr, 43"'-1 , ~ i4l,
66----8. 139. J"
",iswTi''''', r6,
'lheo<losius II. emperor. H . 5 ' • 6, . 68.
83. 3"
'Iheodosius, son of Goli. Placidia, -1-1
theoJl"schism. I , 3
'1he0l'hylac .. e •• rch , ,8,
Thessolonike", 73 , 1,6. 315, 339. 340
mint. 58
"Ilteudis. ~ing of ,he Visigoth •• lOi
Thros. mw,d, king of the V.nd. ls, 1'0
'Inrce Choptcrs Contro,'cn.),. '05,
"'-"
throne of M."imi.n, 1 '1- 18
Tiiocriu," hmther of ConStantine IV,
~mperor. '7'
r orr< Sllh.m-a. )4. 9' . 100, '9' . 3' 3
Totil., Icing of 1.. Iy. ,87. '05 . l07
T ours. St. Momn, church, '7'
"",mm"'at, ! 50, "3, 136, ,63
T"l\'ers.r~ AmLrogio. 8
Tricr, I, 49, 58, 3' 5
Trier I>-ory, ,6l
NrM fiNih'. '7. ,8 . 6S , 86, 9' , '''-10 , ~8,
t76, 19'. H9. 'ii. ,6,. '75 . 379.
380, 386

Ulti l,s, 140
Umbri,,,., 'j, '5
Unirnuodus, Ar;on bishop of Ro"enno,
'44
UP1 M (. rcho<'Ologicol si,e), 3;, 59,
>10,34 8, 374
U",;on. c1thcdnl, R....'nn., ;, Rt~,
9' , '0'-l, " 4, ,63, ' 75, "0,
,,..
'13 - ' 4, I [9> '56, '58. ,g(i, '9' .
U",icinus, bishop of R..'enn. , ,8;,
'00, "9, "4, '59, '70
portnit in S.nt'Apollinne in Cl.sse,
',0-'
U",,,,, hishop of R"'<'Tln'. ;, 85-6, 88,
9' , 10' . '70, 317
ponni, in Som'Apoliinore in Cl.sse,
'70-'
Utroch, I'Sl lter, [61
V.lens, emperor, 68, 139
V.len,;ni . n 1. CJnI",ror, 68, J'4, 14'
V.len'; ni , n 11, cmpemr, 68, '30, 3'4,
HJ
V.lent;ni . " 111, emperor, >14'"90 5'-4,
56-j, 59> 68. [04,316, 335, 34'
V.lerius, .rchbish0l' of It",e""., '9+
,"
Vond.1s, 44-5, 53 . 104, '''9. 110, [4',
'4 8,3;;
Ven.mius FOrUUl.tUS, 168, ' 71 . '56,
361 .37j, 379
Veniee, ,86
Veron., H. I " ,1 '4 , 'OJ , '0S, '95 ,
lJo
Vesp.si.n. emperor,,¢
INDEX
Viii Annil,a, '5
Via D'Auglio (.rchaeologic.1site), 14,
'5,31,34, ji, 39> So. "7, '7 8,
'9[.)'j
Viii Huminill, '5, 105
Vi. Guerrini (. reh.cologi.,.l site). 3'
Vi. Ma ... h;n. (.rch.cological site), 14
Vi.Mongi, (.reh.co]ogie.] si'e), '5,
l'
'5, ,8, 55, [97, '58, ,6,
Via Pupiliil,
Victor. bishop of R.,'enn., 44, ,8;,
'~7 ' '99-'00. '04, '''9-10, " j ,
"9> '31-3, '39> '56,'0
Vigilius. pope. '78, 107, '[ I
Vincen, of S.... g"".. , S", ;8
",ridimllm, CI.ss<; 144
Visigoths, 43- 5, '''9- [40, '4'. 'OJ,
355
Vitolian, pope, ,83
Vi"Ii<, S", ")- 5, , j6--8, '4' - j
Vitruvius, 3 I, J' , )4, " 4, 350-1
W.hhfrid Straho, ,')8
w.lls.city. R3"etln'. 7, 11, [) . [9.
'4-5. ,8. 3'-4,4', 5' -5 , 6J, 10',
l ]i, '9<'. '97. 313, 33' . 371
\vili. ';t, "7, "9
windows, 76, 96. 149, '30. ,<\4
\ \~tigis, king of [to!y, T'0, [>1, '37-8
Zoeh..i.s, pope, ,8" ,84
Zoeh..i", protosplllharilU, ,8 [
z,"'gmjrirr, '33, '35-<>
:i'-CIlO of V ~rono, St" ' 44
Zeno, emperor, ["9-'0. 'J j, '4'. 149
Zosirnus, j), 3 [9, 314, 3)6