CONTINUOUS ASSESSMENT

REPORT

on

THE PROBLEM OF NAXALISM

Submitted by:

M.N.S.Ganesh

Registration No:11702948
Section: KOE11A09

Programme Name: Geography of Indian Sub-

Continent COURSE CODE: GEO-804

Submitted to:

Dr. Sajad Nabi Dar sir

School of Computer Science & Engineering

Lovely Professional University, Phagwara.

1. INTRODUCTION

The term "Naxal" derives from the name of the Naxalbari village in West Bengal,
where the movement originated. The Naxals are considered radical communists on the
extreme left, in favor of Maoist political sentiment and ideology. Its origin dates back
to the split in 1967 of the Indian Communist Party (Marxist), which led to the
formation of the Indian Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist). Initially, the movement
was centered in West Bengal. Later, it spread to less developed areas of southern and
eastern rural India, such as Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and Andhra Pradesh through the
activities of underground groups such as the Indian Communist Party (Maoist). In the
past 10 years, it has grown primarily through displaced and native tribes fighting
against the exploitation of large Indian companies and local authorities whom they
consider corrupt.
Naxal, Naxalite, and Naksalvadi are generic terms used to refer to various militant
communist groups operating in different regions of India under different organizational
envelopes. In the eastern states of mainland India (Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, West
Bengal, and Odisha), they are generally referred to as Maoists or refer to themselves as
Maoists while found in southern states like Andhra Pradesh, they are known by other
titles. They have been declared a terrorist organization under the Indian Illegal
Activities (Prevention) Act (1967). Movement leaders were found to have hiding places
in China. The Indian government had taken measures to stop the influx and rehabilitate
the affected population. And the problem lies at the local level of their
implementations. The problem now lies in how these laws and regulations can
justifiably communicate to the isolated mass. In summary, in this study, we try to
discover the causes and solutions of the Naxalite movement in India.

2. METHODOLOGY
The type of research conducted for this research document can be classified as
basic research. The data was collected from secondary sources. The information was
interpreted from existing work and information gathered from historical sources on the
subject. The research is descriptive in nature. The research is contextual in nature, as it
involves the analysis of existing objective information. The methodology followed by
this research is part of a qualitative study. The data was collected from various sources,
forming its basis as belonging to the qualitative field of research. The researchers use a
"content analysis" method to obtain the results and interpretations of this study. This
methodology is commonly used by researchers to reach a conclusion by collecting
qualitative data from the media, such as documents, magazines, books, extracts, etc.
This research is constructed in such a way that the managed data is formulated based
on existing information from Naxalism in India.
3. REAL POSITION OF NAXALITE MOVEMENT
Many civil society activists working in Maoist-affected areas are similarly attacked
on both sides. Maoists claim to be fighting for the poor and marginalized, demanding
loyalty and refuge from villagers, while government forces seek public support to
protect these same villagers from Maoists. But the activities of civil society activists on
behalf of the impoverished and vulnerable local population put them at risk from
Maoists and government security forces. The Prime Minister of India described the
fight against Maoist insurgents as "India's greatest internal security challenge".
According to the Interior Ministry, more than 3,000 people have died in the Maoist
conflict since 2008.
In recent years, the Maoist movement has spread to nine states in central and
eastern India, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. The Maoists claim to defend the
rights of the marginalized: the poor, the landless, the Dalits and indigenous tribal
communities. They ask for a revolution, demanding a radical restructuring of the social,
political and economic order. Several state governments have taken up this challenge
by conducting security operations to defeat the Maoist movement, protect local
residents and restore law and order. The police in these states have the support of the
paramilitary forces of the central government. Various national and state forces often
carry out joint operations, in part to reject the Maoist sanctuary in other states. Due to
ineffective state response, in 2009 the central government began to coordinate security
operations.
The situation in Chhattisgarh is undoubtedly deeply distressing for any reasonable
person. What doubly dismayed us was the repeated insistence that the only option for
the state was to rule with an iron fist, to establish a social order in which anyone who
defends the human rights of citizens should consider themselves suspicious and Maoist.

4. CAUSE OF NAXALITE MOVEMENT

Lack of human development causes anger and resentment among people. They feel
alienated and excluded. Furthermore, local elites often engage in exploitation,
harassment, and even torture of the tribal population. The Naxalites receive the greatest
support from Dalits and Adivasis. Together they represent a quarter of the Indian
population; Most of them live in rural India. Its causes of support for the violent
movement are multiple. Among these groups, there remains a low level of employment
and skills, new forest policies that restrict their livelihoods, cultural humiliation, limited
access to health care, education and power, restricted and limited access. natural
resources, multifaceted forms of exploitation, social atrocities, insufficient
displacement and rehabilitation programs, political marginalization and repression of
demonstrations.
 Mehra noted that the hardest hit states have large numbers of people facing
enormous hardships, especially among Dalits and Adivasis. Furthermore, these
respective states have a high record of crimes against neglected groups, as well as
displacement due to economic and development projects.
In fact, 80% of the total displaced during the period 1947-2000 were tribal. A large
number of tribes were not considered by state services or by government development
projects. Attempts by states to increase their influence in the most remote areas have
resulted in repression of residents by state authorities, as well as by forest services, and
have subsequently resulted in the destruction of their traditional social ties.
The regions most affected by Naxal, Jharkhand, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Madhya
Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh are rich in natural resources. In this area, natural resources
are not only the reason to promote the Naxalite movement. This could be one of the
reasons, but not the only one. It is doubtful whether it could even be considered the
main reason.
If natural resources or their lack are one of the main reasons for the Naxalite
conflict, why is there a Naxalite problem in Jharkhand, but not in Himachal Pradesh?
Why in Bihar, and not in eastern Uttar Pradesh? Are natural resources a precise
parameter to measure the growth of Naxal problems in these regions? The state or
Union government controls natural resources such as mountains, forests, reservoirs,
rivers, and mineral resources such as coal, mica, bauxite, and copper. The State remains
the arbitrator and the distributor, while individuals or groups of individuals have no
voice in the matter. Individuals have exploited the state for their own benefits, but the
problem lies in the failure of government by the state, but not with individuals. The
reason for the growth of the Naxalite problem could be listed. The slow implementation
of agrarian reforms is the main reason for the growth of Naxalism. Homeowners have
frequently asked the court to delay implementation of these reforms. They also
maintained relationships with local politicians and bureaucrats, which made the land
reform process slow and cumbersome. The agrarian reforms finally failed.
The social structure of society in these regions could be cited as a second reason for
the emergence of the Naxalite problem. Invariably, wherever the Naxalite problem
exists, there is a poor part of society, with no resources to meet its quality requirements.
It is correct not to attribute caste or tribal structure as the reason for the problem. The
poor include various castes and no particular caste or group of castes. However, their
poverty and their inability to improve their lot due to financial restrictions on accessing
education, the government apparatus or even legal resources remain an important factor
in their support for the Naxalites.
Although poverty limits its scope, there has been limited exposure to these ideas
from the younger generation, making the situation dangerous. The local saying is that
little knowledge is more dangerous and embodies the problem in rural areas. The
younger generation wants to have facilities available in urban areas, which is a distant
dream given infrastructure problems and the failure of governments to function.
 Schooling is bad, not non-existent, which is why rural youth are fighting a losing battle
against their urban counterparts. This forces them to return to rural areas, still looking
for urban facilities.
Another important factor contributing to the growth of Naxalism in these regions is
the failure of the government to reach these regions. Governance is bad or worse, in
some places it is non-existent. Popular schemes take a long time to design but take
longer to implement. Even during implementation, the benefit continues to benefit
those who are "ships" and not those who need it.
The inability to formulate and implement the right programs at the right time and to
focus on the right people is the main problem. Despite the escalation of the Naxalite
problem, the state has been unable to effectively resolve it by providing the necessary
economic and political measures.
The state has failed in its duties; in short, governance, or lack thereof, in these areas
is the main reason for the growing Naxalite problem. Furthermore, political
interference has also played an important role in the implementation of the
government's plans. Leaders have always tried to delay projects promoted by opposing
parties. By contrast, Naxalite groups collect taxes from the local population.
They raise funds from individuals, groups, and even government officials as
commissions to enable them to operate in areas that are under their control. Naxalite
groups use this money to buy weapons and recruit new members, especially among
unemployed youth in rural areas. Since the Naxalites provided a monthly salary and a
uniform, they have become popular with unemployed youth. So, the growth of the
Naxalite movement is due to several factors, it is not just about sharing natural
resources. The causes of the Maoist movement in India are structural. The economic,
political and cultural dimensions are closely linked. The first is the economic situation
exploited by the Naxalites and their far-left ideology. Sounds a lot like a recovery
situation. On the one hand, India has experienced relatively rapid economic growth,
which has led to higher levels of national wealth. To facilitate and continue this
development, companies need more land and natural resources such as minerals. On the
other hand, this economic growth has been uneven in all regions and has widened the
disparity between rich and poor. Supporters of these companies argue that these regions
need economic development to catch up with their wealthier counterparts.
The indigenous aborigines, known as Adivasis, live in this richly wooded land,
which is sought after for business development. The conflict between economic
progress and indigenous land rights continues to fuel Naxalite activities. Its strongest
foundations are found in the poorest regions of India. They are concentrated in the
tribal belt such as West Bengal, Orissa and Andhra Pradesh, where the inhabitants are
forced to acquire their land for development projects.
 Arundhati Roy, a Naxalite sympathizer, said that tribal forest lands should be called
"Muslim corridor" rather than "Maoist corridor" because the inhabitants of these tribal
forest lands are fighting with the "Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)" Prashant
Bhushan mining companies , a civil rights lawyer, noted that companies go through
Adivasis through "fictitious formal consultation" processes where the interests of the
Adivasis are not really taken into account.
On the other hand, the alienation exploited by the Maoists has a social, community
and regional dimension. The battle can also be described between the most careless
people in India and the most powerful industrial companies in the country. The adivasis
represent around 8.4% of the population and live in extreme poverty. They live in
remote areas where government administration is weak and where there is a lack of
government services. These indigenous populations have the lowest literacy rates in the
country and the highest infant mortality rates.
Given this socioeconomic alienation, it is easy to see how popular the Naxalite
ideology is among the rural poor and indigenous tribes, and why the Adivasis consider
the guerrillas as their "saviors." The Adivasis do not feel that they have the political
power to legitimately voice their complaints, and the alternative of subversive and
illegal groups therefore seems attractive.
Some argue that the Naxalites do not care about the social or economic well-being
of these people and simply use them as a means to achieve their ultimate goal of
political empowerment. The spread of Naxalism reflects the widespread alienation and
discontent felt by large parts of the country that are systematically marginalized. Dr.
Subramanian, former CEO of National Security Guards and Central Reserve Police
Forces, notes that Naxalism exists in these tribal areas due to people's dissatisfaction
with the government and big business, the terrain is adapted guerrilla tactics, and there
is no appropriate and effective local administration mechanism. Conditions in these
regions are conducive to war and extremist ideologies. Even if the Naxalites simply
exploit the plight of the Adivasis for their own ends, their popularity indicates the
power of root causes to create an environment of insecurity and violence.

5. NAXALITE MOVEMENT AS A BIGGEST THREAT

The Naxalite threat is the biggest security problem for India's future, as it has
multiple effects. The Maoist movement highlights India's internal weaknesses, making
India also vulnerable to external threats. In the context of globalization, threats such as
the Naxalite movement can no longer be considered simply internal because they also
affect external security.
The security dangers are well described by a former Pakistani CEO of inter-service
intelligence and his description of India's foreign affairs. The Director-General
compared India occupied by internal security problems with the free presence of two
additional divisions in the Pakistani army. A nation cannot effectively resist threats
from outside its country if there is instability within it. Furthermore, globalization has
fostered the emergence of non-state terrorist actors, as well as international interference
in the affairs of others. India has been one of the victims of international terrorism and
sponsored by the state fueled by fundamentalist ideologies.
 India's regional neighbors are also external threats. For example, in 2004, the MHA
suspected the "symbiotic relationship" between the Communist Party of Nepal and the
Naxal groups in India. This means that soldiers have been deployed along the border.
In the past, India has also been involved in territorial disputes with China, such as the
Aksai Chin.
Another reason why Naxalites are the greatest security threat is how the problem
affects India's economic development. This manifests itself in various ways. For
example, the more Maoists focus on the poor and marginalized regions of India, the
greater will be economic development (which is essential to improve conditions in
these regions). Furthermore, Naxalite rebels no longer focus only on distant jungles but
on urban centers. Maoist leader Kishenji even said that the group aimed to establish an
armed movement in Calcutta by 2011. Internal order and stability are necessary for the
economic development of a nation. For India to continue to resist external security
threats, it must strengthen its infrastructure, defense and people. To lift its citizens out
of poverty, India has a long way to go and continued economic growth is an integral
part of India's development as a strong global actor. Naxalite's activities use scarce
resources in defense and national security when they must be spent in areas such as
social development. For example, in 2006, 22% of total public spending was spent on
the military, compared to just 1.84% of gross domestic product (GDP) spent in the
social sector.
The Naxalite movement is also the greatest threat to India, in terms of its impact on
its citizens and what it means for democracy and the rule of law. Not only has there
been a great loss of life since the conflict between the guerrillas and the military, but
addressing the problem with violence runs the risk of further polarizing people and
leading them to slavery. Guerrilla warfare is a threat not only to the lives of citizens but
also to their property. Too impatient and desperate to await government intervention,
civilians as the owners take matters into their own hands. As the writer Navlakha
pointed out, by describing the Maoists as a "threat" and by separating the movement
from socio-economic causes, "it allows the rich and the poor to divide to impose
themselves on a formal democratic structure" Navlakha sets the example in Bihar ,
where Naxalite groups are prohibited by law on the prevention of terrorist activities,
but most of the massacre was committed by armies of property owners who were not
considered an act of terror in Mira la ley. Such treatment for the upper class only
threatens the rule of law, the legitimacy of the state and democracy as a political norm.

6. THE LAWS MADE BY THE GOVERNMENT

➢ Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, 2007: The main objective of this law is to
minimize the displacement of people and promote alternatives without
displacement or with less displacement. On October 11, 2007, the government
launched a rehabilitation policy for the easy displacement of people who lose
their land due to industrial growth. Under this policy, land will be allocated in
exchange for land, employment opportunities for at least one family member,
vocational training, and housing benefits, including housing for area residents.
Rural and urban areas will be among the benefits.
 ➢ Forest Rights Act, 2006: The 2006 List of Tribes and Other Traditional Forest
Dwellers Act (Recognition of Forest Rights) or the Forest Rights Act recognizes
the rights of tribes and forest dwellers who have lived in forests for years , but
your rights are not yet recognized. The Ministry of Environment and Forests has
also authorized the use of one hectare of land for non-forest purposes and the
conversion of kattcha roads to pakka roads.
➢ Chhattisgarh Special Public Security: This bill provides a definition of illegal
activities, stating that an organization is illegal, the formation of an advisory
council where the state government feels the need for its creation, the procedure
for forming the advisory council, the action of the advisory council, Sanctions,
i.e. sanctions, including for not committing a crime, the power to notify a place
used for illegal activities and to occupy this place and to review / prohibit any
intervention by the courts.
➢ CSPS Bill, 2005: It gives the district magistrate unconditional powers to notify
places that he believes will be used for illegal activities without notice. There is
no requirement to present anything as evidence to demonstrate that the site is
used for illegal activities. It is simply a violation of the principles of natural
justice, since the injured parties are not even heard fairly. This bill also states that
any request for review must be filed only with the Superior Court, contesting the
validity of the government order. This request must be filed within 30 days and
no court has jurisdiction over a court decision. Any request or form of review or
injunction by a court or official, with the exception of the High Court and the
Supreme Court, is prohibited with respect to any action to follow up on the
government order. for this bill. Therefore, we can say that this bill was totally out
of place and only presented as crazy to people.

7. SUGGESIONS
The complexity of the causes of the naxalite problem, as well as its implications for
internal and external security, reflect a multidimensional solution and require synergy
between the central and state governments. To completely dissolve the Naxalite threat,
the government must address its root causes. Socioeconomic alienation and
dissatisfaction with worsening economic and political inequalities will not be resolved
only by military force, which appears to be the main instrument used by the
government. The problem requires a triple solution: social and economic development,
multilateral dialogue and military strength.

➢ Socio-economic Development: Since the Naxalites are fed by the discontent of

the marginalized and the poor, a larger percentage of the national budget must
be allocated to meet the needs of these regions. A greater part of national
spending should be concentrated on the development of these poorer regions
through initiatives related to health, education, social protection, and rural and
urban development. Government service delivery should be improved in these
tribal areas. The state and government must ensure that initiatives such as legal
minimum wages, access to land and water sources are implemented.
 In developing national economic growth strategies, the government must
always take into account the possible effects of rapid growth for all
socioeconomic groups in a country as large and diverse as India. If the social
needs of these marginalized people are met, there will be no discontent to fuel
the Naxalite movements.
➢ Dialogue: Second, the government should engage in frank dialogue with these
marginalized groups, the Naxalites and the heads of state. The popularity of the
Naxalites with the Adivasis is a reflection of the fact that the government was
unaware or "shamelessly indifferent to its destiny". By communicating and
starting a dialogue between these stakeholders, these groups will have the
feeling of being heard. By opening dialogue, the government can give rebels the
opportunity to join the mainstream by showing them that solutions can be
created with the government, by being legitimately part of the political system.
They no longer need to use violence to get the attention of the state. For
example, the former AP director general concluded that due to the ceasefire and
dialogue with the Maoists in 2004, violence in the state had decreased by 80 to
90% in the region. As David Pilling pointed out, the challenge for Indian
leaders will be to enable the necessary development in these poverty-stricken
areas while recognizing the rights of a neglected indigenous group.
➢ Military: Currently, the main instrument used by the government to confront the
Naxalite threat is the increasing recourse to the military. Although a military
force is still necessary to fight the Maoist guerrillas, it should not be the only
solution. By addressing this problem only with brute force, the government
risks alienating civilians trapped in the middle. State coercion will only
encourage people to speak out against you.
➢ Governance: Naxalite's growing insurgency also reflects a flaw in the federal
structure. Since law and order are considered a state responsibility, the central
government cannot implement a coherent national strategy to deal with the
threat. Ganguly points out that "in the absence of an almost complete violation
of public order or without the express request of the affected state, the central
government cannot intervene." The government has the general responsibility to
mobilize development, but it cannot do so without the support of the states. The
central government and states must cooperate to resolve threats to internal
security and coordinate the implementation of this multidimensional approach.
The two organizations must complement and support each other in their
initiatives and strategies.
8. CONCLUSION
Therefore, the state must begin to legally combat the conflict, minimize collateral
damage, strengthen the leadership of the security forces and refrain from any violation of
human rights. Security forces should start protecting people living in the conflict zone
instead of simply confronting Maoists on a large scale. The Naxalite movement must be
politically challenged by presenting better alternatives to the Maoist approach and offering
new perspectives. In this sense, the state must begin to respond to the basic needs of the
poor and fulfill its main responsibilities for human development in these disadvantaged
areas.

9. REFERNCE
➢ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naxalite
➢ https://www.theweek.in/content/archival/news/india/the-naxal-problem-and-a-
possible-solution.html
➢ https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/blogs/serendipity/the-naxal-problem-onward-
and-upward-2/
➢ https://www.youthkiawaaz.com/2015/10/problem-of-naxalism-in-india/
➢ https://www.quora.com/What-is-the-best-possible-solution-to-eliminate-naxalism-
from-India