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1
ISSN • 0255-8831
€ 80.00 ISBN • 978- L•I•M Libreria•Musicale•Italiana
A few years ago, I had the good fortune to discover this portrait of a woman hold-
ing a songbook (fig. 1) kept in the Bouges castle (Indre).1 The painting represents a young
lady richly adorned, facing three quarters right. She holds a book of vocal music, point-
edly showing the open page to the spectators. In the upper left corner of the musical score
is the name “Mr. Lambert” (fig. 2).
* Revised version of my contribution to the Mélanges Massip (Gétreau 2012). Translation by Frederick
Hadley. A preliminary report has been presented at the international conference Le corti in Europa. 7
Iconografia musicale e potere principesco, 1400–1700, IMS Study Group on Musical Iconography in Eu-
ropean Art, in cooperation with Istituto per i Beni Musicali in Piemonte, Torino, 23–25 May 2011.
1 Inv. Bou1995100087. Oil on canvas, 86 x 70,5 cm. – The building was bequeathed in 1971 by Henri
Viguier to the Centre des Monuments Historiques.
The music and the words represented in the painting are legible, and it was easy to iden-
tify Michel Lambert’s air ‘J’avais déjà passé près d’un jour sans la voir’, which Catherine
Massip mentions several times in her book about the composer. 4 She points out that the
words were written by Matthieu de La Tuillière, and that Lambert’s air, dated to 1666, also
appears in the composer’s Livre d’airs published in 1689.
In her catalogue of Livres d’airs de différents auteurs published by Robert Ballard,
Anne-Madeleine Goulet lists seven different literary and musical versions of this piece
and notes that four of them include a second verse. In addition to providing an extreme-
ly detailed description of the work from both a literary and a musical point of view,
Goulet transcribes the poem’s two stanzas:5
The oldest known version of this air de cour (both words and music), printed by Ballard
in 1666 in the ninth Livres d’airs de différents auteurs, 6 is for one voice (G clef on the second
line) with a bass (F-clef on the third line) (fig. 3), and it features no bar lines.
2 Néraudau 1986.
3 For the metaphors of “Astre de la Cour” and “Heroïne” see below, notes 42 and 45.
4 Massip 1999: 158, 160, 161.
5 Goulet 2007: 434 (no. 1666-03). Translation: “I had already spent almost a day without seeing her,
and my reason flattered my heart with the vain hope that I would live thus for the rest of my life. But,
at the closing of the day, I met Silvie, and despite my disappointment and despite her strictness her
pretty eyes ensnared my reason and my heart. My too despised heart complained of it everywhere,
8 and my reason, hoping for better from another object, rebuked me for the time I spent serving her.
But in the end, etc.”
6 Ballard 1666, fols. 3v and 4r. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la musique,
Rés. Vm7 284 [8]. Goulet 2007: 434 (no. 1666-03, source A); Guillo 2003: 628–9.
fig. 3: I’Avois déja passé prés d’un jour sans la voir. Ballard 1666, fol. 3r.
Photo: © BnF
That same year, Bertrand de Bacilly included these two stanzas of verse set to
an ‘Air de M. Lambert’ (fig. 4) in his Recueil des plus beaux vers mis en chant published by
Robert Ballard and Étienne Loyson, the second title page of which is Nouveau recueil 9
7 Bacilly 1666: 210. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la musique, Rés. Vm
Coirault-166. Goulet 2007: 434 (no. 1666-03, source B); Guillo 2003: 793 (RVC10) and 2004: 52–79.
10 8 Ballard 1689: 102–3. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la musique, Vm7 509.
Massip 1999: 158; Goulet 2007: 434 (no. 1666-03, source C).
9 Versailles, Châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon, inv. LP 33-4.
10 Versailles, Châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon, inv. 6697, MV 3476. Bajou 1998: 100–1.
fig. 5: J’Avois déja passé prés d’un iour sans la voir. Lambert 1689: 103.
Photo: © BnF
11
fig. 6: Pierre-Louis Van Schuppen (after Gilbert fig. 7: Gilbert de Sève, Anne-Marie-Louise of Orléans,
de Sève), Anne-Marie-Louise of Orléans, Duchess of Duchess of Montpensier. Oil on canvas. Versailles,
Montpensier. Etching, 1666. Châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon.
Photo: © BnF Photo: © RMN, Daniel Arnaudet & Gérard Blot
12
11 Versailles, Châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon, inv. 6696. MV 2163. This portrait is kept at the mu-
seum of Trévoux.
12 Versailles, Châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon, MV 3504.
Beaubrun19 brothers (fig. 13)—all of these artists represented the princess’ features not
long after her wedding with the king’s brother, Philippe of Orléans. The resemblance with
her mother is striking, particularly the shape of the nose and mouth. Like her, she wears
a short pearl necklace, which she would keep all her life, and precious ear-pendants like
“grosses perles en poire”. 20 She is often represented with her little dog Mimy, who was so
famous that he is mentioned in Benserade’s 1666 libretto of the Ballet des Muses. 21
The last child of Charles I of England and Henriette Marie de France, Henrietta-Anne
was born in Exeter just after her mother had escaped the Parliament’s army. When she
was two years old, Henrietta-Anne joined her mother in France, where she received an
austere education at the Order of the Visitation of Holy Mary (Couvent des Visitandines)
19 Versailles, Châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon, MV 2083. Constant 1995, vol. 2: 685, no. 3854. At-
tributed to Jean Nocret. A replica of this painting can be seen at the National Portrait Gallery in
London, another is at Chantilly, Musée Condé. It is attributed to Pierre Mignard.
20 See the impressive list of jewels, rings, chains and necklaces in the inventory made after the prin-
cess’s death, dated February 16th, 1671 (Inventaire 1671, fols. 90–115).
14 21 “Qu’icy tous les respects les plus profons s’assemblent / Dans un cœur, un tel cœur n’en à pas à demy,
/ Tous les Loups tremblent devant Mimy*.” The explication to be found in the respective note (aster-
isk) reads as follows: “C’est le petit chien de Madame” (Benserade 1666: 33–4, “Vers sur la Personne &
le Personnage de ceux qui dansent au Ballet, IV Entrée. Berger, et Bergères. Pour Madame, Bergère”).
Les charmes étaient répandus en toute sa personne, dans ses actions et dans
son esprit; et jamais princesse n’a été si également capable de se faire aimer des
hommes et adorer des femmes.
En croissant, sa beauté augmenta aussi; en sorte que, quand le mariage du Roi fut
achevé, celui de Monsieur et d’elle fut résolu. Il n’y avait rien à la Cour qu’on pût
lui comparer.
The author confirms the king’s fondness for his sister-in-law, who returned his affection:23
Comme ils étaient tous deux nés avec des dispositions galantes, qu’ils se voyaient
tous les jours, au milieu des plaisirs et des divertissements, il parut aux yeux de
tout le monde qu’ils avaient l’un pour l’autre cet agrément qui précède d’ordinaire
les grandes passions.
Madame de La Fayette gives us also a subtle chronicle of the princess’ feelings and of the
Court’s intrigues and distractions. Her closeness to the king is confirmed by the royal al-
manacs of 1667 and 1670, in which Henrietta appears next to her husband, always in the
second row, but very close to the king and queen. In the almanac for the leap year 1668,
which celebrates with a concert of nations La Glorieuse Campagne de l’année M.D.C.67, Hen-
22 La Fayette 1720: 38 (1988: 38–9). Translation: “Charm was spread throughout her person, was in
her actions and her mind; and never was a princess so able to make herself both loved by men and
adored by women. As she grew up, so did her beauty grow; in such a way that when the king’s wed-
ding was over, it was decided that she should marry his brother. There was nothing in the Court that
could be compared to her.”
15
23 La Fayette 1720: 55 (1988: 45). Translation: “Because they were both born with gallant leanings, be-
cause they saw each other every day amidst pleasures and distractions, it was clear to all that they
had one for another that attraction which ordinarily precedes the greatest passions.”
The allegorical figures representing the king’s brother and Henrietta’s wedding could
well be a now lost painting representing them as Diane et Endymion. 28 It echoes precisely
24 Paris: Balthazar Montcomet, rue Saint Jacques, 1668 (chisel, etching on copper). Paris, Bibliothèque
nationale de France, Département des estampes et de la photographie, Rés. Qb-201 (49), coll. Hennin
4467.
25 Paris: N. Regnesson, rue Saint Jacques (etching and chisel). Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France,
Département des estampes et de la photographie, Rés. Qb-201 (50), coll. Hennin 4532.
26 Ed. by Dussieux 1854, vol. 1: 312–15.
27 Ibid., 314. Translation: “In 1660 he painted five ground floor rooms in Saint-Cloud which are now
Madame’s apartment. On the ceiling in the first room, which is a passage-way where the bath was
before, he took as subject Iris with her rainbow and all her following; in the anteroom, a painting
of Flora; in the bedroom, a ceiling where the God Mars returning from his conquests appears ac-
companied by Venus; in the grand cabinet, four paintings. The first represents Thetis who is having 17
Achilles’ weapons forged by Vulcan; the second Perseus and Andromeda; the third Apollo accompa-
nied by the Nine Muses; the fourth Diana on a chariot. In the great living room, a ceiling where the
wedding of Monsieur with the late Madame is represented with allegorical figures.”
fig. 18: Jean Nocret, Henrietta-Anne of England, Duchess of Orléans, as Allegory of Spring.
Oil on canvas, 1660, probably painted for Saint-Cloud castle.
Photo: Galerie Jean-Max Tassel, Paris
the 1661 Ballet des Saisons, for which Bensarade and Lully
chose the young couple. The subject of Flora could be
identified with an allegory of Spring (with Henrietta’s
unmistakable traits) that was shown at the Jean-Max
Tassel gallery in Paris in 1992 and at the Maastricht Eu-
ropean Fine Art Fair in 199329 (fig. 18). The other paint-
ing, of monumental proportions, was made by Nocret
only after the princess passed away (see below, fig. 35).
As a proof of Henrietta’s fondness for Jean No-
cret, we can see in the inventory made after the prin-
cess’s death30 (figs. 19/20) that he was among the credi-
tors who had not entirely been paid for their supplies:
“A Nocret son peintre la somme de neuf mil cinq cent fig. 19: Inventaire 1671,
detail of the binding spines.
trente livres” (fig. 21). Photo: © Gétreau,
by courtesy of Archives nationales
28 Oil on canvas, 94 x 120 cm. Its current location is unknown. See Brème 1997: 100. It can probably be
compared with the painting mentioned in the inventory after Henrietta’s death: “Un tableau repre-
18 sentan Monsieur et feue Madame en Diane et [Endymion] de trois pieds huit pouces de long sur
trois pieds de haut” (Inventaire 1671, fol. 322).
29 Advertisement in L’Estampille – L’objet d’art, May 1992: 15 (ill.).
30 Inventaire 1671, starting on February 16th.
The somewhat suave style and the undeniable elegance which characterize the paint-
er’s official portraits31 are not very different from the Bouges painting. In addition to
considerations of Nocret’s gallant, refined style, as well as his career (since the painter
dedicated nearly all his artistic output to members of the family of Orléans), another
19
32 Continuateurs de Loret 1899: 43–50 (quotations to be found on pages 43 and 50). Translation: “In a
polished frame, frame of brightly shining gold, having dialogued with your celebrated painting, to
honor this dear gift of the most worthy rival one can see to nature, Madame, with respect, I bend
down low. I beg for an audience to its rare charms, and starting the verses which I owe you the gift
of. And, seeming to agree to my just wishes, here is how I have, beautiful Highness, approximately
recited my caption. Wonderful and charming portrait, famous work by Nocret through which, like
another call, his glory must be immortal. Your divine original, on Saturday gave the ball in her beau-
20 tiful anteroom […]. Madame, here is my caption, for which your obliging portrait finally listened to
with such great attention that I was more than satisfied […].”
33 Ibid., 45.
34 Inventaire 1671, fol. 102.
A solid musical education was the basis of the ease with which this king’s daughter took
part in her husband’s private music. From 1657, the Duke of Orléans had in his service
Étienne Richard (c. 1621–69), a member of the famous family of organists. Richard was
a violinist and maître joueur d’épinette de la Chambre (he taught the king the harpsichord)
starting in 165737; he became the harpsichordist attached to Madame’s home from 1663. 38
Henrietta’s correspondence with her brother Charles II, king of England, re-
veals that she also practiced singing and playing the guitar. He thus wrote on April 29th,
1660 to his “Dear Minette”:39
Thank you for the song that you have sent me, I do not know if it is pretty, as Jan-
ton has not yet learned it […].
Her taste for airs de cour must have been genuine, as Bertrand de Bacilly dedicated his
Premier livre d’airs in 1662 to her. 40 On May 29th, 1665, Charles II announced that he was
sending guitar studies by Francesco Corbetta to his adored sister:41
35 In the second half of the seventeenth century, particularly the years 1658–61, be it noted, the pretty
Silvie was an incarnation of unreachable love¬evoked over seventeen times in the airs de cour of
composers such as Michel Lambert, Bertrand de Bacilly, Étienne Moulinié, Sébastien Le Camus,
Jean Mignon, and Robert Cambert. See Goulet 2007: 148–280.
36 Reresby 1875: 42–3.
37 Archives nationales, KK 213, fol. 12. Quoted by Dufourcq 1954: 125.
38 Archives nationales, Z1a 519. Dufourcq 1954: 125.
39 Paris, Archives diplomatiques, Archives des Affaires étrangères, Fonds Angleterre (26). Published in
Norrington 1996: 36. 21
40 Bacilly 1662. Versailles, Bibliothèque municipale, Rés. Partition 8° 2 (previously Cortot no. 39). See
Herlin 1995: 11, no. 38.
41 Norrington 1996: 117. For Corbetta, see below.
These rather convoluted chronicles have at least the virtue of highlighting the princess’
musical activities, while asserting her character and her almost divine ascendency. Thus,
on December 12th, 1665, Robinet recounts a concert given by Leonard Ithier, a lute and
viol player, lute master for the choirboys of the Chapel and of the pages of the Chamber
from 1664 to his death in 1722. 43 According to the libretto of Princesse d’Élide, Ithier had
taken part in the sixth interlude of Lully’s Les plaisirs de l’îsle enchantée on May 7th, 1664, 44
along with Jean-Henri d’Anglebert, Estienne Richard (both harpsichordists), Pierre Cha-
banceau de la Barre, Claude Tissu (theorbo) and Antoine Lemoine (bass viol). The lute-
nist’s new fame was confirmed by his invitation to play at Madame’s home. According
to Robinet’s description, only a chosen few, apparently almost all of them women, took
part in this soirée:45
42 Continuateurs de Loret 1881: 7–9. Translation: “It is to the divine Henrietta, to the great star of the
Court, that you must write on this day. It is to this pretty princess that everyone endlessly admires
and who shows so well in her eyes that she is of the pure blood of the Gods. It is to the First Lady that
I include a presentable plot […]. She has more wit than Minerva […].”
43 Benoit 1971: 10 ff and 474; Duron 1986: 41.
44 Jean-Baptiste Lully, Les plaisirs de l’île enchantée […], MS copy by Philidor L’aisné. Paris, Bibliothèque
nationale de France, Rés. F-531, fol. 168r; see Powell 1996: 17.
45 Continuateurs de Loret 1881: 484–85 (Lettre en vers à Madame, December 12th, 1665). Translation: “Do
not be, little Muse, neither foolish nor thick enough to forget in this letter to say that Saturday,
Milord Ithier, while playing nearly divinely before our heroine, made the cords of his instrument
speak so tenderly [in his hands the King of theorbos] that, all together, the celestial orbs could not
22 produce sounds as charming as his sweet humming. I dare say more boldly still that Phoebus with
his lyre spreads much less sweetness in the learned sisters’ ears than Ithier had flowing into those
of Madame and her many beauties who in her ruelle formed a circle of captivating charms. As I was
with these wonders and I was filling my ears, I thought, to speak plainly, that I owed them these
verses.” (For the meaning of ruelle, see below, note 82)
A week later, Robinet went on again about a concert given at Her Highness:46
From 1669 on, Leonard Ithier was ordinary musician of the Musique de la Chambre of the
Duke of Orléans: first haute-contre (high tenor voice) until 1688, then singing taille basse
from 1689 to 1699. 47
46 Continuateurs de Loret 1881: 509 (Lettre en vers à Madame, December 20th, 1665). Translation: “The
amiable and charming Urania again ravished you with a fine symphony and the miracles she per-
formed. How her violins, her viols, which seemed to form words, her theorbos and her harpsichords,
23
touched by masterful hands under her laws, made wonders for your delicate ears. And it was easily
judged in this sweet and charming concert that she, as well as all her company, saw her riding high
as she entertained them. And it is also, in truth, a divine bliss to please you, o wise heroine.”
47 See Kocevar 2003: 114 ff.
fig. 23: Anonymous, Henrietta-Anne of England, Duchess of Orléans, at her toilet in the Palais Royal. Fan leaf, c. 1665. Private collection.
Photo: after Cowen 2003
Philippe of Orléans and his wife not only organized receptions in their palace but
also went to listen to (Estienne?) Richard in the Saint-Jacques church, as noted in the
Lettre en vers à Madame, dated January 14th, 1668. 49
Also revealing the respect held by musicians for the musically gifted princess
are several works of great depth dedicated to her after her death. Jacques Champion de
Chambonnières (c. 1601–1672) published his first book of Pièces de clavessin in 1670 and in-
cluded a Courante de Madame, a sublime lamentation in the style of a tombeau (figs. 25–27).50
As Denis Herlin noted in our article on “Portraits de clavecins et de clavecinistes”,51 the
booklet’s title page was not engraved by a member of the Jollain family but by Jean Lep-
autre (1618–82), the author of a beautiful engraving entitled Tombeau de Madame which
frames a sonnet in her memory (fig. 28).52
48 This fan belongs to a private collection. It was displayed at the Fan Museum in Greenwich. Cowen
2003: 78–83.
49 Continuateurs de Loret 1881: 1100. Quoted by Dufourcq 1954: 127.
24
50 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la musique, Rés. VMB-95(1).
51 Gétreau & Herlin 1996: 96–7.
52 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des estampes et de la photographie, Ed 42b, p.
16. Préaud 1993: 136–37, no. 238.
25
26
27
Unfortunately, the 1671 inventory compiled after the princess’ death fails to mention
any musical instruments or books from her library. Only three volumes have been un-
covered so far: Les Offices de la Semaine saincte (1662),55 Les heureux augures du triomphe de
28
53 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la musique, Rés. 333.
54 Gallot 1699, fol. 414: “Courante du V. Gallot, Tombeau de Madame”; <http://culture.besancon.fr/
ark:/48565/a011284026247S0XA9H/1/1>, 09/04/2013.
fig. 30: Le tombeau sur la mort de Madame d’Orléans. Corbetta 1671: 10.
Photo: © BnF
Louis XIV (1665)56 and, finally, a copy of Henry Du Mont’s Motets et Élévations (1670) pub-
lished by Robert III Ballard only after the princess’s death, but bearing her arms57 (fig. 33).
55 The extant copy in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Rés. B 12615 bears the arms of Henrietta-
Anne of England, Duchess of Orléans. Olivier 1934: pl. 2563 (Fleuron no. 1). 29
56 Cassillac 1665. The extant copy in Chantilly, Condé Library, 1x G 24, bears Henrietta’s arms. Olivier
1934: pl. 2563 (Fleuron no. 2).
57 Paris, Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, Rés VM 18 (1); Guillo 2003: 689.
Practitioner, patron, and protector of musicians, Henrietta also conquered her contem-
poraries by her astounding gifts as a dancer. When she was barely ten years old, she was
chosen to personify Music among the Nine Muses, and thus to dance the role of Erato
in Les noces de Pélée et de Thétis.58 Still extant is the draft of a costume drawn for her in the
workshop of Henri de Gissey (c. 1621–1673; fig. 34):59 In it she holds a small lute in her
30
58 Noces de Pélée et de Thétis, 1654, 1ère entrée du prologue. Benserade 1659: 5 (“Mademoiselle la Prin-
cesse d’Angleterre: Erato”) and 7.
59 Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Institut de France, ms. 1005, fol. 2. Christout 2005: pl. VI, 76, 79, 290. – Ac-
The Court of France was very splendid this winter (1660); a great mask was danced
at the Louvre, where the King and the Princess Henrietta of England danced to
admiration. But there was a greater resort to the Palais Royal than to the French
Court; the good humour and wit of our Queen Mother, and the beauty of the Prin-
cess her daughter, giving greater invitation than the more particular humour of
the French Queen, being a Spaniard.
From 1661 onwards, the king took pleasure in opening the ball with Madame, be it in
his Château or at the Palais-Royal. 64 Furthermore, Henrietta, in roles specially chosen to
show how close she was to the king, participated in most of the great ballets de court of
that decade, a comprehensive list of which has been drawn up by Philippe Hourcade. 65 In
Le Ballet des Saisons (1661), she represented Diana, and Benserade’s libretto is a transpar-
ent praise of her as Monsieur’s young bride:66
cording to the caption, “les autres huict estoient vestues demesme, distinguées Seulement par les
Couleurs des habits etc.”
60 See Ripa 1643: 185 (“Seconde partie, Musique”): “Elle est couronnée d’une Guirlande de fleurs, &
vestuë d’une Robe toute semée de diverses Notes, dont on se sert ordinairement pour apprendre à
chanter.” Translation: “She is crowned with a garland of flowers and dressed with a robe all sprin-
kled with various notes which are ordinarily used to teach how to sing.”
61 Christout 2005: 168.
62 La Gorce 2002: 415.
63 Reresby 1875: 45.
64 Levantal 2009, vol. 1: June 3rd, 1661; January 19th, 1662; January 31st, 1663; February 2nd, 1663.
65 See Hourcade 2002: 244, for the index of the Court’s dancers.
32 66 Lully 2004: 4. See Christout 2005: 104. Translation: “Diana in the woods, Diana in the skies, Diana
shines in all places. She is the universe’s second light. She charms the hearts, she bedazzles the eyes.
Glorious without being proud, adorable in all ways, one has such good opinion of her virtue that there
is never anything else to add. However, as all must be said, she spends her nights with Endymion.”
fig. 34: Henri de Gissey (workshop), Henrietta-Anne of England, Duchess of Orléans, in the costume of Erato.
Draft of a costume. on motet volume by Du Mont [1670].
Photo: © Paris, Bibliothèque de l’Institut de France
33
The Ballet des Arts, danced on January 8th, 1663 at the Palais-Royal, provided her with the
opportunity to lead four shepherdesses behind the king; once again, Benserade’s libretto
praises her charms and her virtues:67
After having led the shepherdesses, she played Pallas in the seventh entrée, having “la dig-
nité, La Pompe, Les Richesses / L’Eclat de la personne et la Splendeur du nom / Et tout ce
qui convient aux premières Déesses […] C’est Pallas […] qui cache sa fierté sous beaucoup
de douceur / Et sans en affecter la redoutable mine / Elle en a les vertus, l’esprit, le noble
cœur.”68 Given the intricate game of mirrors understood by all, there is no better way to
pay homage to the princess’ intelligence and moral qualities.
On January 26th, 1665, she played the role of Venus in the Ballet royal de la naissance
de Vénus.69 The Ballet de Madame, a thinly-veiled homage to the king and his sister-in-law,
was danced at the Palais-Royal. As Bensérade’s libretto states:70
Les plus célèbres Heros de la terre avec Heroïnes, dont ils sont espris, font con-
noistre que l’Amour est la plus noble de toutes les passions […] Ce sujet estoit ca-
pable d’une plus grande estenduë; mais le lieu où il se représente ne le souffrant
67 Benserade 1663a: 9 et 10. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Rés. F-525. Translation: “What a
shepherdess, what eyes that could kill the Gods. Thus like them we adore her. She is of their own
blood, but her person is even better than her rank […]. It is true, everyone loves her. But besides her
duty, her sheep and her dog, I believe that she loves nothing else.”
68 Translation: “the dignity, the pomp, the riches, the sparkle of her person and the splendor of the name
and all that befits the first Goddesses […] It is Pallas […] who hides her pride beneath layers of sweet-
ness. And without pretending to wear its fearsome look, she had her virtues, her wit, her noble heart.”
69 Schneider 1981: LWV, no. 27; Christout 2005: 115–16; La Gorce 2002: 418–19.
70 Benserade 1665: 6–7. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Rés YF-1037. Translation: “The most
famous heroes on earth and the heroines whom they fancy let us know that love is the noblest of all
passions […]. This subject was capable of the widest scope; but as the place in which it is held could
not suffer it, Madame to whom the King had given the command, has judged it fit to enclose it in
34 twelve entrées: those who know the beauty of this admirable princess’s mind will easily judge that
the most agreeable inventions are due to her. She ordered the Duke of Saint Aignan to use his skill;
both from the nice gallantry that is natural to her as from his office’s function, it therefore belongs
to him to organize celebrations of this quality that the King honors with his presence.”
Henrietta’s involvement can hardly be overstated, whether in the danced or sung parts
of this show. She is at once Venus, listening to the Three Graces (second part) to Michel
Lambert’s famous tune71, and, later on, Roxane before the king when he dances as Alex-
ander in the sixth entrée:72
Catherine Massip has shown, in all its details, Lambert’s admirable musical refinement
and his mastery of the dramatic art in his touching tale of the Récit des Trois Grâces. 73
After the Ballet de Villers-Cotterêts (September 25th, 1665) the king and Madame
were again central to Benserade’s and Lully’s Ballet des Muses, performed on December
2nd, 1666, in Saint-Germain.74 Madame was alternatively a shepherdess (protected from
the wolves by her little dog Mimy), a Spaniard, a Pieride, and even a Moor facing the
dangerous force of the king’s eyes and his “ardans rayons [des] Soleils d’Afrique”.75
Though she was to shine again in the 1669 carnival ballet, Henrietta could not
know that she would never again have the opportunity to dance at the Court and with
the king. Indeed, for the Ballet royal de Flore dansé par Sa Majesté le mois de février 1669,76 the
Duchess of Sully danced “en la place de Madame”. As Benserade argues, “Madame, qu’un
heureux accident a empêché d’y remplir le personnage de Flore, est la seule qui reste à
désirer pour la perfection de ce spectacle”.77 Rehearsals, however, had gone on for almost
two months.78 A year later, when Madame had left this world, Jean Nocret was finishing
his big commemorative painting of the family of Louis XIV in mythological disguise,
71 “Admirons notre jeune et charmante déesse, Parlons de sa beauté, parlons de son esprit.” Translation:
“Let us admire our young and charming goddess, let us speak of her beauty, let us talk of her spirit.”
72 Translation: “There is nothing as sweet or anything as charming. Let the saddest one look at her for
a moment. It is for him a moment of joy and celebration: She herself copies Alexander the Great, she
piles conquest upon conquest and desires to keep nothing of all she takes.”
73 Massip 1999: 211–13.
74 Schneider 1981: LWV, no. 32. Christout 2005: 117–20.
75 On the symbolic importance of dancing for the king, see Néraudau 1986: 119–26.
76 Schneider 1981: 163 (LWV, no. 40).
77 Translation: “Madame, who was prevented by a happy accident from playing Flora’s character, is the 35
only one still to be desired to make this show perfect.” – Schneider 1981: 161 (LWV, no. 40). Henrietta
was about to give birth to her second daughter.
78 La Gorce 2002: 419; Christout 2005: 123.
fig. 35: Jean Nocret, The family of Louis XIV in mythological disguise. Oil on canvas, 1670.
Versailles, Châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon.Draft of a costume. on motet volume by Du Mont [1670].
Photo: © RMN
However, one portrait more than any other summarizes the pre-eminent role the
princess embodied for the sciences and the arts: it is the one from 1664 representing her
‘en Minerve’,80 holding the medallion portrait of her famous husband, Duke Philippe
of Orléans (fig. 37). Thanks to this rather theatrical representation, its painter, Antoine
Matthieu the Elder (1631–73), became a member of the Academy. He rendered Henrietta
surrounded by the symbols of the arts, notably a clearly visible lyre and scroll represent-
ing the art of music in general and of singing in particular, as well as a bust reminiscent
of the Belvedere torso, a palette standing for the art of painting, a compass for the ar-
chitect’s proportions and a celestial globe for astronomy.81 A lute and a viol can be made
out in the background. We are reminded of how Charles Robinet, in his Première lettre
à Madame in May 1665, had insisted almost over-emphatically that she was the Court’s
37
fig. 36: Henrietta-Anne of England, Duchess of Orléans, as Flora. Detail of fig. 35.
Photo: © RMN
fig. 37: Antoine Matthieu the Elder, Henrietta-Anne, Duchess of Orléans, presenting the portrait of her husband, Duke Philippe of
Orléans. Oil on canvas, 1664. Versailles, Château de Versailles et de Trianon.
Photo: © RMN, Gérard Blot
star (“grand Astre de la Cour”), that she was of the pure blood of the gods (“du pur Sang
des Dieux”), and that she had more wit than Minerva (see above, note 42).
38
82 Continuateurs de Loret 1899: 370 (Lettre en vers à Madame, December 22nd, 1668). Translation: “The
Molières and the Boyers, the Corneilles, the Benserades, so worthy of immortal rents and great com-
rades of Apollo. All the most brilliant authors tremble as they bring their talents to the famous pol-
Certainly, eminent artists did not hesitate to ask for her protection: Molière dedicated
L’École des Femmes to Madame and noted that “it is not hard to praise her”:83 (“On n’est pas
en peine […] pour [la] louer”):
De quelque côté qu’on vous regarde, on rencontre gloire sur gloire, et qualités sur
qualités.Vous en avez, Madame, du côté du rang et de la naissance, qui vous font
respecter de toute la terre.Vous en avez du côté des grâces, et de l’esprit et du corps,
qui vous font admirer de toutes les personnes qui vous voient. Vous en avez du
côté de l’âme, qui, si l’on ose parler ainsi, vous font aimer de tous ceux qui ont
l’honneur d’approcher de vous: je veux dire cette douceur pleine de charmes, dont
vous daignez tempérer la fierté des grands titres que vous portez; cette bonté tout
obligeante, cette affabilité généreuse que vous faites paraître pour tout le monde.
Guilleragues, soon to be famous for his Letters of a Portuguese Nun, received her patronage
beginning in 1666. And two years later, Racine, in his dedicatory epistle to Andromaque,
praised the personal involvement she seems to have had from the start of his work:84
On savait que Votre Altesse Royale avait daigné prendre soin de la conduite de ma
tragédie; on savait que vous m’aviez prêté quelques-unes de vos lumières pour y
ajouter de nouveaux ornements: on savait enfin que l’aviez honorée de quelques
larmes dès la première lecture que je vous en fis. […]. Mais, Madame, ce n’est pas
seulement du cœur que vous jugez de la bonté d’un ouvrage, c’est avec une intel-
ligence qu’aucune fausse lueur ne saurait tromper. […]. Et pouvons-nous concevoir
des sentiments si nobles et si délicats qui ne soient infiniment au-dessus de la no-
blesse et de la délicatesse de vos pensées?
How surprising could it be, then, that her death provoked so many funeral orations, so
many musical tombeaux, such devotion? Without a doubt, the likes of Feuillet, Bertier
ishing sessions in her nice ruelle.” (Ruelle¬literally a ‘small street’¬is the bedroom of the précieuses
where erudite meetings were welcomed [see Goodman 2008, chapter 3: “Ruminating on the Ruelle:
The Précieuses, Bosse, and Molière”]. Within such a context, hommes de lettres would use meetings with
Henrietta in order to improve their most recent works before having them printed or performed.)
83 Molière 2010: 395–96 (L’École des Femmes, ‘A Madame’). Translation: “From whatever side we look at
you, we meet glory upon glory, and qualities upon qualities. You have some, Madame, from rank and
birth that make you respected the world over. You have some, in the shape of graces of the mind and
the body, that have you admired by any person who sees you. You have some from the soul which,
if one can say so, makes you loved from all those who have the honor to approach you: I want to say
the kindness full of charms with which you deign temper the pride of the grand titles you hold; that
obliging goodness, that generous affability which you show to all.”
84 Goulet 2004: 469. Translation: “We knew that Your Royal Highness had deigned to care about my
tragedy’s development; we knew that you had given me a few of your insights to add new orna-
39
ments: and well we knew that you had honored it of a few tears from the first reading I made of it
to you. […]. But, Madame, it is not only with your heart that you judge a work’s quality, it is with an
intelligence which no false flicker can mislead. […]. And is it even conceivable that any such noble
and delicate feelings be above the nobleness and delicateness of your thoughts?”
fig. 38: Jean Lepautre (after Henry de Gissey), Obsequies and catafalque of Henrietta-Anne of
England, Duchess of Orléans, in the Basilica Saint-Denis, August 21st, 1670.
Engraving, 1670.
Photo: © BnF
and Le Maire fell far short of reaching the rhetorical heights of Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet’s
grandiloquent funeral oration:85
For the formal funeral service held in the Basilica of Saint-Denis on August 21st, 1670,
Henrietta’s mausoleum (for which we still have an engraving from Jean Lepautre after
a drawing by Henry de Gissey86) was notably made up of four allegorical figures repre-
85 Bossuet 1699: 121 (“oraison funèbre de Henriette Anne d’Angleterre, duchesse d’Orléans. Prononcée
40 a Saint Denis le 21. jour d’Aoust 1670”). Translation: “O disastrous night! O dreadful night in which
suddenly like a thunderbolt resounds with this surprising news: Madame is dying! Madame is dead!”
86 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des estampes et de la photographie, Rés. Fol.
Qb-201 (50), coll. Hennin 4544. Préaud 1993: 136, no. 237.
In a study entitled “Portrait historié et morale du Grand Siècle”, Dominique Brème un-
locks the persistent identification of members of the Royal family with the Greek gods
through a constantly represented, renewed and experienced rhetorical discourse:88
In the case of Henriette, could one add representations as Silvie (see above, note 35),
Erato, Diana, Pallas, Urania, Minerva or Flora? Brème points out that the highest ranking
characters are represented as gods, which brings up the question of what Roger de Piles,
in his L’Idée du peintre parfait (1699) called “[la] représentabilité des choses divines sous
des figures humaines”:89
Car les fausses Divinités peuvent être considérées de deux manières, ou comme
Dieux, ou comme figures symboliques. Comme Dieux, le Peintre ne les peut
représenter que dans les sujets purement profanes, ou il en est question en cette
qualité; & comme figures symboliques, il peut s’en servir avec discrétion en toute
autre rencontre comme il jugera nécessaire.
Beyond the use of codes and other norms, Henrietta appears to have been a kind of con-
stantly renewed incarnation of allegories in the tradition of the Rhétorique des Dieux.90 She
amplified Louis XIV’s image as the kingdom’s foremost musician, as a protector of the
arts, and even as the very symbol of the arts. She thus brilliantly contributed to the royal
family’s splendor, the splendor of a great reign and of the entire nation.
Bajou, Thierry
1998 La peinture à Versailles. XVIIe siècle. Paris: Réunion des Musées Nationaux, Buchet Chastel.
45