Professional Documents
Culture Documents
A public executive should be accountable for producing results. Indeed, public executives
who think strategically will accept their responsibility for establishing performance
targets that can provide the basis for their organization’s accountability for results.
Creating such targets is, however, politically dangerous—particularly if the executive
lacks a strategy for achieving these targets. There does exist, however, a leadership
strategy for doing precisely this: PerformanceStat (Behn 2014), which includes a focus on
public purposes, the analysis of current data, the identification of performance deficits,
and a series of regular, frequent, integrated meetings with follow-up, feedback, and
learning. A wide variety of public agencies and governmental jurisdictions have employed
adaptations of PerformanceStat’s core leadership principals concepts and key operational
components to ratchet up their own performance and thus to achieve their own self-
established targets.
(1) Finances: For the probity with which they deploy public funds, as established by
the rules of budgeting and accounting.
(2) Fairness: For the integrity with which they treat employees, vendors, and
citizens, as established by the rules for hiring and promoting employees, for
selecting and dealing with vendors, and for interacting with citizens.
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(3) Performance: For achieving public purposes, as established (but only very
broadly) by an agency or program’s authorizing legislation.
Governments have established multiple and detailed rules for what public executives
should do to ensure that they handle taxpayer funds with probity and for what public
executives should do to ensure that they treat employees, vendors, and citizens fairly. Yet,
there exist almost no rules for what public executives should do to ensure that they
achieve public purposes.
This creates the “accountability bias” (Behn 2001, 12–14). Because the rules of
accountability for finances and fairness are very explicit, those who are in the
accountability-holding business—even if they seek to hold public executives accountable
for performance—focus on these first two concerns. If an “accountability holdee” has
violated the rules for finances or for fairness, the “accountability holder” has a clear case.
But for what kinds of performance should a public executive be held accountable?
(p. 457)
Maybe the legislature has established an explicit performance target—a specific result to
be produced by a specific date. Then, if the public executive and his or her organization
fail to achieve the defined target, someone could be held accountable. But who? Should it
be the executive who failed to mobilize people to achieve the target? Should it be the
legislature that failed to provide the executive with the resources necessary to achieve
the target? Or should it be the collaborators, whose work is necessary to achieve the
target, but whose commitment to the task was less than enthusiastic? It isn’t obvious.
Indeed, in many situations, the locus of responsibility could be quite debatable.
In the United Kingdom, the result has been what Power (1994; 2005) calls “the audit
explosion.” The official accountability holders no longer conduct only financial and
fairness audits. To their professional repertoire they have added “performance audits”.
Today, any self-respecting government auditor has his or her own performance-auditing
unit.
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There is, however, not only a conceptual difference between auditing finances and
auditing performance. There is also an operational difference. A financial audit is based
on expectations for behavior that reflect generally accepted political norms that have
been well-codified in law and regulation. These rules tell public mangers the purposes
and activities for which they can and cannot spend money. They define theft (and other
forms of misappropriation), establish specific expectations, and provide the bases for a
financial audit.
The same applies to auditing for fairness. There are generally accepted political norms
that have been well-codified in law and regulation. These rules tell public managers how
they should and should not treat employees, vendors, and citizens. They define fairness,
establish specific expectations, and provide the bases for a fairness audit.
For performance, however, what is the equivalent of the rules for finances and
(p. 458)
fairness? Who has set what expectations for performance for which the auditors can
check? What are the bases for a performance audit?
When it comes to determining what performance targets a public agency should achieve,
legislatures are quite allergic to specificity. After all, by proposing an explicit
performance target to be achieved, a legislator can easily alienate allies who have
different performance priorities. Moreover, once a legislature has created a specific
result to be achieved, it will find itself under pressure to provide the resources (money,
staff, flexibility) necessary to achieve this result. Yet, without such specificity—without
explicit performance targets—how can an independent auditor evaluate an agency’s
performance?
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Moreover, all evaluations require a comparison. Whether the accountability holders are
concerned about finances, or fairness, or performance, they need a basis of comparison.
Indeed, every evaluation begins with the basic question: “Compared with what?” (Poister
2004, 112; Behn 2008a). For finances and fairness, this basis of comparison is the
established rules: Did the agency comply with the rules?
For performance, however, what is the basis of comparison? To evaluate a public agency’s
performance, an evaluator—be that a citizen or an auditor—requires some kind of explicit
statement about what the agency is supposed to accomplish. Specifically, to do any
performance evaluation—to determine whether an agency is performing well—the
evaluator must make three choices.
First, the evaluator must choose a purpose. What public purpose is the agency supposed
to achieve? For example, the purpose of a city’s health department might be “to protect
and foster the health of the city’s citizens and visitors.”
Second the evaluator needs to make this conceptual purpose operational by selecting the
specific aspects of performance on which to focus—specific dimensions of performance
that need to be improved and thus that need to be measured. These are the
(p. 459)
organization’s “performance deficits”—the places along its value chain (from inputs to
processes to outputs to outcomes) where it needs to make some significant improvements
(Behn 2006b).
For example, how should the city’s citizens or auditors measure the health department’s
performance? Should it measure the number of citizens who got sick last year? The
number of people who got sick from food poisoning in the city’s restaurants? The number
of children vaccinated for measles? The number of health-code violations that city
inspectors issued to restaurants? The number of citizens who are obese? The number of
innovative regulations that the health commissioner issued for newly identified health
problems that have yet to be effectively controlled? In choosing what to measure, the
organization’s executives are choosing what performance deficits they think should be
fixed next.
In the abstract, this choice is not obvious. It depends upon the specific city’s specific
circumstances. If a large number of citizens (is a large number 2,000, or 200, or 20, or
2?) have contracted food poisoning from the city’s restaurants, the health commissioner
may need to focus on this performance deficit. Alternatively, if all organizations are fully
complying with the city’s entire health code, maybe the commissioner should seek to
make people healthier by improving personal behaviors that the department cannot
regulate but only encourage.
Third, having chosen how to measure performance, the evaluator needs to choose a
standard of comparison: With what criterion should this year’s measured performance be
compared?
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For example, should the agency’s performance be compared with the performance of
other, similar agencies in other, similar jurisdictions? Unfortunately, these agencies will
never be identical. They may have started from a higher or lower base. If last year other
health departments had many fewer cases of food poisoning from restaurants, do they
provide an appropriate basis of comparison? These other agencies may have had different
performance deficits and thus chosen to focus their energies on other aspects of citizen
and visitor health.
Or, maybe this year’s achievements should be compared with last year’s. If so, what
should count as a success?1 If the department reduced the cases of food poisoning by five
percent, is this a success? Given that the health department does not directly produce
citizens without food poisoning, what should count as poor, good, or superior
performance?
The demands of accountability for finances and fairness may be strict, but they are
official, clear, and widely accepted. Moreover, the accountability holdees have a simple,
proven strategy for success: Follow the rules. If the rules are clear and not contradictory,
and the agency follows them, it cannot get into trouble. When, however, it comes to
accountability for performance, there are no rules. Every accountability holder can invent
his or her own purpose, measures, and comparative criteria.
Pity the poor public executive. The rules for accountability for performance are
undefined, conflicting, constantly changing, and enforced by empires of umpires, each of
whom refuses to recognize the legitimacy of the others. When it comes to
(p. 460)
To do this, public executives need to make the same three choices. They need to
articulate a clear purpose for their agency. They need to establish specific performance
measures by which to judge progress against their performance deficits. And they need to
create specific performance targets: specific results to be achieved by a specific date.
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For example, if food poisoning is a serious problem, the director of a municipal health
department might decide to make reducing these illnesses a key purpose. To do so,
however, the health director has an obligation to do more than deliver the customary
speech proclaiming that “we will vigorously attack the immoral restaurant owners and
close them down.” The commissioner also needs to establish both a way to measure
progress and to set a specific target for next year (and perhaps for several years).
In making these three choices, the department director creates a basis of comparison.
These choices answer the “compared with what?” question.
For the evaluation of a public agency, there exist many possible bases of comparison. For
citizens, however, the most useful standard may be the agency’s own—provided that the
agency’s executive has actually established one. Thus, citizens (and legislators,
journalists, and auditors) need to create a performance-target ethic: “We expect our
elected and appointed executives to establish specific, meaningful performance
targets” (Behn 2008b). Such a norm—not a rule, but an expectation2—would ensure that
all public executives will answer the “compared with what?” question by creating specific
purposes, performance measures, and performance targets. Then, citizens would have a
clear way to judge whether their jurisdiction or agency was performing well. Then there
would exist a clear basis for evaluating the performance of a jurisdiction or agency and
thus for establishing its accountability for performance.
should not be surprised when the world holds them to it. They can no longer complain
about the performance standard to which they are being held. They themselves have
created that standard, and the world will reasonably expect that they will achieve their
target—and thus further their purpose.
The leadership team could, of course, decide not to specify a purpose, or measures, or
targets. Doing so will not, however, eliminate their accountability for performance. It will
merely delegate to others—who have their own purposes, measures, and targets—the
basis for their accountability. They will still be evaluated. They will still be accountable.
No longer, however, will they be able to influence the basis of this evaluation and
accountability. This is even more dangerous.
Moreover, by specifying their purpose, measures, and targets, the leadership team
creates a specific cause with which to mobilize resources and motivate people. For as
Hackman (1986, 102) observes: “People seek purpose in their lives and are energized
when an attractive purpose is articulated for them.” A public organization—almost by
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Performance targets are also motivating. Individuals and teams both perform better if
they are given specific targets to achieve and provided with feedback on their progress
(Latham, Borgogni, and Petitta 2008; Latham and Pinder 2005; Locke and Latham 1984;
2004). About evidence accumulated over four decades by Locke, Latham, and their
colleagues on the effect of “goal setting” on organizational performance, Duncan (1989,
172) reports: “No other motivation technique known to date can come close to
duplicating that record.”
Yes: Specifying purpose, measures, and targets is dangerous. But these also create a
powerful opportunity to produce significant improvements in performance.
Since then, numerous police departments, primarily in the US (Weisburd et al. 2004) and
Australia (Chilvers and Weatherburn 2004; Mazerolle, Rombouts, and (p. 462) McBroom
2007), have created their own version of CompStat. Further, other public agencies in
New York City, and then elsewhere, created their own adaptations that could be labeled
“AgencyStat.” For example, in 1998, to improve its performance in moving welfare
recipients to employment, the New York City Human Resources Administration created
JobStat. In 2005, the Los Angeles Department of Public Social Services established
DPSSTATS to improve its own performance. In 2011, the US Department of Housing and
Urban Development created HUDStat and the Federal Emergency Management Agency
launched FEMAStat.
In 2000, Martin O’Malley, the new mayor of Baltimore created the original CitiStat (Behn
2007). Since then, other cities (primarily in the US) have created their own version (Behn
2006a). Indeed, some US counties and states have created what could, along with
CitiStat, be called “JurisdictionStat.”
The word “PerformanceStat” (Behn 2008c; Behn 2014) covers all of these similar (but
never identical) leadership strategies for improving performance in public agencies and
government jurisdictions.
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(Behn 2014)
To employ a PerformanceStat strategy, the leadership team must, indeed, choose purpose,
measures, and targets. But they must do more—much more. The purpose, measures, and
targets establish what is to be accomplished. They provide the basis for performance
accountability. They are not, however, sufficient for success. An effective PerformanceStat
leadership strategy includes a number of leadership activities designed to actually
achieve these targets and thus their underlying purposes.
(p. 463) Thus, besides purpose, measures, and targets, the design of a PerformanceStat
leadership strategy needs to include other components about which the leadership team
must make key operational choices and engage in essential leadership practices:
• Data: What kind of current performance data does the organization need to collect?
• Analysis: How can the organization analyze these data so as to identify performance
deficits and improvements?
• Meetings: How and when will who conduct what kind of regular, frequent, integrated
meetings with whom in the room?
• Feedback: How and who will provide feedback on progress compared with the
targets?
• Operational Capacity: Who will build the necessary organizational capabilities
(including the ability for central staff and operational units to analyze the data)?
• Follow-Up: Who will employ what kind of follow-up approach to keep everyone
focused on the decisions made at the meetings: the problems identified, the solutions
proposed, and the commitments made?
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• Persistence: How will the leadership team ensure that it does not get distracted but
remains focused on performance and results?
As the long definition and the detailed list of leadership practices suggests,
PerformanceStat is complex. Nevertheless, underlying this strategy are a number of
principles that can help a leadership team keep itself focused on what it needs to do to
achieve its targets and purposes. Specifically, by employing—with creativity and diligence
— its own PerformanceStat, the members of the leadership team will:
These various leadership practices can motivate people to work with creativity, energy,
and dedication to achieve the purposes and targets.
Routine or Revolution?
All this hardly looks revolutionary. Almost all management books describe almost all of
these principles and components. Shouldn’t we expect that public executives will
automatically do these things? What makes PerformanceStat different? Why does it
deserve our attention?
In the abstract, nothing. In the operation, everything. For the PerformanceStat potential
comes not from any individual component of the strategy but from their creative
combination—from the energy and diligence with which the leadership team adapts these
principles and implements these components. Public executives who have developed an
effective PerformanceStat strategy are not doing so as a sideline. For them, it is not just
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another management fad. They are dedicated to using their own PerformanceStat to
ensure that their organization improves performance, produces results, achieves its
targets, and thus accomplishes its purposes.
Why? Because those who sought to employ this strategy for improving
(p. 465)
performance mistook it for a “system.” Given how various PerformanceStats have been
described, this error is easy to make: CompStat has been described as a “strategic
control system” (Jannette 2006, 1; Dabney 2010, 30). Baltimore’s CitiStat has been called
a “data-driven, strict accountability performance measurement system” (Jannette 2006,
8), “a data-driven management system” (Perez and Rushing 2007, 3), and “a simple
operations management tool,” “a database system,” and “an accountability
tool” (Economy League of Greater Philadelphia 2007). For example, Buffalo’s CitiStat has
been described as a “computerized accountability system” (Meyer 2006).
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Still, because so many people throw the “system” word around so carelessly, many
government organizations, in their effort to establish their own PerformanceStat, miss
something important — often many somethings. Although numerous organizations have
widely publicized that they too have something with the ***Stat suffix, too many of these
claims are incapable of realizing the full PerformanceStat potential. They have missed
something important. They have ignored the intangible but indispensable role of
“leadership”.
The system concept is based on the implicit assumption that the organization is the
proper unit of analysis. It is the organization that has to get the system right. Actually, the
proper unit of analysis is the leadership team. Too many people, when they seek to
understand PerformanceStat, seek to catalog the visible and explicit components of the
system. Instead, they need to appreciate the subtle and tacit practices of the leadership
team. Any jurisdiction or agency may, indeed, have faithfully copied every piece of some
“performance model”; yet the resulting system will contribute little to results without real
—constant and consistent—leadership.
It is not that complex. And it is certainly not charisma. Rather, it involves a number of
essential responsibilities of almost any public executive—certainly of any public executive
who seeks to improve performance. These responsibilities require little technical training,
but they may require a lot of mentoring, experimentation, and learning. For (p. 466) unless
the executive has already accumulated a wide range of managerial and leadership
experiences, and unless the executive has been fortunate enough to have been coached
by some observant, savvy, and thoughtful tutors, he or she will need to learn a number of
new leadership practices.
The leadership practices required to make a PerformanceStat strategy work are quite
operational. Nevertheless, they need to be implemented with creativity and subtlety. Here
are several of the most important:
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None of these leadership practices is a skill with which most mortals are born. And none
can be taught either. For none can be captured in any form of explicit knowledge. Rather,
Polanyi’s (1966, 4) characterization of tacit knowledge—“we can know more than we can
tell”—certainly applies to leadership. The tacit knowledge needed to engage effectively in
any of these leadership practices can be acquired only through experience—with,
perhaps, the guidance of some thoughtful advisors, coaches, sages, and confidants. The
tacit leadership aspect of PerformanceStat is making sure that the explicit components
are functioning so as to improve performance.
Practice
Unfortunately, when you’ve seen one PerformanceStat, you’ve seen only one
PerformanceStat. Every one is different. Even every CompStat is different. For every
effective one, the leadership team will employ these leadership practices differently. After
all, every organization has different performance deficits; consequently, the details of the
strategy that the members of its leadership team employ to improve performance will be,
necessarily, different. Still, they are somehow employing each of these practices. But they
are adapting them not just to achieve their specific purposes but also to mesh with their
organizational culture and political circumstances. And, in the process, they will hold
both their organization and themselves accountable.
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Employing a PerformanceStat leadership strategy is not the only way to do this, but it is
one way. By articulating a clear public purpose, establishing specific performance targets,
and then mobilizing their organization to achieve those targets, the leadership team of a
public agency is, indeed, establishing the basis for which it will be accountable for
performance.
This of course makes the leadership team and its organization vulnerable. For if they fail
to achieve their performance targets, the accountability holders will yell and scream.
Employing traditional accountability-holding behavior, they will demand that heads must
roll.
But by failing to articulate its public purpose and establish its performance
(p. 469)
targets, the leadership team is also making itself vulnerable. For this permits the
accountability holders to choose the purposes, measures, and targets that they think are
appropriate. Inevitably, they will choose purposes, measures, and targets that the
organization is failing to achieve.
References
Behn, R. D. 2001. Rethinking Democratic Accountability. Washington, DC: Brookings
Institution Press.
Behn, R. D. 2006a. “The Varieties of CitiStat.” Public Administration Review, 66: 332–40.
Behn, R. D. 2006b. “On Why Public Managers Need to Focus on Their Performance
Deficit.” Bob Behn’s Performance Management Report, 4(1 September).
Behn, R. D. 2007. What All Mayors Would Like to Know About Baltimore’s CitiStat
Performance Strategy. Washington, DC: IBM Center for the Business of Government.
Page 14 of 17
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Oxford Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).
Behn, R. D. 2008a. “On Why Every Evaluation Begins with the Question: ‘Compared with
What?’” Bob Behn’s Performance Leadership Report, 6(1 September) <http://
www.ksg.harvard.edu/The BehnReport/September2006.pdf>. (p. 470)
Behn, R. D. 2008b. “On Why Citizens Need to Establish the Performance-Target Ethic.”
Bob Behn’s Performance Leadership Report, 6 (3 November).
Behn, R. D. 2008c. “Designing PerformanceStat: Or What Are the Key Strategic Choices
that a Jurisdiction or Agency Must Make When Adapting the CompStat/CitiStat Class of
Performance Strategies?” Public Performance and Management Review, 32: 206–35.
Bratton, W. and Knobler, P. 1998. Turnaround: How America’s Top Cop Reversed the
Crime Epidemic. New York: Random House.
Buntin, J. 2007. “Solid Brass. Public Official of the Year William J. Bratton.” Governing, 21:
30.
Chilvers, M. and Weatherburn, D. 2004. “The New South Wales ‘Compstat’ Process: Its
Impact on Crime.” The Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology, 37: 22-48.
Duncan, W. J. 1989. Great Ideas in Management: Lessons from the Founders and
Foundations of Managerial Practice. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Economy League of Greater Philadelphia. July 20, 2007. Best Practices: Baltimore’s
CitiStat. Retrieved from <http://economyleague.org/node/183>.
Jannette, J. 2006. COMPSTAT for Corrections. Irvine, CA: Center for Evidence-Based
Corrections, University of California.
Latham, G. P., Borgogni, L., and Petitta, L. 2008. “Goal Setting and Performance
Management in the Public Sector.” International Public Management Journal, 11: 385–
403.
Latham, G. P. and Pinder, C. C. 2005. “Work Motivation Theory and Research at the Dawn
of the Twenty-First Century.” Annual Review of Psychology, 56: 485–516.
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Locke, E. A. and Latham, G. P. 1984. Goal Setting: A Motivational Technique That Works.
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Locke, E. A. and Latham, G. P. 2004. “What Should We Do About Motivation Theory?” The
Academy of Management Review, 29: 388–403.
Mazerolle, L. G., Rombouts, S., and McBroom, J. 2007. “The Impact of COMPSTAT on
Reported Crime in Queensland.” Policing, 30: 237–56.
Meyer, B. 2006. CitiStat Begins Tracking of Operations. The Buffalo News, June 17.
Perez, T. and Rushing, R. 2007. The CitiStat Model: How Data-Driven Government Can
Increase Efficiency and Effectiveness. Washington, DC: Center for American Progress.
Polanyi, M. 1966. The Tacit Dimension. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Power, M. 2005. The Theory of the Audit Explosion, pp. 326–44 in The Oxford Handbook
of Public Management, eds. E. Ferlie, L. E. Lynn Jr. and C. Pollitt. Oxford: Oxford
University Press. (p. 471)
Weisburd, D., Mastrofski, S., Greenspan, R., and Willis, J. 2004. The Growth of Compstat
in American Policing. Washington, DC: Police Foundation.
Williams, K. D., Harkins, S., and Latané, B. 1981. “Identifiability as a Deterrent to Social
Loafing: Two Cheering Experiments.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 40:
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Swimming: Effects of Identifiability on Individual and Relay Performance of
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Notes:
(1) . If a public agency is producing results that are below (or above) its usual level of
performance, what should we expect in the future? Answer: The agency will “regress” or
move towards its normal mean. Regardless of what its managers or employees do, if a
public agency has been performing very badly, we would expect it to improve. Conversely,
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if an organization has been doing particularly well, we would expect its performance to
slip.
(Hint to would-be public managers: Don’t take a job managing a well-performing agency;
for even if you are brilliant, regression towards the mean may undermine your efforts.
Instead, do take a job managing a poorly performing agency; as long as you avoid big
mistakes that make things worse, regression towards the mean can help your reputation.)
(2) . It would be tempting to pass a law or promulgate a rule requiring all agencies to set
performance targets. And if we do so, all agencies will comply. They will, however, see
this requirement as just another regulatory hoop-jumping exercise. Yes, they will jump
through it. But they will not take the hoop seriously.
(3) . These data are constructed from the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting Statistics, using
the “UCR Data Tool” at<http://www.ucrdatatool.gov/> (February 5, 2012). Also note:
After a clash with New York Mayor Guiliani, Bratton resigned as NYPD’s commissioner in
the spring of 1996, having served not three full years but only two years and three
months. In 2014, New York’s Mayor-Elect Bill de Blasio reappointed Bratton to be NYPD’s
commissioner.
Robert D. Behn
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