Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Volume 60161
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF DIFFERENCE
THE ANNUAL OF
THE AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
Volume 60/61
Series Editor
Nancy Serwint
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF DIFFERENCE
STUDIES IN HONOR OF
ERIC M. MEYERS
? 2 7
American Schools ofOriental Research
ISBN-10: 0-89757-070-7
ISBN-13: 978-0-89757-070-1
The archaeology of difference :gender, ethnicity, class and the "other" in antiquity :
studies in honor of Eric M. Meyers / edited by Douglas R. Edwards and C. Thomas
McCollough.
-- ;v. 60/61)
p. cm. (The annual of the American schools of oriental research
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-89757-070-1 (alk. paper)
I. Social archaeology?Middle East. 2. Ethnoarchaeology?Middle East. 3. Ethnic
CC72.4.A7347 2007
9394?dC22
2 7 3842
List ofFiguresix
List ofTables xiii
SETTING THE STAGE
Chapter 8 No Stelae, No Queens: Two Issues Concerning the Kings of Israel and Judah 95
Gary A. Rendsburg
Chapter 9 The Problemof theOther(ed)Woman inNahum 109
JuliaM. O'Brien
Chapter 10
Linguistic Variation Emphasized, Linguistic Variation Denied 119
Raymond E Person, Jr.
Chapter 11
Representing the Cushite Other:
The Use of Cushite Ph?notypes inNumbers 12 and Jeremiah 13:23 127
Rodney S. Sadler, Jr.
V
SECTION II ?HELLENISTIC THROUGH BYZANTINE PERIODS
Chapter 12 What Sort of JewsWere the Tobiads? 141
Adam Porter
22
Chapter Monumental Changes: Architecture and Culture
in Late Roman and Early Byzantine Sepphoris 267
C. Thomas McCollough
Chapter 29 Rabbis, Romans, and Rabies: Religion, Disease, and the "Other"
A Case Study
Barbara Geller
Stephen Goranson
Index
vii
LIST OF FIGURES
CHAPTER 3
Fig. 1 Chronological chart based on calibrated and uncalibrated radiocarbon dates with the
periodic subdivision of theNeolithic sequence and a few of the cultural entities. 21
Fig. 2 Map of the Levant with PPNA (aceramic Neolithic) sitesmentioned in the text
indicating the geographic position of the Levantine Corridor. 23
Fig. 3 Map of Levantine, Upper Mesopotamian, and Eastern Anatolian PPNB sites indicating
the interaction zones between mobile and communities. 27
foragers farming
Fig. 4 Map indicating the geographic spread of PPNB entities, "tribes,"with themain material
culture characteristics of each 28
territory.
CHAPTER 4
Fig. 6 An ossuarymade of a closed box with six legs and applied human features. 44
7 A three-dimensional, sculpted human head. 45
Fig.
8 A burial jar with female breasts. 45
Fig.
CHAPTER 7
Fig. 3 Individual #i, "Sarah," the last person buried inTomb I.1OA in situ upper-phase deposits.
Fig. 4 Burial objects associated with Individual #1, "Sarah." All objects stem from Locus 10079.P. 89
Fig. 5 Egyptian sand-core molded glass vase (DD9). 90
CHAPTER 14
Fig. 1 Der Tempelplatz von S6idostenmit den Resten der monumentalen Treppe
(Photo von C. F.Tyrwhitt-Drake um 1870). 166
Fig. 2 Der s6idliche Bereich des Tempelplatzes mit den Resten dermonumentalen Treppe (1). 167
CHAPTER 17
1X
Fig. 4 Sepphoris stepped pool 3. 207
Fig. 5 Sepphoris stepped pool 4. 207
6 10. 208
Fig. Sepphoris stepped pool
7 8. 208
Fig. Sepphoris stepped pool
Chapter 18
Chapter 20
Chapter 23
Chapter 25
Chapter 26
Chapter 28
Chapter 32
Fig. 1 The Showbread Table on a coin ofMattathias Antigonus from the second half of
the first century b:c.e. (afterMeshorer 2001:54). 382
Fig. 2 Showbread Table incised on a plaster fragment from theHerodian period, found
ex situ in the JewishQuarter, Jerusalem (afterHabas 2003: 332, photo 12:4). 382
Fig. 3 Close-up of the Showbread Table depicted on theArch of Titus inRome
(afterPfanner 1983: plate 59:3). 383
Fig. 4 The Tabernacle, The Christian Topography of Constantine ofAntioch. Sinai,
St. Catherines Monastery, MS 1186, 77V. The Showbread Table with the loaves of bread
on the four corners is depicted on the upper right side of theminiature
(afterWeitzmann and Galavaris 1990:1, 56, pi. LXVI). 383
Fig. 5 Dura Europos, Miraculous Well of Beer. The round Showbread Table stands in front
of the tabernacle, at the foot of themenorah (afterKraeling 1956: pi. LIX). 384
Fig. 6 Sepphoris: The Showbread Table (Sepphoris Expedition, The Hebrew University
of Jerusalem. Photo by G. Laron). 384
Fig. 7 El-Khirb?, detail of a panel from the Samaritan synagogue depicting theTabernacle
and several of itsutensils (courtesy of Y. Magen). 385
Fig. 8 Marginal Psalter ofMount Athos, Pantocrator 61, fol. 165r. The round Showbread Table
is depicted above the curtained entrance, between the menorah and the manna vessel
xi
Chapter 33
Chapter 34
Chapter 5
Chapter 21
Chapter 23
xiii
SETTING THE STAGE
Chapter 1
Human artifacts and texts that connote the clarion call to develop more useful models
difference have long intrigued interpret to understand the role difference played in the
ers of the ancient world.
Notably in the ancient world as well as its on-going significance,
last century, efforts to elucidate religious, ethnic, even in areas not easily accessible to the modern
social, and even gender boundaries have expanded interpreter.Many depict a marriage of processual
dramatically. Many attempts have had their staunch archaeology with careful consideration of theway
critics. Disinterest, even disaffection, grew in no artifacts (including texts) display ideas, symbols
small measure from the sinister uses some ap and elements of difference, a kind of cognitive
proaches played in nationalistic reconstructions processual archaeology (Renfrew and Bahn 2000:
prior to and afterWorld War II. Moreover, the 491-96). The ongoing significance of such analysis
rise of "New Archaeology," with its apparent rejec isevidentinNeal Silbermansinsightful
studyof the
tion of4 empiricist culture-history" and increased "archaeology of outsiders," where he demonstrates
on "economic and subsistence strategies, the importance of continuing tomonitor the sig
emphasis
or economic orga ofminority groups, such as
exchange networks and social nificant contributions
nization," made ethnicity, in particular, seem for Jews and Muslims, in Europe and their role in the
some an "outmoded and unfashionable archaeo formation of complicated societies.
logical paradigm" (Jones 1997: 5). Steven Fine examines how menorahs have in
Near Eastern archaeology still retains its strong fluenced both ancient and modern sensibilities,
ties to "New Archaeology" or, better, processual most notably, the menorah taken by the Romans
archaeology (Renfrew and Bahn 2000). Indeed, after the sack of Jerusalem and the destruction of
Eric Meyers and several contributors to this vol the Temple in 70 c.e. An entire mythology has
ume were early proponents of itsuse. As evidenced developed about its possible storage in a Vatican
in this collection of essays, interpreters have not museum basement. Indeed, Fine observes that Jew
remained stuck in some processual mud. Many ish pilgrims (primarily JewishAmericans) go to the
contributors to this volume have participated in Vatican, a central Christian pilgrim site, with the
1
C. THOMAS MCCOLLOUGH AND DOI GLAS R. EDWARDS
hope of seeing the menorah. Such "pilgrimages' them such social constructions. This made fertile
Fine argues in persuasive detail, reflect long-stand soil for a growing interest in engagement with the
ing of the Dome in order to lend the site greater as the conceptual guide
"archaeology of difference"
prominence and venerability. The modern implica for this book was intended to facilitate discussions
tions for this thesis should be evident. that bear on core issues and questions regarding the
ma
Rodney Sadler's nuanced study of Cushite interpretation of ancient texts and of the sparse
imagery in the Biblical text illustrates how im terial remnants we have of ancient people and their
portant clear discussions of race in antiquity are communities. Many of the issues that arise in the
to discerning the nature of difference in the past. contributions are ones that Eric Meyers has long
Moreover, it leaves aside the negative overtones reflected upon, argued about, and even changed
of the "other' as so often happens today.William the direction of our thinking. In a career that has
Dever in his essay is certainly correct that efforts to spanned over three decades, his contributions to
discern ethnic identities in antiquity need not fall a the fields of Judaic studies, Biblical studies, and ar
priori into some post-modernist and relativist strait chaeology have been substantive and multifarious.
jacket and merit reasoned and careful discussion. The breadth and quality of the contributions to this
The strength of the essays in this collection rests work on the "archaeology of difference" reflect the
in the cumulative effort to use material culture vibrancy of the approach,
as well as the challenges
and texts to address what persons and societies and opportunities for future work.
as social
presumed about difference in areas such
mores, cultural expectations, gender definitions, THE DIALOGUE BETWEEN
or ethnic identities. TEXT AND ARTIFACT
problems associated with developing an adequate to critical analysis. On the other hand, the profound
"middle range theory:' Ian Hodder (1985) and a distrustof thesubjectivenatureof thetexthas led
growing cadre of archaeologists concluded that cul some to a mistaken sense of the "objective" nature
tures could not be viewed as purely adaptive to an of the archaeological record. As this collection of
external environment. This new approach reiterat studies makes evident, the study of ethnicity, gen
ed how material culture was "actively manipulated der, and cultural differentiation cannot go forward
by people" and thus expressive of social strategies, without carefuland criticalengagementwith the
religious convictions, ethnicity, and gender. Mate historical sources as well as artifacts and the persis
rial culture, as well as texts, had embedded within tence of dialogue between text and artifact.
The Archaeology of Difference: Setting the Stage 3
Enriching the dialogue between text and artifact demonstrate well Eric Meyers call to archaeolo
on critical
depends not only analysis, but also relies gists and textual scholars alike that one needs an
on an infusion of new ways of
conceptualization "archaeological-literary approach for the study and
and practice entailed in the study of difference. reconstruction of ancient culture"(Meyers and
EricMeyers has long championed the dialogic Meyers 1989:143). From the side of the archaeolo
paradigm of text and artifact,most notably placing gist, the approach demands that the data be made
"Biblical archaeology" in conversation with related available in a timely manner. It also means that
disciplines, such as anthropology and sociology. itmust be accessible to the non-specialist and is
With Carol Meyers, he proposed a paradigm shift open to and conversant with the range of forces
thatwould result in Biblical archaeologybeing that impact communities or individuals. Eric Mey
"subsumed into the emerging discipline of social ers own excavations of and
publications on towns
world studies" (Meyers and Meyers 1989: 143). and synagogues in northern Galilee (known col
Such a shift has dramatically broadened the con lectively as the Meiron Excavation Project) are
versation, since it involved "the integrative use of sterling examples of timeliness, accessibility, and
archaeology with all its ecological facets, of Bibli a broadened
archaeological approach (Meyers et
cal materials, and of comparative sociological and al. 1981). The volume on the synagogue of Gush
anthropological information and models" (Meyers Halav (Volume 5 of theMeiron Excavation Project
and Meyers 1989:143). Reports), in particular, offers a paradigm of how
A number of contributors to this volume draw close and technically astute analyses of loci and
explicitly on theoretical models, often using the related data can lead towell-documented historical
insights of other disciplines. Ofer Bar-Yosef illus reconstructions (Meyers et al. 1991).
trates the character of Neolithic The text scholar, as Crossan notes, seeks
villages through insight
an astute
analysis of ethnographic parallels and from the archaeological record while
noting its lim
close study of the archaeological record. Alysia itations in offering a full portrait of narrative tradi
Fischer attempts a similar exercise in discerning tions that reflect particular periods. As Meyers has
glass makers in the Byzantine period, drawing on argued, however, the absence of a true interchange
her study of traditional glass making techniques, between text and artifact can lead to acrimonious
notably inmodern day Jordanand Egypt. John debate of the sort that swirls around the
historicity
Dominic Crossan argues that the use of studies of Israelite beginnings. Here, "revisionists" are seen
of ceramic manufacture in a variety of settings to be pitted against conservative "Biblical archae
clues to the nature of social systems and
provides ologists" (Meyers 2000: 350; see also Dever and
exploitation during the time of the Galilean Jesus, Crossan in this volume). Gary
Rendsburg provides
while Carol Selkin Wise shows the value of ritual an instructive
example of a text scholar following
theory for unpacking the thorny issues surround closely the results of archaeological excavations
ing the study of miqwaot. as a check on, or corrective to, Biblical portraits
To be sure, interdisciplinary approaches can be of ancient Israel. Did ancient Israelite kings
really
perilous. As Ofer Bar-Yosef remarks, "Searching avoid the practice of
constructing stelae to display
the anthropological literature is like crossing a royal inscriptions? Were there no queens in ancient
stormy sea, and in ethnographic records one can Israel, as the texts suggest? In each case, the search
always find the desired analogy." The articles in this for counterevidence in the archaeological material
volume demonstrate the fruitfulness of such dis proves fruitless. Nevertheless, this sort of serious
ciplinary boundary crossings, with the caveat that and careful effort at
"interchange" results in a con
the interpreter must demonstrate clusion that cannot be readily dismissed.
through careful,
cautious, and critical analysis what is borrowed or The dialogue between text and artifact has
used as analogous. been richest and most productive in the field of
John Crossan, Carol Meyers, William Dever, ancient Near Eastern and Biblical studies. It has
and Gary Rendsburg in their respective articles developed more slowly in the study of Judaism
4 C. Thomas McCollough and Douglas R. Edwards
and early Christianity. As Meyers has noted, "The trate the character of gendered space in this period.
archaeological discoveries of the past decades have In this volume, Barbara Geller draws on Mishnaic
on thedisciplinesof Jewish
had littleeffect history and Talmudic as well as classical Greek and Roman
and New Testament scholarship" (Meyers 1988:71). texts to illustrate the role rabies played within a
While Jewish scholarship had given "modest recog theological framework conceived by the rabbis.
nition of the discipline of archaeology as it relates to She notes thatmedicine and magic interchange fre
the period of theHebrew Bible," ithad little interest quently in the ways rabbis (and others) discerned
in archaeology "as it relates to the beginning of the the nature (and healing) of rabies, although the
common era (which witnessed, in connection with rabbis always addressed it through the lenses of
the creation of theMishnah and Talmud, the de the law. Stuart Miller s utilization ofMishnah and
velopment of rabbinic Judaism)" (Meyers 1988:72). Tosefta in regard to the question of the use of the
a
Likewise, "New Testament scholarship has been "stepped pools" at Sepphoris offers fine example
slow to take archaeology seriously..." (Meyers 1988: of the ways inwhich these texts can at once shed
72), something that has changed somewhat during on practice and at the same time inhibit
light
the last decade, although with mixed results (e.g., naive correlations between idea and artifact. The
Crossan in this volume; Moreland 2004; Horsley rich discussion ofwater and purity in the rabbinic
sources to presume
1996; Chancey 2002; Reed 2000; Stegemann and certainly makes it reasonable
Stegemann 1999). All too often social and historical these pools were for ritual purity purposes. But,
reconstructions become reduced to images drawn as Miller cautions, "...we should not believe for a
from texts and that critical period of Jewish-Chris moment thatwe know all of the possible uses of the
tian interaction and interdependence is leftunre stepped pools." The attempt to restrict these pools
covered. Only when texts are joined with artifacts to either ritual or profane use ismade problematic,
can there be a "process of historical reconstruction" ifnot unwarranted.
that produces "a reliable picture of these historic Within the range ofmaterial evidence that could
religions..." (Meyers 1988: 78). be investigated for such "clarification," Meyers has
The dialogue between text and artifact as a often focused his efforts on synagogues. This was,
means for broadeningthe base of analysis beyond one say, an obvious choice given Meyers'
might
ancient Israel is evident inMeyers work on early argument that "everywhere in the classical world
Judaism (orwhat, at one point, Meyers called "Tal the main vehicle for the transmission of ancient
mudic Judaism"). As he noted in a programmatic Judaism was the synagogue" (Meyers et al. 1972:
article on the value of archaeology for studying 28). This conviction about the value of the syna
rabbinic materials: gogue ledMeyers not only to excavate synagogues
and villages of northern Galilee, but also to assess
In light of the ever-increasing sophistication
the entire range of archaeological evidence for
in archaeological fieldmethods, ceramic ty
synagogues and its bearing upon the reconstruc
pology, numismatic analysis, environmental tion of early Judaism. As one of the leading inter
studies...etc., it is quite possible that these
mute stones might speak with a far greater preters of ancient synagogues has noted, interest
in the ancient synagogue has grown enormously
clarity than many of the texts...Indeed, in the last decades (Levine 2004: 70), and this is
the Talmud is a document of everyday life.
in no small measure owed to the formative work
It can lend itself uniquely to clarification
ofMeyers and his colleagues. The article by Ze'ev
through the use of archaeology... (Meyers Weiss offers substantive evidence for how careful
1975: 34).
study of synagogues and the features associated
Cynthia Baker (2004) and Miriam Peskowitz with them provide a glimpse of the diverse world
(2004) have illustrated the fruits of such an ap of Judaism.
as draw on Mishnaic and Talmudic
proach they
material as well as remains to illus
archaeological
The Archaeology of Difference: Setting the Stage 5
ETHNIC MARKERS Jones critique points the search for ethnicity away
from a dependence on preconceived
categories
Meyers search for the material evidence of early of difference and argues instead for a recovery
Judaism did not end with synagogue excavations. of "the praxis of ethnicity."Working from Pierre
His more recent work centered on the ancient city Bourdieus notion of habitus, ethnic difference
of Sepphoris. A large urban site in lower Galilee, becomes objectified in particular contexts, espe
Sepphoris represents an important site to be put cially in contexts of contestation or opposition. A
alongside of the reports from northern Galilee. striking example of transient and confrontational
Beginning in 1985,Meyers (initially in collabora expressions of ethnicity is to be found in Sepphoris.
tion with Hebrew University ?until 1989 ?and As James Stranges study of Sepphoris in the early
later under the rubric of the Sepphoris Regional Roman period and Thomas McColloughs s article
excavated a large portion of the acropolis on the city in the Byzantine period make evident,
Project)
of the ancient city, exposing a now well-known context may very well be the determinate of eth
triclinium and itsbeautiful mosaic floor. The exca nic or cultural expression. As Strange notes, this
area also was "nestled between non-Jewish territories,"
vation of the domestic exposed numerous city
stepped pools, the interpretation of which raises which meant that "the citizens of Sepphoris and all
one of themost critical and controversial aspects Galilee faced daily the problem ofmaintaining Jew
of the "archaeology of difference:" the validity and ish identity...the Galileans used certain elements
?
interpretation of the material correlates ethnic of the material culture tomaintain their identity,
? stone vessels and ritual baths."
markers of identity. namely
Si?n Jones has been an influential critic of Zeev Safrai and Ofer Sion provide another case
ar of context conditioning
the way in which archaeology and historical the modality of expres
in particular has identified the mate sion of identity. The value of a typology of settle
chaeology
rial manifestations of ethnicity. Distortions in the ment patterns is tested against the archaeological
interpretation of the material culture arise, she evidence of nomad settlement in the Late Byzan
notes, "particularly great" (Meyers 1993: 743). The the Byzantine period, coinciding with a decrease in
Greek and later Roman domination of Palestine standardized butchery practices, which Grantham
produced a cultural complexity that often defies suggests denotes a change in culture, probably as
clear linkages between artifact or structure and the result of an increase in Christian population.
s
ethnicity or gender. As Adam Porter analysis of Even clearer markers, such as themenorah, can
texts relating to the identification of the Tobiads in have multiple meanings, as Eric Lapp demonstrates
dicates, this is a cautionary tale thatmust be taken inhis studyof themarketingof clayoil lampswith
seriously not only by those who study artifacts but concerns may govern
religious symbols. Economic
also by those whose scholarly world is defined by themakers and distributors of oil lamps that have a
ancient texts. menorah as a design. Indeed, he argues, themaker
William Dever finds elements of Jones agenda and distributor may not be Jewish at all. Promoters
troubling. Notably, he argues that ethnicity isbased of their ceramic ware seek to attract religious audi
on careful attention to re ences with admonitions to purchase their products
assemblages ofmaterial
mains. Contrary to revisionist approaches, Dever to dedicateto the gods. Lapp argues that products
contends that ethnic constructsare not found in shops indicate the sellers marketed their
simply
social constructions driven by current nationalistic products to a religiously diverse audience. But
or
scholarly agendas, although he recognizes that lamp makers also apparently targeted particular
such misconstructions can occur. Rather, ethnic groups, as indicated by crosses on some lamps
identity evolves through recognition of patterns and menorahs on others. Complications occur
that appear in assemblages. He proposes an im in determining how the symbols were viewed by
portant set of criteria, an "archaeological trait-list," those who bought them, since some lamps with
for determining ethnic differences, especially in menorahs were found in Christian burials.
roughly contiguous and contemporary societies. But significant inferences regarding such sym
For later periods, the articles by Carol Selkin Wise, bols can often be drawn. In her article, Anna de
Katharina Galor, and Stuart Miller offer detailed Vincenz uses ceramic evidence, including lamps,
and persuasive discussions that draw on textual inscriptions, and other material remains to argue
and material remains at Sepphoris to discern the that Jews and Christians coexisted at En-Gedi.
nature and function ofmiqwa?tor "stepped pools,"
Notably, two lamps had clear Christian symbols:
themore neutral term Galor prefers. She analyzes one a
bejeweled
cross and the other an aedicule, in
the context of the stepped pools, often of varying dicating Christian presence inwhat literary sources
sizes and construction, to determine if they had and material remains suggest was largely a Jewish
a ritual character. She concludes that many did,
village in the fifth and sixth centuries c.e.
although theywere not always used for ritual pur
posesi Here one finds a sophistication of analysis GENDER AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY
that achieves a dynamic relationship between text, OF DIFFERENCE
artifact, and identity. Likewise, in Bill Granthams
study of the faunal remains at Sepphoris, one finds Feminist readings of the Bible and feminist cri
convincing evidence based on literary, epigraphic, tiques of Biblical scholarship have made us aware
and archaeological grounds that butchers at Sep of how both ancient texts and the studies of those
phoris during the Roman period followed ritual same texts are replete with complex and sometimes
observance in cutting theirmeat, indicating itwas troubling issues relating to women and women's
intended for Jewish consumption. Standardized roles in the ancient world. One cannot hope to
cutting patterns suggest an active commercial and address these issues without
fully appreciate
enterprise and offer important clues to particular a
dialogue between text and artifact. This volume
ethnic practices. Moreover, there is a remarkable brings together studies of both sorts to illustrate
absence of pig bones in the Roman period. This the value of such a dialogue.
contrasts with increased amounts of pig bones in
The Archaeology of Difference: Setting the Stage 7
From the side of text studies, JuliaO'Briens study men" (Gilchrist 1999:4). This second waves call for
ofNahum illuminestheway inwhich theBibli attention to transitions in gender relations and the
cal text, using female imagery, attempts tomake cultural specificity of gender opened the thirdwave
Nineveh over against Judah. The on the creation
radically "other" with its postmodernist emphasis
boundaries between the two are, however, ren of subjectivity and the rejection of universal laws
dered problematic when the text employs sexual of female (or, for thatmatter, human) experience.
assault as themeans by which Yahweh vanquishes The thirdwave led archaeologists to give more at
Nineveh. As O'Brien observes, "Nahums feminiz tention to symbolic and cultural manifestations of
ing ofNineveh allows feminist readers to see in the gender and to identify and accentuate expressions
face ofNineveh their own faces, as well as those of of diff?rence in thematerial culture.
rape victims around theworld. No longer the abject This evolving conversation between archaeology
other, the foe becomes Victim likeme." and feminist studies has stimulated, among other
This sort of "reading
against the text" has its a call for a shift in focus tomore micro-scale
things,
archaeological corollary in studies of material analyses of architecture and artifacts and a greater
culture that argue against assumptions and bi attention to the "traces of everyday occurrences
ases which are embedded in the readings of the and relations between people, on subtle shifts
progression of feminism" (Gilchrist 1999:2). Break can illumine the "everyday occurrences" and "read
ing down themarch of feminism into threewaves, against" long held presumptions and perceptions
she notes the firstwave, with itsbasic concerns for of ancient society. Drawing on ethnography, eth
securing public emancipation of women, resulted nohistory, and iconography, Meyers argues that
in, among other things, a call for the recognition of thematerial evidence we have available on bread
the contributions of female archaeologists. The sec production reveals "the female monopoly of the
ond wave of feminism focused on how patriarchy technology and the quasi-communal nature of the
led to the subordination of women. This "second labor." This conclusion, in turn, challenges "the
wave" manifested itself in archaeological studies by conventional wisdom that viewed women as pas
exposing the ways inwhich archaeological stud sive and powerless," the private/public separation
ies had perpetuated a of sphere of influence, and male dominance in a
"gender mythology." Citing
the work Conkey and Janet Spector,
ofMargaret hierarchical structured society.
Gilchrist notes how this feminist critique made it
apparent that archaeological studies drew implicitly THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF DEATH
"on contemporary gender stereotypes..." and in so
doing legitimized "a long-standing continuity of Early in his career, Eric Meyers studied artifacts
gender roles, a linear evolution connected intrinsi related to burials as a means of reconstructing the
women and ancient world and its convictions. One ofMeyers'
cally with the biological functions of
8 C. Thomas McCollough and Douglas R. Edwards
Segers study of the skeletal remains and grave forces, geology, architectural styles, and religious
a
goods in Late Bronze Age tomb atGezer provides sensibilities that define synagogue construction in
a are a number of articles in
fascinating example of the way in which both regional terms. There
status and "gender distribution patterns of work this volume that have benefited from the paradigm
activity" can be teased out of the artifacts associ established by these reports.
ated with death and burial. Similarly, the work of Ofer Bar-Yosef draws on core/periphery analy
Zvi Gal, Howard Smithline and Dina Shalem on sis and other anthropological insights to create a
a Chalcolithic burial cave inUpper Galilee yields social history of theHolocene period in southwest
into as
insights "social hierarchy within this Chalco Asian complex hierarchical villages, especially
lithic society and gender aspects...," also enriching they relate to larger regional patterns. He notes that
the discussion of iconography by way of itsunusual at an early stage long-range trade existed, as evi
vestigated for evidence of the extent of cultural during the PPNB period, including structures
intrusions and incorporation (notably, Hellenistic and statuary devoted to ritual and cultic activity.
and Phoenician cultures) in shaping identity. The His analysis extends to determining the causes of
article by Rachel Hachlili reveals the convergence abandonment of villages within large areas at the
ofmagical formulae and structural configurations end of the PPNB period, offering an astute discus
from Jewish tombs, coffins, and ossuaries for the sion ofwhat can occur to complex societies in the
sake of avoiding desecration. The archaeology of face of dramaticclimate changes (his proposal) or
death is replete with data that bears upon iden environmental degradation, conflict, economic, or
tity formation and expression. As McCane has social changes.
remarked, "rituals of death and burial, then, are In terms of historical archaeology, Melissa
culturally specific symbolizations that represent Aubins study of two terracotta figurines from Sep
The Archaeology of Difference: Setting the Stage 9
phoris reveals the caution necessary in using arti that the city prospered by way of its favorable loca
facts to argue for the impact or even the reality of tion on trade routes and its association with various
trade and importation. While both figurines show pagan deities. This is an urban space in a region of
stylistic signs of influence outside of lower Galilee Roman Palestine that not only retained itsGreco
(i.e.,Cypriot and western Roman Empire), one can Roman identity but prospered
as a consequence.
not assume these figurines are evidence of import Indeed, as Tzaferis notes, "...all the available
without further "provenience testing."Aubin agrees sources, archaeological, epigraphic, numismatic,
with Ora Negbi (1966) "that one cannot determine and literary clearly confirm that Caesarea Philippi
on stylistic grounds alone." was
place of production actually replete with sanctuaries, temples, and
Moreover, as Aubin notes, "Sepphoris would have cult statues."
provided
a hospitable environment for producing In a more standard
literary study, Stephen
crafts thatwere suitable for distribution within the Goranson argues that identifying the region from
city and region." which Celsus wrote, which he believes is Pergamum
Rami Arav and Vassilios Tzaferis broaden the in Asia Minor, lends insight into the images and
canvas to consider the architecture, coins, and fau inclinations of the author. Indeed, the confluence
n?i remains of the town of Bethsaida and the city of the Second Sophistic with increased concern to
of Caesarea Philippi/Paneas. In the case of Beth interpret Roman power through the lens of Greek
saida, Arav has led an excavation that has exposed ideals make Celsus concern regarding Christian
evidence which allowed him to trace the evolution disruptive activities all the clearer. There were more
of the identity of the towns population from the appropriate ways to address Roman power (Swain
Iron Age into the early Roman period. The early 1996: 87-89).
Roman settlement turned out to be one ofmodest The essays in this collection offer a variety of
size to discern the nature and character of dif
(likely "several hundred" inhabitants) and, ways
based primarily on numismatic evidence, largely ference as understood through the archaeological
Jewish inmakeup. The elevation of the town to the and textual record. They represent a small slice of
status of a polis in 29/30 ce. to have led to a are intended to stimulate ongoing
appears large topic and
thebuilding of a Roman temple,but thisdid not discussion in areas that Eric Meyers has champi
lead to a "thoroughly Hellenistic presence at the oned over many years.
site...There are no remains of Hellenism in the
architecture of the houses, not one single Greek A TRIBUTE
capital and any Hellenistic fashion in the way it
is represented at the nearby site of Tel Anafa and This book, along with essays in an earlier work
no mosaic floor" Bethsaidaoffers an important dedicated to Eric, Religion and Society in Roman
example of
a local population in tension with, Palestine (Edwards 2004), testifies to the respect for
rather than absorbed by or absorbing, the Roman and profound influence of the long career of Eric
most as its president, as well as his ways of gathering and assessing both the literature
notably long
tenure as scholar and teacher has brought many and material culture of the religions (and Judaism
important contributions to scholarship and has in particular) of the ancient Mediterranean. The
resulted in a wealth of friends and students eager editors and contributors to this volume dedicate it
to honor him. The studies in this book stand as to honor the significant contributions that Eric M.
tribute to his leadership, his work, and his friend Meyers has made and continues tomake.
ship. At the same time, they continue towiden the
path of Meyers ,2006
insightful and often pioneering May
REFERENCES
Baker, C. Levine, L.
2004 Imagined Households. Pp. 113-28 in Religion 2004 The first-century Synagogue: Critical Reas
and Society inRoman Palestine: Old Questions, sessments and Assessments of the Critical.
New Approaches, ed. D. Edwards. New York,NY: Pp. 70-102 in Religion and Society in Roman
Routledge. Palestine: Old Questions, New Approaches, ed.
M. A. D. Edwards. New York, NY: Routledge.
Chancey,
2002 TheMyth ofa Gentile Galilee. Cambridge: Gam McCane, B.
bridge University. 2003 Roll Back the Stone: Death and Burial in the
D. ed.
World ofJesus.Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Interna
Edwards, R.,
2004 tional.
Religion and Society in Roman Palestine: Old
Questions, New Approaches. New York, NY: Meyers,
E. M.
Meyers, E. M.; Kraabel, A. T.; and Strange, J.F. Sippor. 'Atiqot (English Series) 6:1-22.
1972 Archaeology and the Rabbinic Tradition at Peskowitz, M.
Khirbet Shema : 1970 and 1971Campaigns. Bibli 2004 Gender, Difference, and Everyday Life: theCase
cal Archaeologist 35: 2-31. ofWeaving and itsTools. Pp. 129-45 inReligion
E. M., and Meyers, C. L.
and Society inRoman Palestine: Old Questions,
Meyers,
New Approaches, ed. D. Edwards. New York, NY:
1989 Expanding theFrontiers of Biblical Archaeology.
Eretz Israel 20:140-47. Routledge.
C. Rajak, T.
Meyers, E. M.; Meyers, L.; and Strange, J.F.
1981 Excavations at Ancient Meiron, Upper Galilee, 1994 Inscription and Context: Reading the Jewish
1971-72, 1974-75, 1977. Meiron Excava Catacombs of Rome. Pp. 226-41 in Studies in
Israel,
tion Project, vol. 3. Cambridge, MA: American Early JewishEpigraphy, eds. J.W. van Henten
Schools ofOriental Research. and P.W. van der Horst. Leiden: Brill.
1991 Excavations at theAncient Synagogue of Gush Reed, J.L.
Halav. Meiron Excavation Project, vol. 5. Wi 2000 Archaeology and theGalilean Jesus:A Re-rExami
nona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. nation of theEvidence. Harrisburg, PA: Trinity
International.
Millar, F.
1983 The Phoenician Cities. A Case Study ofHelleni Renfrew,C, and Bahn, P.
sation. Proceedings of theCambridge Philological 2000 Archaeology: Theories,Method and Practice, third
Society 209: 55-71. ed. London: Thames and Hudson
1987 Empire, Community and Culture in theRoman Swain, S.
Near East: Greeks, Syrians, Jews and Arabs. 1996 Hellenism and Empire: Language, Classicism, and
Journal of Jewish Studies 38:143-64. Power in theGreek World, ad 50-250. Oxford:
M. Oxford University.
Moreland,
2004 The Galilean Response to Earliest Christianity: Stegemann,
E. W., and Stegemann,
W.
A Cross-cultural Study of the Subsistence Ethic. 1999 The JesusMovement: A Social History of Its First
Pp. 37-48 in Religion and Society in Roman Century, trans.O. C. Dean, Jr.
Minneapolis, MN:
Palestine: Old Questions, New Approaches, ed. Fortress.
In todays ever-unifying Europe, cultural heri nostalgia who hark back to images and slogans of
tage has always been an important tool in ancient cultural "purity." Many of those images
a sense of European and monuments
fostering identity. In that of nationalisticsignificance have
task, archaeology's role has been central. From the been unearthed or illustrated
by archaeological
pioneering excavations of the 18th and 19th centu excavations and have been preserved as cultural
ries to today's new sites. Yet, as we all know, archaeology
techniques and ongoing research heritage
we now possess a rich and complex record ofmate produces much more than national icons. At
rial life in Europe, extending from the Paleolithic, construction sites in busy cities, inwide-ranging
con surveys of settlement patterns, and in new analyses
through the long succession of cultures and
quests, all theway to the battlefields and industrial of ancient foodways and trading connections, the
sites of the late 19th and early 20th century. And in European past has proved to be anything but static
or pure. Waves of immigration, trading connec
enhancing public consciousness of the scope and
variety of European material heritage, archaeolo tions, and shifting networks of military alliances
gists have not only discovered and scientifically and commerce through the millennia have left
a complex and multifaceted
documented technology, architecture, and artistic record of human
expression; they have helped to physically integrate interaction ? and new understandings of what
the archaeological sites and monuments of the past "European" identity might have meant in each
into the European landscape of today. historical period.
society of strangers. The multi-ethnic landscapes however, where should the boundaries be drawn?
of 21st-century European cities are a growing The nation-state has until recently been the
source of social tension, occasional violence, and main point of reference; antiquities services and
the main targets for demagogues of nationalistic preservation agencies have been largely focused
13
14 Neil Silbermam
expulsion of theNasrids from the city of Grenada istratively. In Spain, extensive efforts have been
in 1492, this area was the home to a unique and made by national and regional administrations to
creative civilization, known not only for its literary incorporate both Muslim and Jewish contributions
and scientific achievements, advanced agricultural into a shared cultural tradition. But elsewhere,
seen
technology, and urbanism, but also for the splendor Jewish and Muslim heritage is all too often
of its architecture and decorative arts. The other as onto the main flow of na
something grafted
area of significant Muslim material heritage in tional historical traditions: useful tomention, but
Europe lies at the other end of theMediterranean still something of an exotic, ethnic curiosity.
and encompasses the islands of Cyprus and Crete The impetus for public presentation of sites and
and most of the Balkan Peninsula. Itwas incorpo monuments is steadily growing, but it is largely
or
rated into the Ottoman Empire beginning in the unofficial, sponsored by international bodies
late 15th century; a significant Muslim population local communities. Cultural heritage routes have
remains there today. Itsmonuments consist of a been established to link important Muslim sites
wide range of mosques, marketplaces, and other in, Spain and in the Balkans and the Council of
public structures. Archaeological excavations and Europe's annual European Day of Jewish Culture,
surveys have been conducted throughout the Bal which now offers public open admission to hun
kans, but their presentation to the public and even dreds of Jewish sites and monuments in twenty
more so their preservation as cultural heritage sites three countries, attracted almost 100,000 visitors
remains entirely dependent on issues of modern last year. Elsewhere, unfortunately, heritage is a
warfare and ethnic tension, sadly far beyond the matter of dispute. Many of the important sites of
power of either archaeologists or cultural Muslim heritage in Bosnia, Serbia, and Kosovo
heritage
managers to control. were destroyed or badly damaged in the recent
Jewish and Muslim Heritage in Europe 15
years of ethnic fighting, but the restoration of the In the coming years, archaeology's contributions
Mostar Bridge between the Christian and Muslim can be even more substantial. The traditional un
diversity and appreciating the value of cultural with a direct connection to Jerusalem. Following
diversity today? I have already mentioned archaeo the Roman troops northward, they gradually estab
logical work in the former areas of the Ottoman lished communities in themajor cities ofGaul. The
European civilization. And itspublic presentation end of the Empire, even that faint material trail
can, I believe, constructively expand the definition suddenly disappears. Traditional historiography
of European heritage itself. and scattered references in early medieval texts
The archaeological work already undertaken has suggest that Jewish communities existed in France,
provided new insights into the nature ofMuslim the Low Countries, and in the Rhine and Danube
?
and Jewish communities in medieval and early Valleys only to push eastward to Eastern Europe
modern Europe. The excavations beneath the Pal in the wake of the Crusades. But even this basic
ace of Justice inRouen, for example, have revealed scheme is now under question. Only in the nth
the existence of a large and impressive 12th-century century does there appear a significant corpus
Romanesque building in the heart of themedieval of Hebrew inscriptions and dated tombstones,
JewishQuarter. Its architectural form is similar to particularly in the Rhine Valley. What happened
chancellery chambers in contemporary Norman to the Jews ofWestern Europe from the 4th to the
castles. Latin and Hebrew graffiti
were scratched nth centuries?And why did theyappear in the
on the walls of the main hall. And its tentative archaeological record so suddenly?
identification as a Talmudic Academy has pro has proved its value in uncover
Archaeology
vided the firstmaterial evidence of the emergence ing material traces of ancient cultures that were
of a Jewish communal institution thatwas deeply
unknown or only incompletely known from the
affected by the surrounding culture and, in turn, written record. In this respect, it is possible that
can a role in
deeply influenced the institutions of world Jewry. archaeology play solving the great
Excavations in the medieval Jewish Quarter of mystery of the "missing centuries" of European
Frankfurt have revealed a wide range of material Jewish history. Finds such as the single, isolated
culture connections that offer additional insight on Hebrew gravestone discovered by chance in the
the role of the Jews in commerce and trade. And 19th century inTienen, Belgium, on themain trade
the elaborate virtual reconstruction of the Jewish route from Cologne and the Rhine valley to Brus
Quarter ofVienna in the late 13th century, based on sels and Bruges, may hint at the existence of still un
the recent excavations, has offered a new perspec known early medieval Jewish communities. More
tive on medieval urbanlife and culture, inwhich intensive surveys and continued archaeological
the Jews are seen as neither marginal nor entirely study of Jewishmaterial culture are essential tools
alien, but as an integral part of life in medieval to a possibility of filling in the historical gap. Does
a new
Vienna. Through their incorporation into the apparent absence of Hebrew inscriptions and
branch of the city's JewishMuseum, the archaeo other obvious indicators before the 11th century
byOf erBar-Yosef
A social interpretations to archaeo gies to past farmers can be derived from a larger
pplying
ZA logical remains is far from being an easy sampleof livingpopulations (Wolf1966; Johnson
JL A. task. Our success is dependent upon and Earle 2000). Although traditional agricultural
perceived models of the evolution of social in techniques are quickly disappearing during the
stitutions, the formulation of relevant questions, twentieth century, we still live in a world where
and, with the available data, testing the suggested peasants lifeways can be observed.
interpretations. Archaeologists rarelyworry about The difficultiesin interpreting
earlyNeolithic
the sources of their inferences. Searching the an societies in the Levant is due to the need to un
literature is like crossing a stormy derstand how from hunting
the first transition
thropological
sea, and in the ethnographic records one can always and gathering to incipient farming occurred. This
to rely socioeconomic shift, which
find the desired analogy. The tendency is major apparently
on known studies. For example, the Khoisan (San affected the basic lifeways of people in the Near
bushmen) served for several decades as the living East some eleven millennia ago, is known as the
representatives of Palaeolithic people. When the Neolithic Revolution. By studying later, historical
ofmodern was we know that the process
sample hunter-gatherers enlarged, technological revolutions,
a more balanced picture emerged and the amount is initiated in a particular area within a certain
of socioeconomic variability increased consider group of people. Hence, as archaeologists, we face
of identifying the population or
the uncertainties
ably (Kelly1995).
a
populations of foragers who became farmers in
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL INFERENCES: core area (Price and Gebauer 1995; Harris 1996; B.
A FEW ECLECTIC REMARKS Smith 1998; O. Bar-Yosef 1998a; 1998b).
Current social determinations refer to societies
In the followingpages, I will address several such as theNatufianculture in the Levant as com
amore
aspects of the social complexity ofNeolithic village plex hunter-gatherers, a termwhich requires
society. Pursuing this line of investigation, analo explicit, detailed definition (Bettinger 1991; Kelly
19
20 Ofer Bar-Yosef
1995; Hayden 1995; Johnson and Earle 2000). This It is the improved understanding of the role of
societal category is generally regarded as non-egali human agency in the past technologies and daily
tarian and, in an archaeological sample, we suppose actions that facilitates the analysis of silent artifacts,
that one can trace thematerial attributes for social houses, and lithic and bone assemblages (Lemon
ranking. Commonly, the sources of information nier 1992; Pfaffenberger 1992; Dobres 2000; Dobres
for such an inquiry are grave goods and/or body and Hoffman 1994; Clark 1999).While an
adopting
decorations, the variable dimensions of domestic we
anthropological view of thematerial remains,
structures, and evidence of public buildings. On the pretend, either explicitly or implicitly, to identify
basis of ethno-history, it is assumed thatmembers social entities or particular populations. However,
of such a society often reside in permanent villages resolutions concerning "ethnicity," language, gene
or hamlets and that seasonal
dispersals are part of drift, or gene flow remain elusive. While the re
their annual schedule. Craft specialization eventu search of materialculture may seem tedious and
ally emerges, thereby creating a particular niche for unrewarding, the incorporated scientific tech
artisans within the social structure. Ceremonies or niques produce new insights. Among these are the
rituals are carried out as public events or performed organization of subsistence systems (e.g., identify
within closed places by certain members of the ing seasonality, patterns of hunting and butchering,
group. Within the territory of each population, herding wild species, cultivation, and the like), the
sacred sites,monuments, or worshiped geographic manufacture and implementation of stone tools
features are noticeable. Annual aggregations of (e.g., tracing
rawmaterial sources,
identifying
core
the entire population in a holy place are expected reduction techniques, curation of selected artifacts,
as acts that enhance social cohesion. The meeting hafting, recognizing specific stone tools employed
often serves for communal feasts,mating, political in rituals, and so on), and finally the techniques
and other social negotiations. employed in building houses.
As archaeologists, we compose the social The following pages aim to demonstrate, based
interpretations by incorporating the data from on the available evidence, how modes of
produc
particular sites and considering the region as a tion, spatial distribution of sites and their hierar
whole. While one large village may inhabit an en chies, societal structures, and certain environmen
tire viable biological
entitywhere mating arrange tal fluctuations intertwined in forming the social
ments do not violate the incest taboo (O. Bar-Yosef
history of the early Holocene in the Levant. In spite
1998a; 1998b), relationships with other social units ofmissing data, by employing a radiocarbon cali
(whether in neighboring villages or a few hamlets) brated time scale the documented and interpreted
require a regional approach to the archaeological data may indicate how in Southwest Asia complex
information. We, therefore, cannot escape the hierarchical villages emerged, heralding the emer
historical lesson that there are differences between gence of chiefdoms. In this narration Iwill follow
a "core area" and a as used
"periphery," and for analyzing the periodization by most writers (fig. 1).
prehistoric records we do not necessarily need to The Neolithic of the Levant is traditionally sub
resort to a world system model. The concept of divided either into twomain periods (Pre-Pottery
"core" and "periphery," as used by the author, can be Neolithic A and B, coined by Kenyon, and abbrevi
applied to the prehistoric past, but this approach is ated as PPNA and PPNB) or by Periods 1through
not uniformly accepted. However, as will be shown 5, as designated by the Lyon school Aurenche
( et al.
below, the evidence from the early Neolithic of the 1981). The basic definitions of the PPNA and PPNB
Near East strongly suggests the presence of a "core
rely on the techno-typological characteristics of the
area" as well as marginal spaces, all incorporated lithic industries. The periodization by numbers is
within larger interaction spheres. based on radiocarbon chronology, recently cali
Each investigation that advances the desirable brated (Aurenche and Kozlowski 1999). A further,
goals of social archaeology stems, in part, from the more
anthropologically oriented subdivision is
advances made in the anthropology of that following the polythetic definition of archaeo
technology.
The Emergence of Social Complexity in the Neolithic of the Near East 21
fl^OOO
7,000-j
TahurUan
10,000 ?, -j Earty
f? ?MO?7,000 ?jouhmIri
Untaci
11,000 A
1-10,000-8.000
1?11,000?9,000 13,000 ?. 0
=1
Earty
Natuflan
15*000 18*000
iaooo?11,000
logicalculturesas proposed byChilde (1929) and Kozlowski 1994; Gebel et al. 1997). Radiocarbon
elaborated are the dates from the various sites increase rapidly, and
by Clarke (1978). Examples
Mureybetian and the Sultanian (both generally of calibrated dates are more often cited. Calibration
on thebasis of geography, chronologyis employedin thispaper throughthe
PPNA age), identified
tool-kits, imagery, types of buildings, and dated use of CALiB 4.1 (Stuiver et al. 1998).
use of the latter possibly indi
by radiocarbon. The
cates, for example, that the Sultanian lasted longer INITIAL VILLAGES OF CULTIVATORS
than the Mureybetian, and, therefore, does not AND HUNTERS
comfortably fitwith the periodic subdivision.
are entity in the Levant is known
Finally, the finds from the earlyNeolithic sites The firstNeolithic
in as the Khiamian. Unfortunately, due to the paucity
generally well-described and summarized several
recent publications ( J.Cauvin 2000a; Aurenche and of excavated samples and radiocarbon dates, it is
Kozlowski 1999; Kozlowski 1999; Kozlowski and still poorly defined (J.Cauvin 2000a). The small
Gebel 1996; Guilaine 1999; Kuijt 2000a). Numerous exposures in the various soundings make the
preliminary and interim site reports complete the identification of possible mixtures with earlier
was a difficult task. The time span of the
broadly painted picture, although much that assemblages
discovered awaits the detailed accounts (Gebel and Khiamian seems to have lasted for a few centuries,
22 Ofer Bar-Yosef
ca. 9,700-9,200 B.c.E. (Kozlowski 1999; Kozlowski analysis to the assemblage from PPNA Mureybet,
and Gebel 1996; Aurenche and Kozlowski 1999; which takes into account the ecological classifica
Gopher 1994a; 1994b; Goring-Morris and Belfer tion of the various species, Colledge concluded that
Cohen 1997), although J.Cauvin (2000a) views it cultivation of wild cereals was practiced near the
as a cultural horizon that encompasses the entire site. Hillman(2000) noted that the rise of weedy
Levant with longer duration. grasses, which characterizes cultivated fields in a
The aerodynamically shaped el-Khiam projectile dry land such as inAbu Hureyra, occurred at about
points, asphalt-hafted sickle blades, some micro 11,200-10,400 b.c.e. and was accompanied by the
? a
liths, and high frequencies of perforators typical firstappearance of charred domesticated rye grains.
?
Neolithic tool characterize the lithic industry of This botanical evidence is one of the clearest indica
theKhiamian. Bifacial or polished celts, considered tions for the first attempts to intentionally cultivate
Neolithic "markers," are absent from theKhiamian plants. Similar conclusions concerning the growth
contexts, although with further excavations they ofwild barley were reached by Kislev (1997) in re
may turn up. porting the plant assemblage from Netiv Hagdud,
The Khiamian period was probably the time a PPNA site in the Jordan Valley. Genetic studies
when the mode of food production changed of einkorn and barley support the contention that
from harvesting cereals in natural fields to in their oldest progenitors were present across the
tentional cultivation. Archaeobotanical remains Levant (Heun et al. 1997; Badr et al. 2000).
indicate that the first strides toward achieving In sum, the initiation of cultivation took place
stable sources of staple food were probably made within what is archaeologically defined as the Late
during the Younger Dryas or immediately after Epi-Palaeolithic entity (such as in Abu Hureyra
(Hillman 2000; Colledge 1998). One may hypoth 1). There is yet no comparable archaeobotanical
esize that the population that took this crucial evidence from the Late Natufian in the southern
step had survived on exploiting cereals that grew Levant. Overall similarities between the lithic as
in natural stands. With the continuing cold and ib and the
semblages ofAbu Hureyra 1,Mureybet
dry conditions, cereals
as C3
plants
were affected Late Natufian sites of the southern Levant were
by the decreasing atmospheric CO2 (Monnin et noted by various scholars (M.-C. Cauvin 1980;
al. 2001), which apparently resulted in declining 1981; Valla 1995; Olszewski 2000), although the
yields of einkorn, emmer, rye, and barley in their differences in the details resulted in incorporat
as two neighboring
natural environment. Witnessing the change and ing all within one "culture" or
as common among pre-literate societies, entities. The distinct differences are expressed
having,
the knowledge of plants and their life cycles, a in the ground stone tools. While the Natufian is
social decision had to be made. The options were characterized by deep mortars and pestles, in the
increased mobility and time to search for resources, northern Levantine sites the shallow grinding slabs
residential movements into the northern neighbor and dishes dominate (Moore 2000).
II (J.Cauvin 1977) on the Euphrates, and Qermez theMureybetian in the north, theAswadian in the
Dereh Watkins
( et al. 1989) as well as the lower level center, and the Sultanian in the south (J.Cauvin
at?ay?n? (A.?zdogan 1999).Most but not all of 20ooa; Aurenche and Kozlowski 1999; Gopher in
these hamlets and villages are three to eight times Kozlowski 1999). This subdivision does not take into
larger than the largest Natufian sites (Bar-Yosef account the material remains of hunter-gatherers
1998a; 1998b). Their actual area varies from 0.2 to who continued to survive in semi-arid areas.
2.5 ha and deserves a separate cultural definition. The lithictechnologyexhibitscontinuityfrom
On thebasis of thetypologicalcharacteristics
of the Khiamian, with small blades or bladelets for
the lithic industries and their geographical variabili making the el-Khiampoints (M.-C. Cauvin 1974;
ty,three cultural entities are identified in the Levant: Nadel et al. 1991), blades used with or without
24 Ofer Bar-Yosef
retouch as sickle elements, and other cutting ob among groups (Bar-Yosef 1986), suggests that the
jects. Perforators are frequent inmost PPNA sites. PPNA wall was erected on thewestern side of the
Bifacially chipped axes/adzes are common in the site to protect the settlement against mudflows and
southern Levant and were made with a working flash floods. In spite of the limited areas exposed in
a
edge formed by transverse removal. Polished celts Jericho, of thePPNA layers
by tracingthethickness
from limestone and basalt made their first appear across themound it seems that therewas only one
ance. In the the common types are tower in this settlement. The function of this 8.5
Mureybetian,
adzes {herminettes), which were shaped as unifaces m
high structure with interior steps is unknown,
from large and thick flakes. The limited amount of but itcould have accommodated a small mudbrick
microwear studies suggests that most axes/adzes shrine on the top. Although unequivocal evidence
were employed in
woodworking. These tools were, for public ritual ismissing, the open space north
therefore, required in the course of activities such of the tower (area M) may have been similar to
as
building, creating furniture, and even boat con the "plaza" in ?ay?n? (Turkey), which served for
struction, which probably began during the early public gatherings(A.?zdogan 1999).
millennia of the Holocene when Cyprus was first Clear evidence for public rituals was provided
colonized (Peltenburg et al. 2000). by the excavations at Jerfel-Ahmar on themiddle
The shift in kitchen techniques from the Natu
Euphrates River (Stordeur 2000; Stordeur et al.
fian is clearly expressed in the common types 1997; 2001; Stordeur and de Margueron 1998). Two
of ground stone tools. The previously abundant
major discoveries were recently reported. First, a
pounding tools gave way to the PPNA flat slabs communal building that is a "round house with
with cupholes, rounded shallow cells," similar to the one uncovered inMureybet
grinding bowls,
and hand stones, often loaf-shaped
(Wright 1994; A (house 47; J.Cauvin 1977),encircledbywhat
Bar-Yosef and Gopher 1997). Their distribution, seems to be a series of
family houses. Apparently,
when in situ, is both in open courtyards
found this type of settlement plan began at an earlier time
and indoors. when the communal building was the "house with
With an increasing number of excavated sites slabs" (le b?timent aux dalles), a pit-house with a
and larger exposures, domestic and
public architec bench encircling the walls with six column bases
ture is
becoming better known. Rounded to almost spread at equal distances at its edge. The outer face
squarish pit-houses with stone foundations and of thebenchwas shapedby a seriesofuprightslabs
walls built of plano-convex unbaked mudbricks incised with a zigzag pattern. Both the decoration
or adobe are reported from various sites. Hearths on the slabs and the
grooved objects (shaft straight
are oval and sometimes possess cobble floors. The eners?) connect Jerfel-Ahmar imagery with the
use of heated rocks in
cooking resulted in abundant Mureybetian world of symbols (J.Cauvin 2000a)
fire-cracked rocks inmost sites. Storage facilities as well as with the later PPNB sites in this region.
are found in every site, either as small, stone-built
Mortuary practices and figurines are considered
bins or larger, built-up mudbrick structures (J. as indications of belief
systems and rituals. In the
Cauvin 1977; Bar-Yosef and Gopher 1997). Sultanian, most burials are single with no grave
The best examples, as yet, of communal
building goods. Skull removal was performed only on adults,
efforts are thewalls and the tower of Jericho. while child burials were left intact. Isolated crania
Origi
nally interpreted by Kenyon (1957) as a defense are sometimes found in domestic areas or special
system against raids by human groups, her conclu purpose buildings. The entire array and sequence
sion disregarded plans of historical town walls. To ofmortuary practices in this period is
interpreted
fortifya town, towers are built as protruding struc as efforts in
keeping
an
egalitarian social structure
tures from the outer face of thewalls. This
design (Kuijt 1996). However, the differentiated treatment
facilitates shooting sideways at
climbing attackers. along age lines reflects changes in attitudes toward
The alternative interpretation, which did not ad the dead. It seems that by
differentiating between
vocate the absence of conflicts either personal or children and adults, the latter carried a higher so
The Emergence of Social Complexity in the Neolithic of the Near East 25
cial value evidenced by the conservation of their important, but Dentalium shells (yielded where
skulls in domestic contexts. This is one of the clear excavated deposits were sieved) were still in use
markers for additional ranking, which stress the (D. E. Bar-Yosef 1991; Reese 1991).
departure from the Natuflan tradition. Economic and social competition expressed in
An exception tomost PPNA burials in Jericho various ways is expected as part and parcel of the
and Netiv Hagdud is the group of a dozen complete relationships between groups or even tribes. One
skeletons buried inside the lower passage in the way is physical conflict. Itwould be naive to as
Jericho Tower (Cornwall 1981). One may wonder sume that therewere no conflicts within
sedentary
whether these skeletal relics are not a group of communities, either on an individual basis or along
or
PPNB humans people killed in the course of a extended family and clan lines. Disagreements
conflict, although the stratified deposits that ac concerning territorial subdivision, exploitation of
cumulated following this phase were attributed by suitable land plots, control over sources of water
the excavators to the PPNA (Kenyon 1981). away from the perennial rivers are all expected in
Human are more frequent in PPNA a
figurines farming society.With the declining use of natural
in the Mureybetian, when resources such as game animals,
contexts, especially obtaining meat in
compared to earlier Levantine periods. They are marginal areas could have been the trigger to the
from limestone and clay and depict either use of bows and arrows not
shaped just for hunting. Such
or
standing kneeling females. The figurines classi events, along with the relative depletion of non-ma
fied as representing the "seated woman" may herald nured fields in addition to the natural population
the elaborate manifestations of the same image in growth due to the availability of weaning food
the succeeding PPNB civilization. This explicit stuff, as well as reduced of females, may
mobility
expression of gender, which was not evident in the have led to the establishment of new villages. More
Natufian culture, may indicate the emerging role of serious could have been clashes between villages, a
women in a society of farmers. Some suggest that phenomenon well-known among peasant societ
this shiftbrought about the cult of the "mother god ies.Unfortunately, the archaeological evidence for
dess" in later centuries (J.Cauvin 2000a; 2000b). such conflicts is rare until the first appearance of
The economy of PPNA settlements within the true defensive walls such as Tel as-Sawwan (Abu
belt of early villages, as mentionedabove, was based Es-Soof 1968; Al-Adami 1968).
on In sum, the archaeology of PPNA sites clearly
hunting, trapping, gathering wild seeds and
fruits, and cultivation of cereals and legumes. The demonstrates the emergence of a non-egalitarian
common game animals in the middle Euphrates society of cultivators-hunters that continued to rely
area were equids and cattle, while in the Jordan on inMureybet
gathering. The public buildings
Valley people hunted wild cattle, gazelle, fox, fal and Jerfel-Ahmar indicate signs of ranked social
low deer, and wild boar (Tchernov 1994; Peters et organization. In the latter site, the pit-house with
al. 1999; Horwitz et al. 1999). The broad spectrum benches all around resembles later temples or
exploitation that started earlier continued with shrines such as in PPNB Nevah ?ori and G?bekli
the trapping of large numbers of birds, especially Tepe (Hauptmann 1988; 1999). The tower of Jericho,
ducks. Lizards and tortoises were also gathered, except for having been the results of communal
women and children. as a center for
probably by building efforts,probably functioned
Within the large PPNA interaction sphere there public gatherings. Social ranking is also expressed
is ample evidence for long-distance exchanges. inmortuary practices (different treatment of adults
Obsidian from central Anatolia was found in Jeri and children). Indeed, the entire suite of data sets
cho, Netiv Hagdud, Nahal Oren, and Hatoula in from all PPNA villages and hamlets does reflect the
the southern Levant. Marine shells were brought emerging social complexity, but the picture is as
from the Mediterranean coast, with fewer from yet blurred, due to the small number of excavated
the Red Sea. Their selection differs from theNatu sites. It becomes clearer with the proliferation of
fian culture. Glycymeris sp. and cowries became archaeological evidence from PPNB sites.
26 Ofer Bar-Yosef
general summary volumes (e.g., Lamberg-Karlo Anatolian interaction sphere and the one of the
also
vsky and Sabloff 1979; Redman 1978), historians Zagros foothills (figs. 3-4). In the latter region,
often use the term "civilization" when discussing known as the Eastern Wing of the Fertile Crescent,
cultural manifestations inMesopotamia, the Nile the production of microliths continued through
most of the Early Neolithic times. The suggestion
Valley, and later inGreece and Rome. The current
accumulated field evidence and preliminary analy that the process of "neolithization" or adoption
ses ofmaterial elements, as briefly presented below, of agriculture was by diffusion and not
achieved
use of the term "civilization" when we was proposed for
justify the through population expansion
refer to the PPNB Levantine-Upper Mesopotamian the Zagros foothills and the intermontane val
interaction sphere. Characterized by
a complex leys (Hole 1994; 1998;Kozlowski andGebel 1996;
1999; O. Bar-Yosef 2001; Aurenche and
regional social structure, variable economic bases, Kozlowski
elaborate cosmologies, and geographic social sub Kozlowski 1999).
units (tribes?), this civilization, without a writing The variance inmaterial culture across the Le
vant (on a north-south cross axis) gave rise to the
system but with markers of personal property and
long-distance trade routes, survived successfully ongoing controversy regarding the subdivision of
during about two and
a half millennia. Its col the PPNB period, which according to the calibrated
lapse around 6,400-6,200 b.c.e. raises intriguing chronology lasted about 2,200-2,500 years. One
questions concerning the capacity of a complex subdivision recognizes the four phases of Early,
social structure to adapt itself in the face of abrupt Middle, Late, and Final PPNB. Several scholars do
climatic change. However, the subsequent record not accept the "Early PPNB" phase as a valid distinc
of the region demonstrates that the ensuing social tion. Other scholars defer to a proposal naming the
formations could fall under the category of a pre last phase as PPNC on the basis of the uppermost
chiefdom or chiefdom level (Hassuna, Samarra), PPN assemblage atAin Ghazal (Rollefson et al. 1992;
paving the way to the emergence of the Halafian Rollefson and K?hler-Rollefson 1993). The increas
chiefdom (Flannery 1999). ing number of calibrated radiocarbon dates has
a
The assignment of assemblages, layers, and generated practical solution that defines cultural
sites to thePPNB period is done on thebasis of entities chronologically and geographically, regard
lithic techno-typological attributes. The common less of their present attribution to a PPNB "phase."
Levantine core reduction strategywas named after Radiocarbon dated assemblages in the northern
the shape of the discarded cores, i.e., the "naviform Levant and Upper Mesopotamia indicate that the
core technique" (Nishiaki 1994;Wilke and Quin PPNB lithictechnologyemergedfirstin thissub
tero 1994; Quintero and Wilke 1995). The blades region, which can be defined as the "core area" of
obtained by this particular method are often long the Neolithic Revolution. The typical Sultanian
with flat profiles and were suitable for shaping assemblages continued to dominate the southern
arrowheads and sickle elements. The recurring Levant for a few additional centuries (Aurenche
types of were named after sites and Kozlowski 1999; J. Cauvin 2000a; Gopher
projectile points
such as Jericho, Byblos, and Amuq ( J.Cauvin 1978; 1994a; 1994b). This conclusion is based on the new
1998; O. Bar-Yosef 1981;Gopher 1994a; 1994b), and discoveries in the earliest layers at G?bekli Tepe
their large size led Kozlowski (1999) to suggest (Schmidt 1999a; 1999b; 2001), Gopher s analysis of
the term Big Arrowhead Industry (abbreviated as the arrowheads (Gopher 1989), Cauvins interpreta
The Emergence of Social Complexity in the Neolithic of the Near East
tion of the symbolic data including architectural 1997; 1999; ?zdogan and Balkan-Atli 1994; A.
remains, figurines, and bovid skulls (J. Cauvin ?zdogan 1999). If this conclusion is sustained by
20ooa; 20oob), and the chronological continuity additional discoveries, itwill greatly assist in trac
of the Sultanian in the Southern Levant. Cauvin ing the emergence of early chiefdoms in this region,
suggested the
core area was located in themiddle a topicbeyond the scope of thispaper.
Euphrates Valley. Excavations of sites such as The economy of the PPNB settlements was based
Nevah ?ori (Hauptmann1988;1999)also point to on the full suite of annual crops, such as
barley,
the area between the upper Euphrates and the val wheat, rye, flax, and legumes (including broad
leyof theBalikh,or thewesternportionofUpper beans and chick peas), thatwere already domesti
Mesopotamia, as part of the core area (M. cated (Garrard 1999; Anderson 1998; Aurenche and
?zdogan
Ofer Bar-Yosef
iI
archaeological studies (Kramer 1982; 1983;Watson portion of it, could have served for that purpose
1979) demonstrate that exact surface areas cannot (Hodder 1999). In each of these sites, the archaeo
be translated by a simple formula into number of logical context reflects a mixture of domestic as
inhabitants. However, ifwe consider themeasure well as ceremonial and ritual activities, forming a
of hectares as providing a relative scale and taking continuum from the sacred to themundane.
into account the "life history" of every site, then The complexityof symbolsfromboth animal
differences in population size can be shown. The and human realms exemplified by the inventory of
assumption is that the largest tested sites accom the sculptures at G?bekli Tepe and Nevah ?ori, as
modated a viable biological unit of about 400-500 well as the reconstructed buildings at ?atalh?y?k
people (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1989), while and the numerous mobile imagery objects from
smaller villages or hamlets had only 50-100 people. various sites are not easy to decipher (J.Cauvin
Given the average occupation length of each major 2000a; 2000b; Voigt 2000; Schmidt 2001). Scholars
village as about 300-400 years, it is cautiously esti agree that the various suites of images demonstrate
mated that a "tribal" territory (fig. 4) was inhabited regional particularities as well as common themes
by about 1,000-2,500 people. within the PPNB interaction sphere.
In each large village, domestic buildings reflect Jacques Cauvin (2000a; 2000b) views the figu
the basic social units. Thus, nuclear families prob rines and bucrania in the earlier Khiamian context
ably occupied the rectangular houses of various ofMureybet and Jerfel-Ahmar as marking the first
were later
types(Hole 2000;M. ?zdogan 1996)that appearance of "theWoman and the Bull" images
subdivided into smaller rooms, while extended that become the emblems of the new religion.
families shared accommodations in compounds Hence, in order to fully understand the new cos
such as seen in Bouqras (P. A. Akkermans et al. Cauvin the artistic
mology, employs expressions
1983) and in amore inA?ikli (Esin from ?atalh?y?k, which represents the westward
complex pattern
1998). Houses with two storeyswere more common diffusion of later times, to explain the
conceptual
in the later part of the PPNB.
Among these are the structure. The woman, a
mother-goddess, is seen
"corridor houses" in Beidha (Byrd 1994) and the as giving birth to the bull, and the two remain
well-preserved two-storey houses of the "cell" type the major deities during the
ensuing millennia.
in Basta (Nissen et al. 1987). It seems that house size The continuity over time and
geographic space is
reflected family wealth and unequal social status. testified, according to Cauvin, by their images on
are
Examples only known from sites where the Halafian pottery. He interprets the emergence of
excavated area is large, such as in ?ay?n?, where thenew symbolicsystemas signifying
a change in
ca. 4,500 m2 were
exposed (?zdogan and ?zdogan collective psychology, which preceded the advent
1998; A. ?zdogan 1999). of theveritableNeolithic village society( J.Cauvin
An attribute of complex social structures is the 2000a). In thematerialistic
world, he ties the shift
presence of ceremonial areas, special buildings for expressed by PPNB imagery to the transition from
rituals, and shrines. Such architectural components rounded (representing "female," natural rounded
are
recognized in sites where large exposures are lines) to rectangular (representing "male" desire to
available and in some cases where the edge of the control) architecture.
village was uncovered. Examples include A?ikli Voigt (2000) warns that the demonstrable link
Nevali and Beidha between economic and
H?y?k, ?ay?n?, ?ori, (Esin 1996; age political changes, on
30 Ofer Bar-Yosef
?atalh?y?k figurines, she stresses the aspect of forevaluatingthe social complexityof thePPNB
"abundance" rather than the aspect of "fertility," civilization within its various tribal territories.
when domesticated plants and animals ensured the The presence of special shrines, open spaces for
survival and wealth of village inhabitants. social and ceremonial activities, human statues
No less important are the caches of human and stelae (with or without animal carvings), hu
plaster statues uncovered in Jericho and man and animal figurines (some of which could
Ghazal (Rollefson 1983; 2000). Their archaeological have been just temporary teaching devices), and
context testifies to the intentional burial of used the special locales that symbolize ownership of a
cultic objects (Garfinkel1994). The breakage of certain landscape reflect a dynamic ranked society
such holy items prior to their interment is a well with elite cohorts in the largest villages.
known phenomenon from later historical periods
in theNear East. The interpretation of the plastered THE COLLAPSE
statues, some of which are only busts, is not easy. OF THE PPNB CIVILIZATION
According to the position of their hands, those
holding the lowerpart of thebellyare considered Observations concerning site abandonment and
female representations (Aurenche and Kozlowski are common among PPNB
stratigraphical gaps
1999). All have eyes encircled with asphalt lines and villages. Very few settlements survived formany
as of C14 dates demonstrate.
stripes of red color on their bodies. By employing centuries, the clusters
an archaeological analogy to later millennia, the Ethnoarchaeological studies indicate that the pres
statues seem to represent a pantheon of deities, ence of deserted houses and courtyards is a com
inwhich thehuman figure representsboth the mon attribute of village life (Kramer 1982;Cameron
real and the mythological image. Amiran (1962) and Tomka 1993).
that the mode of of these Various reasons account for the abandonment
suggested production
statues ? constructed from reeds, cloth, and plas ofhouses in a livingvillage,fromthedeath of the
ter? resembled the creation of Man as depicted head of the family to the outcome of verbal and
the entire village
in the Gilgamesh epic. Hence, it is quite probable physical conflicts. However, when
that the cosmology of the PPNB civilization, orally is deserted, the reasons could be more complex,
transmitted in the Near Eastern world, found its ranging from over-exploitation of the immedi
written expression several millennia later. ate environment and successful aggression by a
The territories of what seem to have been kin to the impact of consecutive
neighboring village
were marked by sacred localities for conflicts that ended in
ship-based entities droughts. Examples
are rare during the PPNB
that symbolize ownership of the land, similar to burning the entire village
Sheikh tombsin southernSinai (Marx 1977).Such period (GanjDareh; P. Smith1976),althoughtheir
a special localityis thedark cave filledwith ritual paucity does not necessarily reflect the endurance of
data concerning
paraphernalia in Nahal Hemar. The location of peaceful lifeways.On the contrary,
this sitemarks the geographic boundary between physical conflicts is accumulating as more skeletal
the Judean desert and the northern Negev. Among collections are published. Under any circumstances,
theobjectsare skulls
modeled with asphalt (mixed the abandonment of one and/or several sitesmay
with collagen), stonemasks, small human figurines, precipitate societal restructuring, especially among
to
remains of plastered statues, special lithic tools, and farming communities. It is, therefore, necessary
various other objects (Bar-Yosef and Alon 1988; first document the of abandonment and to
timing
Bar-Yosef and Schick 1989; Schick 1989; Goren et ascertain whether it is only a local phenomenon or
The stratigraphie gap between the latest PPNB exploitation of pastures by herding goats and tree
was no
deposits and the Pottery Neolithic pits felling forplaster production and building elements
ticed by Garstang and Kenyon in Jericho. Similar (Rollefson 1990; Rollefson and K?hler-Rollefson
cases of rebuilding on
phenomena, including rare 1989; Rollefson et al. 1992). To expect that the
the site,were documented across the Levant (Ban same processes took place in both Anatolia and
M.
ning and Byrd 1984;Gopher andGophna 1993; the Levant is to advocate that the same destructive
?zdogan 1996; A. ?zdogan 1999). Further support mechanism operated across every ecological belt
for observations concerning the abandonment of within the entire eastern Mediterranean. As this
PPNB villages was gleaned from the subsequent seems unlikely, another cause or,more
likely, causes
establishment of new hamlets and farmsteads in need to be exposed to account for a geographically
various parts of the Levant. The better known cul wide-ranged change.
tural entity in the southern part is the Yarmukian Another perspective would be to see the collapse
1993). Recent excavations at the type-site at Shaar we have no evidence for the presence of a
tunately,
or another kind of chief, in spite of intricate
HaGolan uncovered large built-up compounds Big Man
(Garfinkel1999). exchange systems or the enslaving of smaller com
In the early days of archaeological research, munities by larger, richer ones. This isnot to say that
when radiocarbon measurements were rare, rela there is no evidence for social ranking or clear signs
tive chronology was based on ceramics and lithics. for the existence of personal property marked by
The presence of potteryproduction in latePPNB stamps. Perhaps future excavations will record the
contexts in the northern Levant reached the south presence of slaves, a known phenomenon from the
ern Levant,
only to be found in Pottery Neolithic sedentary villages of theNorthwest coast of North
sites that do bear certain cultural attributes of the America (Ames and Maschner 1999).
served as a basis for rec as the
PPNB. This observation Today, image of the PPNB civilization is
ognizing a cultural gap of unknown duration. The fuller than before, its collapse through the entire
maximal guess was of a thousand years and a lesser region should lead us to examine the possibility
one
suggested five centuries (Gopher and Gophna that an abrupt climatic change was responsible
1993 and references therein). Perrot (1968) regarded for the rapid worsening of environmental condi
thismajor change as the result of a climatic crisis tions. It is proposed that the climatic crisis around
that caused the desertion ofmost populated areas 6,400-6,200 B.C.E., as recorded in ice cores, was
of the southern Levant. Subsequent field research the culprit (Alley et al. 1997).The impactof the
and dating demonstrates that the cultural gap in change is reflected invarious terrestrial and marine
this region essentially reflects amajor shift in settle pollen in the eastern Mediterranean from Greece
ment pattern without a distinctive time gap. It is (Rossignol-Strick 1995), Anatolia (van Zeist and
also evidenced in the northern Levant, for example Bottema 1991), and the Levant (Baruch and Bot
in the Balikh valley (P.M. M. G. Akkermans 1993; tema 1999). In addition, it is clearly marked in the
Akkermans and Duistermaat 1996) and further palaeo-climatic curve of the Ol6/l8 sequence in
north at the site of ?ay?n? (A. ?zdogan 1999), as Soreq cave (Bar-Mathews et al. 1997; 1999).
well as in sites across the Anatolian
plateau. In the event of a series of droughts, a complex
on
Other proposals for explaining the collapse of society that subsisted farming and herding,
the PPNB were derived from contemporary eco where the demands of more affluent individuals
expressed in the disappearance of previously large regions of the Caucasus and beyond. Perhaps
villages and the establishment of smaller villages, more important was the "push" given to societies
hamlets, or farmsteads. The new conditions prob that had already developed irrigation control dur
ably enhanced the reliance on the more flexible ing the PPNB in Upper Mesopotamia. With the
subsistence strategy of pastoral nomads. hierarchical social structure in place, establishing
The events in Anatolia could have triggered over Mesopotamia was
"hydraulic civilization" all
another wave of colonizers moving westward into the step that heralded the emergence of chiefdoms
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Goring-Morris, A. N., and Belfer-Cohen, A. ic-Early PotteryNeolithic sequence. Pp. 101-16
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Neef, R.; Pachur, H. J.;Qadi, N.; and Schultz,M. 1968 La pr?histoire palestinienne. Cols. 286-446 in
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Kuijt. New York, NY: Plenum.
Chapter 4
41
42 Zvi Gal, Howard Smithline and Dina Shalem
" "
y ^
:' "
. . :yyyi
;v,; ^^^ ^^.:..: v,-
theboxes and the lids in order to facilitatetheir and a fa?ade with a prominent nose and eyes, either
Often thefa?adesof these lids
being tiedtogether. sculpted or painted.
are decorated with portrayals of anthropomorphic A few classes of ossuaries are outside the scope
facial features in a variety of fashions: symbolic of this study but, nevertheless, require mentioning.
faces (fig.3),painted faces (fig.4), applied features Numerous ossuaries are modeled as zoomorphic
consists of shal
(figs. 2, 5-6), and three-dimensional sculpted hu portrayals. An additional group
man heads (fig.7). low, open, rectangular boxes with large horizontal
Another ossuary type is a closed box, sometimes handles or a series of pierced holes along the rim.
with fouror six legs (figs.4, 6). Each is equipped It is assumed that they were covered by a sheet
with an opening, either on its front or on the rear made of an organic material that was fastened to
side, to enable the placing of bones inside th? box thehandles or tied to theholes and which long
Gender Features and Social Hierarchy in the Chalcolithic Period 43
was common in
Secondary burial in ossuaries
the Chalcolithic culture, however, the evidence
from the Peqfin cave shows that secondary burial
without ossuaries was also practiced. In some
of the natural niches along the walls of the cave
were orderly bundles of bones, mostly long bones
of arms and legs. One of the niches contained
nineteen disassociated skulls. It is possible that
in order to reuse ossuaries the skeletal remains
and skulls were removed from their ossuaries and
phic representations have, with the discovery of features: the Beer Sheva ivoryfigurines (Perrot 1959)
this cave, suddenly become complete and more and theGilat ceramic statue (Alon 1976). Facial and
complex. Anthropomorphic features such as these other physical human features have been generally
were found painted or molded on ossuaries, jars, considered as attributes of deities and, as such,
and even high-footed bowls. served in a purely cultic function (Epstein 1982).
GENDER FEATURES AND SOCIAL HIERARCHY IN THE CHALCOLITHIC PERIOD 45
ing abstract representations ofmore recognizable The mere existence of this cave itself is an indica
female figurines. This interpretation is enhanced by tion of a structured and hierarchicalsociety oper
the uncommon violin figuremodeled with breasts. ating in the northern Chalcolithic cultural sphere.
Male reinterment may be identified by the presence A number of factors are to be taken into account.
of flint adzes apparently specially prepared for This major necropolis was isolated from the known,
burial. They are traditionally associated with either densely occupied regions of the Chalcolithic pe
masculine activities performed during the lifetime riod,4 necessitating the existence of an organized
of the deceased or as the cave s functioning and
representing themale sexual system thatmaintained
organ (Barkai 2000: 88-94, 244-49). In this vein determined the order of the placing of the ossuaries
then, could themany mysterious flint discs with a and jars in this very cramped environment. This
central piercing be interpreted as
being representa necessity is amplifiedby thedifficulty
createdby
tive of either unspecified feminine aspects or,more the darkness that apparently permeated the cave.
specifically, the female sexual organ? The final placing of each individual ossuary was
major differences between the circumstances and buried in the cave was ca. 600, with themaximum
parable iconography from other Chacolithic sites: goods accompanying the reburials clearly represent
themetal from Nahal Mishmar,
hoard the Golan the various regional Chalcolithic cultures of the
basalt figures, the Gilat figurine, the Beer Sheva southern Levant, while the cave functioned as a
NOTES
The excavation was carried out on behalf of the Israel 3 The cave was extremely disturbed and apparently
Antiquities Authority. had been subject to robbing and destruction, most
2 Along with ossuaries and burial jars, the cave yielded possibly within theChalcolithic period. Most of the
several other ceramic vessel typesofwhich themost burial receptacleswere overturned or broken and the
common were the low- and high-footed bowls. De bones were randomly strewn around (Gal et al. 1997:
numerous Golan-type
serving of mention are the 147).
jars, rich in basalt inclusions, that are considered 4 A Chalcolithic sitewas recentlydiscovered within the
characteristic of theGolan Chalcolithic subculture. boundaries of the village of Peqi'in, across thewadi
Among the finds were a number of bronze objects, (Getzov, forthcoming). Shalems study (2003) shows
an ivoryfigure,an assortment of stone violin figures,' more than twentyvillages in themountains of the
and flint tools and artifacts. Upper Galilee, most of them small (ca. 5 dunam).
REFERENCES
Al?n, D., and E. T. 1988 Nahal Hemar Cave. Atiqot 18: 1-30.
Levy,
1989 The Archaeology of theCult and theChalcolithic
48 Zvi Gal, Howard Smithline and Dina Shalem
Beck, P. Lechevallier, M.
- Deux
1989 Notes on the Style and Iconography of the 1978 Abou Gosh et Beisamoun gisements du
Chalcolithic Hoard fromNahal Mishmar. Pp. VII mill?naire avant Vere chr?tienne en Isra?l
39-47 inEssays inAncient Civilization Presented Paris: Association Pal?orient.
toHelen J Kramen eds. A. Leonard and B. B. T.
Levy,
Williams. Chicago, IL: Chicago University. -
1995 Cult, Metallurgy and Rank Societies Chalco
Bonogofsky,M. lithic Period (ca. 4500-3500 bce). Pp. 226-44
2003 Neolithic Plastered Skulls and Railroading Epis in The Archaeology of Society in theHoly Land,
temologies. Bulletin of theAmerican Schools of ed. T. Levy. London: Leicester University.
Oriental Research 331: 1-10. Merhav, R.
Ethnicity and
the Archaeological Record:
The Case of Early Israel
byWilliam G. Dever
archaeology? That question poses one of themost In thewake of Israeli archaeological surveys in the
fundamental, most urgent, yetmost difficult issues West Bank in the 1980s, first reported to thewider
in archaeology. The author of themost recent book world in 1988 by Israel Finkelstein in The Archae
on thesubject,1
TheArchaeologyofEthnicity,
begins ology of the Israelite Settlement, the discussion of
with a statement ofOlivier and Coudart (1995:365) "Israelite origins" in Canaan has burgeoned.3 The
that "the crucial theoretical question of archaeol basic archaeological evidence has been widely
ogy today is that of national or more discussed and summarized
identity, by several archaeolo
specifically that of the relationship archaeology myself,and bynow shouldbe well
gists,including
enjoys with the construction (or the fabrication) known to most biblical scholars and historians.4
of collective identities" (Jones 1997:1). This extensive complex ofmany types of diverse but
This chapter will use the case of early related data constitutes what archaeologists call an
Israel ?or the question of "Israelite origins" ?as "assemblage." And such
an
assemblage is always as
a test-case in
addressing the issue of ethnicity in sumed to have cultural, and therefore what Iwould
the archaeological record. It is offered as a tribute call "ethnic," significance. The aspects of this Iron
to Eric M. Meyers, a colleague and friend ofmore I or i2th-nth centuries b.c.e. assemblage that are
than thirty-five years, who has been a pioneer in relevant for our discussion here will be discussed
concerns in
confronting similar methodological presently.
his efforts to identify early Jewish and Christian Prior to the availability of the recent archaeologi
ethnicity in the archaeology of the Galilee.2 cal data, scholars have had as their only source for
the history of the formative era of early Israel (the
biblical"period of the Judges") the narratives of
the "exodus and conquest" in the Hebrew Bible.
49
50 William G. Dever
leading scholars can assert that there was no "early It is no wonder then that in his 1999 book, The
Israel" in the i2th-nth centuries b.c.e., indeed not
MythicPast: BiblicalArchaeologyand the
Myth of
even an Israelite
Monarchy before the 9th century Israel, Thompson concludes that
b.c.e., and no Judean (or southern) kingdom wor
... somuch of the Bible deals with the origin
thy of the name before the 7th century b.c.e.6
traditions of a people that never existed as
For adherents of the "revisionist" schools of
such. This metaphorical nations land and
Sheffield and Copenhagen ? themost radical of the
current schools of biblical criticism ? the language, this imagined peoples history,
skepti
moreover, is an origin tradition that belongs
cism rests not only on a minimalist (if not nihil
to the new Israel' (i.e.,much later Judaism:
ist) view of the biblical texts, but upon two other
theoretical assumptions. Unfortunately, these are WGD), not the old' (1999:34).
rarely advanced as rigorous intellectual constructs, Elsewhere, Thompson broadens his skepticism to
merely what Iwould call "notions," and, as I shall include other ancient peoples. Thus, Philistines,
show, uninformed notions at that. These assump Canaanites, and Israelites are all "peoples writ large
tions are: (1) that the Iron I
hill-country archaeo in tradition for purposes fictional."7
thatwe now have, although well Keith W. Whitelams
logical assemblage position in his The Inven
documented, cannot be confidently associated with tion ofAncient Israel: The Silencing of Palestinian
any known ethnic group because of the limitations History goes to the point of absurdity. The "biblical
of all archaeological evidence; and (2) that, in any Israel" is a fiction, concocted by ancient Judaism as
a
case, "ethnicity" is modern "social construct," and a tortuous exercise in
self-identity, and perpetuated
therefore it is illegitimate to project it back upon all later Jewish and Christian scholars (especially
by
the ancient textual or archaeological record. Thus, Zionist Israelis). There was no ancient or Iron Age
the "revisionists" simply "write early Israel out of "Israel" in an ethnic sense. Yet the "Palestinians" as
? a
history" (Halpern 1995). a
people distinct ethnoi ? flourished already in
Here are some typical "revisionist" statements. the Bronze Age; historians and archaeologists bi
Niels Peter Lemche concludes his 1998 book, The ased by the Judaeo-Christian tradition have simply
Israelites inHistory and Tradition, with this state written them out of history.8
ment: A recent collection of essays by biblical scholars,
The Israel of the Iron Age proved to be most Ethnicityand theBible (Brett1996),does not deign
to include any archaeologists,
elusive, in historical documents as well as presumably because
the editors did not consider their data relevant. Yet
inmaterial remains, where hardly anything
one of them, Diana V. Edelman (now with the Shef
carries an ethnic tag that helps themodern
field group), draws up a "trait list" of the sort that
investigator to decide what is Israelite and
has been used by some archaeologists in the past to
what is not (1998b: 166).
identify "ethnicity."Nevertheless, she concludes that
Thomas L. Thompson of the issue:
simply disposes attempting to identify any of the Iron I?II peoples
of Palestine on material culture
ethnically, based
Ethnicity and the Archaeological Record 51
remains, "is to wish upon a star" (1996: 55).9 As horizon are more the result of environmental and
she puts it in the very first sentence of her chapter: socioeconomic factors than reflective of any new
"Given the present state of textual and artifactual "ethnic" elements in the population. To support
evidence, nothing definitive can be said about the his views, Finkelstein minimizes the importance
ethnicity of premonarchical Israel" (1996: 25). of a unique, new combination of agricultural tech
? ? even
Most of the above statements scarcely need refu nologies terraces, silos, cisterns denying
tation. For Lemche, Thompson, and Whitelam, as that they are innovative. Finally, he misrepresents
well as Philip R. Davies, there cannot have been an my reconstruction as based either on Gottwalds
"ancient Israel," because that would not suit their "peasant revolt" model or on theories "too wed
presuppositions (for that iswhat they are).10 And ded to the Biblical story." He concludes that an
incredible notions that ethnic mark ethnic identification based even on texts, such as
Thompsons
ers are all "arbitrary, accidental," if taken seriously, those of the Hebrew Bible, is an "illusion." Yet in
would put all the social sciences out of business, his most recent popular book, Finkelstein speaks
"
since these disciplines proceed on the essential an
throughout quite glibly about "early Israel All
principle that culture is "patterned," i.e., inten this, inmy opinion, is ideology, not reasoned, well
tional, and thus diagnostic for describing culture documented, balanced scholarship.13
and cultural change (below). As for Edelman, her On the other hand, I have consistently main
survey of some of the archaeological data is typi tained a more positive view, presumably one in
cal of the selective, cavalier, and amateurish use of line with mainstream archaeological scholarship,
archaeology by most of the other "revisionists."11 although I have not defended thisview explicitly
some until now (but cf. 1998). Nor is there much other
Unfortunately, the "anti-positivist" bias of
? in a treatment of the subject of "ethnicity" in the litera
biblical scholars my judgment largely reflex
of the na?ve, belated borrowing of "post-modern ture of Palestinian archaeology.14
ist" epistemology?has affected a few Palestinian One of the few explicit treatments of archaeology
archaeologists (below).12 Most archaeologists until and the problem of "Israelite ethnicity," although
recently have been comfortable and confident in focused on Iron II rather than themore problematic
to our look at the (2) What may be called "ethnic boundaries" are
comparable overwhelmingly
rural "Israel" in Iron I. flexible, constantly changing. No doubt; but
A similar attempt to identify "Judean ethnicity" again that does not mean that they do not exist
in Iron II has been made recently by another young in reality or cannot be subjected to rigorous
Tel Aviv archaeologist, Raz Kletter. Kletter analyzes scrutiny and systematic analysis. Here, too, the
two distinctive as well as with
classes of southern artifacts of the analogy with culture in general,
late 8th-7th centuries b.c.e.:(i) "pillar-base" (Ash certain aspects of culture such as religion, is
erah) figurines, and (2) stone shekel-weights. Not appropriate.
s
surprisingly, Kletter detailed distribution maps of (3) Specific markers, or "ethnic traits," either can
both (1999:31,35) coincide almost exactly with the not be adequately characterized or will turn
as reflected in texts out not to be reflected inmaterial culture. If
political boundaries of Judah
of the 7th century b.c.e. Deuternomistic history in thiswere true, however, archaeology as a dis
II Kings. Thus, a sense of "Judean ethnicity" must cipline would be impossible, since archaeology
have actually prevailed in late Iron II and was not iswidely acknowledged to be essentiallythe
simply "invented" by the biblical writers and later study of the material correlates of behavior,
editors, as the "revisionists" fatuously proclaim.15 i.e., of culture in all itsdimensions, including a
sense of ethnic identity. If there are no "material
GENERAL THEORETICAL correlates," then human thought, behavior, and
CONSIDERATIONS ON "ETHNICITY" culture are all arbitrary, inscrutable, and not
nicity"
means
simply "a
sense of
peoplehood" biblical (below).
(Greek ethnos, "a community of people"). And If one examines the currently faddish negative
if a certain group thinks itself a distinctive rhetoric about "ethnicity," as in Sian Jones' The
"people," then they are by thatvery fact. Finally, ArchaeologyofEthnicity(1998;above), itsoon be
such a sense of peoplehood is not a modern comes evident thatmuch of the skepticism is due
arbitrary and flimsy "social construct." superiority of their "super race." But that is surely a
Ethnicity and the Archaeological Record 53
monstrous caricature. Such a distorted concept of list of distinctive and specifically archaeological
4
"race" has long been repudiated by archaeologists ethnic traits" that may realistically be expected
and anthropologists everywhere. But that does not to be preserved and capable of being identified in
invalidate the category of "ethnicity," which was the archaeological record of typical sites. Yet few
never really based on supposed racial characteris archaeologists, and none in the field of Palestinian
tics and still remains both valid and useful. or biblical archaeology, have developed such an
trait offer the follow
Ironically, the call ofmany post-modernist social archaeological list (Table ).171
scientists for "multi-cultural" approaches presup as a tentative step in the direction. After
ing right
poses our abilityto identify
distinctiveindividual long reflection, it seems to
me thatwe ought to be
"ethnic groups." And ifwe can do so inmodern able to discern "ethnic differences" in comparing
times, why not in antiquity, as long as we have ad the following material culture traits in different
are
equate evidence? Instead of denying the existence assemblages and cultures, especially when they
of "ethnic are engaged or
identity," archaeologists contiguous roughly contemporary:
in recognizing and indeed celebrating it.We are (1) Environmental setting
the true "multi-culturalists," and instead of using (2) Settlement type and pattern
a tool of cultural imperialism, as
archaeology as (3) Demography
sometimes charged, we archaeologists are the real (4) Technology, adaptation, and subsistence, es
ogy of Barth and other ethnographers may be, it is markers" for identifying an "early" Israel, Imust be
best suited to the analysis ofmodern, not ancient, brief, referring tomore extensive documentation
cultures. Our primary task here is to identify a elsewhere.18
54 William G. Dever
Table Comparison of "cultural traits"exhibited in the Iron I archaeological record,by ethnic group; numbers
refer to the list in the text. If these other Iron I groups in Palestine can be distinguished by an ethnic label, as they
are in contemporary scholarship, so can our highland peoples.
1 Central Coastal
Strategic Marginal; hill-country
2
Declining urban Forts; garrisons New urban foundations Village/Rural
7
Stagnant Egyptian Foreign, innovative Local, innovative
10
Declining city states Imperial City state Segmentary
Isolated;
12
some Egyptian Egyptian Aegean, Mycenaean
The more than 300 small Iron I or i2th-iith century The basic features have been noted above. The es
b.c.e. villages, which constitute our best evidence sential point here is that the settlements and their
forwhat I have designated a "Proto-Israelite" popu distribution mark again a sharp and relatively
lation, are all located inmarginal areas. They are sudden shift from the prevailing urban pattern of
found in the heretofore sparsely occupied central the Late Bronze Age Canaanite as well as
society,
a contrast to the coastal Philistine sites. None of
hill-country, principally in Samaria and Judea, but
also extending into the northern Negev and prob the 300 or so "Proto-Israelite" sites is larger than a
ably into lower Galilee. The environmental setting few acres, has a population in excess of about 300,
in these regions, with ample rainfall, is conducive exhibits monumental architecture, or boasts city
to dry farming, stock breeding, and pastoralism, defenses. This is a decidedly rural culture, which,
but only with the development of new technologies as we saw above, may our best test case.
provide
(below). The isolation and scarcity of resources, -
3 Demography
however, do not encourage larger-scale industry,
much less trade or international connections. This The demographic data, based on recent surveys of
is in sharp contrast to both the Late Bronze Age the hill-country sites, show another radical change
Canaanite city states and the contemporary Phi accompanying the transition from Late Bronze
listine establishments along the coast and in the Age Canaanite society into the early Iron Age. The
riverine valleys. estimated population of the central hill-country, for
Ethnicity and the Archaeological Record 55
- House
instance, grows dramatically from ca. 12,000 in the 5 Type
13th century b.c.e., to ca. 50,000 in the 12th cen
The typical Iron I hill-country village house has
tury b.c.e., to ca. 75,000 in the '11thcentury b.c.e.19 been mentioned above. These houses are very
Such a "population explosion cannot possibly be
stereotyped in plan, with three banks of rooms
explained by natural increase alone, but points to a central
a new peoples, whom surrounding courtyard (thus the common
large-scale in-migration of name, "four-room house") and usually a second
it is not unreasonable to designate as an "ethnic
story. The ground floor provides animal stables,
group," especially when other evidence points in
the same direction. The only questions are who ample storage facilities, and food-preparation
areas. The second story,with its six to ten rooms,
and from where.
would accommodate a large,
multi-generational
- as
4 Technology, Adaptation, and Subsistence family of perhaps many as 20-25 people. These
are ideal farmhouses, and with rare
The evidence adduced above shows that the Iron obviously
exceptions are unattested in the preced
I hill-country assemblage reflects a society and they
ing Late Bronze Age. Despite the fact that this
economy that are fundamentally village-based was
and agrarian. A major agricultural component is formerly dubbed "the Israelite type-house,"
similar structures have recently been
brought
visible, of course, in the society and economy of
to light in Transjordan, which may or may not
every era in ancient Palestine, from the Neolithic
have been part of the "Proto-Israelite" territories.
onward. Yet, in scarcely any other period does the
These distinctive houses do, however, characterize
"rural" aspect dominate so exclusively as it does
later and undisputedly Israelite sites inWestern
in the Iron I hill-country assemblage. Nearly all
Palestine in the ioth-6th centuries b.c.e. If the
the new technology is geared to adapting to the
of setting the hill-country frontier and
house type provides one of the most instructive
challenges commentaries on ethnicity, as most archaeologists
opening it for agricultural development: extensive
and anthropologists would maintain, then these
terracing of the hillsides; the hewing out of cisterns
in the bedrock; stone-lined silos for grain storage; unique courtyard houses of the Iron Age reflect
a distinctive ? in
"mentality" this case, one that
large "collar-rim" jars for storage of various food enshrines an agrarian, family-based lifestyle and
stuffs; the introduction of heavy iron implements
its social and communal values.22
(although limitedat first);and theproliferation
of stereotyped courtyard houses especially well 6 - Burial Customs
suited to farming families. Some aspects of these
Unfortunately, thus far we have discovered no
technologies go back to the Bronze Age, but the cemeteries associated with the hill-country settle
peculiar and standardized combination is new in ments and only an occasional individual i2th-nth
Iron I and also peculiar to the hill-country settle
century b.c.e. burial elsewhere.23
ments.20
8 - Language a
Organization, probably even "pre-chiefdom"
level in the typical parlance of the literature on
Language is,without doubt, one of themost critical state-formation processes. Later biblical traditions
and sensitive indicators of ethnic affiliation and has
recall the formative period nostalgically as "tribal"
been so regarded since Herodotus discussion of the
not entirely without reason, but perhaps "segmen
Greek ethnos. Currently we have only a handful of
tar/' best describes the early system of political
putative "early Israelite" inscriptions, including a In any case, it contrasts sharply
Hebrew personal name on a jarhandle from Khir organization.27
with the Late Bronze Age Canaanite system of city
bet Radanna and an abecedary (or list of alphabetic
states and also with the contemporary Philistine
characters in order) from ?Izbet Sarta. The form
"feudal" system.
of the letters is demonstrably Old Canaanite, and
this plus other linguistic data from later periods il - and Culture
Religion
demonstrates that Israelite Hebrew
of the Iron Age
one of themost funda
derived directly from Late Bronze Age Canaanite. Religion, like language, is
mental indicators of ethnic identity. The archaeo
But by the 10th century b.c.e. at latest, Hebrew
had diverged sufficiently in vocabulary, logical data for religious belief and practice in the
syntax, i2th-nth century b.c.e. highland villages consists,
orthography, and script so as to constitute a sepa on the one hand, of com
rate, well-developed "national" language. By the negative evidence: the
Iron II period, Hebrew was distinguished as well plete absence of the temples and their impressive
from Aramaic, Phoenician, and such languages of paraphernalia that characterized the previous Late
Bronze Age Canaanite civilization. Nor is there any
as Ammonite, Moabite, and Edomite,
Transjordan trace of themythological and liturgical literature
by both language and script.25 so well attested from Canaan in this period, much
- Social
9 Organization less the organized priesthood and cult personnel
who could have produced such a literature.28
Social organization is not nearly as elusive as many
On the other hand, we do have at least one open
non-archaeologists suppose, and it can be inferred
cult place, Mazar s "Bull Site" in the tribal territory
from several of the categories of material culture
of Ephraim (Mazar 1982). It is a small hilltop shrine
already discussed. In keeping with small-scale
with a low enclosure wall, a standing stone remi
agrarian societies in general, the social structure of niscent of the biblical m?sseb?, and a few scraps
our
hill-country assemblage may best be character ofmetal and Iron I pottery. The only outstanding
ized as kin-based, centered on extended family and
find is a fine bronze bull figurine, almost identical
clan units, relatively unstratified and with strong
to a Late Bronze example from Hazor and best
"egalitarian" tendencies. Lawrence Stager (1985) understood in thelightof theiconography
of "Bull
has shown that the typical clusters of courtyard
houses reflect almost exactly the Biblical ideal of
El," the principal male deity of the old Canaanite
12 - External Relations There are, inmy opinion, two arguments that taken
are conclusive.
together
By "external relations," I refer to those relationships
of a community with outsiders, or "others," that A Distinctive Iron I Archaeological Assemblage
help to define who "we" are. The notions of "us" and and Etimos
"them" will always be, of course, partly subjective,
The first argument is based on
but they are, nonetheless, real as perceptions and analyzing the cul
tural traits reflected in the archaeological record as
thus subject to analysis. In the case of the Iron I
outlined above, in order to compare and contrast
hill-country assemblage, it is the relative isolation a putative
of the peoples in question that strikes us. Part of "early Israel" with other Iron I ethnic
groups, whose existence and identity is beyond
this isolation was due to the natural setting of the
reasonable doubt. The results of such an analysis
dozens of small villages in a region that had long
are tabulated for brevity's sake in Table 1. Itwill
been on the somewhat remote frontier ofCanaanite
civilization, hitherto sparsely settled. Itwas not so hardly be sufficient to dub these the "X-people," if
for no other reason than thewell-known reference
much a matter of physical distance, since the hill
to "Israel" on the "Victory Stele" of the Egyptian
country, at least the foothills, lies in fairly close
Pharoah Merneptah. Dated closely to 1207 b.c.e.,
a
proximity to the lowlands, but rather matter of
this inscription refers to several ethnic groups in
of access. The new settlements constituted
difficulty
a "mountain
Palestine identifiedby Egyptian intelligenceand
redoubt," much like the small Chris
sufficientlywell-known to be perceived as a threat,
tian enclaves in themountains of Lebanon today.
among them "Hurrians," the common Egyptian
There is little evidence of outside trade of any
term for the Canaanite population inNew King
kind. There are none of the Syrian, Egyptian, Cy
dom times (the texts also mentions "Canaanites"
priot, and Mycenaean imports so characteristic
directly), and "Israelites," the term followed by the
of the previous Late Bronze Age, and scarcely any
trace of even the contemporary Philistine "Bi determinative sign for "people," rather than nation
chrome" pottery. The overwhelming state, thewhole phrase being a plural gentilic, thus
impression
one has is that of an entirely self-sufficient economy designating "the Israelite peoples."31
be said to represent a new group of people in the more, the location of the Egyptian strongholds, of
sites likeAshkelon and Gezer, of the "Hurrian" or
marginal zones, whose ethnic self-identification is
based partly on its sense of being "displaced," both Canaanite population, and the "Shasu" or nomadic
and ideologically.30 This groups populations of other Egyptian texts can easily be
geographically
isolation was relatively short-lived, however, in the charted on a map of Palestine, and the only area
i2th-nth centuries b.c.e., but itwas nevertheless left forMerneptahs "Israelites" is in the central
?
formative indeed, if I am right, later mytholo hill-country north and south.32 Thus, we have
gized in the Hebrew Bible as a "golden age," the in the Merneptah inscription a firm extra-Bibli
ideal Israel. cal reference to "Israelite peoples" in Palestine,
concept of Israelite ethnicity, confront this "incon ethnic group. Instead, it seems to be a revolution
venient" datum? Lemche is themost sanguine, al in lifestyle" (Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:107).
though he refers to the inscription as the "so-called Finkelstein does not seem to understand that
Israel-stele." He does concede that the entity in we moderns
"ethnicity" is lifestyle! The fact that
question is to be located somewhere in the central do not know all we wish to know about the Israel
highlands, but he concludes that this evidence has ites' lifestyle or perceptions of themselves in Iron
little to do with later, biblical "Israel."33 I does not mean that they had no such percep
Whitelam concedes that the Merneptah stele tions. Finkelsteins reluctance to use specific ethnic
mentions an entity called "Israel," but he argues terms is reminiscent of Lemche's dictum that "the
that "the term 'Israelite when applied to these (Iron Canaanites of the ancient Near East did not know
I) settlements ismeaningless" (1996: 228). Appar that they were themselves Canaanites" (Lemche
ently that is to be understood as "meaningless" to 1991:152). Yet somehow Lemche "knows" that they
Whitelam, since itdoes not meet his expectations of were not. This elevates "creeping skepticism" from
a proper critical attitude to an overarching
significant information. Yet theMerneptah datum simply
?
tells us all thatwe need to know at this point that a scholarly method.35
late 13th-century b.c.e. "Israelite" ethnic group exists
TheContinuityof "EarlyIsrael"
in the highlands. The archaeological data, which the
and "Biblical Israel"
"revisionists" all refuse to connect with this Israel
and scarcely appreciate anyway, reveal much of the Even the most doctrinaire of the "revisionists"
rest, such as socioeconomic structure and political are forced to concede that there was an "Israel" in
?
organization and even origins, if I am correct. Palestine by themid-9th century b.c.e. but only
Thompson, as usual, is the most radical. He because a series of Neo-Assyrian records dealing
simply dismisses the reference to "Israel," declar with military campaigns in thewest now mentions
ing that "it does not correspond with the highland such an entity (The biblical narratives, of course, are
Israel or any biblical Israel" (1999: 79). Elsewhere, all dismissed as late and unhistorical). For instance,
he contends that the Egyptian term "Israel" is to in the Neo-Assyrian annals describing their very
be paired with the term "Canaan" as a spouse, and first encounter with a coalition of western kings
that the two are "metaphorical parents of three following the battle of Shalmaneser III at Qarqar
towns destroyed by theEgyptian army" (1999: in central Syria in 853 b.c.e., the text refers to one
81).34What is a sensible person to make of such of the kings as "Ahab of Israel."36
deny that any of the textual or archaeological data (read "social construct" or "fiction").
distinguishes
an ethnic group. Thus, he declares that Despite rather desperate recent attempts to
the evidence gives "no sign...of a clearly defined "erase ancient Israel from history" (Halpern
Ethnicity and the Archaeological Record 59
2 - House Type X
3 - Demography X
4 - Subsistence, Economy X
5 - Technology X
6 - Pottery X
7 - Social Structure X
8 - Political Organization
10 - Language, Literature X
11 - External Relations
1995)) it should be obvious to any honest and evidence, but it also fits remarkably well with the
well-informed person that an "Israelite" state (or biblical scheme of "tribe to nation," however ar
biblical dividedmonarchy) did exist in Palestine tificial thatmay seem to some. Elsewhere, I have
era that archaeologists designate argued that when the "core history" of the bibli
throughout the
the Iron II period, ca. 900-600 b.c.e.37 The point cal narratives is isolated, stripped of itsmythical
here is that if it can be shown that the fundamental and propagandistic elements, it coincides closely
material culture of this Iron II "Israel" is in direct with archaeological "facts on the ground," then
continuity with and derives from that of the Iron historians are on reasonably solid ground (Dever
I assemblage, then the lattermay be legitimately 2001a).
known as "Israelite," or better "Proto-Israelite," as Why, then, do I continue to favor the term
well. Yet virtually no scholar seems to have seen the "Proto-Israelite" for the Iron I assemblage? I do
force of such an argument, which I would regard so principally to err on the side of caution ? both
as impeccable in principle and certainly founded because "ethnicity" is difficult to define archaeo
now on ample some
archaeological evidence.38 Again, logically and also because the objection of
in the interest of brevity, a chart will be used to that this "Israel" is not the same as the later, bibli
summarize a mass of data (Table 2). cal "Israel" is sound(as far as itgoes). Thus inmy
Note that the only elements of discontinuity in view, the conglomerate of peoples of the Iron I
the entire Iron I?II sequence of central Palestine highland settlements, although they were neither
over the span of some 600 years are those three homogeneous
nor constituted anything like a
(nos. 1, 8, 11) that have to do with urbanization modern nation-state, nor were even conscious of
? those traits that all the implications of the ethnic term "Israelite,"
and centralization precisely
in the comparative and cross-cultural literature were nevertheless the authentic progenitors of later
define the emergence of the
"statehood."39 And biblical Israel in the Iron II period.
state?whether in the conventional 10th century Several other scholars, even Finkelstein at times,
b.c.e. or in theminimalist 9th century b.c.e.? is have adopted the term "Proto-Israelite," while
not only well attested by extensive archaeological others have objected to it as too cautious or even
60 William G. Dever
especially in attempting to define transitional The current ideologically driven trend to deny
periods like the Late Bronze II-Iron I horizon, the earliest Israelites their ethnic identity is omi
where cultural changes are gradual and complex. nous?the first step in an agenda thatwould erase
The "Israelite" peoples and states did exist. But they ancient and biblical Israel from history, from
did not spring into existence overnight: they had memory, and from any claim tomoral authority
a later biblical writers and Fortunately, there is ample empirical evidence
long prehistory. Much
editors knew that. from archaeology to frustrate this scheme and to
discredit its perpetrators.
NOTES
This chapterwas written in 2001 and was only slightly 1999^ 64-103; Miller and Callaway 1999 forbalanced,
updated in 2003. Later literaturecannot be discussed centrist interpretationsof thedata. For the "revision
now but would includemy own Who Were theEarly ists," see n. 5, below.
Israelites, and Where Did They Come From? (Grand 5 See, for instance, Grabbe 1997. The basic literature
Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003), as well as, specifi and a summary of various schools of thoughtwill be
cally on the question of archaeology and "Israelite found inDever 1999a. See also my own later treat
ethnicity," the following: E. Bloch-Smith, "Israelite ments inDever 2001a; 2001b, and add now Lemche
Ethnicity in Iron I: Archaeology PreservesWhat Is 1998a; 1998b; Thompson 1999. For an authoritative
Remembered andWhat Is Forgotten in Israel'sHis survey of contemporary scholarship on theHebrew
tory,"Journal ofBiblical Literature 122 (2003): 401-25; Bible ingeneral,with a critique of "revisionist" ideol
R. Miller, "IdentifyingEarliest Israel,"Bulletin of the ogy similar tomy own, see now Barr 2000 (and cf.
American Schools of Oriental Research 333 (2004): Lemche s response in 2000).
55-68; A. E. Killebrew, Biblical Peoples and Ethnicity: 6 See references in works cited in nn. 4-5 above,
An Archaeological Study of Egyptians, Canaanites, especially essays in Fritz and Davies 1996; and cf.
Philistines and Early Israelites (Leiden: Brill, 2005); R. Lemche 1998a; 1998b; Thompson 1999 for the latest
Kletter, "Can a Proto-Israelite Please Stand Up?" Pp. "revisionist" treatments.
573-86 in "JWill Speak theRiddles ofAncient Times:" 7 Thompson 1997:177. Thompson's entire chapter (in
Archaeological andHistorical Studies inHonor ofAmi Grabbe 1997) consists of a vicious, often slanderous
haiMazar on theOccasion ofhis SixtiethBirthday,eds. attack on my early,positivist views of "Israelite eth
A. M. Maeir and P. deMiroschedji (Winona Lake, IN: nicity" such as Dever 1993; 1995a; 1995b.Thompson's
Eisenbrauns, 2006); A. Faust, Israels Ethnogenesis: nihilism regarding any historical "Canaanites" is
Settlement, Interaction, Expansion
and Resistance
undoubtedly borrowed from Lemche 1991; but see
(London: Equinox, 2006). the decisive refutation of Rainey 1996. Thompson's
2 For representativeworks ofMeyers on Jewish and similar skepticism regarding the archaeological
early Christian ethnicity, see Meyers and Chancey identificationof "Philistines" (as 1997:173 reveals his
2000; Meyers 1993. complete ignorance of archaeological scholarship of
3 For the basic survey data, see the original report and the past 15years); cf., for example, Stager 1995; 1998
brief synthesis in Finkelstein 1988; and cf. the final and references there.On archaeological data and the
report in Finkelstein and Lederman 1997. See also "ethnicity"ofCanaanites, Philistines, and thepeoples
the review of the latter inDever 1999b. of Transjordan, see furtherDever 1995a; 1998.
4 Full references to the literaturewill be found con 8 See Whitelam 1996: passim; and cf.my critique of
veniently in Dever 1995a; 1995b; 1997b; 1998. The Whitelam's ideological biases and his distortion of
response from biblical scholars other than those of the archaeological data inDever 1998; 1999a. Even
the "revisionist" or "minimalist" school has been Whitelam's fellow-"revisionist"Lemche (1997:151)has
scant, but see Gottwald 1993; Stager 1998;McNutt pointed out the absurdity of his attempt to identify
Ethnicity and the Archaeological Record 61
cf.also Thompson 1997:179.This is simply ideological 17 Oddly enough, only Edelman (1996) ?a Biblical
cant. Lately Thompson has even refused to use the scholar? has employed such a "trait list,"although
term "Israelite," preferring to see the people (not an . il above. The scant works of
superficially; cf.
ethnos) in question as something like "the IronAge other biblicists, such as Sparks (1998), ignore the ar
on texts,with
population of southern Syria'smarginal fringe;"
cf. chaeological data completely and focus
1997:176-77 184; 1999:168,190, 235. predictably minimal and quite unrealistic results.
9 Edelman, to her credit,has done some archaeologi On Finkelsteins fundamental skepticism regarding
cal fieldwork, and she is currently one of the staff "ethnic traits," see, for instance, 1996:202-6. He sees
?
ofMazar 's excavations at Tel Rehov. And, despite only diet i.e., the statistically significant absence of
? as a
her recent affiliationwith Davies, Whitelam, and pig bones in early Iron Age hillcountry sites
other "revisionists" at Sheffield, she is not as radical valid "ethnicmarker;" cf.Finkelstein 1996:206; 1997:
as they are. Nevertheless, her basic "minimalist" 227-30; and furtherbelow. Obviously, I think that
as "there are therewe have many other ethnic markers. On pot
position is revealed in such statements
no artifactual remains that can consistently be used tery,for instance, see Bunimovitz and Yasur-Landau
to understand a groups ethnicity" (1996: 26; italics 1996 ("Philistine ethnicity").
hers).
18 The fundamental evidence, on which all reconstruc
10 See references in nn. 4-6 above, especially Dever tions necessarily rest, are first the survey data, for
1998; 1999a; 2000; 2001a. which see Finkelstein 1988; Finkelstein and Naaman
11 See Edelman 1996: 39-54. Despite some reference 1994; Finkelstein and Lederman 1997. The few
to the archaeological data and literature, this entire excavated sites would include Ai (Callaway 1993);
discussion lacks authority. It is typical of the "mono Radanna (Callaway and Cooley 1971;Callaway 1983);
resort on Tzbet Sarta (Finkelstein 1989); Shiloh (Finkelstein
logues" that result when most biblicists
their own to archaeology; cf.Halpern 1997. 1993a); and Giloh (Mazar 1981). One might add Tel
12 On the post-modernist background of much "re Masos (Fritzand Kempinski 1983;cf.Dever 1990); the
visionist" discourse, see Dever 1998; 2000; 2001a. "Bull Site" (Mazar 1982); and theMt. Ebal installation
throughout Chapter 4, 97-122). The popular book hill-country archaeological assemblage in Iron I,
referred to here is Finkelstein and Silberman 2001; but rather thedistinctive combination (Dever 1992b:
cf. the review inDever 2001b. 38, 79; 1995a: 207-8). Finkelsteins criticisms (1993b:
14 In addition toFinkelstein 1996; 1997,discussed above; 64-65; 1996: 201-2; 1997: 222-23) are a distortion of
my 1995a; 1998;Kletter 1999; and Faust 2000b, I can my views. Originally, he himself had emphasized the
cite only Bunimovitz and Yasur-Landau 1996, and importance of such technologies as terracing, the
? at
Bunimovitz and Faust (2001; 2003). hewing of cisterns, and the construction of silos
15 See Kletter 1999. Note the overweening use of the least for the Iron I settlements west of the central
terms "invention" byWhitelam (1996), and "myth" ridge, i.e., themajority (1988: 202-4; 264-69). One
? ?
by Thompson (1999).Whitelam and Thompson
insist aspect of technology ceramics has been omitted
that the ancient Israelites and Judeans did not know here, since the discussion is very technical; but see
who theywere; but theyknow. Dever 1995a, and contrast Finkelstein 1996: 204.
62 William G. Dever
21 Cf. Finkelstein 1996: 206; 1997: 227-30; Hesse and obvious lacuna in the central hill-country,where I
Wapnish 1997.At least Finkelstein and I agree on the would place the "Proto-Israelites."
ethnic significance of this particular datum. 33 See Lemche 1998a: 75; 1998b: 35-38, 42, 57.Lemche
22 On the early Iron Age courtyard houses, cf. Stager concedes that the stele does refer to "some sort of
1985:11-17; Finkelstein 1988:254-59; 1996:204-6. On ethnic (sic) unity,which was identifiable as far as it
itsdevelopment and diffusion in Iron II, see the ex had itsown name, Israel" (1998b: 36). But he thinks
tensive treatmentofHolladay 1992. In a forthcoming thatwhat this is not "easy to ascertain" (1998b: 36).
?
paper, Bunimovitz originally a skeptic regarding Perhaps not easy?but possible.
?
"ethnicity" in the archaeological record has dem 34 In a session of the Second International Congress on
onstrated convincingly that theubiquitous courtyard Ancient Near Eastern Archaeology inCopenhagen
or "four-room" house in the Iron II period reflects inMay 2000, where Thompson and I presented pa
precisely an "Israelite" cultural ideal; cf.Bunimovitz pers opposite each other,he went so faras to suggest
and Faust 2003. that the Egyptian scribemay have simply invented
23 See Bloch-Smith 1992: 60, 64. Ithas even been sug the name "Israel," and that itsbeing identicalwith
gested that the "Proto-Israelites" typically cremated the biblical "Israel" is coincidental. Leading Egyp
theirdead, but that is extremelyunlikely.On mortu tologistswith whom I have consulted consider all
ary customs and ethnicity, see Brown 1971. of Thompson s opinions absurd.
24 For perhaps the only real portraits we have on the 35 On "creeping skepticism", see Hallo 1990; and cf.
famousNeo-Assyrian depictions of the fallof Lachish my expansion of this as part ofmy critique of the
in 701 B.c.E. see Ussishkin 1982: 84, 88,100,113. "revisionists" in the conclusion ofDever 2001a.
25 For the 'Izbet Sarta abecedary, see Demsky 1977; for 36 See, for example, the reference in Lemche 1998b: 52.
the Radanna jarhandle, see Callaway and Cooley Nevertheless, Lemche and Thompson both regularly
a
1971: 20-21. On the related Iron Age West Semitic ignore this clear extra-biblical reference to 9th
languages and scripts in general, see Naveh 1982. century
b.c.e. "Israel"; see below.
26 See furtherDever 1991a: 201; themodel is adapted 37 Note that standard recent archaeological handbooks
from Sahlins (1972). This is in some ways similar to devote hundreds of pages to this Iron Age "Israel,"
Gottwalds "communitarian" model (1993). never once supposing that it is not consonant in
27 The issue of whether Israels "tribal" origins were many or even most ways with "biblical Israel;" cf.
historical or simply one aspect of the nationalist Weippert 1988 (264 pages); Mazar 1990 (127 pages);
ideology of the later literary traditions isvexed. For and Ben-Tor 1992 (71 pages). Why is this evidence
my own view,with references to thewider literature, never cited by the "revisionists"?
see Dever 1997a. Cf. also the exhaustive but rather 38 Even Finkelstein, who has reservations about my
ideological discussion of Gottwald 1979: 224-28, term "Profo-Israelite (see n. 40 below), un
agrees
429-76. equivocally with the argument based on Iron I?II
28 For a general discussion of the archaeological evi continuity,which he says "is doubtless correct" (1996:
dence forearly Israelite religion, seeDever 1997b and 200). For details, see Dever 1995a: 207-10.
references there. 39 See the full exposition inDever 1997c.The "revision
- ists" while vociferously denying that therewas an
29 For the latest treatmentsof the development ofYah
"
wism, see Day 2000; most other standard treatments early Israelite state,never really define "statehood
by biblical scholars are deficient, because they fail to nor do they show familiarity with any of the extensive
utilize the archaeological and art historical data. For anthropological and archaeological literatureon what
my own synthesis, see Dever 1992b; 1997b. are called "state formation processes."
30 The term "displaced" owes much toNorman Gott 40 For the introductionand rationale of the term "Proto
walds pioneering study (1979), although I would Israelite,"seeDever 1991b:87 and subsequently 1992a;
?
place less stress on the ideological aspects simply 1993; !995a: 208-10; 1997b:42-45. Finkelstein initially
because the archaeological evidence is scant and accepted the term, then rejected it,and now (1996)
ambiguous.
uses itwithout comment.Mazar (2003), on theother
31 The latest,exhaustive treatment is thatofmy student hand, argues that it should be abandoned as need
Michael Hasel (1999). lesslyhesitant. Similarly,Stager (1998) speakswithout
32 For the best map locating the peoples referred to on qualification of an early "Israel" in the i2th-nth
theMerneptah stele, see Yurco 1990: 34; note the century
b.c.e.
Ethnicity and the Archaeological Record
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b.c.e. New York, NY: Sahlins, M. D.
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cal Evidence Concerning Early Israel. Pp. 85-98 .L.
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66 William G. Dever
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Chapter 6
From
Field Crops to Food:
byCarolMeyers
Decades ago, the field projects carried out note, this essay about food production is dedicated
in Upper Galilee by Eric Meyers and his to him also because he has contributed bountiful
as their intellectual and emotional, as well as edible, food
colleagues had goal the recovery
of the village context as well as the monumental to our marital table for over four decades.
aspects of that life. cause households have left substantial traces in the
Although this chapter deals with an earlier peri archaeological record, the investigation of this set
od ?the Iron Age rather than theRoman-Byzantine of household activities can draw upon material
era ?its focus on households acknowledges and remains recovered by field projects. Using those
celebrates the fact that by his holistic approach to archaeological data must take into account, first
ancient Jewish sites Eric Meyers has contributed in and foremost, the nature of households.
important ways to the possibility for studying house As has long been understood by social anthro
holds and their activities. And, on amore personal a
pologists, arriving at definition of a household that
67
68 Carol Meyers
is universal across cultures is 1999? 79)? Because it is the site of fundamental and
virtually impossible.
However, certain features of a household in pre essential activities that are embedded inmaterial
modern societies can be identified. For one thing, culture, the household is susceptible to analyses of
households involve groups of people but are not how people organize their economic production
coterminous with families. Although they overlap, and of the social interactions rooted in productive
households and families are distinct social phenom activities (Whitridge 1998: 2).
ena (Bender 1967:495;Wilk andNetting 1984:3). Near Eastern archaeologists, especially those of
us
Similarly, despite considerable overlap, households working in the so-called historical periods, have
and domiciles are not the same, the latter being rarely, ifever, been willing to venture into the busi
structural configurations that constitute livingplaces ness of analyzing the social context of thematerial
for certain groups of people. In short, a household is culture of everyday life. Part of the reason for this
a built environment
consisting of not only persons is that such analysis is difficult; complex interpreta
and their "hardware" (theirmaterial culture, includ tive processes are required in order tomove from
ing their domicile and all itsassociated artifacts) but physical remains to theories about social dynamics
also their activities and other aspects of their daily among household members. But more likely, the
lives (Rapoport 1994: 461). Thus, demographic and availability ofwritten documents from the Bronze
architectural aspects of Syro-Palestinian households and Iron Ages has made it seem, perhaps falsely,
in the Iron Age were intertwined with economic that we have access to more direct and reliable
ones (see sources of information about the past than the si
Goody 1972:106).
More specifically,
a household in premodern lent artifacts themselves. This notion persists even
agrarian societies consists of three elements. First, though material remains (unlike most documents)
as a demographic or social unit itcomprises varying possess contemporaneity with the societies that
as well interest us, especially for the periods of theHebrew
configurations of affinals and consanguinals
as, sometimes, unrelated servants or
sojourners. Bible, and, even more important, are not subject to
Also, as a demographic unit itencompasses human the distortions and biases ofwritten records.
reproductive functions. Second, it has material Another factor that has virtually precluded
components, namely, a residential structure along consideration of households and their inhabitants
? ? is that the information inwritten sources, notably
with the items artifacts that enable its inhabit
ants tomeet their physical and social as well as spiri the "historical" books of the Hebrew Bible, has
tual or ideological needs. These material aspects seduced us into viewing archaeology primarily
make it possible for households to be recovered as themeans to trace ? or even verify?the large
archaeologically. The third element is behavioral; it scale social and political processes involving tribes
is the set of activities carried out in the household and nation-states that are presumably recorded in
context tomeet the needs of its residents. Scripture. The text-driven agendas of the archaeol
Seen this way, a household emerges as a fun ogy of the Iron Age of Syria-Palestine have thus,
damental organizing feature of human society in their focus on polities and ethnicities, neglected
because it is the level at which premodern social the primary units of society, family households. The
groups articulate directly with the environment tribe or city state or kingdom has been labeled the
in order to survive. That is, a household can be primary unit of social organization (as by Gottwald
conceptualized as a strategy that both participates 1979: 237-92). Yet, itmay be more appropriate to
in and utilizes material culture in order to meet consider the household, which is the basic unit
the productiveand reproductive needs of humans of production and reproduction, as the primary
(Wilk and Rathje 1982: 618). The economic di unit. As the social and physical spaces in which
mension of this conceptualization is based on the all members of a culture experience their daily
simple premise, going back to Polanyi (1944: 53), lives, households are the necessary foundations
that people produce for their own sake and/or for for themore complex socio-political structures of
thatof thegroup(s) towhich theybelong (Henshaw any society.
From Field Crops to Food 69
In redressing the archaeological emphasis on "identify or assert the presence of the activities of
some of
diachronic issues that have characterized Syro women" (Conkey and Gero 1997: 414-15),
outset (C.Meyers which can be differentiated from the activities of
Palestinian archaeology from the
1997b: 273-74), we would do well to learn from men in the archaeological record.
ples lives, the potential of household archaeology be sure, some tasks are linked more strongly with
for learning about women as well as men becomes one
gender rather than another, as will become
apparent (C. Meyers 2003a). Males may have been clear below. Yet, because the gender of those who
dominant inmilitary, political, and cultic leader perform specialized tasks in any society cannot be
ship, but females were present in approximately the assumed, identifying the gender of major house
same proportions as males in family households. hold activities is a necessary step in understanding
If archaeology can, in fact, situate household the role of women and men in the household and
architecture and artifact assemblages within an in the larger communities inwhich households are
economic and social context, then the gendered embedded. Because bread (or,more generally, food
relations of production, present in all known hu made from grains) was a critical staple of the diet of
man societies, can be explored (Lawrence 1999: Iron Age agrarians, the gender attribution of bread
121-23). Too often, human behavior is equated production is an appropriate test case for examining
with males. The examination of the gendered be the daily activities of Israelite households and the
havior of household members allows us to redress power dynamics that played out in the relationships
this androcentric tendency; itmakes itpossible to of household members.
70 Carol Meyers
represent "food" in the Hebrew Bible (Reed 1992: excavators, who seek to trace change over time in
778; Dommershausen 1995: 523-24). relation to socio-political history.Moreover, ovens
The growing of grain as a field crop is a necessary are not always depicted on schematic building
preliminary to bread production and itself requires plans, which are meant to show architectural form
more than functional space. Valuable data have
multiple plowing, sowing, reaping,
operations:
(Borowski 1987: 47-70). undoubtedly been lost because of excavation and
threshing, winnowing
Those activities, however, are not part of daily life. as well as publication
record-keeping techniques,
to the possibil
Rather, they are limited to two periods of several goals, that have not been sensitive
months each, as is clear from the Gezer Calendar of materials inways
ity recovering archaeological
and other ancient sources (Borowski 1987: 31-38, that allow for the reconstruction of household
Sowing of both wheat and barley would have (Steadman 1996: 3).
taken place in two winter months (yrhw zr = "two Nevertheless, some information can be salvaged
months of sowing"), with harvesting and ingather from past projects. This information is typically
embedded in discussions of the so-called "four
ing, followed by threshing and winnowing, taking
?
place in thespring probablyApril forbarley (yrh room house," apparently a type of structure formed
qsrs'rm
= "amonth of
harvesting barley") and May in the IronAge to fill the functionalneeds of
forwheat (yrh qsr -/-, probably = "amonth of har agrarian settlements in the hill-country
and Negev
vesting and measuring" [Cassuto 1954]). Thereafter, highlands (Holladay 1992; 1997; Stager 1985:11-17)
was stored in bulk or in jars in a variety of and eventually?although this remains somewhat
grain
? associated with Israelite
subterranean (pits, silos, cellars) and above-ground controversial becoming
(granaries, storerooms, storehouses) storage
facili ethnogenesis (Bunimovitz and Faust 2003). Al
use of certain spaces in those highly
ties for availability for conversion to edible form though the
during the entire year (Borowski 1987: 71-83). standardized dwellings is still debated, inferences
Bread production, in contrast, was a daily activ based on ethnography have established these
in urban or structures as functional adaptations to
ity in virtually every household. Even dry-farming
elite settings, where grain might be procured in mixed with horticulture and animal husbandry in
markets or as income from tenant farmers, indi Iron Age hamlets, villages, and towns, largely in
vidual households were the sites of the multiple sites considered Israelite or Judean.3The large cen
operations involved in transforming grain into tral space in the four-room house probably served
bread or gruel. The archaeological record preserves as the major work area for a variety of activities,
flour and the
several kinds of evidence attesting to the location including the pounding of grain into
From Field Crops to Food 71
even harder to
kneading of flour with water to produce dough and, Kneading troughs are identify in
or loaves. the archaeological record, perhaps because
ultimately, cakes they
Large shallow limestone or basalt may sometimes have been wooden slabs or
objects, simply
variously called grindstones, grinding slabs, slabs, pieces of fabric laid upon the cobbled or dirt surface
querns, or saddle querns,4 are often recovered in of the workspace.5
the large space of four-room houses (Mazar 1992: The mention of ovensin the archaeological
488; Holladay 1997: 339). These tools have a con literature containsconflicting or, rather, variant
cave work surface, a flat back, and are information. Baking ovens made of clay, usually
generally
twice as long as they are wide. They serve as lower with foundations of small stones, are sometimes
grinding stones and have as their counterparts found in themain workspace of four-room houses;
upper grinding stones, sometimes called grinders in other instances they appear outside the struc
or handstones. The
length of the typically convex ture in an open area
(courtyard space) or special
upper stones is usually somewhat less than the structure (Mazar 1992: 488). Indeed, they are not
width of the associated lower grinding stones; the necessarily found in every household, but rather
former were held with two hands and moved for may be positioned in outdoorspaces accessible to
ward and backward over the latter (see Pritchard several households (as at Tell el Far ah, North; see
1954: fig. 149). Most grain was probably crushed Holladay 1997: 339), suggesting communal use.
in such sets of upper and lower Bread could also be baked in bread pans or on
grinding stones,
which presumably were located in each household. griddles (see Lev 2:5,7; 7:9), both ofwhich would
At Tzbet Sartah, for example, the thirteen have entailed the use of hearths (see 1Kgs 19:6 and
grinding
stones of Stratum II-IV (late
eleventh-early tenth Isa 44:19). These are
notoriously difficult to locate
were
century) evenly distributed, with one to three in the archaeological record, let alone in archaeo
in every four-room
building unit and none found logical publications, possibly because, as ethno
outside the living areas (Finkelstein 1986: 93-94).
graphic evidence suggests, hearths, unlike ovens,
The fact that sometimes three grinding stones were often situated in
second-story rooms or, in
were found in one household is noteworthy, for it the hot months, outside the domestic structures in
indicates that two or three people were processing exterior courtyards (Kramer 1979:147-48).
at the same an
grain time, example of simple task Although archaeological publications do not
simultaneity(Wilkand Rathje 1982:622),which is always provide easy access to them, it seems certain
a useful way of
organizing labor when time-con that the implements and installations used in trans
suming procedures are involved. forming grains into edible form can be located in or
Mortars (round, concave stone artifacts, usu near households, in interior or exterior
workspaces.
ally made of limestone or basalt and smaller than What is not readily apparent, however, is the iden
with pestles (conicalor
grindingstones) together tity of those who used these tools and structures.
cylindricalpounding stoneswith slightlyrounded The artifacts and ovens or hearths are not intrin
bases), probablyused mainly forgrindingsmall sically gender noisy. Precisely because the gender
grains such as herbs, spices, or pigments, may also attribution of responsibility for specific household
have been used as supplemental tools for subsistence tasks is not universal, one cannot sim
grinding
small quantities of cereal grains (see Num 11:8; cf.
ply assume that the archaeological assemblages
Prov 27:22). These tools are also sometimes re associated with in Syro-Palestinian
bread-making
ported in archaeological publications, but the lack households can be
assigned to one gender or the
of illustrations and the confusion of terminology other. In order to assess the experiential world of
make it difficult to assess locations or the Iron Age and interrogate any household
quantity. activity
The hammerstone or pounder was also a common for information about human behavior, hierarchies,
grinding tool, but it is often overlooked because and power differentials, the practitioners of that
of artifact collection strategies that favor more activitymust firstbe identified. Prehistorians doing
recognizable ground stone tools (Ebeling 2002). the archaeology of gender (as Gero and
Conkey
72 Carol Meyers
general geographic region as the excavations and etal, as opposed to animal, foods (Murdock and
thus bears the possibility of cultural continuity Provost 1973: tables 1 and 5). In 145 societies such
?
(see Carter 1997). Textual sources written docu work was exclusively female, and in only 3was it
ments cases (with data
of the populations producing the artifact exclusively male. In the other 27
? are
assemblages in question also de rigueur for unavailable for 11more) vegetal food preparation
the interpretation of Iron Age remains from Syria was performed by both genders.
Palestine.6 The Hebrew Bible is thewritten source Many individual anthropological studies across
par excellence and also the one most notoriously cultures corroborate those findings. They also pro
attacked as ideologically biased and therefore un vide some additional relevant information about
reliable, but that judgment may be less relevant for grain-processing tasks, namely, their social aspect.
thebiblical allusions to household lifethan they Ethnography shows that tedious sets of activities,
are for the assessment of the political or religious such as grinding grain and kneading dough, are
issues that are the raison d'etre of the biblical cor often performed in gendered work groups. Women
pus. Other ancient written sources, such as those of one household ?and there can be several
from Mesopotamia and Ugarit, may be relevant, adolescent or adult women in the extended family
although their focus on urban elites means households that probably were typical for Iron Age
they,
too,must be used cautiously. Finally, iconographie agrarian settlements (Stager 1985; C. Meyers 1997a;
?
materials, though relatively scarce for Syria-Pales Faust 2000)8 and even of neighboring house
tine in comparison with Mesopotamia and Egypt, holds frequently gather together to grind, knead,
are and bake (Friedl 1991: 208; Sweely 1999:168). The
occasionally available. Artistic representations
of household activities from nearby societies may last operation has an ecological and labor-saving
also be useful ifused critically, given the differences motivation as well as a social one; that is,where
as well as similarities between Israelite and other fuel is relatively scarce, firing an oven to produce
Near Eastern cultures. multiple loaves for several households may reduce
From Field Crops to Food 73
depict women controlling bread production and respect to grinding, a number of passages in the
other food-processing activities (Kramer 1979; Hebrew Bible mention millstones or the grinding
Watson Palestinian even of grain. Most of them provide no information
1979). examples may be
more relevant. Ironically, studies of local domestic about the gender of those using the grinding stone,
architecture and related activity patterns have been NRSV "hand-mill" (r?hayim, a Hebrew dual form
rather under-utilized by "biblical" archaeologists a
probably representing grinding artifact consist
intent inmany other ways in interpreting the re ing of two parts: upper and lower grinding stones).
sults of their excavations. Following in the footsteps For example, in Jer 25:10, the sound of grinding
of the few explorers (such as Canaan 1933;Dalman stones is indicativeof happy familylife; inDeut
1942) who documented Palestinian a 24:6, neither a "handmifl" nor part thereof, i.e., an
dwellings,
late 1970s survey, sponsored by the Center for the "upper millstone," is to be taken as collateral; and
Study of Eretz Israel and Its Yishuv, investigated inNum 11:8, the "people" ? probably a gender-in
?
in great detail fifteen Ottoman-period houses in clusive term collectively gather manna and grind
theHebron district (Hirschfeld 1995). The survey itwith millstones or in amortar. The two passages
team interviewed older family members and also inwhich the gender of those grinding is apparent
studied the architecture and the installations for both denote women. In Exod 11:5,Egyptian slave
food preparation. Although primarily interested in girls work themillstones; and in Isa 47:1-2, Baby
construction techniques, the researchers nonethe lon is personified as a woman who loses her royal
less recorded several kinds of ethnographic infor status, becomes a peasant woman, and takes the
mation relevant to bread production. In particular, hand-mill to produce flour.
they ascertained the occupancy levels of dwellings Similarly, theHebrew word for the upper grind
and also certain aspects of household activities, ing stone {rekeby from the root rkb, "to ride," as a
location and stone "riding" on the lower
including gender. grinding stone) is found
To their surprise, they discovered that the three times in the Hebrew Bible, once in a gender
maximum number of inhabitants averaged sixteen neutral passage (Deut 24:6, where it appears with
(Hirschfeld 1996: 135, table 5). This figure, repre the dual "handmill" = pair of grinding stones)
senting three to four generations, is consonant with and twice in reference to a woman (the woman of
notions of the Israelite extended family as the basic Thebez), who rescues her city and its population
social unit. Another feature is that bread ovens were by seizing
an
"upper millstone" and throwing it
often built in outdoor spaces and courtyards, some a
from tower onto the upstart Abimelech and kill
times thereby serving several households, whereas ing him (Judg 9:53-54; 2 Sam 11:21; see C. Meyers
hearths were usually not permanent structures 200od). Because large, stationary, rotarymills with
(Hirschfeld 1995: 133,140-41,166). Finally, inter fitted turning stones for grinding were probably not
views with both female and male occupants re introduced until the Persian or Hellenisticperiod
vealed thatwomen were the ones who determined (Amiran 1956; cf. Frankel 2003), the "upper mill
of space for objects and activities in
the allocation stone" used by the woman of Thebez would have
the household (Hirschfeld 1995:148-49,152,182). been the portable upper grinding stone, usually la
The communal nature of bread production, as well beled a grinder or rubbing stone in the archaeologi
as the female control of the artifacts and space in cal literature; that is, she used one part, the upper
which bread was prepared, thus emerge as salient part of the dual rehayim, as her deadly weapon.
features of Palestinian ethnography. Also relevant is the use of the verb thny"to grind,"
in theHebrew Bible. Sometimes this term denotes
the crushing of substances other than grain, as
74 Carol Meyers
when Moses pulverizes the idolatrous golden calf However, biblical texts indicate thatwomen in
(Exod 32:20; cf. Deut 9:21), or when First Isaiah family households produced bread in the
non-ur
(3:15) bemoans theway the poor are being crushed ban contexts inwhich most Israelites lived in the
by the elite. However, whenever the verb mentions Iron Age. Among the covenant curses at the end
the grindingof grain in a way that links itwith of the Book of Leviticus, one of the disasters that
one
gender, women are specified. The reference to will resultifthepeople disobeyGod will be a great
maiden Babylon transformed to a woman at work reduction in the availability of food. This paucity
has her grinding meal (Isa 47:2). In Job 31:10, Job in is indicated by a scenario in which "ten women
siststhatifhe has been unfaithful,
thenhiswifewill shall bake your bread in a single oven" (Lev 26:26).
?
"grind for another,"which may be a double entendre The image is that of a bread shortage the bread
denoting
a sexual as well as a
milling activity. And, of ten households can be baked in an oven usually
although it probably dates to the Persian period serving fewer households. The idea of households
and not the Iron Age, Eccl 12:3 seems relevant in its an oven is
sharing noteworthy. So, too, is another
reference to "women who grind," which epitomizes aspect of this text, in which the task of allotting
strong women doing household labor, in parallel bread to others belongs to the women who have
with a reference to the strongmen of the house (C. baked it: the women "shall dole out your bread
Meyers 2000e); the diminution with age of strength by weight." Women, in other words, control food
to grind will mean that the sound of handmills will portions; they allocate life-sustaining resources (C.
a
diminish (Eccl 12:4). The only two texts inwhich Meyers 2000b). Another text depicts woman, the
males are linked to grinding stones maintain the as medium of Endor, providing unleavened cakes as
sociation of those tools with females, because both well as meat from a stall-fed calf that she herself
texts depict abnormal situations. In Judg 16:21, an slaughters in order to provide psychological and
emasculated and sightless Samson, without hair or physical sustenance for Saul (1 Sam 28:24).
eyes, is relegated toworking a grindstone (way?h? Cultic preparation of bread in the central
t?h?n) in a Philistine prison; and in Lamentations sanctuary may have been a male priestly task; but
5, the destruction of Jerusalem is expressed by a household was arguably
religious practice, which
lengthy catalogue of ways inwhich the "normal" dominated by women (C. Meyers 2005), involved
order has been reversed ? slaves now rule (v. 8) women as producers of loaves for the Queen of
and young men hold millstones (bah?r?m t?h?n Heaven. Jeremiah 7:18 reports that fathers build
n?s?u, v. 13). fires and children gather kindling, but that "moth
The various passages in theHebrew Bible that re ers knead
dough, to make cakes for the Queen
fer to bread-baking contain similar gender informa of Heaven." Jeremiahs emphasis (see also Jer
tion. One of them,Gen 19:3, implies that aman (Lot) 44:15-19, 25) on women as makers of these cereal
baked bread for "two angels;" but the Lot narrative is offerings, along with libations and the burning
fraught with difficulties about sex and gender roles of incense, may indicate that the worship of the
and perhaps can, therefore, be discounted. And an Queen of Heaven was particularly attractive to
? an
other (Gen 40:1) refers to a foreigner Egyptian women (Ackerman 1989). Men did participate
administrator in charge of bread-baking ?and can too, however, and inmaking fires theymay have
likewise be discounted; or, itcan be compared to Lev been sharing a predominantly female role, which
24:5, which implies that (male) priests prepared the appears as womahs work in First Isaiahs portrait
bread for the golden table in the Tent ofMeeting. of the demise of normal life (27:11; see C. Meyers
This would conform to the notion of specialized 2000c). Starting fires and keeping them going in
or elite bread production over by men a world without matches probably involved the
being taken
(Goody 1982:101). Similarly, commercial production cooperative efforts of neighbors and nearby kin;
of bread in the trulyurban setting of the royal capi tending fires embodies the cooperative aspect of
tals of Jerusalem or Samaria might have involved the communal world ofwomen more than that of
men (Jer 37:21; Hos 7:4). men 1982: 70).
(Goody
From Field Crops to Food 75
One other gendered reference to bread produc thought to have been introduced to Cyprus from
tion is the famous passage in Samuel, inwhich Syria-Palestine via Phoenician coroplasts (Vande
the prophet Samuel tries to dissuade the people of nabeele 1986), examining Cypriot as well as Le
early Israel of their demand formonarchic rule. He vantine examples is appropriate. A terracotta from
asserts that a king may, indeed, provide stability Ahzib (Pritchard1954:152),dating to the late Iron
and justice but that therewill be a cost: heavy taxa Age, shows a female figure bending over a bread
tion and the conscription of both young women troughandkneadingdough.The plethoraof similar
and men to menial positions in the military and Cypriot pieces includes a number of examples in
palace bureaucracies. The tasks listed for these which two women are performing this task in tan
young people probably reflect Israelite patterns dem (Karageorghis 1998: fig. 24, pis. 29:9, 30:1-2).
of division of labor by gender: males will become Similar figurai compositions appear in ancient
soldiers, makers of ornaments, and workers in the Greece, and a Boeotian terracottashowing four
s serve as "perfumers women a communal
king fields; and females will kneading dough together in
and cooks and bakers" (8:13). Usually, when tasks trough led the excavators of Tel Dor to interpret an
performed bywomen in domestic settings become installation in an Iron I context as a bread-kneading
specialty occupations or professions connected trough (Stern et al. 1997: 52-56, figs. 10-12).
with courts or temples, they are taken over bymen, Iconographie materials from ancient Egypt,
as was case in ancient Israel for the
apparently the largely from periods preceding the Iron Age, depict
as mentioned women
production of cultic bread, above. grinding grain or carrying out some other
But, according to the Samuel text, Israelite women step in the process of producing baked goods. A
retained bread-making, along with two other fe famous tomb model from the Middle Kingdom
male tasks, even when those jobs became linked (Robins 1993: fig. 32; see also Pritchard 1954:149),
with the political elites (C. Meyers 2000a). for example, shows a kneeling woman rubbing grain
The existence of a Syro-Palestinian source, the by pressing an upper stone or grinder on a lower
Hebrew Bible, containing references to women grinding stone. Such depictions suggest that bread
grinding grain and producing bread precludes the production was one of the few activities that usually
necessity of looking to other ancient Near Eastern involved exclusively women, in elite households as
cultures. Yet it isworth noting thatMesopotamian well as in those ofworkers (Robins 1993:102,118).
and Egyptian texts also linkwomen with the prepa
ration of bread. Mesopotamian sources indicate DISCUSSION
thatwomen spent much time in carrying out the
processes required for producing loaves or cakes; Taken together, these sources make it reasonably
indeed, millstones might even be part of a woman's certain that the various steps in the daily produc
dowry (Harris 1992: 949). Similarly,Egyptian tion of cereal foods can be attributed to women.
women of all classes were In addition,
documents suggest that several features of these data suggest
for bread production (Bossen 1989; cf. Brumfiel economic value (Brumfiel 1991:224-25), and newer
1991: 238). Ethnographic literature abounds with ethnographic studies show thatwomen's household
descriptions of women
lightening the hard and economic roles, in craft production as well as in
time-consuming process of grinding by working subsistence tasks, functioned inways that challenge
together, singing and chatting (Goody 1982: 69). our persistent and often unexamined notions of
For this study, the two salient emerging fea female dependence and patriarchal dominance. It
tures of bread-production in Iron Age agrarian is now clear that the work patterns and authority
households, thus, are the female on the structures in premodern societies meant that daily
monopoly
technology and the quasi-communal nature of the lifewas rarely organized along hegemonic, male
labor. That is, bread production involved women's dominated, gendered lines. To put it another way,
group work. Based on this information, a number women's technologies have been rescued from their
of inferences, again using ethnographic analogy, or even power
degraded status, and the prestige
can be made about women's lives and about gen women is now recognized.
they have accorded to
der dynamics in Iron Age agrarian communities. A second and equally powerful obstacle to reach
However, the implications of identifying bread ing an ernie, or insider's, perspective on Iron Age
as women's group work cannot be so
production society is the set of values associated with the
fully grasped without first acknowledging several called public/private dichotomy. This dichotomy
Perhaps themost significant obstacle to under changes brought about by industrialization, that
standing the importance ofwomen's contributions views the public (political and economic institu
to household - tions and activities) and the private (family or do
life in biblical antiquity is present
mindedness. The meaning and value of women's mestic life) as separate domains. This private/public
work cannot be ascertained on the basis of our binary was popular several decades ago in assessing
experience in contemporary middle-class western women's roles in traditional societies
(as Rosaldo
culture (Nelson 1997:13-21,88). Despite the objec 1974; Sanday 1974), but it is no longer considered
a useful or even accurate
tions of many second-wave American feminists, analytical framework
women's household activities are tacitly considered (Sharistanian 1987; C. Meyers 1988: 32-36,175-76;
supportive and secondary, and are thereby trivial Helly and Reverby 1992; cf. Rosaldo 1980; Lam
ized and marginalized, while activities historically phere 1993; Gilchrist 1999). A more integrated
or traditionally associated with men tend to be now sees that "public" and "private" are
approach
imbued with power and/or prestige. These nega overlapping domains in premodern societies. All
tive perspectives ofwomen's work are rooted in the household activities have significance for both the
identification ofwomen with the home inwestern household and the larger community in which it
ideologies of the last two centuries (Lawrence 1999: is embedded ?the domestic is political and the
121),which in turn is the result of the removal of private is public (Hegland 1991: 216-18, 228-29).
significant economic processes from the house Women's productive activities in Iron Age
hold as part of the industrial revolution. Women's households, as in other premodern societies, must,
housework seen as therefore, be perceived as dynamic elements of the
unpaid became simply the
performance of housekeeping chores. As a result, social and political fabric of their communities
itbecame increasingly difficult to acknowledge the (Yanagisako 1979: 191;Hendon 1996: 47). Ethno
economic value and the attendant social power and graphic research has demonstrated that gender
powerless in virtually all premodern societies is west tend to focus on formal institutions, whereas
now known to be deeply flawed. Women's pro informal power relations in traditional societies
ductive activities in such societies have major are the concomitant of the control of productive
From Field Crops to Food 77
activities (Sweely 1999:155-56). Because people in 168-73; cf. Kahn 1986). Still, food-processing ac
premodern communities exercise power in ways tivitieswithin or near the domicile itselfwere daily,
that are related to their productive tasks, the iden female-controlled activities; and theywere also the
tification of bread-making as a women's activity final stages of the chain of activities required tomake
has significance forhousehold power differentials. field crops edible. Both these features may have
Three kinds of female power can be identified for privileged women in terms of internal household
woman as bread-producers. power differentials (C. Meyers 1991: 49-51).
First, female control of the complex technologies A second kind of power in relation to food
for transforming the raw into the cooked ? grain production must also be considered: the personal
into bread ? likely signified social power within power, or valued sense of self, that is
contingent
households. Ethnographers have documented, upon the importance of a set of tasks and the
across cultures, that important household deci gratification derived from performing them. Two
accrue towomen aspects of womens work are relevant to assessing
sion-making powers by virtue of
their dominance of essential household processes gratification (C. Meyers 1997a: 26-27). First, fe
(Counihan 1998: 2, 4). The virtual exclusivity in male tasks in the aggregate in premodern agrarian
Israelite households of women as producers and households require more technological skills than
distributors of the fundamental nutritional source, those ofmales and, thus, for Israelite women would
which cannot be obtained in any other way, thus have been qualitatively different in their ability to
denotes female power. Note that a general notion of produce a sense of accomplishment. Second, wom
female provision of all food for Israelite households en's tasks produce items that are immediately useful
appears in the passage describing the strong female or consumable. The products of male labor ? the
household manager in Prov 31:15? the woman of growing of crops
? were
assessed in amounts that
that acrostic provides nourishment (Hebrew terep; were on nature, whereas
dependent unmanageable
see Wagner 1986: 253) for her entire household. womens work produced usable/edible items that
Women produced bread (and probably most were on
dependent manageable technology. Again,
other cooked foodstuffs), allotted portions, and satisfaction and an attendant sense of personal
thereby exercised control over critical aspects of worth may, thus, have been more consistently part
household life. ofwomens daily experience than ofmen's.
The control by Israelite women of activities that A third kind of power ? socio-political pow
er?
provided sustenance cannot be compared towestern is implicated in the communal aspect of bread
domestic patterns, with women as traditional "gate producing activities. The gathering of women
keepers" of food into the home and onto the tables. in groups to perform repetitive, labor-intensive
In themodern world, where food can easily be ob tasks signals the formation of women's networks.
tained outside the home and without technological Women working together over extended periods
expertise, provisioning food can even sometimes be of time on a daily basis not only share informa
linked to female subservience (DeVault 1991). Not tion and techniques relevant to the tasks they
so in are
premodern societies, where providing food performing but also share information about
is linked with power. To be sure, the total effort for each other and each other's families. They know
supplying nourishment in ancient Israel involved each other intimately, and this social knowledge
both female and male labor. Tasks associated with creates a sphere of female relationships. Women
growing field crops were probably allocated to in such social contexts obtain information that is
males, according to textual data: plowing (Isa 28:24; unavailable tomen and thatmay often be critical
1
Kgs 19:19; Job 1:14), sowing (Gen 26:12; Isa 28:25; for forging supra-household political connections.
32:20), and harvesting (2Kgs 4:18; Isa 28:28; Jer9:21; At the least, such information is essential for solv
Amos 9:13; but cf.Ruth 2:2,8-9). This complemen ing sporadic economic problems, such as the dif
tarityof food production is likely to have equalized ferential need for field labor among households,
gendered power in household life (C. Meyers 1988: and for assisting with difficulties such as illness or
78 Carol Mey? rs
enough older unmarried children to be able to conventional wisdom about male dominance in
"protective association of families" that extended situate the social power accruing to Iron Age wom
social, economic, and military aid to its constituent en, because of their dominanceof critical aspects
households 1979: 257-67; cf. Lamphere
(Gottwald of household life (C. Meyers 2006). 10Theyworked
1993: 70). Furthermore, because Israelite women in female cohorts to produce life-sustaining food,
married into one household while still retaining they produced other essentials such as textiles
tieswith their natal households, they had structural and even the tools themselves (Ebeling 2002), and
links with two descent groups, whereas men had they controlled critical aspects of household reli
connections with only one such group. These mari gious life. Their lives were thus replete with
daily
tal and consanguinai ties, along with their daily intricate and subtle opportunities for contributing
communal labor, meant that women were often to household and communal well-being and for
better positioned than men, socially and spatially, experiencing the attendant aspects of social and
tomediate community relations (Lamphere 1993: personal power. It is time to deconstruct the notion
70). Female household members typically channel ofmale-dominated hierarchies in our reconstruc
and regulate many interactions among households. tions of ancient Israelite society. Acknowledging
This overlapping of "domestic" and "public" realms the reality and significance of womens economic,
even
is visible today in third world countries, socio-political, and also religious roles renders
where the state does not always reach into rural a problematic and inappropriate
gender hierarchy
areas. Politics in such communities are typically model and allows for amore nuanced and accurate
conducted through kin relationships.9 understanding of gender as difference.
From Field Crops to Food 79
NOTES
*
A limited treatment of bread production appeared depend on theprobability of cultural continuity and
along with a discussion of textile production in C. thus value reports from early colonial eyewitnesses;
Meyers 2003b; and a differentversion of thispaper is see Conkey and Gero 1991:18 andmany of the studies
found inNashim 5 (2002). The editors of both those inGero and Conkey 1991.
publications, as well as of thepresent one, graciously 7 Note that breast-feeding and caring for newborns,
agreed to these overlapping studies. which are exclusively female tasks, are not consid
1 These projects were Khirbet Shema (E. Meyers et ered technological and thuswere not included in the
al. 1976),Meiron (E.Meyers et al. 1981),Gush Halav Murdock and Provost study.
(E.Meyers et al. 1990), and Nabratein (Meyers and 8 Holladay (1995:387-89) claims that thenuclear fam
Meyers, forthcoming). Only at Gush Halav did re ilywas the basic social and domestic unit in Iron II
strictionson the excavation permit preclude adequate agrarian groups, but his claim should be modified by
exploration of domestic structures. the fact thatunrelated servantsmight be attached to
2 Among themany reports on Sepphoris, see Nagy et thenuclear family,by the realization that thenuclear
al. 1996. family ispart of a segmentary structurewith the ex
3 The usual translation of theHebrew word '?rtm as tended family as the next level of complexity, and by
"cities" ismisleading (C.Meyers 2003b: 425-26, n. 1). thepossibility that certain activitieswere performed
Villages and towns, some of the latterwalled, rather jointlyby familymembers from beyond the nuclear
than cities, dominated in the IronAge as invirtually unit.
all past agrarian societies (Lenski 1984:199-200). 9 Not long ago, ethnographic observation inAlaiabad
4 That many terms are used for grinding stones in in Iran revealed that "personal and domestic relations
dicates that the classification of ground stone tools were also public and political relations" (Hegland
lacks the refinement in terminology that character 1991: 215).
izes ceramic typologies. Prehistorians, however, have 10 Definitions of power vary among social scientists.
provided useful descriptive categories (Milevski 1998: One possible understanding of power is that it is
61-62). the "net ability or capability of action to produce
5 See thediscussion of iconography,below, fora possible or cause intended outcomes or effects,particularly
interpretationof stone troughs as kneading basins. on the behavior of others, or on others outcomes"
6 Documentary evidence is routinely used, wherever (Szinovacz 1987: 652). Issues of household power
are typically resource based, with significant labor
possible, even for studying prehistoric cultures or
those that have not produced written sources. For output and control of technology?both aspects of
example, anthropologists who study Northern, womens lives inpremodern agrarian societies ? thus
Southern, or Meso-American cultures sometimes signifying the presence of female power.
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Chapter 7
Queen or Crone?
Gendered Archaeology in an
LB Tomb at Gezer
byfoeD. Seger
path by which to research gender roles be inferred from associated artifacts? Or was she a
A. in past cultures. From burial styles and more humble crone on testimony of the condition
burial goods, inferences can be made regarding of her skeleton?
85
86 . Seger
Joe
of accumulated soil and debris from the cistern that entirely covered the early, "lower phase," burial
chamber, a level of burial remains was reached. materials and put themain chamber area out of use
a
Excavation continued during the succeeding (fig. 1).However, in subsequent "upper phase," the
week and also for additional six-week seasons entryway tunnel was partly re-cleared and prepared
in the summers of 1970 and 1971. These efforts for continued use. The chronological profile of the
demonstrated that the original cistern chamber ceramic and artifact assemblage associated with the
had been converted into a tomb at the start of the upper phase of burials places them comfortably in
LB IB period. This had been accomplishedby the the LB IIA period. The tomb s use clearly extended
cutting of a horizontal tunnel from its south side, through the post-Amarna age of the mid-i4th
throughbedrock,and out to the slope of thehill century, but itmost certainly
was not
functioning
below the tell. Itwas also shown that the collapse after 1300 b.c.e. (Seger 1988: 52).
of the chamber ceiling had occurred in the early The disposition of burial remains in the upper
decades of the 14th century b.c.e., at a mid-point phase was typical of the tomb in both phases, i.e.,
in the history of the use of the tomb. This collapse with bones, skulls and grave goods from earlier
had admitted a deposition of soil and stone debris interments moved into casual heaps along the
Queen or Crone? 87
07
wall to the side and back of the tunnel chamber was preferred (Finkel 1988:129). The orientation of
of the the bodies, on the other hand, seems to be wholly
(figs. 2-3). To judge from the arrangement
last in situ burial, referenced as Individual #1, or random. Lower-level articulated Individuals #1
more colloquially by the dig team as "Sarah," such and #2, contained in the ceramic sarcophagus
clearance in the upper tomb level did not quite pro as Locus 10071, had heads to the south,
designated
vide enough space for the proper prone extended while the head of articulated Individual # 39 from
pear with knees semi-flexed. However, evidence rituals of burial were regularly accommodated to
of articulated remains from the lower tomb phase the practical constraints of available space.
makes itclear that the fully extended prone posture
88 JoeD. Seger
Individual #i, "Sarah," the last person buried in Tomb I. io a in situ upper-phase deposits. Meter stick rests on the already
Fig. 3
cleared lower-phase burial surface.
The burial of Sarah is notable, not only because to lightgreyandwhite. In situ,thevase laybroken
shewas the last individualto be admittedto the cleanly into two pieces. The fracture
was across
tomb, but because of the character of her associ themain body and the form was easily mended.1
ated grave goods. These included an assemblage The restored form was 95 mm in height. Traces of
of seven items, consisting of a Cypriot Base Ring fine, light reddish brown sand adhered to the inner
II jug (DD5); threeitemsof localware: a pitcher surface of the small jar, testifying to the sand-core
(EEi), a bowl (DD6) and a bowl base (DD7); a set method ofmanufacture.
ofbone tubesand beads (CCi and CC7); a bronze The vessel shape is typical for such mid-sec
knife(CC5); and an Egyptianglassvase (DD9; fig. ond-millennium b.c.e. sand-core molded glass
4).While thepotterygroup includesan imported jars,with a tallwide neck, a bulbous body with
Cypriot jug, this isnot exceptional, since numerous horizontal handles on two opposing sides, and a
imported Cypriot items are represented in each of flaring foot. Egyptian examples from chronologi
the burial phases. The repertoire of local ware is secure contexts provide a range in dates that
cally
also quite ordinary. However, the other artifacts extends from the reign of Thutmose IV (1413-1405
suggest that Sarah may have been a woman of some b.c.e.) to that of Amenhotep IV (Akhenaten;
prestige and wealth. 1367-1350 b.c.e.). During this era, the shape was
That Sarah enjoyed an elevated status ismost popular not only in Egypt, but such glass jars
specially witnessed by the presence of the
rare (with and without handles) were also exported to
vase This vase was Palestine, Cyprus, Rhodes, and Crete (Barag 1988;
imported Egyptian glass (fig. 5).
found alongside of her skull, next to her left ear. Nolte 1968:184-85).
When first found, its color was a deep blue with The Gezer Cave I.ioa vase is one of only six
yellow and turquoise blue wavy threads around the intact examples found in Palestine, and is the only
neck. But once exposed, these colors rapidly faded one of these found in a closely dated context con
Queen or Crone? 89
1 2
cutting blade. The remaining 120mm served as a rather tall: estimates made from all long bones sug
handle and are straight and rectangular in section. gest amean of 169.7 cm (5 feet, 7 inches). Only one
It is likely that the knife was prepared to receive small artificial contusion was observed on the left
some additional hafting. Petrie described this type front of the skull near the coronal suture. However,
of implement as a "cutting-out knife" and suggested Sarah had suffered from severe Osteoarthritis. Her
that itwas used by women to cut linen (Petrie 1917: vertebrae were all badly lipped, especially the lum
51 and PI. 62:18). Linen cloth, one can postulate, was bar. There was also deterioration of thoracic and
a more
luxury product found commonly among the cervical vertebrae (Finkel 1988:132).
upper class. It can, accordingly, be presumed that Within the larger Cave I.ioa population, Sarahs
Sarah enjoyeda placewithin the leadingcirclesat physical state was not exceptional. A minimum
Gezer during her life. population of 88 individuals has been estimated
This picture, however, stands in some contrast (Finkel 1988:130). As a group it is extremely young,
to the study of Sarahs skeletal remains carried out with 31 individuals of less than 10 years and only
David JonathanFinkel
byphysicalanthropologist 7 individuals olderthan 35 years. Among the 57
(Finkel 1988). The skeleton was completely articu adults, gender distinctions could be made for 37
lated and was in excellent condition when itwas individuals. Of these, 17were males and 20 females.
removed. Sex was determined from the sacrum and Excepting the nature of associated grave goods, no
innominate bones and from the general gracility evidence was found to suggest any separation or
of the skeletal structure. Sarah was a female. Her differentiation of burials or burial practices in rela
age was estimated at 30 ? 3 years (Finkel 1988:132). tion to gender. For 7 individuals within the adult
This estimate was based on completed tooth erup group, a specific age could not be ascertained. Of
Queen or Crone? 91
the remaining 45, the average age at death was 27.5 Degenerative arthritis and robusticity of bones are
years, with the median at 24 years. Just over half suggestive of physical stresses and heavy workloads
died between the ages of 14 and 24, another third (Cohen and Bennett 1993). It thus seems clear that
by 35 years, with the oldest individuals reaching this Gezer population was engaged in some form
only 55 years. Given the high incidence of infant of intensive subsistence labor. The most ready
mortality, it is clear that the life expectancy of this explanation is that these conditions resulted from
tomb population was extremely low.2 agricultural practices, where the long hours ofwork
At the same time, most of the other adults, like in the fields, plowing, sowing, hoeing, and reaping,
Sarah, were also found to have suffered from Osteo required extensive bending, placing severe stress
arthritis. Almost half of the lumbar vertebrae re on backs and limbs. The earlier idea that it is nor
covered were severely arthritic, and the rest showed mative forwomen to function as4 gatherers," while
at least slight lipping around the vertebral bodies: men hunt and otherwise are the
primary initiators
of plant and animal domestication has now been
Thoracic and cervical vertebrae show vary
as well; and effectively challenged (Watson and Kennedy 1991).
ing degrees of Osteoarthritis In small-scale food-producing societies, thewhole
phalanges, metatarsals, and metacarpals
population, men, women, and children share the
reveal lipping and irregular faceting. There
is one case of the lower lumbar vertebrae agricultural burdens, and such would fit the case of
this group atGezer. However, the lack of robusticity
being fusedat thetopof thesacrum (Finkel
among the females in the group suggests involve
1988:130). ment at a lesser scale, at least as far as any "heavy
The presence of such severe arthritic conditions, can also be noted that there
lifting" is concerned. It
focused especially in the lumbar region, suggests were no
agricultural tools among the grave goods,
that this population was engaged inwork that re but since tombs of the period rarely, ifever, contain
or similar postures that this type of object, this is not ofmuch significance.
quired continuous stooping
stress on their lower backs. That Before returning to the question of Sarahs prob
regularly placed
this condition was endemic among a population able role within the group, comment must be made
so young is quite notable. with respect to implications that can be drawn from
Overall,the population studied is reasonably the overall character of the tombs grave goods.
homogeneous, with characteristics such that they There is a fairly broad sample of local ceramic ves
can be considered members of an extended family sels, but, as noted previously, there are also large
was considerable sexual dimorphism numbers of imported wares, mostly of Cypriot ori
group.3 There
in the population. The females appear to have been gin. In addition, however, there are numerous other
tall and gracile. Finkel notes thatwith the females, imported objects and vessels from origins scattered
extensive development of ridges and tuberosities widely around the eastern Mediterranean. Of spe
formuscle attachments is rare (Finkel 1988:131): cial note is the already mentioned L.10071 ceramic
On the other hand, the males are distin sarcophagus. This coffin, though locally made, has
proposed for other bronze objects, including dag there is, in fact, no certain evidence to substantiate
gers, arrowheads, and toggle pins. A more certain such a claim, the presence of such a rare item of
as the as a direct
import from this northern area is one example of Egyptian trade glass vase, be it gift
a tall, red burnished for or heirloom, is a clear indicator of some special sta
"Syrian" bottle (itemd),
which type neutron activation tests have now con tus. At the same time, on evidence of her arthritic
firmed the northern coastal provenance. Finally, in condition, she would seem to have participated in
addition to the glass vase and the "linen-cutting" the same regimens of work stress as did others in
knife previously cited, there are numerous other the clan group, at least to the same extent as did the
objects of Egyptian export. Among other items, other females. What implications should be drawn
these most notably include several scarabs, four from the fact that themen within the group appear
with prenomina of Eighteenth-Dynasty pharaohs; to be more robust? Does this indicate further that
two carved limestone kohl vessels with baboons Sarah and the other women were of amore favored
period and that itheld sufficient residual wealth to might not normallyapply (Hamlin
work activity
be able to partake extensively in the broad-ranging 2001). Although exact details of the nature and
exchange system. Stratigraphie evidence indicates character of the work in which the Tomb I.ioa
a century fol involved can not be specified, some
that, after languishing for almost people were
lowingtheroutof theHyksos by theEgyptiansin assignment by gender to ordinary and to heavier
the late sixteenth century, Gezer recovered and by work activities does seem to have pertained.
about 1425 b.c.e. supported a fairly sizeable popula We can, however, postulate that the women at
tion.Within early LB ILA, recovery was sufficient to Gezer, like women in other small-scale food-pro
provide occasion for the addition of a substantial ducing societies, did
a great deal of the produc
wall system (Seger 1988: 57). The Amarna letters tive agricultural work, including gathering and
testify that just after this time, during the reign of harvesting, along with much of themaintenance,
Akenaten (Amenhotep IV; 1467-1350 b.c.e.), one food preparation, caring for children, sewing, and
Milkilu, prince of Gezer, respected the Pharaoh as cleaning. Such daily toil would easily account for
overlord and was actively involved in exchanges thephysical stressesdisplayed by theirphysical
of concubines and materials for Egyptian goods remains. Whatever status Sarah held, she appar
(Pritchard1955:487). It thusseems likelythatthe ently was not exempt from these rigors. Yet, at 30
Gezer community at this time may have included or so years of age, she was much too young to be
some immigrants and traders, but, as we have seen, considered a crone. Given the overall assemblage
the population of Tomb Lio a appears to represent of burials and tomb goods, along with the obvious
more an extended economics involved in the preparation and mainte
exclusively family of local char
acter, albeit somewhat susceptible to international nance of the tomb itself, itmay be concluded that
influences. the extended tomb family in Tomb I.ioa repre
How then do we finally assess the role played sented a somewhat elite, ifnot upper-class, part of
by Sarah within the Gezer community? Was she a theGezer LB population. Sarah, itwould seem, was
queen, even possibly an ancestor ofMilkilu? While one of themost
highly regarded among them.
Queen or Crone? 93
NOTES
The restored vessel was complete,with the exception such a low estimate of lifeexpectancy isnot unusual
of some small chips thatwere missing offof thebody, for thismid-second millennium b.c.e. period. See
thebase and one handle. The wavy threaddecoration Guy and Engberg 1938:111-13, table 6.
was wound around the neck and marvered into the 3 DNA analysiswould help to confirm such an associa
surface in thefinal stages of preparation of theupper tion.However, Finkels study of thesematerials was
body and rim. The workmanship is less than excellent completed in an era before such analysis became an
(see Barag 1988). option.
2 It can be noted, however, on evidence supplied by
contemporary tomb populations atMegiddo, that
REFERENCES
D. Nolte, .
Barag,
1988 An Egyptian Glass Jar.Pp. 100-101 in Gezer 1968 Die Glasgef?sse imAlten ?gypten. Berlin: Hes
V: The Field I Caves, ed. J.D. Seger. Annual of sling.
theHebrew Union College. Jerusalem:Nelson Petrie, W. M. F.
Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology. 1917 Tools and Weapons. British School ofArchaeol
Ben-Arieh, S., and Edelstein, G. ogy inEgypt 30. London: Quaritch.
1977 Akko Tombs near the Persian Garden. Atiqot Pritchard, J.B. (ed.)
(English Series) 12: 1-15. 1955 Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to theOld
Cohen, M., and Bennett, S. Testament. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univer
No Stelae, No Queens:
Two Issues Concerning
the Kings of Israel and Judah
byGary A. Rendsburg
This chapter treats two independent issues a variety of approaches in recent years. The answer
relevant to the study of the kings of Israelto this question, however, regardless of the ap
and Judah:(a) thelackof royalinscriptions proach employed, has been the same: yes, the kings
fromthesekings,and (b) the lackofqueens in the of Israel and Judah did erect such monuments. I
courts of Samaria and Jerusalem. The treat would like to propose a different answer: no, they
royal
ment will be relatively short? after all, we are deal did not.
?
ing here with "lack," not with evidence but I hope The flurry of recent scholarly activity absolves
that in the end the reader will agree that the issues me of having to present a full examination of the
are ofmajor significance for our understanding of state of the question, especially in light of Parkers
ancient Israelite society and religion. (2000) fine and detailed contribution. Instead,
It gives me extreme pleasure to dedicate this only a brief review of the literature is necessary,
chapter to Eric Meyers, the person who introduced afterwhich I shall pass tomy own analysis of the
me to the academic studyof Judaismduringmy issue, including, most importantly, my reasons for
career more than thirtyyears ago.1 a conclusion contrary to that posited
undergraduate by others.
I fondly refer to Eric as "my first teacher," and it is The most eloquent statement in favor of the
heartwarming to have
an
enduring friendship after view that(at least) thekingsof Judaherectedroyal
more than three decades.2 inscriptions was put forward recently by Naaman
(1998). His basic argument, anticipated by others
NO STELAE in a minor way (see, e.g., Montgomery 1951: 35
and Van Seters 1983:301), runs as follows: selected
The question of whether or not Israelite kings passages in the book of Kings evoke the language
erected royal inscriptions has received consider ofWest Semitic dedicatory inscriptions, either the
able attention from a variety of scholars utilizing building type or themilitary type; therefore, these
95
96 Gary A. Rendsburg
passages in Kings most likely are based on stelae at Dan (at least he is themost likely candidate for
read by theauthor(s) ofKings, or perhapsby the the author of this document), and by Akkayush,
authors of the sources cited by the author(s) of king of Ekron, at Ekron.5 Less dramatic and
not
Kings, that is, the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel quite a royal inscription, but nevertheless the
(1Kgs 14:19, etc.) and the Chronicles of the Kings work of a neighboring king or his scribe, is the
of Judah (1Kgs 14:29, etc.). Tel Siran bottle inscription of Amminadav, king
Parker (2000) agrees, in theory, that the Israelite of Ammon. Further afield we have the stelae of
and Judahite kings could have erected inscribed various Aramean kings found throughout Syria,
stelae, but he demurs on the issue of the passages and, of course, we have some relevant Phoenician
from Kings. He argues that the passages are suf documents such as the inscription of Yehawmilk,
ficiently different from the kind of inscriptions king of Byblos, and various tomb epitaphs.
one finds on West Semitic stelae, and, therefore, It is not that archaeologists simply have not
believes that the author of Kings did not make use excavated Israelite royal centers and other major
of such epigraphs, even if they existed. cities to the same extent that they have excavated
An idiosyncratic view is that ofWesselius (1999a; such sites in neighboring lands. Indeed, aftermore
1999b), who posits that the Aramaic inscription than a century of exploration, we can point to the
from Tel Dan is the work of Jehu,which is to say palace of Omri and Ahab at Samaria, major public
thatwe now possess our first ancient Israelite works atMegiddo and Hazor, a large altar site at
royal
inscription. But this analysis is not convincing, for Dan, the remains of Shechem and Tirzah, fortifi
it leaves unexplained such questions as towhy the cations and other structures at Lachish, a temple
text iswritten inAramaic (and not inHebrew), and at Arad, and numerous buildings in Jerusalem in
why the same individualcreditedby theBible as the excavated portions of the City ofDavid and the
eradicating Baal worship should twice evoke Hadad Ophel. And yet we have nothing, not a single royal
(= Baal) in a positive vein. Wesselius anticipated inscription. We have inscriptions from almost all
such criticisms and attempted to counter them in of the aforementioned sites, but none of them can
his article, but I suspect that few scholars will be be identified as a royal inscription.
persuaded by his argument. Single fragments of two display inscriptions have
I would like to propose a new approach al been found, one in Samaria and one in Jerusalem,
together: the kings of Israel and Judah did not but the extremely fragmentary nature of these two
produce royal monumental inscriptions because finds prevents any conclusion as to their authors,
of the social, political, and contents, or purpose. The Samaria find includes
theological controls
specific to Israel in the ancient Near Eastern world. only one word, apparently theword nra, presum
That is to say, Parker is correct that the author(s) of
ably the relative pronoun (Sukenik 1936),6 but no
Kings (and/or the sources of Kings) did not utilize further statement can be made. The Jerusalem
royal inscriptions;3 but Parker, Naaman, and oth find is theOphel inscription(Naveh 1982;Ben
ers are incorrect in the existence of such Dov 1994; Ahituv 1992:17-18), inwhich only two
positing
or three
inscriptions. complete words can be read. The subject
It seems tome that after 150 years of excavation appears to be waterworks of some sort, but we
in the land of Israel and its environs, can say
especially nothing further about this text. I certainly
given the variety of places excavated and the range would not jump to the conclusion of Ben-Dov
of discoveries made, if Israelite, Israelian, and Juda (1994:75):
hite royal inscriptions existed, thenwe would have
This fragment...indicate[s] that itwas not
found them by now.4 The evidence is as follows.
uncommon for stelae, inscriptions and
In close proximity to Israel,
archaeologists have
uncovered plaques bearing texts in praise of rulers.. .to
royal inscriptions erected by Mesha,
be installed in the capital of thekings of
king ofMoab, at Dibon and at El-Kerak (the latter
Judah.
extremely fragmentary), by Hazael, king of Aram,
No Stelae, No Queens 97
We are left,
accordingly, with lack of evidence. reads as follows: nasn u*vm run ybp arm xn "ar
This silence most
is notable in the case ofHezekiahs rogance comes, then disgrace comes, but with the
tunnel, themost sure correlation between a build humble is wisdom."8 Other pertinent passages
ingprojectundertakenby a kingof Israelor Judah from the prophets and poetic books, all using the
mentioned in the Bible and a known archaeological root MVyinclude Isa 11:4 ^?sh nran "and
site.7 Indeed, we have an inscription from this site, he shalldecidewith justiceforthehumble of the
but it is noteworthy that the words are conspicu earth;" Zeph 2:3my wpn "seek humility;" Ps 25:9
?
a or n^y 7?Vn ?Dran n^?v
ously not by the king but rather by workman "he leads the humble
foreman. One need only contrast this situation with justice, and he teaches the humble his way;" Ps
with the boasts of other kings about their water 37:11 m by u JHim imw dwi "and the humble
works. Most famous are the boasts of theAssyrian shall inherit the earth, and they shall have pleasure
as
kings, including statements familiar to Isaiah in abundant peace;" Ps 149:4 rrawn wvy -u?p "he
demonstrated by Machinist (1983). But we need adorns the humble with victory;" and Prov 3:34
not travel so far to read such texts, because Mesha in irr d'nwVi "and to the humble he grants grace."
ofMoab describes comparable activities (Mesha The historical books, using the rootra, praise vari
line 23), and the aforementioned ous
Stele, especially kings for having humbled themselves before
Tel Siran bottle inscription refers toAmminadav s God, e.g., 2Kgs 22:19, where Huldah says to Josiah,
similar effort (line 5). I believe we may ask rather mm "?asa ram "and you humbled yourself before
forthrightly: ifother Near Eastern kings, great and YHWH" (see also 2 Chr 12:6-7,12:12 concerning
small, took credit for the construction of major Rehoboam and his men humbling themselves be
water resource management projects, and if the fore God in the wake of Shishaks invasion; 2 Chr
dominant view that Israelite kings also wrote royal 33:12where Manasseh humbles himself before God
inscriptions is correct, should we not expect to find while held captiveby thekingofAssyria;etc.).Even
such a text at the site of Hezekiah s tunnel? Ahab such a remark, as God says to
is accorded
In the current debate the maximal 1 ?> um nnnn "have you
between Elijah in Kgs 21:29 &?
ists and the minimalists, the latter claim that the seen how Ahab has humbled himself before me?"
lack of evidence described above indicates that The Bibles constant emphasis on humility, I
thekingsmentioned in theBible eitherdid not submit, was taken seriously by the people of Israel
exist at all or were minor petty rulers. But such to such an extent, it appears, that the
kings of both
an ismisdirected in the extreme. There refrained from
approach kingdoms following the practices
plainly is enough evidence from Assyrian records, of neighboring monarchs in erecting stelae boast
in particular, to establish the basic historicity of the ing of their accomplishments. Indeed, one can go
record presented in the book ofKings (see Halpern further and note that in other matters, the kings of
1995: 30 for a convenient summary). But to return Israeland Judahdifferedfromneighboringkings.
to the specific issue at hand, as suggested above, I A classic example concerns Ahab, of all people. In a
believe we will not find royal inscriptions, because famous episode in the Bible, we read how thismon
therewere social, political, and theological controls arch observed themoral
teachings of Israel,
even as
that operated to prevent the kings from producing he violated themost basic of Israels cultic practices.
and displaying monumental stelae and other, lesser I refer to Ahabs acceptance of Naboths response
epigraphs. in 1 Kings 21, without attempting to obtain the
One of themain teachings of the Bible, repeated vineyard through illegal methods. Ahab appears
in a variety of contexts, is the emphasis on humility. tobe guided by theprincipleof Tann*? "you shall
The most famous passage, of course, isMicah 6:8 not covet" (Exod 20:17, Deut 5:21), so that he was
inwhich the prophet states that one of the three unable to take further action. Jezebel, by contrast,
basic items required by God is vrbx nv ro1? snxn was raised in a different cultural milieu ? in fact, in
"to walk humbly with your God." The only other her culture the gods are portrayed as covetous (see
attestation of the root rax in the Bible, Prov 11:2, CTU 1.12.1:38,1.92:29 for Baal, CTU 1.92:6 forAth
98 Gary A. Rendsburg
? one s cri
tart, CTU 1.17.VL13-14 forAnat) and, therefore, Now might argue that the Chronicler
she did not feel constrained by Israels teachings tique of arrogance represents only post-exilic the
(see Gordon 1963; 1996: 59-61). It is striking that ology, with closer links to themoralizing of post
Ahabs lack of action in this story runs counter to biblical Jewishtextsthan topre-exilicthoughtin
Samuels description of monarchy in 1 Samuel
8. Israeland Judah.But in lightof thepanoplyof texts
There we ?
read that among the kings abuses will pertaining to humility presented above and I did
be np1?DOion Drrrrndd'?-d n*o orrniTOm\ "and your not even cite perhaps themost famous of all texts:
fields and your vineyards, and your good olive Numb 12:3 nBixn 'as ira D7xn bin us? rroawarn
groves he will take" (v. 14), and yet Ahab refrained "and the man Moses was very humble, more so
?
from such action. When we recall further that than any man on the face of the earth" clearly
Samuels denunciation of kingship was based on one must as a basic tenet of
recognize this point
the reality of royal actions attested in the ancient Israelite thinking throughout the biblical period.
Near East (seeMendelssohn 1956), among them the The passage in 2 Chr 32:24-26 provides our best
appropriation of property,9 Ahabs lack of action is example relevant to a king of Israel or Judah, but
even more remarkable. the theology reflected there is not an innovation
But to return to the issue of humility, a most of the post-exilic period.11
instructive text appears in 2 Chr 32:24-26 concern Another instructive text is Isa 22:15-16, where
ingHezekiah. Here the Chronicler, inwhat appears the prophet admonishes Shevna, the kings ma
to be an attempt to explain why this glorious king for an elaborate
jordomo, having prepared such
suffered from an unspecified disease, refers to tomb. It is our good fortune that we most likely
Hezekiahs hubris, though in the end he amended have uncovered the actual tomb of this individual
his behavior and thereby saved both himself and in Silwan.12 Assuming the tomb in Silwan is that
the nation from God swrath. The specific wordings of Shevna, this discovery represents another excel
are in1?nm "for his heart was haughty" (v. 25), lent correspondence (along with Hezekiahs tunnel
and in1?nmn irrprrryw\ "and Hezekiah humbled discussed above) between a biblical passage and an
himself for the haughtiness of his heart" (v. 26). archaeological site. Shevnas burial site is among
It is not quite clear which action by Hezekiah is themost elaborate ever found in Israel; it is one of
criticized here, but most likely the text refers to the only four above-ground monolithic tombs found in
king having shown his treasury to the emissaries the country (the other three are in close proximity
from Babylon. True, this is referred to only in the of Silwan), and ithas several unique traits, e.g., an
older sources of 2 Kgs 20:13-15 = Isa 39:2-4, and outside installation apparently to allow offerings
the Chronicler 32:31) does not relate the
(2 Chr at all times (see Bloch-Smith 1992: 43, 209-10).
includes an inscription
visit by the Babylonian ambassadors directly to Furthermore, the tomb
Hezekiahs pride. But inbothKings (/Isaiah)and that closely parallels the tomb inscription of Tab
Chronicles, the two episodes of Hezekiahs illness nit, king of Sidon, in contrast to other Israelite
and the visit by the Babylonian delegation
are tombs, which either lack epitaphs altogether or
juxtaposed and intertwined, somost likely it is this have simpler inscriptions.13 In light of this archaeo
Japhet 1993: 992-93).10 It is important to add that point that led the prophet to single him out for
Chronicles does not object to the wealth of the disapproval.14
king. In fact, the description ofHezekiahs wealth in The above evidence demonstrates that humility
2 Chr 32:27-29 ismuch a
grander than that noted in played special role in Israelite religion. Although
2 we
Kgs 20:13 (= Isa 39:2). The message is clear: there occasionally have such statements in other Near
is nothing wrong with riches and success, only in Eastern traditions (e.g., in the Egyptian Instruction
kings in particular,
as well as other officials, ignored king and the sons of the gevira" since these words
this teaching; one need only consider the enormous are in themouth of the Judahite visitors, we cannot
sizeof theOld Kingdom pyramids,theNew King be surewhether their use of theword gevira reflects
dom mortuary temples, the Abu Simbel shrine, their native usage or attests to the same position in
and similar monuments, all intended as boastful the kingdom of Israel. In any case, we can reaffirm
'
statements of the pharaohs. For a textual reference, the statement that no "queen appears in the very
one may point to a passage such as Ahiqar 107, detailed material concerning Saul, David, Solo
[i]n rmrftp prro f?? "aking is liketheMerciful mon, and the dozens of kings of Israel and Judah
with no who followedthemafterthe splitin thekingdom.
[= El/God], indeedhis voice ishaughty,"
condemnation implied.16 In Israel, by contrast, the As to my preferring the term "royal-lady" over
plains the total absence of royal inscriptions from To the best of my knowledge, no one has of
Israel and Judah.17 fered an explanation for the lack of a queen in
This contention is obviously an argumentum e the courts of Israel and Judah. Iwill propose one
silentio,and Iwill be thefirstto jumpforjoy ifmy below, but first let us review the evidence from
suggestionisdisprovedby thediscoveryof a royal Israel s neighbors.
inscription from David, Solomon, or any of their In other cultures of theNear East, generally the
dozens of successors in Israel and Judah. But, ifaf wife of the king, that is, the queen, the king s con
ter 150 years of digging we still have not found any, sort, served as the chief royal female in the court.
my workinghypothesisis thattheydid not exist. Famous examples include Tiy, wife of Amenhotep
III, Nefertiti, wife of Akhenaten, Nefertari, wife
NO QUEENS of Rameses II (all of Egypt), Puduhepa, wife of
Hattusili III (ofHatti), and Sibtu,wife ofZimri-Lim
As iswell known, the term ro^? "queen" is never (ofMari).20 This is not to deny that on occasion the
applied to a royal woman in the court of Israel mother of the king served in an official capacity or
or Judah. This term may be used for a reigning wielded power in the court. For example, in As
monarch from Arabia, viz., the Queen of Sheba syria, themother of the king ruled the harem con
in 1Kings 10, or for a Jewish woman married to sistingof theking swives and concubines (Leichty
?
the king of Persia, viz., Esther; but "queen" is 1995? 949)? Ugarit has yielded several letterswritten
never applied to any of the royal women within the by theking to hismother regardingpolitical and
constellation of the Israelite, Israelian, or Judahite administrative issues (Heltzer 1982:182),21 and it is
royal families (see, e.g., Gordon 1988:130).18 This quite possible that the queen-mother played a role
point extends even to individuals such as Jezebel in in the royal succession (Gordon 1988; for further
Samaria and Athaliah in Jerusalem, both ofwhom discussion see Wiggins 1993: 65-66).22 In Hatti,
wielded considerable power, the latter, of course, the title Tawananna, "queen," was retained by the
even serving as regent (note the participle form individualwho bore ituntil she died, evenwhen
in 2 Kgs 11:3). she survived her husband the late king, and only
In place of the queen in the royal court of Judah thendid itpass to thewife of theking (Gurney
stood the gevira, best translated as "royal-lady," 1952:66; Beckman 1995:537).23 In Egypt, Thutmose
though "queen-mother" is the best functional IV portrayed himself with his mother Tiaa more
Prov 31:1-9. But side-by-side with these examples, evant to this point would be a welcome addition to
cases of Rameses the scholarly literature.24 For our present purpose,
certainly in the II and Hattusili
III, we also see thewife of the king (as noted above, it suffices to point out only a few celebrated facts
Nefertari and Puduhepa, respectively) functioning in the most general of terms. In major empires
as themajor femalefigurein theroyalfamily.
This such as Egypt, Hatti, and Assyria, the king served
pattern is clearly the general practice in the ancient as high priestof thechiefgod, ifnot all thegods,
Near Eastern monarchy. at least in a de jure fashion, for naturally defacto
as the on
By contrast, the Bible portrays the gevira specially trained priests administered the cult
dominant royalwoman for the entire history of the a regular basis. The melding of king and deity can
kingdom of Judah. The first sign of this is the state be illustrated by the annual (re-)coronation of the
ment in 1Kgs 2:19 that Bathsheba was seated to the Assyrian king atwhich the assembled shouted "As
on a throne reserved sur is to the chief god of the
right of Solomon especially for king!" referring, that is,
her.We then read the numerous accession notices realm (Oppenheim 1964: 99). A similar ceremony
kingsmentioning thename of the
of the Judahite existed inEgypt (Frankfort 1948:129-32), though, of
mother of the king, with no reference to thewife of course, in this case one can expand upon the point
the king (the firstoccurs in 1Kgs 14:21). Towards the because the pharaoh was viewed as the god Horus
end of the Judahite kingdom, we gain a fewmore incarnate. The Hittite king is referred to as "the
specific references. For example, when Jehoiachin, Sun," and the Hittite queen has a special relation
king of Judah, leaves the city of Jerusalem in 598 ship with the sun-goddess (Gurney 1952:140-41).
B.c.E. tomeet Nebuchadnezzar, he is accompanied An important Hittite ritual text describes how the
by his mother (2 Kgs 24:12; see also Jer 29:2), and king and queen together exit the palace, proceed
when God commands Jeremiah to address the royal to the temple of Zab?ba, kneel, and then sit upon
king and to the gevira" (Jer 13:18). Kozloffand Bryan (1992:43) referspecificallyto
In lightof thisevidence,bothbiblicaland extra Egypt innoting that"thetheologicalparadigmby
biblical, we may affirm that a significant difference which the king s family relationships were patterned
existed between Israel and her neighbors. In Israel, after those of the great gods," the same words could
the position of queen does not exist and the wife be applied to the ancient Near East in general
of the reigningking plays no public role in the The system of governance in ancient Israel, by
realm. Elsewhere in the Near East, notwithstand contrast, was designed to prevent such an under
ing the evidence presented above regarding the standingof theking and hiswife. Firstof all, the
the chief royal woman in the court serve as or as priest at
queen-mother, king could not high priest,
was the queen, thewife of the king. Moreover, on any rank, because the classical system demanded
occasion the queen wielded considerable power; thattheking stemfromthetribeof Judahand the
most striking is the diplomatic correspondence of priests from the tribe of Levi. Even in the north
see ern stem
Puduhepa of Hatti (for samples, conveniently kingdom of Israel, where the king could
Beckman 1996:123,125-31). from any of the northern tribes, we do not see
We now are in a position to ask the important the king performing a sacerdotal role. Jeroboam
typical ancient Near Eastern society had religious pattern. At an early stage in the Israelite monarchy,
was firmly
responsibilities. Most importantly, they served as presumably before the Levite monopoly
the earthly representatives of the chief god and chief established, Davids sons served as priests (2 Sam
goddess of the pantheon. An up-to-date survey of 8:18). The other instances of royal involvement in
the various cultures of the ancient Near East rei the sacrificial service are limited to dedications
No Stelae, No Queens 101
of temples and altars (see Hurowitz 1992: 292), There still is a need for a royal woman in the
thuswith David (2 Sam 6:17), Solomon (1Kgs court,and thisfunctionisfilledby themother of
8:62-63),25 Jeroboam I (1Kgs 12:31-13:1), and Ahaz the king. As we have seen, there were precedents
(2 Kgs 16:12-13). The singularity of these events is for this royal female having some stature. It ap
self-evident; note especially themanner inwhich pears that Israel formalized this position in a way
Ahaz instructs the priest Uriah on how to perform otherwise not encountered in the ancient sources.
the sacrifices henceforth (2 Kgs 16:15-16). In short, Exactly what the gevira did in the court can
there is no sustained involvement in the cult by the not be determined with any specificity. We have
or Judah.26 one well-known account of Bathsheba
king in either Israel receiving
Even if the king could not serve in a priestly role, Adoni)ah and serving as a channel of communi
it is still very possible that he was viewed in some cation to king Solomon (1Kgs 2:13-18), but we do
way as the representative ofYahweh on earth. After not know whether this was a regular occurrence
all, royal imagery is used for both God and king, or not. Another episode informs us thatMaacah
king as Gods agent on earth, there would be an (my definition above), if for no other reason than
inherent danger in elevating thewife of the king to to provide a female presence alongside the king,
the level of official consort. The official religion of as
presumably required by the rules of etiquette
ancient Israel viewed Yahweh alone as the ruler of governing official occasions (see 2 Kgs 24:i2).28
the universe, with no attendant deities and, most In short, I propose that the lack of a queen in the
importantly, no consort.27 Obviously, on a popular royal courts of Israel and Judah be seen as a direct
level, such was not the case, as the presence of the reflection of Israels unique theology in the ancient
expression nniwxVi.. .mrr*? "Yahweh.. .and his Ash Near East.29 Ironically, other scholars (for example,
erah" at Khirbet el-Qom and Kuntillet Ajrud clearly in a radical fashion Ahlstr?m 1963: 57-88; and,
demonstrates. But the intellectuals responsible for less radically, Ackerman 1993; 1998: 138-54) have
the Bible believed otherwise, and we may assume proposed a
religious function for the gevira, to be
that their convictions had influence over many more specific, as
symbolizing "the virgin goddess
aspects of Israelite society, including the manner in the hieros gamos ceremony," or as the "ideologi
of the king. cal replica" ofAsherah in her role as mother of the
one can understand
Against such background, gods (Ahlstr?m 1963: 75-76). This understanding
a
that the presence of queen as the official consort of the rank of gevira, however, imputes to Israel a
of the king would be considered theologically ceremony not attested in the Bible,30 and places
dangerous. One need only recall the Hittite ritual far too much emphasis on the singular experience
mentioned above, with king and queen present, or of Maacah. There simply is no evidence for this
glance at the rock relief at Firatkin with Hattusili approach. Far from ascribing a religious function
libating before the storm-god and Puduhepa libat to the gevira, I am arguing for exactly the oppo
ing before the goddess Hepat (see van den Hout site: that the elevation of the mother of the king
1995:1111) to realize how perilous itwould be for to "royal-lady" in ancient Israel was intended to
ancient Israelite theologians, political theorists, and dispel any suggestion that the king had a consort,
the like, to countenance a queen in the royal court thereby paralleling Israels view of Yahweh, a deity
of Israel or Judah. who had no consort.
102 Gary A. Rendsburg
NOTES
Iwas a student at theUniversity ofNorth Carolina at 8 Some have doubted that the rootm means "be
Chapel Hill during theyears 1971-1975.At the time, humble," especially in theMicah passage (seeAnder
the offerings in JewishStudies on that campus were sen and Freedman [2000:529-30] for recent discus
limited, so Eric Meyers was imported from Duke sion). But laterHebrew (Ben Sira andMishnaic) and
University to teach atUNC as well. Aramaic usage shows this to be themeaning of the
2 Indeed, not even the intense basketball rivalry be verb quite clearly (see the briefdiscussion inVargon
tween the two neighboring institutionsofUNC and 1994: 182). Chen (2000: 109) has identified jhxas a
Duke has affected our amicable relationship! northern lexeme, based on its two occurrences in
3 For one
possible quasi-exception,
see below, n. 17, the Bible, Mie 6:8 and Prov 11:2, in contrast to the
4 I use the term "Israelite" to refertopan-Israel (in this ern compilation, see Chen (2000); on Micah 6-7 as
a northern text, see Burkitt (1926), van derWoude
particular case, this refers to the united monarchy
under David and Solomon), the term "Israelian" to (1971), and Ginsberg (1982: 25-26). The presence of
referto thenorthern kingdom of Israel, and the term ra in Ben Sira is the result of direct influence from
"Judahite" to referto the southern kingdom of Judah. Proverbs, as per Chen.
in the second half of the 9th century b.c.e. in imita 10 The Chronicler uses the expression in1?rm"his heart
tion of theAssyrian custom of erecting stelae, at the was haughty" inone other place, 2Chr 26:16, concern
ingUzziah. Quite unexpectedly, the phrase in1? mn
very time thatAssyria began itswestward advance
ment. Ifhe is correct, thenwe should not speak of "his heart was high" predicated of Jehoshaphat in 2
Chr 17:6 carries a positive connotation (see Japhet
possible royal inscriptions of David and Solomon
at all. It seems tome, however, that this argument 1993: 747).
denies any potential influence from Egypt in this 11My interesthere is the critique of thekings of Israel
and Judah, but it is important to note that foreign
regard. Of course, given my view expressed herein,
these are moot
points for me. kings also are criticized for theirboastful claims. See,
=
5 On the pronunciation of the name Akkayush, see for example, 2
Kgs 19:21-28 Isa 37:22-29 (concern
Ephal (1999: 5). ing Sennacherib, king of Assyria) and Isa 14:4-21
6 Though see also Garr 1985:150, n. 55a. (concerning "the king of Babylon").
7 The attempt by Rogerson and Davies (1996) to date 12 The tomb cannot be identifieddefinitively as thatof
the tunnel and the inscription to theMaccabean Shevna, because thedeceased sname isbroken in the
period has been refuted by a series of scholars in a inscription.Only threefinal lettersremain, namely,
follow-up article (Hackett et al. 1997). im-,and of course this tellsus very little.The typical
No Stelae, No Queens 103
assumption is that the full name of this individual spending time inAlexandria's famed museum and
is irraaw"Shevnayahu," ofwhich the biblical Shevna library,having read the literature ofmany peoples,
is a hypocoristicon. Certainly, this is the conclusion including the Bible (Septuagint, of course). As she
of virtually everymajor scholar who has studied the realizes that one day shemay be pharaoh of Egypt,
text and who has pondered the point. See most im she is inspired by these very two ladies: "That iswhy
portantly Avigad (1953) and Ahituv (1992: 27-29). I study royals from the past, because I can follow
13A second epitaph is found on the tomb of Zera<yahu their examples. The Queen of Sheba so desired inher
adjoining thatof Shevna/Shevnayahu; see Reifenberg heart to have knowledge, that she rode by caravan
(1948) and Ahituv (1992: 30-31). all theway to Jerusalem tomeet King Solomon, the
14 Actually, even if the tomb discovered in Silwan is wisest man on Earth. Queen Esther of Persia saved
not that of the biblical Shevna, the point remains, her Jewishpeople from slaughterby bravely standing
for this individual "is attacked by the prophet in before King Xerxes" (p. 75). Note thatno "queens" of
a bitter confrontation for having built himself a Israel and Judah can be invoked for inspiration.
splendid private tomb. The prophet announces the 19 In addition, of course, n-paa derives from a differ
divine judgment against this act of arrogance in the ent root than i1?^ "king," hd^? "queen," etc. Standard
most violent language possible" (Childs 2001: 161). treatments of the gevira are Andreasen (1983) and
See also Hurowitz (2000-2001:137-38), who noted Ben-Barak (1991). For more recent discussion on
the contrast between Isaiahs words rap o*ra "the specific issues, see the series of articles by Spanier
height of his tomb" concerning Shevna (Isa 22:16), (1994a; 1994b; 2000).
andMoses's burial "in a ravine" (Deut 34:6) in line 20 For more details on these queens, see respectively:
with the latters aforementioned humility. Kozloif and Bryan (1992:41-43); Hornung (1999:36);
15 The Egyptian expression is ri ib> literally "big of Kitchen (1982:98-100); Otten (1975; for a brief sum
heart," meaning "proud, arrogant," forwhich see mary see van den Hout [1995:1112]); and Batto (1974:
Lichtheim (1973: 76 . 6). The expression occurs in 8-23). For more general information on queens in
lines 52 and 178 according to the enumeration system ancient Egypt, see Troy (1986). I know of no similar
ofD?vaud (1916) and Z?ba (1956). study on the queens ofMesopotamia, a factmost
16 Though I admit that the exact sense of rm "his probably due to the paucity of information; see Batto
voice is haughty" is not clear. See further Linden (1974: 8). For a brief statement on the situation in
berger (1983: 93). Hatti, see Hoffner (1995: 564-65).
17 As Hurowitz (1992: 227-32) has noted, it is possible 21 Heltzer (1982:184) concluded that themother of the
that 1Kgs 6:1-2 is based on "some sort of building king had more influence than thewife of the king,
inscriptionor a votive inscription from the temple it but the evidence isnot clear on thispoint, and hemay
self,written by one of theTyrian or Byblian workmen have overstated the case. The problem lies in the fact
involved in theproject." This would be a quasi-excep that theword mlkt is used in both contexts, and we
tion tomy main point, but to some extent it is the cannot be sure towhich royal female itapplies at all
exception which proves the rule. The only passage in times. In a letter such as CTU 2.30:1 Imlktu[m]y "to
the Bible thatmay hark back to an inscription avail the queen, my mother," obviously themother of the
able to the author(s) of Kings (and/or his sources) king is addressed. But in a lettersuch as CTU 2.21:2-3,
iswritten not by an Israelite but by a Phoenician. [l]mlktu[grt] [a]hty "to the queen ofUgarit, my sis
Though, in any case, thepresumed textwould not be ter,"one should assume that thewife of the king is
a royal inscription,which is our main concern here. addressed. Heltzer (1982:182), however, understood
On Phoenicianisms in theTemple building account the latter as addressed to the queen-mother, and
of 1Kings 6-8, see the brief treatment inRendsburg thus he may have exaggerated the influence of this
(1990: 29-30). A full treatmentof this topic remains individual.
a desideratum. At this point, Iwould note just two 22 This process could transcend generations, as demon
other examples of Phoenicianisms in these chapters, stratedby the presence of Sarelli at the coronation of
namely, uvo as a unit ofmeasurement in 1Kgs 7:4 (see her grandson Ammurapi ofUgarit; see Singer (1999:
furtherMulder 1988), and *m?4exalted, princely" in 691). One should assume the same situation in Judah
1Kgs 8:13 (attested inUgaritic and Phoenician). in 1Kgs 15:10where the name of Asas "mother" is
18 In a delightful book written for children, Cleopatra Maacah bat Abishalom, the same individual who
VII: Daughter of theNile (Gregory 1999), the 12-year was mother of Asas father and predecessor
Abijam
old future pharaoh is depicted as already learned, in 1Kgs 15:2 (though other scenarios are possible).
104 Gary A. Rendsburg
See further?rbeli 1985. For a documented case of a 29 For a succinct presentation of how Israels under
failed attempt to place ones son on the throne, by standing ofYahweh differedfrom thegeneral ancient
Tiy, a secondary wife of Rameses III, see de Buck Near Eastern theology, seeWeinfeld (1987: 481-82).
(1937). 30 One will agree with Weinfeld (1996: 528): "In sum,
23 For a thorough study of this position, see Bin-Nun there is a great differencebetween belief and practice
(1975). in ancient Israel. The hierosgamos as a divine prin
24 Frankfort (1948) approached thedata from theoppo ciple has been elaborated, especially in themystic lit
site end, that is,he began with theworld of thedivine erature,which flourished in theKabbalah. However,
and then turned to theworld ofman. Nevertheless, the religion of Israel prohibited the performance of
this classic study stillmay be consulted profitably. any ceremony regarding the hierosgamos"
25 Though in this instance thewording could be facti 31 It is a pleasure to thankmy colleague Jeffrey
R. Zorn
tive. The Chronicler, to be sure, understood 1Kgs forhis comments on an earlier draftof this article.
8:62-63 literally,for he omitted this passage from
the book of Chronicles; see Gray (1970: 232). Note added inproof:
26 2 Chr 26:16-21 relates how Uzziah attempted to of After this articlewas in press, I learned of the exis
fer incense in the Temple but was prevented from tence of a fragmentof a second monumental inscrip
doing so by the priests. As is often the case when tion from Jerusalem, thisone from theCity ofDavid
Chronicles includes information lacking fromKings, excavations. Once more it is extremely fragmentary,
it is difficult to judge the historicity of this episode. with only four letters legible, and the textdoes not
This could be simply a matter of theChronicler at allow anymajor conclusions. For the edittoprinceps,
tempting to explain how an otherwise good king (see see J.Naveh, Hebrew and Aramaic Inscriptions. Pp.
2Kgs 15:3)was strickenwith
leprosy (2Kgs 15:5), thus 1-2 inExcavations at theCity ofDavid, 1978-1985, ed.
the expanded account in Chronicles. On rabbinic D. Ariel. Qedem 41. Jerusalem: InstituteofArchae
explorations into thispassage, see Aptowitzer (1931: ology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2000. For
142-45; reference courtesy of Prof.Victor Hurowitz additional remarks, see F.M. Cross, A Fragment of
of Ben-Gurion University). a Monumental Inscription from theCity ofDavid.
27 The term "official religion" is one which scholars Israel Exploration Journal 51 (2001) 44-47. Cross's
prefernot to use nowadays. I stillfind itconvenient, suggestion that this inscription may be related to
however, to use the term as the sum of Israels reli the story of Hezekiahs appeal for offerings (2 Chr
gious beliefs as expressed in the Bible. SeeWeinfeld 31:3-9) ismost intriguing. Nevertheless, one still
(1987: 481) and Rendsburg (1995: 2-3). cannot claim this text to be a royal inscription.
28 This would be more or less in linewith Ben-Barak
(1991:34), who argued that thegevira had "no official
political status in thekingdom."
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Montgomery, J.A.
1951 A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Singer, I.
Book ofKings. International Critical Commen 1999 A Political History of Ugarit. Pp. 603-733 in
Handbook ofUgaritic Studies, eds.W. G. E.Wat
tary.Edinburgh: T. 8cT. Clark.
son and N. Wyatt Handbuch der Orientalistik.
Mulder, M. J.
Leiden: Brill.
1988 Pa' am asa Measure of Length in 1Kings 7.4 and
.
KAI 80.1. Pp. 177-81 in Text and Context: Old Spanier,
Testament and Semitic Studiesfor E C. Fensham, 1994a The Queen Mother in the Judaean Royal Court:
- A Case
ed.W. Claassen. Sheffield: JSOT. Maacah Study. Pp. 186-95 in A
Feminist Companion to Samuel and Kings, ed.
A. Brenner. Sheffield: SheffieldAcademic.
No Stelae, No Queens 107
byJuliaM. O'Brien
by which the book attempts to distance Nineveh punishment of the nations: Habakkuk protests
from the reader and the reader s sympathies. In the thewickedness of the Chaldeans, Zechariah 9 de
course of this discussion, Iwill consider, too, the ul nounces Syrian and Philistine cities, and Zechariah
timate success ofNahums project. Might Nahums 12 sharply distinguishes Judah from "all the nations
109
110 Julia M. O'Brien
Jerusalem will become the cup of reeling for the turns away from Nineveh toward an atemporal
nations, a heavy stone.While Malachi stands alone characterization of Yahweh, God of Israel. The
in directing judgmentprimarilytoward Judahs reader first learns through a threefold repetition
own a ? to
people and priests (after short introductory that Yahweh is n?q?m vengeful, determined
slap at Edom), it nonetheless joins the other col assure that all persons reap the consequences of
lections in drawing a sharp distinction between their actions. Yahweh then appears as the Divine
"them" and "us" (e.g.,Mai 3:18) and in linking the Warrior, who comes to establish justice on earth
salvation of Gods people with the destruction of and before whom the earth shakes.
the wicked. In the course of describing Yahwehs commit
The term massa* also begins various oracles in ment to justice and his ability to carry out his
Isaiah 13-23 (13:1,15:1,17:1,19:1,21:1,21:11,21:13,22:1, intentions, Nahum repeatedly mentions Yahwehs
23:1, and 30:6). Erlandsson has argued that a strong enemies (my use of masculine pronouns follows
anti-Assyrian thread runs throughout these oracles: the books consistent personification of the deity
all the nations here mentioned either already have as male). The final clause of Nah 1:2 stresses that
been defeated by Assyria, are on the verge of being Gods vengeance is against his enemies, and 1:3
defeated by Assyria, or belong to anti-Assyrian adds that while Yahweh may be slow to anger he
coalitions. He further demonstrates that does not clear the guilty. The distinction is drawn
designates Nineveh as one whose punishment is enemies against whom God rages and whose fate is
necessary to Judahs salvation. contrasted with those who take refuge inYahweh.
The mythological nature of the Divine Warrior
Nahum 1:2-10
language in 1:2-10 also casts Nineveh as a supra
While the opening theophany ofNahum may rep historical enemy of Yahweh: Nineveh is not only a
resent a redactional addition (for a discussion see formidable military foe of Judah but also a threat
Nogalski 1993), in itspresent placement it serves as to the cosmic order. Related
mythological language
a thematic introduction to the book. Here attention serves the same function in 1:11,as
Floyd notes:
The Problem of the Other(ed) Woman in Nahum 111
dichotomy
so far established in the book. Two but one whose fate is clearly opposite that of Judah:
are directly addressed as "you" ? one threat Judahwas invited to celebrate (2:1), but this "you" is
figures
ened with punishment, the other promised salva warned tomount a defense against an approaching
tion. Problematically, however, these addressees "scatterer." This new "you" is the target of amilitary
remain unnamed. siege, the description ofwhich dramatically builds
Nah 1:11 speaks to a feminine singular "you." in suspense and intensity through 2:11.
translators interpret the verse as chastising In 2:9, without fanfare, the reader receives a
Many
thisfigure,as reflectedin therenderingsofNRSV crucial piece of information: the feminine "you"
("From you one has gone out, one who plots evil about to undergo siege is Nineveh, mentioned
one who counsels wickedness") for the first time since the superscription (though
against the LORD,
and NIV (which expands theHebrew to read, NIV adds the name of Nineveh to 1:8, 1:11, and
"From you, O Nineveh, has one come forth..."). 2:1). This identification of Nineveh with the target
that the feminine figure of Yahwehs attack has profound implications for
Floyd, however, argues
addressed here is Judah, who is not criticized but the book as a whole. In the unit itself, it serves to
rather reminded of a past act of Yahwehs salva contrast two named female characters, Judah and
? one who can rest from Evil
tion. Translating the opening phrase as "from you Nineveh (2:1) and one
has departed" rather than "from you has gone who is now experiencing destruction. That the fate
out," Floyd maintains that Judah is reminded of ofNineveh is opposite that of Judah ismade clear:
Sennacherib's departure from Jerusalem in 701 Judah is called to rejoice because her oppression
b.c.e. as the basis for believing in Yahwehs future has ended, while Nineveh is described as under
In turn, by announcing to Judah the time for the outpouring of lust; and in Jer13:22, Judah is not
2:1 names the only exposed but also "violated."
celebration, explicitly beneficiary of
Yahwehs favor. Judah, then, is the "one who takes Nah 3:5 ismarked as divine speech, only the third
one for whom Gods indication of such in the book. Here, Yahweh not
refuge," the vengeance is
one no
"good" (1:7), the who will be "afflicted more" only announces Ninevehs punishment but also
(1:12). Throughout, Nahum remains a massa*, a explains that he will carry it out himself. He will
book in which the fate of "us" is a mirror image do the uncovering; he will throw filth on her and
of the fateof "them."Judah(thepositive female) despise her; he will make others look upon her.
receives God s protection, while Nineveh
(the nega Indeed, 3:5-7 expresses great concern about the
tive female) receives his judgment. The rhetoric of gaze of others. Not only will nations and kingdoms
the book casts Nineveh as Judahs antithesis and see Ninevehs shame (3:5), but she will also be a
also equates Judahs enemy with God s enemy. "sight"(3:6)and allwill recoilfromseeingher (3:7).
The first two chapters of Nahum not only stake The deity is imaged as aman who sexually assaults
a clear
dichotomy between "us" and "them," one Nineveh as other nations, imaged as men, gaze at
While Hosea, Jeremiah and other prophets slan take refuge in Yahweh. The example of Thebes,
der their own people as zona, Nahum directs the already ravished woman (3:8), warns not only
the punishment of the whore against a foreign Nineveh but Judah as well: no physical surround
nation. Although in Isaiah Tyre receives both ings were strong enough to protect her from dev
Yahwehs punishment and the label of z?n?, Tyre astation. The good woman with her male protector
is not punished for promiscuity, but rather the (Judah) is safe, unlike the promiscuous woman
1:7;thelinkageofGods enemywith Judahsenemy tained that texts have a way of working against
which results from a synchronie reading of 1:2-10 their own interests. In their heavy-handed efforts
and 1:11-14; the slide between Judah and the reader to persuade, texts often saymore than they intend.
in 2:1; and the rhetorical questions in 3:7 all serve Their various rhetorical techniques spill over into
to set Nineveh one another and into other texts, destabilizing the
apart from the reader.
Nahum also utilizes gender ideologies to cast individual pieces of the argument and undermin
Nineveh as the bad woman, over against the good ing the cumulative effect of the whole. Read from
woman Judah.Nineveh is thewhore, promiscuous, such angles, Nahums efforts to cast Nineveh as
thewoman whose uncontrolled sexuality warrants of thebooks
Other are disruptedby the interplay
sexual assault. In contrast, Judah is the ideal femi own language and style.
nine. She is protected by Yahweh and follows his
instructions (1:12; 2:1).
IdentifyingtheEnemy
Judah is both contrasted with and threatened As a rhetorical whole, Nahum depends on main
ety: against whom isGod angry? Similarly, Nahum be accused of violating an exclusive relationship
does not identify themale character threatened at with Yahweh.
the end of chapter 1until the last two verses of the Employing the zona charge in this new way
wields great rhetorical weight inNahum, immedi
book; only at the end does the reader learn the
as theworst kind ofwoman,
ultimate target of divine wrath. Although Nahum ately casting Nineveh
does eventually name all of its characters, the piece but italso raises new questions for the reader (some
meal style in which it does so requires a process of which prove problematic for Nahums argu
of reading and rereading, the continual searching ment). For example, fundamental to the concept
for clues. Such a style itselfprecludes any definitive of z?na is the absence ofmale to female legitimate
one read with any confidence sexual activity. According to Phyllis Bird,
reading. How can
and comfort a text that withholds the answers to
z?na is not used for incest or other prohib
somany questions: Is the enemy singular or plural?
ited relationships, such as homosexual rela
Masculine or feminine? "Us" or "them"?
tions or bestiality. It focuses on the absence
The destabilizing function of Yahwehs admis
of a marriage bond between otherwise ac
sion that "I afflicted you" (1:12) scarcely can be
n. 13).
ceptable partners (Bird 1989: 90,
overestimated. Nahum attempts to persuade its
reader to see theworld as divided into two camps: That is, the defining mark of z?na is the absence
= Gods = one who of a husband.
(1)Nineveh enemy plots against
= those who take Nahums use of z?na, even if inadvertently, raises
Yahweh; and (2) you refuge in
him = the one about to be rescued. But the news the issue ofmarriage and of legitimate partnership.
that 1:12 delivers alters the equation thatNahums Which males by Nineveh's
have been dishonored
rhetoric works so hard to formulate: "I afflicted promiscuity? in
Whilethe prophetic marriage
you" suggests that, at least for a time, "you" were metaphor Yahwehs own honor is at stake, what
God s enemy. Was Assyria, then, God's friend? is Yahweh's interest in Nineveh's promiscuity?
Faced with this tension, the reader might retreat Or, perhaps, is another male's honor being chal
to Nahums Isaiah intertexts, since Isaiah affirms lenged?
that Assyria can be both used and punished by Other clues in the book suggest that, despite
Yahweh inways that do not compromise his justice. the explicit attention to feminine characteriza
And yet, readingNahum in lightof Isaiah high tion in Nahum, the implicit and more pressing
is lacking. Unlike Isaiah, Na concern of the book iswith male honor. Nahum 1
lights what Nahum
hum never names Judah's crimes or the censure she ends with threats to an unnamed male character,
and the lions den allegory of Nahum 2 focuses on
might justly face. IfNahum agrees with Isaiah that
has been punishedbyGod throughthe
guiltyJudah themale's failure to provide for his female and his
means of Assyrianoppression, where isNahum's cubs. Nahum 3 also ends with a threat to a male
judgment against Judah (cf. Isaiah 1-2)? Or if,as in character, who in an appositive is identified as the
Isaiah, God is now ready to punish the instrument kingofAssyria, implyingthathe is thepreviously
he once used to humble Judah, to what changed unnamed male. As the conclusion to Nahum, it
conditions is he responding? Judah's repentance may also suggest that he, and not Nineveh, is the
(cf. Isaiah 37)? Her destruction (cf. Isa 10:12)? book's ultimate concern (For a fuller discussion
The Problem of the Other(ed) Woman in Nahum 115
of the gendered dynamics of reading Nahum, see about her exile. By introducing the case of Thebes,
O'Brien 2002). Nahum invites identification among women.
In this reading, the sexual assault on Nineveh In the service of Nahums rhetoric, the mutual
represents the public humiliation of her male pro identification of the females helps reinforce their
tector. Brownmiller s classic study of the patriarchi dependence (all women need male protection),
cal ideology of rape insists that, especially inwar, and it also feeds female fear. Just as Nineveh is re
the rape ofwomen is the ultimate means by which minded thatwhat happened to Thebes can happen
to humiliate themen who perceive themselves as to her too, so, as Brownmiller describes, stories of
The rape of women inwar is as much about men The casting of Nineveh as a whore serves as an
as it is about women themselves. example of how language's "surplus of meaning"
In classic patriarchal terms, Yahwehs rape of destabilizes ideological intent.On the one hand, by
Nineveh in Nahum is not punishment for her a whore, Nahum effects a
3 calling Nineveh powerful
unfaithfulness to him (as in the prophetic marriage Othering. She is not only Woman, but Bad Woman,
metaphor), but a means by which the Assyrian deserving of whatever punishment she receives,
king is shamed in front of others. In a battle about with no one to sympathize with her plight. And
honor between males, transacted on the bodies of yet, on the other hand, by giving the enemy the face
theirwomen, Assyria's king is, indeed, the lion who of a woman, who is further described as beautiful,
cannot protect his den. Yahwehs ability to vanquish Nahum opens itself to the diverse responses that
Nineveh and to protect Judah, in turn, demon readers have to women, and to women punished
strates his own power and potence. (In light of the for their sexual activities.
book's concern with male honor, the supposedly Feminist commentators, for example, deem
parenthetical comment in 2:3 takes on new mean the assault of Nineveh not the just punishment
ing: the good news proclaimed by themessenger of a foreign nations transgression, but rather as
is less about the comfort of Judah herself than the the threat that rape poses to all women. Judith
restoration of the honor of Jacob and Israel). Sanderson's treatment of Nahum in The Women's
Also in classic
patriarchal fashion, Nahums Bible Commentary asserts the dangers of Nahums
concern with male honor pits women against one rhetoric to all women and girls:
another. Judah iswarned not to follow the example
...What would itmean to worship a God
ofNineveh (and Thebes), but to rely solely on Yah
who isportrayed as raping women when an
wehs protection. The logic ofNah 3:8-11, however,
.. .To involve God in an
runs in a counter direction. Nineveh is expected gry? image of sexual
violence is, in a profound way, somehow to
to imagine herself as like Thebes: "Are you better
than Thebes...? Even she [went] into exile.... Also, justify it and thereby to sanction it for hu
man males who are for any reason angry
you will become drunk...." Nahum invitesNineveh with a woman (Sanderson 1992: 221).
(and Judah) to experience Thebes' pain, to care
116 Julia M. O'Brien
Sanderson further argues that in order to resist the lem of the self (Beai 1997: 60). The Other becomes
?
contemporary mind-set thatperpetuates rape, read the site ofwhat is abjected in the self thatwhich
ersmust refuse to perpetuate Nahums the self cannot/will not own.
language:
Such theory poses a troublesome question to the
No aspect of Gods relationship with hu book of Nahum: What anxiety of Judah's identity
mankind can be represented in the mod
drives Nahum's construction of Nineveh? Does,
ern world an
by image that depends on a for example, the designation of Nineveh as whore
destructive view of women's bodied selves
belie a question of Judah's own fidelity? Is that
(Sanderson 1992: 220).
same
anxiety raised when God briefly comments,
Ironically, it is only because Nahum has chosen "I have oppressed you," without explaining why?
a feminine face for Nineveh that feminists such Does Nahum as innocent
really portray Judah
as Sanderson are able to (as commentators have suggested)? The concern
identify with the book's
?
intended foe and resist its rhetoric. Nahums femi with the king of Assyria's manliness his ability
?
nizing ofNineveh allows feminist readers to see in to protect his female likewise may suggest an
the face ofNineveh their own faces, as well as those underlying question of Yahwehs ability to protect
of rape victims around the world. No longer the his own. Read in the light of Lacan, the sheer en
abject Other, the foe becomes Victim Like Me. ergy the book devotes to contrasting theweakness
of Assyria with the overwhelming might of Yah
CONCLUSION weh suggests the paradoxical power of Assyria to
? or not to ?
confirm confirm Yahwehs might.
I have suggested multiple fissures in Nahum's The recognition ofNahums ultimate inability to
construction of the oppositional differences on cast Nineveh as Other has several consequences.
which the identities ofNineveh and Judah depend. First, ithelps explain why contemporary readings
The distinctions between "us" and "them" do not of the book differ so greatly, how it is that feminist
hold steady throughout the book; antecedentless scholars recognize Nineveh not as "them" but as
pronouns render difficult an easy identification of "us." Second, and perhaps more importantly, such
one an ethi
God's friend and God's enemy, and Nineveh's invita recognition also offers grounding for
tion to compare herself with Thebes spawns aweb of cal response to the book's violence. If, as L?vinas
identification among the feminine characters of the maintains, "the epiphany of the face is ethical"
book that destabilize the abjection ofNineveh. (L?vinas 1961:199), then conjuring the faces not
Psychoanalytic theory joins deconstruction in only of oppressed Judeans but also of vanquished
as a project, a Ninevehites calls the reader tomove beyond simple
positing that, Othering is slippery
business. The work of Jacques Lacan and Luce or easy embrace ofNahum to a recog
denigration
Irigaray suggests that the construal of the Other nition of how blurry the distinction between "us"
?
is an attempt to shape one's own identity; as Beai and "them" really is not only in this little book,
discusses in his application of Irigaray to the book but also in a polarized world.
of Esther, the problem of theOther is always a prob
The Problem of the Other(ed) Woman in Nahum
REFERENCES
Beai, T. L?vinas, E.
1997 The Book ofHiding: Gender, Ethnicity,Annihila 1961 Totality and Infinity:An Essay in Exteriority,
tion and Esther. New York, NY: Routledge. trans.A. Lingis. Pittsburgh, PA: Duquesne Uni
Bird, R versity.
Difference inAncient Israel, ed. P. L. Day. Min Beihefte zur Zeitschrift f?rdie Alttestamentliche
neapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress. Wissenschaft 218. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Floyd,M.
2000 Minor Prophets, Part 2, vol. 22. Forms of Old
Testament Literature. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerd
mans.
Chapter 10
eveloped from a combination of anthro of the Bible were primarily limited to concerns of
pology, sociology, and linguistics, socio translation, and most of these studies concerned
mS as a separate discipline the New Testament. In the 1990s, sociolinguistics
linguistics emerged
of study in the 1960s.1 Sociolinguistics concern the began to influence other aspects of biblical inter
interaction of language and social status, including pretation more widely, including linguistic topics
such topics as language variability according to (e.g., reported speech, dialect), social conflict, and
class, gender, and ethnicity and an individuals use discussions of gender and class.3
of various registers in different social settings.2 The This essay joins these recent studies in using
1966 article "On Sociolinguistically Oriented Lan sociolinguistics to interpret the Hebrew Bible.
guage Surveys" by Charles Ferguson, the "principal First, I review recent studies that demonstrate how
architect" for sociolinguistics (Tucker 1997: 321), social differentiation is evident in ancient Hebrew.
was reprinted in the 1967 volume of Bible Translator Second, I turn my attention to the way in which
(Ferguson 1967). In his article, Ferguson mentions biblical narrative portrays the relationship between
William
favorablythework of the ethnolinguist social differentiation and language, specifically
was the Translations Consultant concerning communication between speakers of
Reyburn, who
for theUnited Bible Societies inNigeria. This early different dialects or languages. Relatively few bibli
relationship between sociolinguistics and Bible cal narratives emphasize language as a marker of
translation led to the widespread use of sociolin social differentiation (Gen 11; 2 Kgs 18:26-27; Jdgs
guistics by
numerous leaders in Bible translation, 12:5-6); rather, as we will see in the Abraham nar
especially Eugene A. Nida and his colleagues in the rative (Gen 12:1-25:11), biblical narratives generally
United Bible Societies (e.g., Nida 1979; Stine 1986). gloss over linguistic variations, thereby denying
Until recently, sociolinguistically informed studies their importance.
119
120 Raymond E Person, Jr.
guistic variation according to social differentiation, that is predominantly Judahite Hebrew (= classi
including spoken versus written dialects, regional cal Hebrew).
dialects, and the influence of gender on language. Rendsburgs conclusions concerning Israelian
In his 1980 New York University dissertation, Hebrew have been seriously challenged from a
Gary Rendsburg drew from the work of sociolin methodological perspective by both Daniel Fred
guist Charles Ferguson and borrowed Fergusons ericks and Ian Young (Fredericks 1996; Young 1993;
term "diglossia" to refer to the existence of two 1997). However, Rendsburgs basic argument for
varieties of ancient Hebrew, a spoken dialect and linguistic diversity in ancient Hebrew ?spoken
a written dialect versus written, standard versus non-standard ?is
(Rendsburg 1990). His observa
tions were based primarily upon morphological now
widely accepted, even by his critics. That is,
evidence. Assuming thatMishnaic Hebrew was a the evidence that Rendsburg and others have pre
spoken dialect and Qumran Hebrew its contempo sented convincingly suggests linguistic variations
raneous written dialect, he of ancient Hebrew according to social status and
compared grammatical
features that are considered unusual in relationship region; the disagreements concern which specific
to the accepted norms of classical Hebrew toMish linguistic communities may be associated with
naic Hebrew. He also compared such grammatical the colloquialisms. For example, Fredericks and
features to the analogous diglossia in spoken and Young both argue that the evidence certainly points
written Arabic and other living Semitic languages. to the existence of a colloquial dialect of ancient
In many cases, the uncommon grammatical fea Hebrew that has left some traces in the language
tures in classical Hebrew were common features of the Hebrew Bible; however, they disagree with
inMishnaic Hebrew and paralleled characteris Rendsburgs conclusion that we can reasonably
tics in spoken Arabic and other spoken Semitic locate this dialect in the north (Fredericks 1996;
languages. Therefore, Rendsburg concluded that Young 1993; 1997). Thus, it is generally accepted
classical Hebrew was the literary dialect of ancient that therewas significant diversity among different
Hebrew and that a popular, spoken Hebrew coex speakers of ancient Hebrew, and that this diversity
isted, sometimes influencing the language of the betrays social differentiation.
Hebrew Bible. This influence is evident in certain In his 1993 Vanderbilt University dissertation,
colloquialisms present in the Hebrew Bible. Robert Johnson drew extensively from sociolin
In a later work, Rendsburg concluded that guistic studies of language variation to examine the
regional varieties of ancient Hebrew also existed dialogue in the book of Ruth, with special regard
(Rendsburg 1992). Whereas in his dissertation to the ways in which gender relates to language
he explained some colloquialisms by referring to variation (Johnson 1993). Although he was careful
diglossia, he now explained some colloquialisms not to draw conclusions concerning gender and
by referring to the differences between regional language variation in ancient Hebrew in general,
Linguistic Variation Emphasized, Linguistic Variation Denied 121
Johnson demonstrated extremely well the influ fied by Rendsburg and others occurred "naturally."
ence that Likewise, I suspect that much of the influence of
gender had upon the way the biblical
on
author represented male and female characters in gender language variation in the book of Ruth
dialogue in the narrative. This is especially clear in occurred "naturally," as the author simply wrote
his discussion of Boaz s conversational style in the how men and women "naturally" speak. That is, in
narrative as compared to Ruths. Boaz speaks more most cases the biblical authors
simply wrote what
than any other character in the book. He always or as
they perceived, consciously unconsciously,
initiates the conversation, issues more commands, what "normal" people might "naturally" say in such
and uses fewer politeness strategies. In contrast, situations. Below, I examine three biblical narra
Ruth speaks less and, with one exception, only tives (Gen 11; 2 Kgs 18:26-27; Jdgs 12:5-6) thatmay
when she is spoken to by another character who contain some of the "naturally" occurring evidence
initiates the conversation. She uses no declaratives, of linguistic variation as discussed by Rendsburg,
but does use various politeness strategies (Johnson Johnson, and others. However, these biblical narra
1993:196-98). Although the characters of Boaz and tives contain intentional and conscious reflections
Ruth speak the same Hebrew dialect, the pragmatic upon linguistic variation that are much more obvi
aspectsof theirdialogues differsignificantly
along ous in that each of them
explicitly refers to diverse
the lines of gender. As Johnson demonstrates so languages or dialects.
well, this is also the case for other characters in The most obvious biblical narrative concerning
the book of Ruth. the relationship between language and society is
the story of the tower of Babel (Gen 11:1-9). In
LINGUISTIC VARIATION EMPHASIZED fact, the first explicit biblical references to diverse
IN THE HEBREW BIBLE languages
are in Gen 10-11, because the narrative
asserts that from Adam and Eve to the tower of
The studies of Rendsburg, Johnson, and others Babel "the whole earth had one language and the
demonstrate the influence of social dif same words"' (Gen 11:1). The narrative assumes
clearly
ferentiation upon linguistic variation in ancient that the existence of only one language allows hu
Hebrew. These studies concern linguistic features manity to cooperate, so that nothing is impossible.
?
that can be understood to occur "naturally" that "And the Lord said, 'Look, they are one people,
is, speakers generate such linguistically diverse and they have one language; and this is only the
features often without consciously reflecting on beginningofwhat theywill do; nothing thatthey
their speech patterns. For example, what might be propose to do will now be impossible for them'"
considered a one (Gen 11:6). Note that here there is an explicit con
"colloquialism" by speaker may
simply be understood to be standard speech by nection between being "one people" and having
?
another. Furthermore, a woman can easily change "one language" that is, ethnicity and language
her mode of speech from a context with a male are
closely related. God's solution to this perceived
to a context with a problem is to confuse humanity by making them
superior good mutual female
friendwithout having to consciously and intention speak different languages: "Come, let us go down,
mean
ally note the change. Of course, this does not and confuse their language there, so that theywill
that speakers are always unconsciously generating not understand one another's speech" (Gen 11:7).
such speech, but inmost contexts we simply speak This confusing of language divides humanity into
what comes "naturally" according to social conven different peoples, whom the Lord scattered "over
tions in that particular setting. the face of all the earth" (Gen 11:9). From the bibli
some good
Although we might be able tomake cal narrative's perspective, the existence of different
use
arguments for the intentional of linguistic languages contributes to different ethnic identities
variation as a and often to misunderstandings
literary device (e.g., Rendsburg 1995; between ethnic
1999; Gianto 1996; Fredericks 1998), I suspect that groups that lead to social conflict.
some (if not most) of the "colloquialisms" identi
122 Raymond F. Person, Jr.
From the tower of Babel onwards, the biblical languages. However, the studies in the preceding
narrative assumes that linguistic diversity is a real section all concerned linguistic differences within
ity in human history?that is, the Lord determined the same language: ancient Hebrew. One biblical
to confuse humanity at the tower of Babel and this narrative contains an excellent
example of this
confusion continues throughout the narrative. But type of linguistic variation as a key element of the
humans were able to find some ways of overcom narrative itself, the story of Jephthah the judge
ing such confusion, even if only imperfectly, and (Jdgs 11:1-12:7). Jephthah leads the Gileadites to
one such way was to learn over
multiple languages. victory over the Ammonites and then their
Geographically situated between the ancient su fellow Israelites, the tribe of Ephraim. The Gile
perpowers ofMesopotamia and Egypt, Israels elite adites defeat the Ephraimites and the Ephraimites
learned other languages. This iswell represented scatter.Whenever the Ephraimites cross the Jordan
in the account of Sennacherib s River, they believe that they can easily deceive the
siege of Jerusalem
(2 Kgs 18:13-19:37). Gileadites and then safely pass through enemy
Both the Assyrian and Judean officials in the territory to return home. However, the Gileadites
narrative speak at least two languages ? Hebrew come up with a foolproof
linguistic test for identi
?
and Aramaic that is, the political elite has de fying the Ephraimites, based on different regional
vised ways around the confusion of Babel. With pronunciations.
this knowledge also comes social power to control
Whenever one of the
information for political means. When the Rab fugitives of Ephraim
said, "Let me go over," the men of Gilead
shakeh delivers the Assyrian threat in Hebrew,
would say to him, "Are you an Ephraimite?"
Hezekiah's officials say, "Please speak to your ser
When he said, "No," they said to him, "Then
vants in theAramaic language, forwe understand
say Shibboleth," and he said, "Sibboleth,"
it; do not speak to us in the language of Judah
for he could not pronounce it right. Then
within the hearing of the people who are on the
wall" (2 Kgs 18:26). Here the Judean bureaucrats theyseized him at the fordsof the Jordan
want to use their linguistic skills towithhold from (Jdgs 12:5-6).
by speaking loudly and clearly in Hebrew, so that Ephraimites were killed because they did not pro
all the inhabitants of Jerusalem can hear and un one manner
nounce particular word in the same
derstand. "But the Rabshakeh said to them, 'Has that theirmore powerful enemy did.
my master sent me to speak these words to your
master and to you, and not to the people sitting LINGUISTIC VARIATION DENIED
on thewall, who are doomed with you to eat their IN THE HEBREW BIBLE
own own urine?'" (2 Kgs
dung and to drink their
18:27). That is, the Rabshakeh also has the linguistic Above, we have seen evidence of linguistic varia
competence necessary to deliver his message, so tions not only occurring "naturally" in biblical
that his foreign enemies, including the common narratives but occurring even in some explicit
people, understand themessage directly from him references to linguistic variation and its social con
without any meddling intervention on the part of sequences in theHebrew Bible. In fact, the tower
the Judean bureaucracy. The Rabshakeh, therefore, of Babel story suggests that the biblical narrative
continues with his threatening message "in a loud assumes that the existence of various
languages
voice in the language of Judah" (2 Kgs 18:28). determines, to some degree at least, diverse eth
The narratives of the tower of Babel and Sen nic groups and that misunderstandings between
nacherib's siege of Jerusalem contain explicit refer these groups often lead to social conflict. Although
ences to linguistic variation in the form of different some biblical narratives may contain some type
Linguistic Variation Emphasized, Linguistic Variation Denied 123
of evidence for linguistic variation on the basis of also speak Hebrew? Or isMelchizedek bilingual?
dialect, gender, or social status, few biblical nar Abram and the king of Sodom then speak concern
ratives contain any explicit reference to linguistic ing the spoils Abram gained (Gen 14:20-24). Again,
variation. Most biblical narratives
containing does the Canaanite king speak Hebrew or Abram
interactions between people who speak different the Semitic language of the Canaanites? Was an
languages simply ignore this dimension of the nar interpreter present? Concerning these questions,
rative, denying that such linguistic variation could the narrative remains silent.
create any kind of difficulty in communication. In Other places in the Abram/Abraham narrative
fact,when one reads most biblical narratives, one raise similar questions, especially those in which
could easily get the impression that everyone in Abraham interacts with King Abimelech of Gerar.
the ancient Near East spoke Hebrew. Again, since ethnicity and language are generally
Such a denial of linguistic variation is evident in assumed to be connected, one would think that
theAbraham story,where itappears that everyone Abram/Abraham would have some difficulty in
speaks the same language. The biblical narrative communicating with the Egyptians, Canaanites,
makes no speculations concerning the origin of and other peoples in the narrative. However, there
Hebrew. As notedabove, ethnicity and language is nothing in the narrative to suggest this. It is as if
are connected in biblical narrative, and all of the characters speak the same language, the
generally
this is certainly the case with Abram/Abraham. language of the Hebrew narrative itself.
In Gen 14:13, he is referred to as "Abram the He The same kinds of questions can be asked in
brew," indicating his ethnicity and, indirectly, his to a variety of biblical narratives. How did
regard
language. However, nowhere in the dialogues of the Ninevites understand Jonahs terse Hebrew
the narrative is there an explicit reference to the oracle? How did David and Goliath communicate?
language Abram/Abraham and the other characters How did the Israelite spies and Rahab communi
speak. When Abram and Sarai flee the famine by cate? Are we to assume that all of these characters
were or I think not.5 The
becoming "aliens" in Egypt (Gen 12:10-20), they bilingual multilingual?
seem to have no problem whatsoever communi biblical narrative simply glosses over such details
with the Abram tells Sarai, "Say as it selects whatis important to communicate to
cating Egyptians.
you are my sister" (Gen 12:13), and Sarai presum its readers. When linguistic variation is crucial
references to such linguistic variations. Since so examined analogous narrative tendencies of selec
ciolinguistics has repeatedly demonstrated that tivity.Fortunately, new methods of interpretation
such linguistic variation is closely related to social of archaeological and textual evidence are offering
differentiation and to issues of power and control new opportunities to recover some of the voices of
in society, this narrative tendency to selectively the "other."
ignore a source of potential social conflict is yet I am pleased to contribute this essay in honor of
another instance of the perspective of the "other" Eric M. Meyers, a teacher, scholar, and friend who
being minimized in biblical narrative. Other has encouraged the exploration of new interpretive
studies concerning gender, ethnicity, and social methods.
class (including other essays in this volume) have
NOTES
For an excellent discussion of thehistory of sociolin 5 Another possible explanation may be that some of
guistics, see Shuy 1997 and other essays in Paulston these speakers understood the other s language be
and Tucker 1997. cause some of the dialects were closely related on a
2 For an excellent introductionto the continuum of Semitic languages in Syria-Palestine.
principles,methods,
and observations of sociolinguistics, seeHolmes 1992. For example, W. Randall Garr argues that Jer27:3
3 For example, theSociolinguistics and Biblical Studies suggests that JeremiahsHebrew was understood by
Consultation met at the 1994,1995, and 1996Annual others knowing Phoenician, Ammonite, Edomite,
Meetings of the Society of Biblical Literature. Some andMoabite (Garr 1985:231).Although thismay have
related publications by participants in this consulta been the case between speakers of some closely re
tion include the following: Blount 1995;Meier 1992; lated ancient languages, the linguisticdissimilarities
Miller 1996; Nida 1993; H?rtgen 1993; Aageson between other languages (e.g.,Egyptian and Hebrew)
1996; Fredericks 1996; 1998; Porter 1997; Person would certainly limit theapplication of thisargument
1996 and 1999. Some other studies explicitly drawing to the general narrative practice of simply gloss
from sociolinguistics include the following: Rends ing over such details when they do not contribute
burg 1990;Wilt 1996; Gianto 1996; Young 1997. directly to the development of plot or characteriza
4 There are various ways to explain the difficultyof tion.Moreover, this general narrative tendency calls
the Ephraimites attempt to pronounce theword the intoquestion theuse of biblical narrative to support
same way as the Gileadites, but the point remains such an argument; therefore,Garr's assumption of
the same in each of the various explanations. For a historical accuracy here isprobably using Jer27:3 for
discussion of some of the various explanations, see purposes not imagined by the biblical author(s).
Young 1993:188.
REFERENCES
Aageson, W.
J. C. A.
Ferguson,
1996 "Control" in Pauline Language and Culture: 1967 On Sociolinguistically Oriented Language Sur
A Study of Rom 6. New Testament Studies 42: veys. Bible Translator 18: 128-32.
75-89.
Fredericks, D. C.
.K. 1996
Blount, North Israelite Dialect in the Hebrew Bible?
1995 Cultural Interpretation:ReorientingNew Testa Questions ofMethodology. Hebrew Studies 37:
ment Criticism.Minneapolis, MN: Fortress. 7-20.
Linguistic Variation Emphasized, Linguistic Variation Denied 125
Rite. Journal of theEvangelical Theological Soci 1997 Ancient Rhetorical Analysis and Discourse
ety41: 189-99. Analysis of thePauline Corpus. Pp. 249-74 inThe
R.
Rhetorical Analysis of Scripture: Essays from the
Garr, W.
1985 Dialect Geography ofSyria-Palestine,1000-586bce. 1995 London Conference, eds. S. Porter and T.
Olbricht. Journal for the Study of theNew Tes
Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania.
tament, Supplement Series. Sheffield: Sheffield
Gianto, A.
Academic.
1996 Variations in Biblical Hebrew. Biblica 77: 493
508. Rendsburg, G. A.
1990 Diglossia inAncient Israel. American Orientai
Holmes, J.
Series 72. New Haven, CT: American Oriental
1992 An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. London:
Society.
Longman. 1992 Morphological Evidence for Regional Dialects
H?rtgen, J.E. inAncient Hebrew. Pp. 65-88 inLinguistics and
1993 Anti-Language in theApocalypse of John. Lew Biblical Hebrew, ed.W. R. Bodine. Winona Lake,
iston,NY: Mellen. IN: Eisenbrauns.
Johnson, R. M., Jr. 1995 Linguistic Variation and the "Foreign" Factor
1993 The Words in Their Mouths: A Linguistic and in theHebrew Bible. Israel Oriental Studies 15:
Literary Analysis of theDialogues in the Book 177-90.
of Ruth. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Van 1999 Confused Language as a Deliberate Literary
derbilt University. Device in Biblical Hebrew Narrative. Journal of
S. A.
Hebrew Scriptures 2: article 6 (http://www.arts.
Meier,
1992 Speaking of Speaking:Marking Direct Discourse ualberta.ca/JHS/Articles/article_12.htm).
in theHebrew Bible. Vetus Testamentum Supple Shuy,R.W.
ment 46. Leiden: Brill. 1997 A Brief History of American Sociolinguistics:
1949-1989. Pp. 11-32 inThe Early Days ofSocio
Miller, C. L.
1996 The Representation of Speech inBiblical Hebrew Memories and Reflections, eds. C. B.
linguistics:
Narrative: A LinguisticAnalysis. Harvard Semitic Paulston and G. R. Tucker. Dallas, TX: Summer
Instituteof Linguistics.
Monographs 55. Atlanta: Scholars.
Nida, E. A. Stine, P. C. (ed.)
1986 Sociolinguisticsand Communication. UBS Mono
1979 TranslatingMeans Communicating: A Sociolin
guistic Theory of Translation. Bible Translator graph 1.New York, NY: United Bible Societies.
30: 101-7,318-25. Tucker, G. R.
1993 Breakthroughs inBible Translating. Philadelphia, 1997 The Development of Sociolinguistics as a Field
PA: Trinity International. of Study. Pp. 317-24 in The Early Days of Socio
Memories and Reflections, eds. C. B.
Paulston, C. B., and Tucker, G. R. (eds.) linguistics:
1997 The Early Days of Sociolinguistics: Memories Paulston and G. R. Tucker. Dallas, TX: Summer
and Reflections. Dallas, TX: Summer Institute Institute of Linguistics.
of Linguistics. Wilt, T.
R. R, 1996 A Sociolinguistic Analysis of n?\ Vetus Testa
Person, Jr.
mentum 46: 237-55.
1996 In Conversation with Jonah:Conversation Analy
sis, Literary Criticism, and the Book of Jonah. Young, I.
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, 1993 Diversity inPre-Exilic Hebrew. Forschungen zum
Supplement 220. Sheffield: SheffieldAcademic. Alten Testament 5. T?bingen: Mohr.
1999 A Reassessment ofWiederaufnahme from the 1997 Evidence of Diversity in Pre-Exilic Judahite
Perspective ofConversation Analysis. Biblische Hebrew. Hebrew Studies 38: 7-20.
Zeitschriftte: 241-48.
Chapter 11
by contemporary scholars
as "black" or "African" had in ancient Israel/Judah that references to this
1996a: 399; 1996b; cf. Adamo 1986). Yet, ethnic term become significant for interpreting
(Hays
though Cush-related terms4 are employed more these biblical texts (Num 12:1 and Jer 13:23), and
than fifty times in the Hebrew Bible, in only three can symbolically associate Cushites with the
they
instances do the Judean authors discuss Cushite notion "dark skin."
phenotypes (Num 12; Isa 18;and Jer13). Such an association pertains to another issue:
Two of these biblical texts appear to address how differences that moderns would perceive
the color of a Cushites skin (Num 12 and Jer 13). as racial were viewed in Judean society. Though
However, in both of these instances, skin color recognition of distinctive human skin color alone
ation is not explicitlydescribed,only implied. It does not characterize racial thought, phenotypic
is only because Judean people (and subsequent differences between Cushites and Judeans can be
about the distinctive characterized as constituent elements5 of racialist6
exegetes) knew something
was an established
coloration of Cushite skin that these implicit thought. It is unlikely that there
127
128 Rodney S. Sadler, Jr.
system of racial othering in Judah during the Iron this Cushite woman into theMoses narratives was
II or exilic periods, but Numbers 12 and Jer 13:23
apparently a reason for
concern.
provide valuable information about how constitu However, suggesting that the cause of contention
ent elements like phenotypic differences were per was the Cushite wife raises another equally potent
ceived and the ideological significance ascribed to question: What was itabout thiswife that provoked
these differences. Miriam (and Aaron), causing her (them) to com
In are a number of compelling
plain? theory, there
NUMBERS 12? MOSES' CUSHITE WIFE motivations for the complaint, not the least among
these the issue of race. Cain Felder, in his 1989 text
Numbers 12 is a chapter
requiring careful attention, Troubling Biblical Waters, concludes that despite
because it is enigmatic for a variety of reasons. Ini the4 extraordinarily progressive racial values of the
tially, the reader notes that the cause of the conflict Bible," the complaint was based upon Miriams as
in this chapter is not apparent.
According to verse sessment ofMoses wife s racial identity.Hence, in
1, the reason Miriam7 and Aaron complain against this paradigm, we should contrast Miriams visceral
Moses seems to pertain to their brother s reaction against thisCushite woman inverse 1with
marriage
to a Cushite woman. the nature of YHWH s punishment ofMiriam in
Evidence from Jewish literature composed dur verse 12 (Felder 1989:42; cf.Waters 1991:204).11We
ing the latter centuries b.ce. and the first century will saymore about this conclusion below.
ce. illustrates how much of a
problem thiswoman's Felder, however, uncomfortable with the im
identity caused early interpreters.8 According to plication that "race" could cause such contention
Exod 2:15-22, Moses married Zipporah, identi in Israelite/Judahite society, was later pleased to
fied as a daughter of theMidianite priest Reuel,9 recant this initial assessment in his 1991 article,
while Jud 1:16 and 4:11 imply thatMoses married "Race, Racism and the Biblical Narratives" (Felder
a Kenite woman,
daughter of Hobab. Though the 1991:127-45). In this article, persuaded by Randall
question about whether Zipporah was aMidianite he revisedhis
Baileyshypothesis(Bailey1991:179),
or a Kenite was seldom the cause ofmuch conten earlier conclusions, suggesting that the complaint
tion,10whether Moses married a Cushite woman was not based upon the perceived racial
inferiority
was a matter of
significant interest. Did thismean of the Cushite wife, but upon her perceived social
thatMoses had married a second wife? Or was this valuation. Hence, forBailey and Felder what seemed
label ? Cushite ? consistent with thiswife's to be a conflict stemming from amatter of racialist
identity
as a Midianite? These two questions
Zipporah, denigration of theCushite Other is actually amatter
point to the two principle solutions early Jewish of conflict over the elite social status associated with
authors offered to this dilemma. the Cushite Other (Felder 1991:135-36).
Demetrius the Chronographer and Ezekiel the Alice Bellis notes that theremay be reasons for
Tragedian, bothfavoring the second solution, the objection beyond the racial and social status
determined thatMoses had only one wife and of issues. Following Drorah Setel, she suggests that
fered explanations of how Zipporah could the issue of the Cushite wife may have been cultic.
properly
be deemed Cushite (cf. Robertson 1985; Hanson If thiswife is, indeed, Zipporah, as Bellis contends
1985). Artapanus and Josephus chose the first solu (Bellis 1994:103), the conflict may have to do with
tion, introducing legends of a military campaign her status as a priestess (cf. Exod 4:24-26). Moses
into Ethiopia to theMoses narratives (cf. Collins union with a priestess then may have bestowed
1985; Feldman 1993). Though Artapanus makes no upon him a particular prophetic authority over
explicit reference to the wife of Numbers 12, the that ofMiriam (and Aaron), hence producing the
Ethiopian campaign seems to provide a context for tensionbetweenMoses and his sibling(s) (Bellis
a resolution of the dilemma raised this 1994:104-5).
by passage,
as is
expressed explicitly in Josephus' use of the Bellis has also hypothesized that the reason the
campaign legend (Ant 2.252). The introduction of author introduced the conflict over the Cushite
Representing the Cushite Other 129
wife into the context of the Pentateuch may stem Were he included, then he probably would have
from an issue of contemporary relevance for the been mentioned first as the most recognizable
author. The purpose of the narrative may be to character (Davies 1995:117).
resolve the issue ofMoses marriage to a foreign Davies' "two narratives" explanation clarifies
wife, when this issue was a problem in a number of the problems in this chapter, since
becoming
Israelite society (Bellis 1994: 104).12 It is beyond it provides a clear cycle of problem, confronta
contention thatMoses married a foreign woman tion, and resolution for both narratives. Further,
from the south,13 and the redactor of Numbers though his solution perhaps oversimplifies the
to his or her specificends employed this fact to complex redactional process that gave rise to this
achieve the purpose of the present passage (Bellis narrative, it facilitates a discussion about themat
. 2i). ter of the Cushite wife on its own grounds: it is a
1994: 255 Presumably, each of the designa
tions14 could overlap in the minds of Judahites. specific complaint raised byMiriam, then resolved
The actual reason for the objection to the Cushite byYHWH sdisciplinaryhand. The inclusionof the
wife occurring in 12:1may continue to be a matter material from a subsequent intervening Aaron and
of contention for exegetes; however, the lack of Miriam story only serves to complicate matters.
clarity regarding why the issue
was raised in the However, as Gordon Wenham cautions, there
first place should not distract from the fact that are structural reasons to read the entire chapter
itwas. This discussionwill primarily address the as a coherent narrative unit. Wenham finds in the
existence of the complaint and only secondarily extant passage evidence of a pattern also repeated
propose a reason for it. inNumbers 11,14,16 (twice), 17 and 21, which is
Some initial comments about the composition of as follows:
Numbers 12 are in order. Exegetes have not always
as a (a) thepeople complain;(b) theLord appears
perceived this chapter single coherent textual
/hears;(c) theLord is angryand punishes;
unit. In fact,Martin Noth sees two distinct liter
(d) thepeople appeal toMoses; (e)Moses
ary strands interwoven in this complex, which can
no longerbe "disentangled"(Noth 1968:93). Eryl prays forpeople; (f) the judgmentceases
(Wenham 1997: 51-52).
Davies, who attempts to sort the two narratives,
champions a modified version ofNoth s position. In this regard, the two narratives identified by
He does so as follows: Davies in chapter 12 fulfill the pattern found in the
(1) Cushite Wife controversy?verses 1, 9a, ?oab, larger literary context only in their present inter
13-16. twined state, suggesting that the redactor forfeited
(2) Authority controversy?verses 2-5a, 6-8, 9b, the unique themes of the independent units. Thus,
?oaa. while employing Davies' notion that two distinct
His hypothesisposits thatMiriam alonewas the complaints have been combined for analytical
antagonist in the first story, while Miriam and purposes, we should be careful not to disregard the
Aaron act cooperatively in the second (Davies symmetry of the complete extant passage.
1995:114). In regard to the odd construction of the These structural insights help to clarify the con
feminine singular verb ascribed to both Miriam fusion most scholars encounter when confronting
and Aaron in verse 1, the anomaly is explained: it this passage. There may be two distinct concerns
was never intended to have Aaron as its subject. reflected in two distinct traditions, but they are
Davies' interpretation runs contrary to that of conflated into one composite narrative. Though
Noth, who sees the unusual construction simply as elements have been lost from the story of Aaron's
another example of the predicate in first position and Miriams complaint about Moses' authority,
assuming the form of the initial subject in a series the Cushite wife was evidently a concern only for
(Noth 1968:93). Davies takes the feminine singular Miriam, which was resolved when YHWH pun
predicate and the plural subjects as evidence that ished her with a temporary case of skin disease
Aaron was not a character in the first narrative. and a period of banishment from the community.
130 Rodney S. Sadler, Jr.
only explicit reference to a Cushite woman in the unions could not be categorically proscribed.
Hebrew Bible.15 That fact alone makes Numbers This smaller narrative is further complicated
12
significant, for the portrayal of Moses' wife by theway YHWH punished Miriam. The phrase
we
provides the limited information have about meaning "leprous as snow" in verse 10
r?rtsap,
how Cushite women were viewed
by Hebrew au adds to the text another layer of complexity. Ac
thors. Because the text does not provide adequate cording to the narrative, after the cloud containing
detail, we cannot be sure what itwas about this the presence of an angry YHWH departed from
as
woman's identity that offended Miriam, provok the tent "Miriam had become leprous, as white
ing her objection. Whether the objection was due snow" (v. io NRSV). Note the additional aspect of
to aesthetics or cultural otherness is unclear. One color present in theNRSV translation. Whether or
could argue that the principle objection was to not the notion of color is germane to ate is
the union of this prominent Levite with a non a matter of
significance for this study, but the text
Hebrew, hence othered, woman.16 This would be is by no means unequivocal on this point.
true whether the Cushite woman was Itmust be stated that no explicit color terms (i.e.,
Zipporah
or a ]?>) are used in this chapter. However, i?f? nsnx?
subsequent bride (though if she is presumed
to be Zipporah, she can then be associated with cannot be deemed void of all color content. Atha
a
priestly lineage, hence perhaps assuaging the laya Brenner, in her 1982 study of color terms in
problem). Had Moses married any non-Hebrew Hebrew, classified the root of the latter term in this
woman, itmight have produced this reaction as a secondary color term or a
construction, jfrt?,
by
the prophetic matriarch, Miriam. term that functions in certain contexts "as specifi
Still, the repetition inverse of theMT, confirm cations of pV' (Brenner 1982: 42). In thismanner,
ing the Cushite identity ofMoses' wife, emphasizes nsnxa has often been understood as a simile
that because she is Cushite, she is Other, signifi for "whiteness" inNum 12:10, as well as in Exod 4:6
cantly unlike Moses. Reading the complete chapter 2
and Kgs 5:27, as is apparent in theNRSV.
as a the contextual clues indicate the This being said, some scholars have argued
single story,
ambiguity with which the difference is valued. against connoting color in these three aforemen
What is clear is thatMiriam implies the Cushite tioned verses. Most notably, Brenner herself has
woman was Other and that the difference mattered; as it is
suggested that the term employed inNum
Moses has somehow by this marriage elevated 12:10 should not be understood as a simile for
himself above his siblings. Hence, it is not likely "whiteness," but for flakiness, reflecting the texture
that the Cushite wife was denigrated because of of snow.18 Though considering the term a refer
herCushite identity;
perhaps justtheopposite: she ence to the
flaking associated with
a psoriasis-like
stood as a symbol ofMoses' status and authority, condition is entirely plausible, itwould be arbitrary
as to preclude its connotation as a color term19 in
Bailey suggests.17
However, following Davies' two-narrative hy Num 12:10, Exod 4:6, and 2 Kgs 5:27,which each
pothesis, the Cushite wife narrative remains para address similar stories of a skin disorder brought
doxical. Even though it cannot be said to prohibit on s activity. As stated above, Brenner
by YHWH
Moses' union with this Cushite woman, the fact herself recognizes the clear use of as a simile
that itposits the partnering as a matter of conten for "whiteness" in Isa 1:18, Ps 51:9, and Dan 7:9,
tion implies that it raised a red flag forMiriam. and more
In directly she states "that white can be
this regard, the passage is a double-edged sword. It a
signified by comparison to snow" (Brenner 1982:
both indicates byMiriam's complaint that themar 82). In addition, a psoriasis-like condition can be
riage challenged normative assumptions ofwho is described as "shiny-silvery scales" (Brenner 1982:
Representing the Cushite Other 131
9o) or "raised, red patches or lesions covered with a formed, as a result of YHWH s punishment, to
interpretation of this passage. In her estimation, it from YHWH toMiriams complaint about Moses'
is not color that is being emphasized in this simile, marriage precludes the existence of a
prohibition
but the leprosy-like condition of the corpse where against such unions. Third, as the narrative affirms
its skin has been eaten away. She further argues (w. 2-3), a Cushite woman's connection with so
that the color of the corpse would not be "white" a character in the
significant unfolding historical
but "gray and mottled" (Bellis 2000). Though this narrative in no way diminished his stature and
perspective does emphasize the debilitating effect standing in subsequent generations. Fourth, fol
of the leprous condition, it does not change the lowing Bailey and reading the extant combined
"color" aspect of this verse. If anything, it strength passage, it seems thatMoses' association with this
ens the notion of the contrast between the "pale" Cushite woman elevated his social standing, since
complexion of the infant and the "dark" complex the affirmation ofMoses' humility in verse 3would
ion of the Cushite woman. Further, since the con be irrelevant if the redactor of the text perceived
trast is not between the distinct spectral opposites, themarriage as demeaning.
"black" and "white", but between generally tanned So what is the conclusion of the matter of the
to dark brown Mediterranean complexions, "dark" Cushite wife? Though far from any permanent so
and "pale," the potency of Miriam's punishment lution to the issues raised by this chapter, itappears
remains intact. She has forfeitedwhatever natural that Cushite phenotypic darkness was employed
skin colorationshe had, and became like a corpse, to ironic ends in Numbers 12. But as to whether
not "white" as we think of itwith its constituent the Israelites/Judahites viewed Cushites through
ideological baggage, but a blotchy, perhaps even a racialist lens certain
qualified conclusions are in
as the absence
vitiligo-like21 "whiteness" perceived order. Accepting the contention that the author in
of color. tended to contrast the color of the Cushite woman's
The introduction of a color-laden concept into skinwith Miriam's afterYHWH s
punishment, then
Miriam's punishment at the end of this pericope it follows that the color of a Cushites skin was a
suggests another reason for the repetitive reference prevalent feature in the mind of the audience. In
toMoses' union with a Cushite woman. There is a this regard, to say "Cushite" could invoke images
strange irony to the story of a woman who com of dark skin (cf. Jer 13:23) in a manner similar to
plains against a woman twice identified as Cushite, theway saying "snow" conjured images of "white
implicitly dark-skinned, whose skin is then trans ness" or
"paleness."
132 Rodney S. Sadler, Jr.
Though the association of an ethnic group with However, the purpose of these rhetorical ques
a prominent trait is a constituent tions is to present a scenario where change would
phenotypical
element of racialist thought, it does not necessar be impossible. Though itwould not be easy for a
a racialist mindset. man with a hairless face to grow a beard, Cushites
ily follow that the author had
As determined above, the Tendenz of the author with facial hair were known in antiquity (e.g.,
definitively opposed Miriams disdain for the union Snowden 1970: pis. 43, 54~55> 7h 73> 93 and 95).
ofMoses and his Cushite wife. It is even plausible Judean people probably knew of such Cushites,
that the chapter is anti-racialist in its orientation, hence lack of hair is unlikely to satisfy the require
were ments
seeking to combat the notion that Cushites of this riddle.
ontologically different fromHebrews, symbolically The other significant aspect of a Cushites skin
transcending perceived otherness by tacitly placing that had commonplace value in the ancient world
YHWH s seal of
approval
on Moses union with a was its color. Again, Brenner has classified the
Cushite woman. Hence, this narrative may contain term "Cushite" as one of a series ofHebrew terms,
an early biblical author s strategy for addressing an like those for "snow" and "wine," that had idiom
emergingethnicor colorprejudicebyhighlighting atic value and could replace specific color terms,
s ironic response The verb
YHWH toMiriams complaint. particularly in poetry (Brenner 1982:47).
Ibrr, "to turn or overturn," is used frequently in
?
JEREMIAH 13:23 reference to color, particularly in relation to skin
CAN A CUSHITE CHANGE HIS SKIN? disease in Lev 13:3-4,13,20, and 55. In each of these
instances, the root l?n is associated with turning
The reference to a Cushite in Jer 13:23 occurs in a "white;" hence, it is not beyond the realm of pos
s skin
riddle comprised of a rhetorical question soliciting sibility that the transformation of theCushite
a to a "white" complexion is the paradox raised by
negative response from its audience.22 The ques
tion posed is vrhannn narinis? ibrrn "Is a Cushite Jeremiah. If thiswere the image Jeremiah intended
able to change his skin or a leopard his spots?" Of to evoke in his audience, the startling contrast
course they cannot. The answer to the question between "whiteness" (or paleness) and a Cushites
then forms the basis of YHWH s response to the dark complexion would impress upon his audience
people of Judahs query in verse 22.Why had an the implausibility of Judahs repentance. However,
answer: They the riddle,
unpleasant fate befallen Judah? The though this contrast would strengthen
were incapable of change! Jeremiahs response is the Cushites skin "white" is by no means
turning
more nm'm "then the certain implication.25
eloquent: ?nn na1? ywrh i^rnn
you too will be able to do good, you who are taught Besides Isaiah 18, Jer 13:23 is themost obvious
evil." In a circuitous manner, Jeremiah declares that reference to a Cushite phenotypical trait in theHe
the people of Judah were unable to change their brew Bible, making itone of the only opportunities
ways and were consequently destined to suffer a we have to examine how Judean authors viewed
horrendous fate.23 Cushite phenotypic skin coloration.26 Because of
Consider the phrase iniyr?to ?srrn "Can a Cushite the nature of the riddle, the only thing that was
skinwas
change his skin?"24What is it about the skin of the emphasized about the color of theCushite
Cushite that is under consideration in this rhetori its inabilityto change (Drake 1990: 5).We finda
cal question? Isaiah 18 provides the best ethnogra similar proverb inEgyptian wisdom literature in the
As Onchsheshonqy declares, ct(t)here is no Negro Hos 5:3<i-4; Holladay 1986: 415; Jones 1992: 203;
who lays offhis skin" (Gemser i960:126). From this, Leslie 1954:75).
we may conclude that the color of Cushite skin had Other questions arise: Why does skin color
an means for a
commonplace value to the Judeans,27 the Egyptians, ation, such obvious Othering and
and likely other peoples in the ancient Near East. constituent element of racialist thought, play such
Still,thelimitedemphasison phenotypicdifference a limitedrole in theHebrew Bible? Further,
why,
inmost references to Cush in the Hebrew Bible once skin color was acknowledged, was itgiven so
suggests that distinct appearance was not the char little attention? Could it be that such differences
acteristic aspect of Cushite identitymost familiar were neither remarkable nor off-putting in the
to biblical authors (Sadler 2005:149-51).28 ancient Judean context? Was the ancient Levant a
At the same time, there also does not appear to a
region replete with people of various hues where
be any clear value ascribed to skin color.29 Itwould Cushites complexion was a common feature? Suf
have been simple to equate darkness to evil in this fice it to say here that even when Cushite coloration
was acknowledged, the distinctiveness of Cushite
passage, as has been done in subsequent Christian
and Jewish post-biblical literature. Robert Hood, skin was not granted ideological significance, as it
for example, notes that in his would be under a racialist paradigm.
the second millennium b.c.e. to the contemporary The resulting portrait of Judean representa
other tion of the Cushite Other demonstrates that even
period (Hood 1994:1-21). However, though
ancient societies appear to have correlated negative presumably stark phenotypic differences, though
themes with concepts of "blackness" and dark skin constituent elements of racialist thought, were
color, such a contrast does not appear in the present relatively unimportant in the Hebrew Bible. They
instance, nor in general in the Hebrew Bible.30 As were not employed as criteria for establishing
stated above, YHWH inNum 12:1 seems to counter human hierarchies or othering social groups, but
such prejudices against the color of the Cushites were only incidental descriptive traits utilized to
skin by punishing Miriam forher disdain atMoses' accomplish specific literary goals. Biblical authors'
not depreciate their
marriage to a Cushite woman. This brief refer representations of Cushites did
are
ence to Cush is incorporated not to disparage this appearance. Ironically, when these differences
it is not to the but to cor
Other, but to say something about Israel. Jeremiahs evoked, disparage Other,
rhetorical question emphasizes Israels stubborn rect the biblical audience.
refusal to repent of their deviant disposition (cf.
Rodney S. Sadler Jr.
NOTES
Itwas Dr. Eric M. Meyers who first suggested that 8 For example, see Ezekiel theTragedian, Demetrius
I study the people of Cush, noting that itwas es theChronographer, Artapanus, and Josephus.
sential to employ archaeology, anthropology, and 9 Cf. Exod 3:1,where thepriest father-in-lawofMoses
all other applicable methodologies to understand is identifiedas Jethro.This narrative clearly contains
this people rarely discussed in biblical scholarship. strains of numerous traditions.
Under his watchful eye, Iwas encouraged to experi 10 This is due largely to the conflation of the stories
ment with theories of race and othering, though they about theKenites andMidianites, both thought to be
were beyond the traditional constraints of biblical
populations dwelling south of Judah and connected
scholarship. His constant support facilitated the with Moses traditions. Cf. Halpern 1992,where he
completion ofmy research on Judean representation notes that the differences in the use of the ethnic
of theCushite Other and his jovial nature buoyed my termsKenite andMidianite relate todifferences in the
waning spiriton many occasions. It iswith great joy literarysources and political interestsofMushite and
that I submit this article in honor of an exemplary Aaronid schools. In this regard, it ismost significant
advisor, scholar, teacher, and friend. that themany sources thatmention Moses' wife and
2 Or "Kushites" as the term is transcribed in the litera in-laws agree on twoprincipal points: thathemarried
ture of Egyptologists. a non-Israelite woman and that she came from the
3 For example, see Snowden 1983:pis. 4,6,7a-b, 8a-b, region south of Judah.
11
and 9-10. Though Felder thinks theNumbers 12passage is an
4 I.e., tr?, r?fts, rvr?b, and ito. anomaly,Waters thinks itrepresents a "growing dis
5 Consider Smedley 1993: 26-27. She defines this term like forAfricans."
as the collection of 12 Bellis also rehearses a number of other raisons detre
"ideological ingredients" that,
when perceived in concert, form "a singular para for this complex passage, such as itwas an attempt to
digm constituting the racial worldview." deal withMoses adultery as he had married a second
6 Social criticKwame Appiah defines "racialism" as the wife; the objection about thewife was a "pretext"for
acceptance of the proposition that the actual dilemma: prophetic authority;or themat
terwas one of cultic purity. See 1994: 255-56, n. 27.
there are heritable characteristics, possessed
13He married either a Midianite (Exod 2:11-22; 3:1;
by members of our species, that allow us to Num 10:29), a Kenite (Judg 1:16;4:11), or a Cushite
divide them into a small set of races, in such a
(Num 12:1).However we understand these various
way that all themembers of these races share
certain traits and tendencies with each other passages, it is clear thatMoses had married a foreign
woman from the south. It ispossible to conflate each
that they do not share with members of any
of these peoples. For example, Jud 1:16would allow
other race. These traits and tendencies char
us to conclude thatMidians and Kenites could be
acteristic of a race constitute, on the racialist
the same peoples. Hab 3:7would suggest thatMid
view, a sort of racial essence (1990: 4-5).
ian and Cushan could be conflated.Hence, we could
Appiah would argue that a racialist view is not in determine theCushite wife as actually Cush(an)ite,
trinsically immoral, like a racistposture. However, he from the region to the south of Edom.
would argue that racialism is a necessary, though not 14Midianite, Kenite, or Cushite, thoughwe are by no
sufficientprecondition for racism. See also Appiah means definitively arguing that Zipporah was the
1999:1576. wife ofNum 12:1.
7 Actually, it looks like the texthas been edited by a 15 Theremay also be others in theBible, i.e., theQueen
redactorwho included Aaron at a later time,perhaps of Sheba in 1Kings 10, followingCharles Copher and
to vilify this leader and elevate the status ofMoses the suggestion by Edward Ullendorff, who, based
(12:6-8). Note that the initial verb employed in this upon his reading of Josephus (Ant. 8.6, 5-6), would
chapter (12:1) is feminine singular, though the extant look for Sheba in South Arabia or in Cush-Egypt;
textwould seemingly call for a plural verb, since the or even Queen Candace in theNew Testament (Acts
subjects areMiriam and Aaron. Note thatMiriam is 8:27). But the former isnot an explicit reference to a
the only recipient ofYHWH swrath (12:10).We will Cushite woman and the latter is not in theHebrew
revisit this issue below. Also see Adamo 1990:111. Bible. Cf. Copher 1993: 62; Ullendorff 1968:131-45;
Representing the Cushite Other 135
Felder 1989: 141.Also, if thiswoman is identified 23 The horrendous nature of the fate is emphasized by
with Zipporah and deemed ofMidianite/Kenite the image of sexual assault inverse 26: "Imyself will
Cush(an)ite heritage (cf.Hab 3:7), then otherwomen liftup your skirts over your face, and your shame
(and men) so identifiedmay merit our attention. will be seen' (NRSV). Their punishment would be a
16 Cf. Exod 34:16;Deut 7:1-4; 23:1-7.However, we should brutal violation and a source of shame.
note thatHamilton found thatprohibitions of exoga 24 Holladay (1986:411 and 415) translates thephrase with
mous marriages are limited to fewOthers in the pre a conditional or interrogativesense: "Does the [Cush
exilic period and are only universal in the post-exilic ite] ever change his skin, or the leopard his spots?"
writings ofEzra (9-10) andNeh (9:2; 10:30; 13:3,23-28). 25 For references to Cushite skin color see Blackwood
See Hamilton 1992 and Bellis 1994: 255,n.21. 1977:129; Carroll 1986: 305; Davidson 1983:115.
17 Bailey 1991: 179. Here Bailey argues thatMiriams 26 Num 12:1 implies the same recognition of color, but
complaint is not racist but amatter of status.Moses Jer13:23 is farmore explicit.
marriage to an African woman bestows a higher 27 Numbers 12would lend furthersupport to thishypoth
status on him than on his siblings (his elevated status esis in regard to the Israelite/Judahitecommunity.
is implied inw. 3-4 and marriage to an African was 28 I conclude that biblical authors most frequently
also a symbol of status for Solomon in 1Kgs 3:1). employ Cushites to symbolize unparalleled military
Bailey's reading is significant because he argues, might.
against conventional wisdom, that association with 29 Blackwood (1977: 129) notes that the "[Cushites]
an "African"would serve to diminish one's status and skin pigment isunder discussion, not his character,"
is consistent with the arrogance Miriam appears to furthernoting theCushite officialEbed-melechs role
oppose. He concludes by noting the ironyassociated in rescuing Jeremiah.
with the contrast between a Cushite woman in 12:1 30 There are a number of references to black in relation
(black) and Miriams punishment (being "white as to skin color, but these are not associated with Cush
snow"), further stating that being "white as snow" ite skin coloration. For example, Job30:30 has nis?
is a matter of punishment, citing Isa 1:18,which he "my skin is black," and Song of Songs 1:5 has the
analyzes grammatically as a curse (cf. 2 Kgs 5:27). phrase *m "I am black" and 1:6has mnnnuho
18 Brenner 1982:82,90,168. Brenner followsH?lse 1975: "because I am black." Similarly, Lam 5:10 contains
87-105. See also Wenham 1981:113. the phrase ini? "our skin as an oven has
19 This is particularly so for another reason. These been blackened." Each of these statements represents
textswere likely composed in Judah, a region not the effectof the sun that has darkened someone's
known for an excessive amount of snow. Though skin. This darkening would likely not be deemed
snow does fall occasionally in Judah, the intended pleasing, less for aesthetic than for health reasons,
audience would perhaps be most familiarwith snow for essentially the authors are saying that they have
seen from a distance, i.e.,upon Mt. Hermon or other been sunburned. In Jer8:21, the prophet proclaims
high northernmountains. Hence, I suggest that the ^11?? "Iam black." This appears to be more a poetic
metaphorical value of snow evoked images of "white assessment of his affective state,where "blackness"
ness," not theother proximately relevantqualities like denotes mourning, than a description of his phe
"flakiness" or "wetness." See Davies 1995:124. notypical traits.These are but a few of the instances
20 http://www.psoriasis.org/about/psoriasis from the where terms for blackness are used in description
National Psoriasis Foundation website (May 2007). for people of Israel/Judah.A more thorough study
21Webster andMcKechnie (1983:2045) define vit?ligoas of these terms is in order.However, a cursory review
"a disease characterized by the formation of smooth, has revealed no racialist assessment when these terms
white, pigmentless patches on various parts of the are employed, nor any type of bias against Cushites
body."
where these or other color terms are used disparag
22 Holladay notes that this rhetorical stylewas likelybor ingly. In fact, the termCush never occurs in relation
rowed from thewisdom literaturegenre (1986: 414). to any explicitHebrew term for "blackness."
136 Rodney S. Sadler, Jr.
REFERENCES
Adamo, D. Davies, E.
1986 The Place ofAfrica and Africans in theOld Tes 1995 Numbers. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.
tament and Its Environment. Ph.D. dissertation, Drake, St. C.
Baylor University. 1990 Black Folk Here and There, vol. 2. Los Angeles,
Appiah, K. CA: Center forAfro-American Studies,Univer
1990 Racisms. Pp. 3-17 inAnatomy of Racism, ed. sityof California.
D. Goldberg. Minneapolis, MN: University of
Felder, C.
Minnesota.
1989 Troubling Biblical Waters: Race, Class, and Fam
1999 Race: An Interpretation.Pp. 1575-80 inAfrican:
ily.Maryknoll, NY: Orbis.
The Encyclopedia of theAfrican and African 1991 Race, Racism and the Biblical Narratives. Pp.
American Experience, eds. K. Appiah and H. 127-45 in Stony the Road We Trod: African
New York, NY: Civitas.
Gates, Jr. American Biblical Interpretation,ed. C. H. Felder.
Ashley, T. Minneapolis,
MN: Fortress.
1993 The Book ofNumbers. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerd
Feldman, L
mans.
1993 Josephus PortraitofMoses. The JewishQuarterly
Bailey, R. Review 83:301-30.
1991 Beyond Identification: The Use of Africans B.
Gemser,
in Old Testament Poetry and Narratives. Pp. 1960 The Instructions ofOnchsheshonqy and Bibli
165-86 in Stony the Road We Trod: African calWisdom Literature. Pp. 102-28 inCongress
American Biblical Interpretation,ed. C. H. Felder.
Volume, Oxford 1959. Leiden: Brill.
MN: Fortress.
Minneapolis, B.
Halpern,
Bellis, A. 1992 Kenites. Pp. 17-22 inAnchor Bible Dictionary,
1994 Helpmates, Harlots, Heroes: Women's Stories in vol. ed. D. N. Freedman. New York, NY:
4,
theHebrew Bible. Louisville, KY: Westminster
Doubleday.
JohnKnox. V.
Hamilton,
2000 Zipporah: Issues of Race, Religion, Gender and
1992 Marriage (OT and ANE). Pp. 559-68 inAnchor
Power. Paper presented at the Duke Hebrew
Bible Dictionary, vol. 4, ed.D. N. Freedman. New
Bible Fall Seminar. Durham, NC.
York, NY: Doubleday.
Blackwood, Jr.,A.
Hanson, J.
1977 Commentary on Jeremiah.Waco, TX: Word. 1985 Demetrius the Chronographer. Pp. 843-54 in
A.
Brenner, The Old Testatment Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2, ed.
1982 Colour Terms in theOld Testament. Sheffield:
J.Charlesworth. Garden City,NY: Doubleday.
Journal for the Study of theOld Testament.
Hays, J.
R.
Carroll, 1996a The Cushites: A Black Nation in the Bible. Bib
1986 Jeremiah: A Commentary. Philadelphia, PA: liotheca Sacra 153: 396-409.
Westminster. 1996b The Cushites: A Black Nation inAncient History.
Collins, J. Bibliotheca Sacra 153: 270-80.
1985 Artapanus. Pp. 889-904 in The Old Testament
Holladay, W.
Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2, ed. J.Charlesworth. 1986 Jeremiah:A Commentary on the Book of the
Garden City,NY: Doubleday.
Prophet JeremiahChapters 1-25. Philadelphia,
Copher, C. PA: Fortress.
1993 Black Biblical Studies:An Anthology ofCharles B. R.
Hood,
Copher. Chicago, IL: Black Light Fellowship. 1994 Begrimed and Black: Christian Traditions
on
Davidson, R. Blacks and Blackness. Minneapolis, MN: For
1983 Jeremiah. Philadelphia, PA:Westminster. tress.
Representing the Cushite Other 137
1985 Ezekiel the Tragedian. Pp. 803-20 in The Old Webster, N., and McKechnie, J.(eds.)
Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2, ed. J.Charles 1983 Websters New Universal Unabridged Dictionary.
worth. Garden City,NY: Doubleday. New York, NY: Dorset and Baber.
R. Wenham, G.
Sadler,
2005 Can a Cushite Change His Skin?An Examination 1981 Numbers: An Introduction and Commentary.
Leicester:
ofRace, Ethnicity, and Otheringin theHebrew Inter-Varsity.
Bible. Journalfor the Study of theOld Testament, 1997 Numbers. Sheffield: SheffieldAcademic.
byAdam Porter
Jk ccording to Benedict Anderson, ethnicity is jar) with "Israelites" have been rejected (Mazar
an imaginary category (Anderson 1991). It 1990; 342, 346-47; Fritz 1997; Holladay 1997; Ibra
?- X. has no biological basis. Indeed, the human him 1997).
genome project makes it clear that, genetically, But archaeologists are not the only scholars who
humans are virtually identical to one another; we should be affected by the sociologists' argument
even have great affinities with mice. But the fact that "ethnicity" is indeterminate and imaginary.
that race and ethnicity are imagined does not mean Textual scholars should be similarly cautious in
that they are insignificant or do not exist. Rather, assigning individualsto a particular "ethnic" (or
examin
itmeans that they are social constructs. religious) group. I will illustrate this by
a way for groups to orga ing the Tobiad family, whom scholars commonly
"Ethnicity" provides
nize themselves. It allows communities to define identify as "Jews" (Mazar 1957), and showing that
boundaries, to determine who belongs to the group the evidence for "Jewishness" in this family is
and who is outside. Boundaries over time I will argue that are no more
change questionable. they
(A. Smith 1986). Jonathan Smith described them as "Jewish" than another geographically proximate
"political" because what constitutes
Us and Them group of Yahwists: the Samaritans.
on the needs of the group and That the Tobiads defy easy classification is sug
changes depending
who discuss
its interactions with its larger contemporary society gested by the fact thatmany scholars
(J. Smith 1985). the Tobiads issue caveats about their "Judaism."
Recognizing that "ethnicity" is pliant, scholars Thus, Grabbe notes their "broad-minded tolerance
should hesitate before trying to classify ancient of the social conventions ofGreek society" (Grabbe
individuals or groups as belonging to one ethnic 1992:196), Feldman describes the family as "highly
?
or another. For archaeologists, this has assimilated and truly exceptional" (Feldman
group
noted the difficulty in deter Tcherikover remarked of Toubias use of
begun. Eric Meyers 1993:14),
remains a pagan formula ("Many thanks to the Gods!" =
mining "ethnicity" from archaeological
(Meyers 1993), and attempts
to correlate specific a e ) in a lettertoApollonios
architectural designs (i.e., the so-called "four-room (CPJ 4) that "we do not expect to find this pagan
house") or pottery forms (i.e., the "collared-rim" formula in a letterwritten by a Jew" (Tcherikover
141
142 Adam Porter
and Fuks 1957:127). Hengel said of the same phrase vided a political way to incorporate outsiders into
that it "shows a very lax view of the law" (Hengel kingdom of Judaea (Cohen 1999:110-29).
1974: 268). Nevertheless, the standard conclusion In addition to this political definition, Cohen
is that the Tobiads were Jewish. argues that during the Hasmonean period, the
But what evidence is there that the Tobiads were idea that one could religiously "convert" to Judaism
"Jews"? This question is difficult to answer, in part developed. Again, the Greeks may have provided
because it is difficult to define "Jew" or "Judaism" a model for this notion. According toHerodotus,
(and most scholars have not attempted to do so). four features define "Greekness:" (1) common
was a Jew? Is it
Who primarily an "ethnic" term blood, (2) common language, (3) common worship,
and, if so, how does one define ethnic (Ostergard (4) common way of life (Herod. 8.144). During the
Or a
is it "religious" term and, if so, what
1992)? Hellenistic period, the genealogical component
practices are considered the essential components was
de-emphasized and the latter three traitswere
of the religion, and when do they become norma emphasized, allowing anyone to be come a "Hel
tive? Between ca. 150 b.c.e. and 70 ce., many dif lene." Jews shared the same four traits. For Jews,
ferent Jewish sects flourished, with different praxis
genealogy continued to be significant, but language
and interpretation of biblical law; it is
only with the was unimportant ? Judaeans shifted fromHebrew
destruction of the Temple that Rabbinic Judaism toAramaic in Palestine and adopted Greek in the
began, slowly, to become normative (Schiffman diaspora. According toCohen, during theHasmo
1985). I suspect that Jewish sectarianism probably nean
period common worship and common way
began before 150 b.c.e., but the sources are too of life became emphasized and allowed people to
limitedto allow fruitful
discussion of it (but see "become" Judaeans. He describes this as a religious
M. Smith 1987). conversion (Cohen 1999:129-35).
For this essay, Iwill use the definition of "Jew"
Significantly, all the evidence concerning the
offered by Shaye Cohen, who suggested that before Tobiad family predates theHasmonean period; the
the end of the second century b.c.e., all the terms latest reference to the Tobiads is found in 2Mace
translated as "Jew" (including Latin Iudaeus, Greek 3:11,before the beginning of theMaccabean revolt
a , and Hebrew mrr) are more (167-164 b.c.e.). Thus, for this period, according to
properly
translated as "Judaean" (Cohen 1999: 69-103). He Cohen, "Jewish"meant residing in Judaea or having
concluded, "'Judaean* is an ethnic-geographic ancestors who were Judaeans. I will examine the
term" that is used of people
living in Judaea2 or references related to the Tobiads and demonstrate
a
who descended from Judaean. It is not a that they neither resided in Judaea, nor did
religious they
term, as is the English "Jew." have Judaean ancestry (or their claims to such
According to Cohen, it is only late in the second ancestry were rejected).
century b.c.e. that Ioudaios gained two additional The earliest source is Zechariah, dating to 520
meanings, one political, the other religious. When 518 b.c.e. (Meyers and Meyers 1987: xlvi). In this
Antiochus the Great conquered Judaea in 200 an enthrone
prophetic text, Zechariah described
b.c.e., he saw its ancestral laws as itsway of life (or ment ceremony in which Heldai, Tobiah, and
politela). The Hasmoneans accepted this definition, Jedaiah crowned theHigh Priest; another crown is
and when they incorporated Ituraea and Idumaea to be kept in the as a reminder to Helem,
Temple
into theirkingdom, theyallowed (or compelled) Tobiah, Jedaiah, and Hen ben-Zephaniah. Meyers
the Ituraeans and Idumaeans to live
according to andMeyers suggestedthatHeldai (= Helem) and
(at least some of) the ancestral laws of the Judaeans. Tobiah represent groups of non-Yehudite Yahwists,
Because the Ituraeans and Idumaeans were observ the former exiles inMesopotamia and the latter
ing the politeia of the Jews, they became Jews in a Yahwists inTransjordan
(Meyers and Meyers 1987:
constitutional sense (theywere
observing the "law 340-43). The theophoric component in the name
of the land"). Thus, theHasmoneans Tobiah makes it clear that Tobiah was a Yahwist,
split "citizen
from or
ship" away genealogy geography and pro but this did not mean he was a Judaean. The ge
What Sort of Jews were the Tobiads? 143
nealogical lists in Ezra and Nehemiah cast doubts Eliashibs grandson was married to Sanballat s
on his Judaean-ness.
daughter (Neh 13:28). Tobiahs father-in-law
Both Ezra and Nehemiah preserve lists of re was Shecaniah (Neh 6:18), the keeper of the
turnedexiles; theyboth listthe familyofTobiah East Gate. Tobiahs son, Jehohanan, married
as of questionable ancestry: thedaughterofMeshullam (Neh 6:18),who
helped rebuild Jerusalems walls (Neh 3:4,30).3
The following were those who came up from
And Tobiah himselfwas related (although
Telmelah, Telharsha, Cherub, Addan, and
Nehemiah doesn't specify how) to Eliashib
Immer, though they could not prove their
fathers houses or their descent, whether (Neh 13:4).
(2) Both of them were Yahwists. This is suggested
they belonged to Israel: the sons ofDelaiah,
names of their sons. Tobiahs son was
the sons of Tobiah, and the sons ofNekoda, by the
named Jehohanan (6:18). Sanballat's sons
six hundred and fifty-two (Ezra 2:59-60 /
are known from the Aramaic from
Neh papyri
7:61-62).
Elephantine in southern Egypt. The Jews4 at
Tobiah claimed to be a Judaean, but his claim was Elephantine wrote a letter (ca. 407 b.c.e.),
even was a Yahwist. inwhich they refer to a prior letter (not pre
rejected, though he
Tobiah ismentioned many times inNehemiah served) written to "Delaiah and Shelemiah
(2:10,3:35,4:1, etc.), always as an opponent ofNehe sons of Sanballat, governor of Samaria."5
miah and often working in league with "Sanballat (3) They had similarpolitical interests;theywere
the Horonite" and/or "Geshem the Arab"
(Neh united in their opposition to Nehemiah's at
2:10, 2:19, 4:7, 6:1, 6:12). Nehemiahs main goal was tempts to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. In
to rebuild thewalls of Jerusalem (Neh 2:5,17), but this, they perhaps reflect regional bias; the resi
why this met with opposition from Tobiah, San dents of Samaria requested that the Judaeans
ballat, and Geshem has not been explained well. allow them to participate in the rebuilding of
Grabbe suggested that Tobiah and Sanballat, the the Jerusalem Temple, since they worshipped
governors of Amman and Samaria, respectively, the same God (and had done so for two centu
may have preferred a weak Jerusalem (Grabbe 1992: ries), but the Judahites rebuffed them, presum
134); Alt suggested that Yehud may have been a ably because they
saw them as impure
(Myers
part of Samaria, so Nehemiahs activities, creating 1965:35). In response, according to the author
another province, would have reduced his terri of Ezra, Judah's neighbors sought to prevent
tory (Alt 1953;Myers 1965:xxi); Alts suggestion theTemple frombeing builtbywriting letters
was bolstered by Stern, who cited archaeological to the Persian king (Ezra 4:11-16, 5:7-17) and
evidence to argue for "a kind of renewed national suggesting that the rebuilding would prompt
pride" (Stern 1981:14). rebellion by the Judaeans. It is possible that a
Scholars agree that Nehemiahs references to Tobiad also participatedinopposing thebuild
Tobiah as the "Ammonite slave" Omyn ?ns?n mi?) are ing activity in Jerusalem:6 one of the named
sarcastic references to his official title as a servant opponents is Tob al 0? , Ezra 4:7). Mazar
of the king, but most label him an important Jewish suggestedthatTobel is an older formof the
leader (Grabbe 1992:132-33; Mazar 1957:143-44). name Tobiah(u)7 If thiswas so, perhaps some
They do not label Sanballet in the same manner, continuity can be seen between opponents
however ?he is a "Samaritan
governor" (Myers of rebuilding the Temple and opponents of
1965:100-101; Grabbe 1992:135). But the similari rebuilding Jerusalems citywalls.
ties between Tobiah and Sanballat are numerous (4) Theymay both have claimed to be members
and significant: of the community of exiles but were unable to
prove their ancestry. This is certainly true for
(1) Both Tobiah and Sanballat were related to Tobiah, as mentioned above. However, itmay
Eliashib, theHigh Priest (Neh 3:1) in Jerusalem. also be true for Sanballat. One of his sons was
144 Adam Porter
century ce. sources like the New Testament and for Toubias ( ?
a ), when he says that Tobias
Josephus, was not definitive before Hyrcanus' ( ? a )married High PriestOnias sister(Ant.
destruction of Samaria late in the second century 12.160). We noted above that both Sanballat and
b.c.e. (Ant. 13.280) and
perhaps comes even later Tobiah were related to the High Priest Eliashib at
(Anderson 1992; Grabbe 1992: 502-7). But if one the time ofNehemiah. ca. 335
Josephus reports that
follows Cohen, there is little reason to label Tobiah another Sanballat (III, according to Cross 1966),
a "Jew"? there is no evidence that he came from who was the governor of Samaria, gave his daugh
Judaea or traced his ancestry to Judaea. And the ter,Nikaso, toManasses (Ant. 11.302). Manasses
plain reading of Nehemiah suggests that Tobiah and Jaddus, his brother, "shared" the office ofHigh
was not, in fact, a Jew.Nehemiah described him Priest until the "elders of Jerusalem" toldManasses
as an "Ammonite" and not a Judaean or Juda "either to divorce his wife or not to approach the
hite. Tobiah acted against what Nehemiah (and altar" (Ant. 11.307).
many scholars) regarded as the best interests of Since this occurred perhaps fiftyyears before
?
Judaea fighting to keep Jerusalems walls in ruins Toubias, can we assume that prohibition ofmarry
and encouraging the local elite to oppose the activi ing "foreigners" was normative at his time (Grabbe
tiesofNehemiah (Neh6:17).Hengel suggestedthat 1998)? If so, might be evidence that Toubias was
it
Tobiah was a "Judaizing Ammonite," a suggestion Jewish. But the story about Manasses demonstrates
that perhaps warrants further consideration.9 In that intermarriage took place at the highest levels of
any case, using Cohens criteria, it is hard to see Judaean society. The punishment meted out by the
as a ? not ?
Tobiah "Jew." elders being able to serve at the altar would
If there is little reason to see Tobiah the Am have been irrelevant to a woman, who would
monite slave as Jewish, there is even less reason to not have served at the altar. Hence, there would
believe the Toubias in the Zenon Papyri was Jewish. have been no reason not to have the sister of the
The Zenon papyri date to ca. 259 b.c.e. They are High Priest marry a foreigner. Moreover, if these
a collection of letterswritten to and from Zenon, were
foreign marriages "diplomatic" marriages,
an agent of the finance minister of the highest officials in Judaea to other
Apollonios, connecting
Ptolemy II Philadelphus. Of the approximately governments, itwould suggest that Toubias was
1,200 documents, five relate to a Toubias, prob foreign and that the marriage served to connect
a to
ably descendant of Tobiah the Ammonite slave Judaea Ammon politically and diplomatically.
(Tcherikover and Fuks 1957:115-30; Grabbe 1992: If there is nothing in the Zenon papyri to suggest
172;Hengel 1974:267). These documents show that that Toubias was Jewish, can the evidence of the
Toubias had a close relationship toApollonios and Tobiad Romance be cited?
even
Ptolemy II himself.10
What Sort of Jews were the Tobiads? 145
The Tobiad Romance (Ant. 12.156-222,228-36)11 strongprohibitionagainst eating the food of the
relates the adventures of Joseph, the son of Tobias, gentiles (Daniel 1,Tobit i:ii, Judith 10:5, 12:2,19).
the nephew ofHigh Priest Onias. After borrowing even the narrator of the story seems
Remarkably,
money from his friends in Samaria, he traveled unfamiliar with Jewish law: Joseph wants to have
to Alexandria, charmed the king and queen, and intercourse with an Egyptian dancing girl, but the
won the rights to collect taxes for Coele-Syria, narrator says "Jews were prevented by law from
which he did for twenty-two years. On one trip having intercourse with a foreign woman" (Ant.
to Alexandria, he lusted for an Egyptian dancing 12.187). The law does not prohibit sex; it only pro
own daughter hibits marriage (Deut 7:3-4) and might not even
girl, but his brother substituted his
for the dancing girl. From their union was born apply to Egyptians (Cohen 1999: 241-62).
son. Finally, the archaeological evidence from Ar?q
Hyrcanus, Josephs youngest
After the birth of Hyrcanus, the focus of the el-Am?r (in Transjordan) shows complete disregard
story shifts to him. He is described as smarter and foraniconism (Lapp and Lapp 1993;R Lapp 1962;
craftier than his elder brothers. He traveled to N. Lapp 1983;
1963; Will and Larch? 1991;
Will 1983;
Alexandria, where he spent an enormous amount 1992). The Qasr el-Abd, a pleasure palace (Netzer
of money on presents for the king. Just as his fa 1999), which may have been built by Hyrcanus,
ther had done, Hyrcanus charmed the king and was decorated with panther fountains that
spouted
queen with his wit and his largesse. This angered water from theirmouths and a frieze of lions that
his father and elder brothers, who attacked him marched around its second story.Whether third
when he returned home. The elder brothers dwelt and second-century-B.c.E. Jewswere aniconic or
in Jerusalem and Hyrcanus fled to Transjordan, not,14 this building is unique in its lavish use of
where he built caves, a fortress, and a palace. figurai art. In short, both Joseph and Hyrcanus
Josephus description of Hyrcanus construction appear to pay little attention to Jewish tradition
project closely corresponds to the archaeological and custom.
finds from Ar?q el-Amir (Lapp and Lapp 1993; P. But elements of the Romance resemble other
Lapp 1962; 1963; N. Lapp 1983;Will and Larch? features of the family's earlier history. Joseph
1991;Will 1983; 1992). In 2Mace 3:11 it ismentioned borrowed money from his friends in Samaria to
that Hyrcanus, whose father was "a man of very finance his initial trip to Egypt (Ant. 12.168). Evi
prominent position," deposited some money at the dently, the ties between the Tobiads and Samaria,
Temple in Jerusalem. prominent in the days ofNehemiah, continued. As
Are the Tobiads Jews according to Cohens mentioned above, Joseph was related to the High
definition? Joseph resided in Jerusalem, but this is Priest by marriage, just as Tobiah the Ammonite
not attested until late in his career. He came from slave had been. Tobiah theAmmonite tried to exert
Phichola ( a )12before going to "the
city"13 to control over Jerusalem but was thwarted by Nehe
meet with "the people" and become their envoy miah. Joseph had no opponent and succeeded in
to Egypt. Hence, there is little to suggest that they becoming the administrator of not only Jerusalem
resided in Judaea, and we have argued above that and Judaea but all Coele-Syria.
there is little reason to think Josephs ancestors In sum, there is no reason, according to Cohens
were Judaeans. criteria for "Jewishness," to assume that the Tobiads
Could they be "political" or "religious" converts were Jewish. There is no evidence that
they lived in
to Judaism (Cohens second and third definitions Judaea before just prior to theMaccabean revolt.
None of theTobiads in theRomance
of Judaism)? Tobiah the Ammonite slave, Toubias, and Joseph
show much regard for Jewish tradition. Both Joseph all live outside Judaea: the first two inTransjordan,
and Hyrcanus freely (and presumably frequently) the last at Phichola, an unidentified city.According
dine with the Egyptian king and participate in to Ezra and Nehemiah, the family claimed to be
his court activities. This is very different from of Judaean ancestry, but they could not prove this
Daniel, Judith, and Tobit, all of which exhibit a and were rejected as belonging to Israel. There is
146 Adam Porter
no evidence that this stigma was erased over time the kings life in jeopardy. Being a "devoted adher
and that they joined the community of Judaeans. ent of Judaism.. .counted more than circumcision."
Ifwe apply the political or religious definitions of Sometime later another Jew,Eleazar, told the king
Judaism thatCohen believes arose late in the second that circumcision was required, that he needed to
century b.c.e. (some 80 years after the lastmention "not merely read the law but also...to do what is
of theTobiads), there isno more evidence to suggest commanded in it."The king was circumcised and,
that the Tobiads were Jews. The political criteria according to Josephus, God preserved him and
stipulate that theywould observe (at least some of) caused his kingdom to prosper. From this story, it is
the laws of the ancestors. Apart from circumcision, apparent that Josephus thought circumcision nec
Cohen did not suggest what minimal observances essary, as well as observation of the law. But there
were required in order to be considered"Jewish" were different interpretations of the law, as the story
(and circumcision was not only practiced by the itselfdemonstrates: Ananias thought circumcision
Jews, as Jer9:24-25 may suggest). And while it is unnecessary, while Eleazar required it.
clear that the Tobiads did not observe many tradi However, even if Josephus considered the Tobi
tions, it is hard to find any that they did observe ads to be Jews,he would be judging them by criteria
(apart, perhaps, from using theophoric names, that postdated their last appearance in history by
which is not stipulatedby Torah). The religious 250 years. Since this period saw dramatic changes in
criteria stipulate that converts would adopt the Jews Judaism and theway "Jew"was defined, accepting
common worship and way of life.
Again, there is Josephus evaluation ismethodologically suspect.
no evidence that the Tobiads did this. A second reason for the assumption that the
was not Jewish,
IftheTobiad family why has the Tobiads were Jews is that, until recently, there has
as been little attempt to define "Jewishness." An (un
scholarly community traditionally viewed them
Jews? Probably themost important reason is that spoken) assumption has been that "Jews" followed
Josephus presumably regarded them as Jews,15as the Law inmuch the same way laterRabbinic Jews
into did. But this is anachronistic, as Barclay has argued
witnessed by his inclusion of the Romance
his Jewish Antiquities. Why Josephus considered in several articles
(Barclay 1995; 1996: 82-124;
them Jews is unclear. Goldstein admitted some 1998). He suggested that scholars should eschew
surprise: terms like "orthodox," "classical," and "pure" when
Are these tales of bribery and wenching, describing Judaism, because these terms presume
there was an "orthodox" or "classical" model from
which are romantic enough to suggest they
which people could deviate.
are fiction, the sort of history one would
Cohens definition isnot perfect; it appears to be
expect from the pious Josephus? (Goldstein
fairly straightforward, but is, in fact, frustratingly
1975:88)
vague, especially the "political" and "religious"
Unfortunately, Josephus does not describe why definitions of Judaism (What constituted the core
the Tobiads were Jews, nor does he describe what practices and beliefs of Judaism?). With regards
aspects of Jewish/Judaean lawwere required of the to the Tobiad family, Cohens lack of discussion
Idumaeans, Itureans, or other religious or political regarding the geographic boundaries of "Judaea"
converts. Josephus vagueness can be seen by look is especially significant. One could make an ar
ing at the famous example of the conversion of the gument that parts of Transjordan, perhaps the
later identified as Peraea, were considered
Royal House ofAdiabene (Ant. 20:34-54). Ananias, region
a Jewishmerchant, s
taught the king wives to
wor part of Judaea. If thiswas the case, one might have
ship God "after themanner of the Jewish tradition." found Judaeans east of the Jordan River, including
Helena, the king smother, had also "been brought perhaps However, Cohens work is
the Tobiads.
over to their laws." The a basis for further
king wanted to convert, but important because it provides
hesitated about whether to be circumcised; Ananias discussion and attempts to define "Judaism" in the
said circumcision was not necessary if itwould put ancient world.
What Sort of Jews were the Tobiads? 147
Such definitions, however, will be difficult for and rigorous definitions of Judaism. Archaeologists
modern scholars to determine, because ethnic may provide a model for textual scholars: having
and religious groups define themselves by erecting abandoned the (simplistic) notion that a four-room
imaginary boundaries. Since these boundaries are house indicates Israelite settlement, archaeologists
flexible and shift over time,we should expect them have developed more complex and rigorous mod
to be difficult for scholars to identify.This is espe els of Israelite settlement in Canaan (Dever 1992).
cially true in times of rapid social change, which With the acceptance of the notion that "Judaism"
was the case for Palestine from 200 b.c.e. until 135 is a flexible category, textual scholars will need
ce. Recognition that ethnic boundaries are plastic to be more precise and clear about
why certain
will make itmore difficult to assign ancient indi people or groups are identified as "Jews" and,
viduals to particular religious or ethnic groups, but hopefully, provide detailed discussion to support
it should prompt scholars to develop more complex their definition.
NOTES
One of themost frustratingaspects ofCohens work one Meshullam is listedwith the priests (10:7) and
is thatnowhere did he definemany important terms, another is listedwith the leaders of thepeople (10:20,
including "ethnic" or "religion."He argued that the perhaps reappearing in 12:33).When listing theheads
end of the second century b.c.e. saw a shift in the of the priestly houses, a Meshullam appears at the
meaning of Ioudaios from "Judaean" to "Jew,"a shift head of the house of Ezra (12:13) and another heads
from an "ethnos" to an
"ethno-religion." But, lacking thehouse ofGinnethon (12:16).One of these helped
definitions of either of these terms, it isunclear what Ezra read the law (8:4), but which one is unknown.
the implications for this are. For more on this, see There isalso a Levitical gatekeeper (12:25)bearing this
name.
Lacking patronyms, it is imposible to know if
2000.
Avery-Peck
2 Cohen does not discuss the thorny issue of the any of theseMeshullams was the father of Tobiahs
geographic boundaries of "Judaea." The question daughter-in-law.
is complex, because in the Persian period "Judaea" 4 This military colony was populated by people from
(or Yehud) included only the territorysurrounding Judea and they are typically called Jews (see, for
Jerusalem, but during theHellenistic and Hasmo example, Porten 1968). This highlights the incon
nean periods itgrew
dramatically and theHasmo sistency and difficulty of labeling ancient peoples;
nean kingdom included territoryfrom south of the the Elephantine colony had a temple for Yahweh
Dead Sea (Idumaea and Moab) to territorynorth and, thus,would have certainly been condemned
of the Sea of Galilee (Galilee and Gaulanitis). It by the Chronicler (as well as the Deuteronomistic
extended from the coast to Transjordan. Josephus historian). Who determines "proper" worship? And
lists the "districts" of Judea and includes Idumaea how do modern scholars describe it?
and Gaulanitis as parts of Judaea (War 3.51-58). But 5 Cowley papyrus 30, In. 29 and 31, In. 28: inaw ns tftaxjo
Josephus differentiates between these districts and
their inhabitants, suggesting thathe saw a distinction 6 The letter(s) to theking do notmention the rebuild
between Judeans,who lived in the territoryaround ing of the Temple and instead seem to focus on the
Jerusalem,and those residing in other districts (Ant. rebuilding of Jerusalem (4:13). But the Chronicler
17:254). For discussion of the geography of Judaea, explained the long delay in rebuilding the Temple
see Avi-Yonah 1966; Abel 1938.
by citing "foreign"opponents; this letterdocuments
3 Unfortunately, there are multiple Meshullams in this opposition.
Nehemiah. Two are provided with patroynms in 7 Mazar discussed this in reference to the "ben-Tabal"
chapter three: "Meshullam ben Berechiah" (w. 4, mentioned by Isaiah (Isa 7:6), who Mazar believed
30: rrmn) and "Meshullam ben Besodeiah" (vs. 6: was in league with Pekah, King of Israel, and Rezin,
mina), but not in
subsequent references. Thus, when
King of Aram, to try to replace Ahaz as King of Ju
listing the people who signed the book of the law, dah; seeMazar 1957: 236. Arguing against this is the
148 Adam Porti r
Suggestion thatduring the Josianic reformation (ca. parentlyhad a familyestate" (Mazar 1957:137).Mazar
622 b.c.e.) theophoric names shiftedfrom -el to -iahu. does notmake clearwhy he thinks therewas a family
Thus, the familyname would have shiftedfromTobel estate near Bethlehem; as far as I know, there is no
to Tobiah(u). This might preclude the laterTabeel evidence to support thiswhatsoever. Marcus thinks
(ca. 535 b.c.e.) from being associated with Tobiah Phichola was in Transjordan, a more reasonable
the Ammonite servant.
suggestion, since all earlier evidence associates the
8 A Sanballat (II) ismentioned in theW?dimam lobiad clan with Transjordan (Josephus 1986: 84,
D?liyeh papyri, ca. 380 b.c.e. Josephusmentioned a note a).
Sanballat (III) ca. 330 (Ant. 11.297-301). Formore on 13What city Joseph goes to is unclear. Marcus and
this, see Cross 1966 andWilliamson 1992. Whiston both add "Jerusalem" to theGreek text; this
9 Hengel 1974: 267. Unfortunately, Hengel does not seems a reasonable
assumption, since Joseph subse
explain why Tobiah would want to adopt "Jewish" quently entered the temple to speak to the people.
mores. 14 The history of the idea of Jewish aniconism has
10 CPJ 4 and 5 are both addressed toApollonios; CP] 5 re recentlybeen reviewed by Bland (Bland 2000), but
fers to a letterToubias wrote to theking. Additionally, he focused on laterperiods. For the Second Temple
Toubias suppliedmen and supplies toApollonios for period, what littleevidence there is seems to indicate
his journey throughCoele-Syria (CPJ 2c and 2d). thatmost Jewsrefrained from sculptured figurai art.
11 The Romance bristleswith historical problems. These Geometric and floralmotifs predominate inHerod's
include trying to fit the story into the chronology palaces and theTemple in Jerusalem.Herod installed
and history of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid empires, a golden eagle over one of the entrances to theTemple
attempting to correlate thematerials from Josephus and when he fell ill, some of themore pious Jewsat
with those of 1 and 2Maccabees, creating plausible tempted to cut itdown (Ant. 17.152).Similarly,when
scenarios to explain the behavior of Onias, and so Pilate attempted to bring Roman standards into
forth.For discussion of thevarious historical recon Jerusalem, huge crowds protested (Ant. 18.56-59).
structions, see Schwartz 1998. Other scholars have This view shifted over time, and in later periods
suggested that the Romance is completely unreli synagogues were frequently decorated with eagles,
able as a historical source and should be regarded lions, and figurai art.The earliest of these is theDura
as historical fiction. They argue that theTobiad clan Europos synagogue (destroyed ca. 245 c.e.); most are
and their settlement inTransjordan was well-known much later.For discussion, see Fine 1996.
on them. 15 "Presumably,"because Josephus does not label them
enough togenerate a fictional storyfocused
For discussion, see Gera 1990; Gruen 1998:100-106. "Jews."He praised Joseph for bringing the "Jewish
more
The date that the storywas composed is also unclear. people frompoverty and a state ofweakness to
Hengel suggested the second half of the second cen splendid opportunities of lifeduring the twenty-two
turyb.c.e.; Goldstein dated it to Ptolemy VI (181-45 years when he controlled the taxes of Syria, Phoe
b.c.e.); see Hengel 1974: 269 and Goldstein 1975. nicia, and Samaria" (Ant. 12.224). Is this the reason
12 This city is unidentified. Mazar
suggested itwas in Josephus thought them Jews?
Wadi Fukin near Bethlehem, where theTobiads "ap
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Alt, A.
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byJohnDominic Crossan
years before Antipas Galilee and Jesus challenge. of Samaria to the royal household as taxes in kind"
Nahman the 1908-1910, and the Ivory House with "the most important
Avigad, introducing
1931-1935, and 1965-1967 expeditions excavating collection ofminiature art from the Iron Age dis
the city of Samaria, gave this summary of the tex covered in Israel." Imagine, in other words, thatwe
tual evidence: had those material remains from that capital city
151
152 John Dominic Crossan
but no textual remains about it from a prophet like What, similarly, ifAntipas boom was Jesus impov
Amos (I bracket for now any debates on the precise erishment? Ask not forwhom the boom booms; it
dating of both ostraca and ivories.). may not boom for thee.
against inequality and injustice, leave any traces on one another in "dialogue" to produce "combined
the ground and in the earth? If archaeologists were social systems" and, finally, a "reconstructed social
lookingforsuch tracescould (should?) theyfind reality"'(Strange 1992b: 25, 31). That still leaves, of
them? If they did not or could not, should they at course, some very general questions about how
leastmention that limitation in their discipline or, one gets from data to systems, even or especially
better, ponder ways to offset and remedy it? for Strange himself. Is it enough, for example, to
I put that question another way. What general speak of a Roman "urban overlay" over "local,
and/or specific presuppositions could archaeolo Jewish culture"? Is that too abstract and too benign
gists bring to Samar?as material remains thatmight for the social system of a large and pagan empire
raise in theirminds the accusations Amos raised and its small and Jewish colony? But, in any case,
in his texts? For example, what about general Stranges model suggests that both archaeologists
cross-cultural or specific Israelite and exegetes meet as equals in the reconstructed
anthropology
tradition? Either or both of those approaches would social world of early first-century Galilee. Itwill
warn even in the total absence of not do for exegetes to focus on the person of Jesus
archaeology that,
an Amos, ivories and taxes
might generate covert and reduce archaeology to background, and neither
or overt resistance from Jeroboams peasantry. will itdo for archaeologists to focus on the territory
My
wider question, in other words, is this: Can archae of Antipas and reduce Jesus to decoration. Each
or injustice out of the or comes
ology dig justice ground, independently, separately, and sovereignly
even raise questions about and injustice to reconstruct from its own data the social world
justice
frommaterial remains alone? Or, at least, from the of Antipas' rule and Jesus' life. It is, inmy view,
one
general and/or specific presuppositions they bring only this dialectic of projected social worlds,
to those material remains? derived from the archaeology ofmaterial remains
Finally, the main content of this chapter was and the other derived from the exegesis of textual
first presented at a special session of the Society remains, that can establish a powerful interaction
of Biblical Literature Annual Meeting on "The between those twin disciplines.
Historical Jesus and Galilean Achaeology in the I have triedmyself to reconstruct the historical
Year 2000." Its organizer was Jesus as a "JewishMediterranean
Douglas Edwards and peasant," that is,
he asked, among other programmatic questions, within interlocking social world(s) of Jewish tradi
"Was Galilee impoverished or was there a boom tional religion, Roman imperial commercialization,
economy inHerod Antipas reign?" If I rephrased and peasant cross-cultural anthropology. What I
that question in terms ofmy preceding example, I expect from Galilean archaeologists are their own
would ask: Was Israel impoverished or was there reconstructions of similar social worlds, but from
a boom economy in Jeroboam Us reign? But what material rather than textual sources. But some
if Jeroboams boom was Amos impoverishment? times I find first-class analyses ofmaterial remains
Galilean Archaeology and Historical Jesus Research 153
My argument is that "the exploitation of the Gali desperate farmers. I find nothing in their existence
lean peasant by the urban wealthy" is confirmed, that argues against the general phenomenon of the
rather than disconfirmed, by the evidence of a urban aristocracy exploiting the peasant country
pottery village like Kefar Hananya. It is also ironic side. But there seem to be deeper misconceptions
thatmy source for this argument is from a book behind that first, and especially the second, of
mentioned several times by Adan-Bayewitz himself Adan-Bayewitz social conclusions
(Arnold 1985; Adan-Bayewitz 1992: 235-38).
Peasant and City
The first thesis ofDean Arnolds 1985 study of Ce
ramic Theory and Cultural Process is that "that there At this point I am moving within Adan-Bayewitz'
are certain universal processes involving ceramics second point ("Galilee is not exclusively rural"),
that are tied to ecological, cultural or chemical but also expanding it into a wider consideration
factors. These processes occur in societies around of where archaeologically based scholars talk
theworld and can provide a solid empirical (as op against, but actually talk past, anthropologically
posed to speculative) base for interpreting ancient based exegetes.
ceramics." His book, in other words, attempts "to Imyself use a term like "peasant" in its strictly
relationship which can be applied tomany different use it as some romantic or archaic equivalent for
societies in the present and the past."3 farmer or rural worker. But, as far as I can judge,
The second thesis of Arnolds cross-cultural very many archaeologists use "peasant" as a loose
is thatpopula so that, for example, one
anthropology of ceramic production equivalent for "farmer,"
tion pressure and the concomitant loss of subsis could imagine peasants/farmers without cities
tence farming force peasant farmers to become
(you could for farmers, but
not for peasants) or
peasant artisans. They are not drawn to that change an exclusively rural peasants/farmers environment
butforced to itby
opportunity
by entrepreneurial (once more, you could for farmers, but not forpeas
agricultural necessity. That is the crucial point for ants). But, against the anthropological background
me. It is, in other words, exploitation that pushes I am presuming, this ismy thesis: The phrase "an
peasant artisans. I suppose from that last category from elsewhere than a city, but generally in both
that Shanin would agree with Arnold s assessment theory and practice, that extractive relationship
of those Galilean village ceramicists. is between rural peasantry and urban aristocracy.
Another example: George Foster also connects From Robert Redfield: "There were
no peasants
peasants, rural artisans, and even fishers within the before the first cities. And
those surviving primitive
same definition (Foster 1967: 4, 6, 9). He answers
peoples who do not live in terms of the city are not
the question "What is a peasant?" while introduc peasants" (Redfield 1953:31). From George Foster:
ing the reader to peasant society by including "The primary criterion for defining peasant society
in that term not only agriculturalists but "other is structural ? the relationship between the village
small-scale producers, such as fishermen and rural and the city (or the state)" (Foster 1967: 8). From
craftsmen" as well. The reason ishis insistence that Moses Finley: "The peasant was an integral element
"like most anthropologists, we agree that peasants in theancientcity" (Finley1977:322).
are primarily agriculturalists, but we also believe It isnecessary, once and for all, to stop confusing
that the criteria of definition must be structural isolated with rural with peasant and to start tak
and relational rather than occupational. For in ing the term peasant as it is used in cross-cultural
most peasant societies, significant numbers of anthropology?or, at least, to define how one is
people earn their livings from nonagricultural oc using it differently. Otherwise, exegetes who use
cupations. It is not what peasants produce that is cross-cultural anthropology and archaeologists
significant;it is how and towhom theydispose of who do not will simply talk past
one another
what they produce that counts." And that structural forever. Peasants and cities go hand-in-hand. They
ploited farmer and, in thewider sense, a peasant is academically respectable, or financially viable.).
an exploited producer of any kind.7 Ifyou find my But such a position would make Galilean archae
term "exploited" too morally judgmental, choose ologists rather different from other contemporary
whatever word you prefer for a structural relation archaeologists working on different sites within
ship wherein a producer iskept at subsistence level that same Roman imperial system.
or
by having any surplus "expropriated" (so Shanin) My first example is this prefatory comment from
"drained off" (so Foster) by more powerful forces Susan Alcock on Roman Greece:
(cities, castles, states, or whatever).8
To-day, instead of focusing upon the per
From all of that cross-cultural anthropological
quisites of the victor, archaeologists are
background, I draw two conclusions. First, a peas
engaging with the effects of imperialist ex
antry is by definition an exploited group (or, ifyou
156 John Dominic Cbossan
"imperialism" is presumably the same asMarianne if smaller rural plots are being unified into larger
Sawicki s archaeology of "contact."9 But I find the holdings, can one legitimately infer something
former a better term than the latter.All imperial about what the peasantry would have thought
ism is contact, but not all contact is imperialism. about such changes? Could and should one infer it
The term "contact," like the term "urban overlay," from a general background in cross-cultural peas
mutes and even disguises the unequal power pres ant anthropology? Could and should one infer it
sures between empire and from earlier Jewish tradition, when God proclaims
colony (as distinct from,
say, two cultures in contact on more or less equal inTorah that "the land shall not be sold in perpetu
terms). How would, and should, an archaeology of ity,for the land ismine; with me you are but aliens
imperial contact project the social world of early and tenants" (Lev 25:23)? Could and should one
My second example is the way in which John acknowledges inhis Life that theGalilean peasantry
Patterson studied '"Romanisation ? the effects that hated, detested, and wanted to exterminate both
Roman rule had on the economics and societies Sepphoris and Tiberias?10
of the ancient Mediterranean" (Patterson 1991:
147-48, 155). His focus was on two mountainous GROUND AND TORAH
regions: Samnium in the central Italian Apennines
and Lycia in southwestern Turkey. His plan was to In a preceding section I emphasized how cross-cul
test the hypothesis that there is a general structural tural anthropological expectations could (should?)
relationship between
"three important facets of influence the depiction of the social world drawn
?
town-country public building in the
relations frommaterial remains by archaeological scholars.
towns, settlement change in the countryside, and That was, I suppose, suggested long ago and in
the mobility shown by those members of elites another context by this challenge fromWilliam
who acquired theirwealth in the countryside, but Dever:
spent it principally in the towns." I focus here on
It would be an oversimplification to say
his second element, that is, on rural settlement
that traditional Near Eastern historical
as small peasant freeholders
change, yield before was to the more
"the increasing agglomeration of rural estates" archaeology giving way
characteristic anthropological archaeology
owned by urban elites. This is how he formulated
of prehistorians and New World archae
his question: "The problem then arises ofwhat this
in practice for the com ologists, but the rapprochement between
change actually meant orientations
mon people who owned or formerly thought antithetical
occupied these estates.
Galilean Archaeology and Historical Jesus Research 157
the ancient Near East should be historically Chancey and Meyers: "the lack of pig-bones, the
? or abundance of stone vessels and the presence, at
or oriented both....
anthropologically least in our view, ofmany mikvaot all support our
This dichotomy is, of course, inmany ways
conclusion that during Jesus5 time Sepphoris was
a false one, but at the very least the presup
home to a significant Jewish community"121 find
positions of anthropological archaeology,
that argument and its supporting evidence to be
drawn largely from prehistory, must be
examined and applied both critically and utterly persuasive. Their conclusion, interpreting
those material remains with textual data, is that
selectively to the archaeology of the Near "the evidence points to a Jewish population in
East, which has a history, based both on
the Hellenistic-Roman period thatmaintained at
artifactual remains and an abundance of
least some of themost important religious laws of
sources going back 5,000 years
literary the Bible and Mishnah" (Sawicki 2000; 27). That
(Dever 1981:15, 21).
is, once again, quite persuasive but, recalling this
But I particularly underlined how that lack led articles inaugural clash between Jeroboam II and
to misinterpretation of exegetical scholars, like Amos, I ask a delicate and pointed question.
use such terms, definitions, and pre Torah, the covenantal law of Israel, included an
myself, who
suppositions, by archaeological scholars who do integrated mandate of divine justice and divine
not utilize them. I specifically criticized off-hand ritual. Archaeologists can certainly find and have
dismissals of historical Jesus conclusions, either s
found the latter traces in the ground, but how does
in passing or at the end of otherwise excellent one find the former s presence or absence? Torah
archaeological reports and surveys. is emphatically not only about ritual, although it is
In this section I look at another example of emphatically also about ritual.13
or reference,
terminal dismissal lacking citation Put negatively, the absence of any ethnic markers
but do so, once again, to raise wider questions on indicating purity observance would have raised a
the relationship between Galilean archaeology very serious question about Jewish identity. After
and historicalJesus research. The titular question all, Josephus, describing the apostasy of Philos
asked byMark Chancey and Eric Meyers is "How nephew, Tiberius JuliusAlexander, said simply that
Jewish was Sepphoris in Jesus time?" but they he "did not standby thepractices of his people"
concluded that, first, denied "Jesuswas an apoca
I (Ant. 20.100). If all indications of ritual observance
lypticprophetproclaimingtheend of thepresent were gone, the ethnic markers of covenantal
fidelity
age and the arrival of a new age where Gods rule would be gone with them, and what then of Torah s
would be accomplished on earth ? the traditional
injunctions to divinely mandated distributive jus
understanding of the 'kingdom of God5 that he tice for this earth?
were to
preached," that, second, "His followers Put positively, the question ismuch more dif
abandon their possessions, storing up treasures in ficult. Granted purity observances, what about
heaven instead (Matthew 6:19)," and that, finally, I divinejustice and divine righteousness? I do not
understood Jesus as "advocating Cynic-like values, presume that the observance of ritual purity indi
wanting to bring about, not an apocalyptic king cates the absence of distributive justice, but I ask
a
dom, but kingdom inwhich social barriers were how does the former s presence interact with the
eliminated and social and rejects were
outcasts latter s presence or absence? For example, there are
elevated" (Chancey and Meyers 2000: 32-33). many mikvaot (maybe excessive and even osten
For my present purpose, I leave aside the accu tatious?), stone vessels, and aniconic decorations
racy or cogency of those criticisms11 and focus on among the high-priestly quarters of Jerusalems Up
the significance and importance of certain material per City. But despite such Torah observance, those
remains as ethnic markers of Jewish identity and
high-priestly families underwent a Zealot class war,
158 John Dominic Crossan
a peasant reign of terror, even when all should have exegesis programmatically project social worlds
been preparing for the Roman siege in the spring of from their respective data and do so first indepen
68 ce.14 And the four leading families were finally one another.
dently and then interactively with
immortalized by a dismissive poem preserved I
That, hope, is the future for studying the his
in the Babylonian Talmud, which concluded its torical Jesus inGalilee and archaeology in this cen
fourfold "woe isme" by noting that "they are the tury,and here is just one terminal example of how it
high priests, and their sons are treasurers, and their might work (Crossan and Reed 2001). Archaeology
sons-in-law are trustees, and their servants beat the can show very clearly how commercialization by
people with staves" (Pesahim 57a). To be Torah Roman urbanization struck Judea forcibly through
observant certainly involved observance of ritual the expansion of Jerusalems Temple and the cre
purity, but itdemanded much else as well. ation of Casareasall-weather port under Herod the
Great, but only reached Galilee at Sepphoris and
CONCLUSION Tiberias under his son Herod Antipas. Urbaniza
tion has an immediate effect on the local peas
On the presumption that interaction between his antry in terms of both food and health. In terms
torical research on Jesus life and archaeological o? food: "As consumer centers with 8,000-12,000
research on Antipas Galilee should be strongly Sepphorisand Tiberias did shiftboth
inhabitants,
interactive, I imagine three possible models for the agricultural and commercial focus of Galilee
that process, the last two ofwhich have been con onto themselves. Though not nearly as large as
sidered above. First, there is a neutral or parallel Scythopolis, Caesarea, or Tyre, nor as wealthy, in
model, which was not discussed in this paper. One their Galilean context, they encapsulated Antipas'
describes, for example, all the archaeological dis rule in terms of a shift from a traditional to a com
coveries about Nazareth and then one summarizes an eco
mercialized agrarian society. This placed
all the textual mentions of Nazareth. Those twin nomic strain on Galilean peasants, added stress to
data bases remain more parallel than interactive, families and challenged current values, and created
new rural-urban
but, of course, while archaeology must pay careful dynamics."15 In terms of health
attention to stratification, that textual corpus often "the first and second centuries probably brought a
remains unstratified. One reason
could say, for instance, relatively higher incidence of disease. One
that no early first-century synagogue building has was the rapid urbanization in the first century," and
been discovered at Nazareth without discussing again "the countryside was healthier than an urban
whether Luke 4 is the Jesus-layer or the Luke-layer metropolis for the reasons already discussed (e.g.,
of textual stratification. Second, there is the termi higher population densities increase the incidence
nal model of interaction criticized above. After a of infectious diseases)."16 As Antipas focused the
long archaeological book or article there is, at the establishment of his miniature Kingdom of Rome
end, a passing dismissal of certain historical Jesus around the urbanization of Sepphoris and Tiberias,
research, given either without names or references, so Jesus focused his counter-establishment of the
or with names but without references. Third, there of God around the reciprocity of free
Kingdom
is the social model, inwhich both archaeology and healing and shared eating.
NOTES
possible to understand and explain how ceramics production] are poor and economically mar
articulate with the rest of culture and environment. ginal, most potters cannot afford the capital
By applying these generalizations to the past, it is investment that these innovations require and
are therefore forced to hire themselves out to
possible to develop a more precise interpretation
of how archaeological ceramics relate to an ancient thosewho have them.... This change removes
environment and culture." pottery production from the household and
4 Arnold 1985:168, 193. Arnold distinguishes four thus totallyeliminateswomen from thepottery
levels of ceramic production, and I presume those making process.... Because of the low status of
Galilean villages would fall intohis second and third potterymaking and the economic marginality
categories.Notice, once again, thathe emphasizes the of potters in a household industry [the second
agricultural pressure that forces farmers to become mode of production], potters do not often
potters and female household production tobecome choose to develop a more intensive craft,but
male household or workshop industry. rather prefer to enhance their status. They
The first type is household production: "All adult may ultimately abandon potterymaking for a
females have learned the craft and have the same more prestigious and lucrative occupation as
amiddleman or the owner of a potterywork
potential tomake pots" (p. 226). Each home makes
itsown pottery for itselfand, since females are tied shop. Thus, the development of a workshop
to the home by children, they are the potters. mode of production with capital investment
The second type is household industry: (needed for obtaining innovations and pay
Population pressure forcesmen into the craft ingworkers on a regular basis) is a pattern
and the social position of the potters thus initiated by higher status individuals who are
decreases because of their limited access to or either outside of pottery making completely
ownership of agricultural land...(and it also) or socially and economically marginal to the
forces farmers to go furtherand furtheraway craft (pp. 227-29).
to obtain suitable agricultural land.... At a The fourthtype is large-scale industry.It is4character
distance of 7-8 kms...travel to their fields ized by substantial capital investment inproduction
becomes uneconomic and people may prefer for a maximum output and minimal cost per unit.
to exploit resources like ceramic rawmateri The regulating effects of weather and climate are
als closer to theirhomes.... Potterymaking in totally eliminated...innovations have...maximized
the household industry [the second mode of place to livewhile drawing the grater part of [their]
160 John Dominic Crossan
income from town-based wages" (5) member of 11 Formy actual views on Jesusand Cynicism, see Cros
Kolkhozes [Soviet collective farms] and communes san 1998: 333-35. Across thirtyyears of research and
(pp. 297-98). publication, I have consistentlymaintained that Jesus
7 That external definition does not in any way deny was eschatological but not apocalyptic. Cynicism was
the importance of internal differentiation between also eschatological but not apocalyptic andwas at that
upper and lower peasantry; see Landsberger 1973: timea rebuttalof the realized eschatology ofAugustan
13-15; Roseberry 1989: 123;Cancian 1989: 152; and triumphalism.Whether Jesusknew anythingofCyni
Dobrowolski 1971: 290-91, 293-94, ? ? cism may be accepted or rejected and, in any case,
8 Compare the comment of de Ste. Croix (1975: 26): I find that conjunction comparatively useful rather
Class, then, essentially a relationship, is above than constitutively necessary. Fellow Jewshearing
all the collective social expression of thefact of Jesuswould presume an eschatological prophet (at
exploitation (and of course of resistance to it): least). Pagans hearing him (does one imagine that
the division of society into economic classes is might ever have happened?) would presume some
in itsvery nature theway inwhich exploitation sort of philosophical cynic (at least). Finally, it isnot
is effected,with the propertied classes living prudent to separate or oppose even "an apocalyptic
off the non-propertied. I admit that inmy use kingdom" to radical egalitarianism here below. Think,
of it theword exploitation often tends to take for example, of these lines from an Augustan-era
on a pejorative colouring; but essentially it is a Jewishfull-service apocalypse: "The earthwill belong
Value-free expression, signifying merely thata equally to all, undivided by walls or fences. Itwill
propertied class is freed from the labour ofpro thenbear more abundant fruitsspontaneously. Lives
duction through itsability tomaintain itselfout will be in common and wealth will have no division.
of a surplus extracted from theprimary produc For therewill be no poor man there,no rich, and no
ers,whether by compulsion or by persuasion or tyrant,no slave. Further,no one will be either great
(as inmost cases) by amixture of the two. or small anymore. No kings, no leaders. All will be
9 Sawicki 2000: 176-98 and 212-13; "'Contact' is the on a par together" (SibyllineOracles 2:319-24). For
shorthand term for the complex and negotiated the dating and translation see Collins 1983: 351,353.
borders between two ormore cultures when repre 12 Chancey and Meyers 2000: 27. That articlewas fol
sentatives of those cultures live together" (p. 212). lowed by a debate on "The Pools of Sepphoris" in
10 "I marched with such troops as I had against Sep Meyers 2000 with an argument that "They're Not
phoris and took the cityby assault. The Galilaeans, Ritual Baths" (Eshel), "Yes, They Are" (Meyers), and
seizing this opportunity, too good to be missed, of "We Need More Data" (Eshel). The clear conclusion
was that at least some of those pools (the mikveh
venting their hatred on one of the citieswhich they
detested, rushed forward,with the intention of ex otzer combinations) were certainly ritual pools and
not hygienic bathtubs. From those pools (and other
terminatingthe population, aliens and all. Plunging
into the town they set fire to thehouses, which they evidence) Meyers argues that Sepphoris was then a
found tobe deserted, the terrifiedinhabitantshaving Jewish city.But even ifwe agree on that conclusion,
fled in a body to the citadel. They looted everything, what exactly are its implications? Sawicki argues that
such Jewish ritual plumbing was an act of covert
sparing their countrymen no conceivable form of
devastation.... As, however, they refused to listen to resistance to Roman bathing plumbing, themikveh
either remonstration or command, my exhortations against the aqueduct as an act of fidelity to Torah
being overborne by their hatred, I instructed some (2000: 121-28). That surely helps to specify what
ofmy friends to circulate a report that theRomans "Jewish"meant in a "Jewishcity"within an archaeol
had made theirway into another quarter of the city ogy of imperial contact and colonial social world.
with a large force.. .that.. .1might check the furyof 13 For a very good balance between Torahs demands
the Galilaeans and so save like as both distributive justice and ritual purity, see
Sepphoris....Tiberias,
wise, had a narrow escape from being sacked by the Reed 2000. For the fourmajor markers of Jewish
Galilaeans... [who] loudly denounced theTiberians identitydespite Roman urbanization (stepped, plas
as traitorsand friendly to theking [Agrippa II], and teredpools as mikvabth, stone vessels, absence of pig
requiring permission to go down and exterminate bones, loculi/kokhimbody burial and pit or ossuary
their city.For theyhad the same detestation for the bone burial) see Reed 2000:44-57 and forquestions
Tiberians as for the inhabitants of Sepphoris" {Life of distributive justice under Roman urbanization, see
374-84, italics added). Reed 2000: 66-69.
Galilean Archaeology and Historical Jesus Research 161
14 For details and citations from Josephus see Crossan picture of numerous self-suffkent farms or hamlets
1991: 210-18. inGalilee radically changed. The entire agricultural
15 Reed 2000: 96. See also Reeds earlier comments: focus turned to feeding Sepphoris and Tiberias"
"We first turn to Sepphoris and Tiberias' impact on (1994: 70).
agriculture. In terms of food alone, the agricultural 16 Avalos 1999: 4,113. In the first case, Avalos refers to
practices of Galilee were completely realigned and Stambaugh 1988. In the second, he refers to Shaw
stretchedwith the foundation of these two cities. The 1996.
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Bar-Ilan University. SanFrancisco.
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1999 Health Care and theRise ofChristianity.Peabody, 1981 The Impact of the 'New Archaeology' on Syro
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Cancian,
1989 Economic Behavior inPeasant Communities. Pp. Dobrowolski, K.
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S. Plattner. Stanford,CA: StanfordUniversity. ants and Peasant Society: Selected Readings, ed.
and Meyers, E. M. T. Shanin. Baltimore, MD: Penguin.
Chancey, M.,
2000 How Jewish Was Sepphoris in Jesus'Time? Bibli Finley,M. I.
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Max Weber and Beyond. Comparative Studies
Collins, J.J.
1983 Sibylline Oracles (Second Century bc-Seventh in Society and History 19: 305-27.
Landsberger,
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1973 Peasant Unrest: Themes and Variations. Pp. 1-64 1976 TheMoral Economy of thePeasant: Rebellion and
inRural Protest: Peasant Movements and Social Subsistence in Southeast Asia. New Haven, CN:
.A. Yale University.
Change, ed. Landsberger. New York, NY:
Barnes & Noble. Shanin, T.
Lenski, G. E. 1971 Peasantry: Delineation of a Sociological Concept
1966 Power and Privilege:A Theory ofSocial Stratifica and a Field of Study.European Journal ofSociol
tion.New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. ogy 12: 289-300.
E. M. Shaw, B. D.
Meyers,
2000 The Pools of Sepphoris - Ritual Baths or Bath 1996 Seasons of Death: Aspects of Morality in
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byVolkmarFritz
In seiner detaillierten Untersuchung Vom Tem 1968: 109), da der Fels nicht vom Allerheiligsten
pel zum Felsendom hat Ernst Vogt nachgewie (debir) ?berbaut gewesen ist.Urspr?nglich war das
sen, dass der heute vom Felsendom ?berbaute AllerheiligsteohnehineinEinbau ausHolz (Schult
Felsen nicht der Standort des Tempels gewesen sein 1964), so dass eine ?berbauung des Felsens durch
kann (Vogt 1974). Vielmehr hat der Felsen erst seit den Tempel auf jeden Fall ausscheidet.
omajjadischer Zeit die heutige Bedeutung erlangt. In dem Bericht ?ber den Bau des Tempels durch
Erst mit dem Bau des Felsendomes durch den Ka Salomo in 1K?n 6-8 verlautet ?ber den Standort
lifenAbd el-Malik (685-705 n.Chr.) hat der Felsen des Tempels nichts. Es ist lediglich deutlich, dass
Traditionen angezogen, die ihm er innerhalb des
die verschiedenen k?niglichen Palastes im Bereich
W?rde und Ansehen verleihen. Ausgangspunkt einer Erweiterung der Stadt nach Norden gelegen
f?r die Aneignung des gesamten Tempelplatzes hat. Insofern ist er als Heiligtum der von David
durch die Muslime war dabei die ?bertragung der begr?ndeten Dynastie
zu bestimmen und hat als
Tradition von der Himmelsreise des Propheten in irdischer Palast Jahwes gedient (1K?n 8:i2f.). Nach
Sure 17:1 auf den Felsen: ?Die Himmelsreise wur 2 K?n 21:5 und 23:12 k?nnen f?r den Tempel zwei
de zum Hieros Logos des Felsens" (Vogt 1974: 50). H?fe unterschieden werden, die eine gewisse Ab
Gleichzeitig sollte der Felsendom ein ?Gegenst?ck" grenzung gegen?ber dem k?niglichen Palast nahe
zur Kuppel der Anastasis bilden, die Jerusalem legen, doch ist ihre Lage nicht mehr zu bestimmen.
als wichtigstes christliches Heiligtum ?berragte. Nach 1K?n 6*.2f.kann der Tempel als Langraum
Scheidet damit der Felsen als ehemaliger Standort mit Vorhalle und einem Einbau als Allerheiligstes
des Tempels aus (gegen Donner 1977; Ritmeyer und rekonstruiert werden (Busink 1970; Zwickel 1999),
Ritmeyer 1998; Jacobson 1999), ist die Frage nach er hat vermutlich die Form eines
Antentempels
der Lokalisierung des Tempels erneut offen. Die gehabt. Dieser Bautyp ist auch sonst im Vorde
ren Orient seit dem 2. Jt.weit verbreitet gewesen
Verbindung des Felsens mit dem Tempel geh?rt
also in den Bereich sp?terer Traditionsbildung, die (Fritz 1980). Beim Wiederaufbau des Tempels
Lage des Tempels ist durch den Felsen nicht mar in fr?hnachexilischer Zeit (sog. zweiter Tempel)
kiert. Der Tempel von Jerusalem geh?rt somit nicht wurden anscheinend die gleichen Ma?e wie beim
zum Typ des umbauten G?tterfelsens (gegen Noth Vorg?ngerbau verwendet. Das geht zwar aus dem
163
164 Volkmar Fritz
Text Esra 6:3 nicht eindeutig hervor, da die Stelle Ma?en zu sein,wie aus den
wiedererrichtet worden
durch ein Schreiberversehen entstellt ist, doch Beschreibungen des Josephus (Ant. XV 11.1-7 und
lassen sich die Ma?angaben mit einiger Sicherheit Bellum V 5.1-7) hervorgeht. Die Ver?nderungen
entsprechend denen des salomonischen Tempels betreffen abgesehen von den S?ulenhallen auf dem
wiederherstellen vor allem zwei Bereiche: eine Ver
(Rudolph 1949: 54f). Tempelplatz
DerStandort dieses zweiten Tempels wird nicht gr??erung der Vorhalle und eine Erweiterung des
n?her beschrieben, so dass nicht zu entscheiden ist, Tempelareals. W?hrend die Ver?nderung der Vor
ob er an der Stelle des ersten gestanden hat oder an halle in diesem Zusammenhang auf sich beruhen
anderer Stelle wiederaufgebaut wurde. Auf jeden bleiben kann, wurde mit der Erweiterung des Tem
Fall wurde der Palast der einstigen K?nige von Juda pelareals ein Eingriff vorgenommen, der bis heute
nicht wieder errichtet, so dass der Tempel nun von die Ausma?e des Tempelplatzes bestimmt, wobei
gro?en H?fen umgeben war, was auf eine eini die Vergr??erung im S?den und Westen durch eine
neue
germa?en zentrale Stellung des Tempelgeb?udes Umfassungsmauer markiert ist (Bahat 1994),
auf dem Tempelplatz schlie?en l?sst. Die genaue w?hrend an der Nordseite die Begrenzung durch
Lage des Tempelgeb?udes innerhalb dieser H?fe die erhaltene Nordostecke (Ritmeyer 2000) und
l?sst sich nicht mehrfeststellen, obwohl diese in die Abarbeitung des Felsens vorgegeben ist. Bei
dem sog. Verfassungsentwurf Ezechiels Ez 40-48 der Erweiterung des Tempelplatzes wurde die an
und imMischnahtraktat mit Ma?angaben neu
Middot der Nordwestecke gelegene Burg, die Her?des
beschrieben werden. Deutlich markieren diese befestigt und inAntonia umbenannt hat (Ant XV
H?fe ein Gef?lle abnehmender was sich
Heiligkeit, 11.4), offensichtlich teilweise abgetragen. Bereits
auch in der Betretbarkeit durch unterschiedliche unter Herodes hatte der Tempelplatz somit seine
Personengruppen ?u?ert. Weiterhin kann aus Ez trapezoide Form. Erst mit dieser Neugestaltung
43:4 geschlossen werden, dass der zweite Tempel r?ckte der Felsen in den Mittelpunkt des Tempel
von West nach Ost orientiert war, was durch die
platzes.
Mischnah best?tigt wird. Ob diese Orientierung In seinen Untersuchungen hat Leen Ritmeyer
durch den ersten Tempel vorgegeben war, kann (Ritmeyer und Ritmeyer 1998: 57-89) auch den
nicht mehr festgestellt werden, ist aber zumindest vorherodianischen Tempelplatz rekonstruieren
wahrscheinlich. k?nnen. Dabei ist das hasmon?ische (= vorhero
In nachexilischer ist der Tempel damit zu
Zeit dianische) Tempelareal noch einmal von dem vor
einem frei stehenden Geb?ude geworden, das von hasmon?ischen Tempelplatz zu unterscheiden, da
mehreren H?fen umgeben war. Abgesehen von wahrscheinlich bereits in hasmon?ischer Zeit eine
dieser Ver?nderung im Bereich der Umgebung Erweiterung des Areals nach S?den vorgenommen
scheint der Tempel in nachexilischer Zeit dem wurde. Ausgangspunkt f?r die Rekonstruktion ist
salomonischen Bau entsprochen zu haben, so die bis heute unver?ndert bestehende Ostmauer, die
dass mit einer gewissen Beharrungstendenz in auf Grund der Gegebenheiten im Gel?nde bereits
der Gestaltung des Grundrisses zu rechnen ist. von Herodes teilweise ?bernommen und nicht ver
Ob der zweite Tempel auch den Standort des sa setzt wurde. Die noch heute an der Ostseite sicht
lomonischen Baus eingenommen hat, kann nicht bare Baufuge markiert den Ansatz der herodiani
mehr festgestellt werden, auch wenn eine solche schen Baut?tigkeit. Aber in vorhasmon?ischer Zeit
Fortf?hrung der Kulttradition als wahrscheinlich umfasst der Platz nur die Erstreckung von einem
anzunehmen ist. Zu bedenken bleibt jedoch, dass Knick an, der etwa 40.6 m weiter n?rdlich dieser
der erste Tempel innerhalb des Palastes errichtet von Charles Warren
Baufuge bereits festgestellt
wurde, so dass eine Verlegung bei der Neugestal wurde, und der in einem weiteren leichten Knick in
tung des Platzes nicht ausgeschlossen werden kann. derMauerf?hrung etwa 262.4 m n?rdlich des ersten
Erst gegen Ende seiner Geschichte wurde er durch Knicks eine Entsprechung hat. Diese Erstreckung
Her?des neu erbaut und umgestaltet. Dabei scheint der Ostmauer zwischen zwei leichten Abknickun
das eigentliche Tempelgeb?ude in den gleichen gen in der Mauerf?hrung stellt nach Ritmeyer die
Zum Standort des Tempels 165
"
Biro '.4 -1
Fig. um 1870).
Der Tempelplatzvon S?dostenmit den RestendermonumentalenTreppe (Photo vonC. E Tyrwhitt-Drake
In*byzantischer Zeit war aber j?discherseits Lage der vorislamischen Heiligt?mer somit nicht
diese Kurttradition niemals aufgegeben worden, zu bestimmen, wahrscheinlich ist jedoch, dass der
wenngleich sie notgedrungen die Form der Aus in omajjadischer Zeit vom Felsendom ?berbaute
?bung von Klageriten angenommen hatte. Die Felsen nicht der Standort der ?lteren Heiligt?mer
Klagen ?ber den zerst?rten Tempel werden vom gewesen ist. Arch?ologisch hat der von Herodes
Lokalisierung des Tempels herangezogen werden. Nun haben Jacobson und Gibson (1995) ein Pho
Aus den Quellen ist ?ber den Standort des ersten to von Tyrwitt-Drake ver?ffentlicht, das zumindest
wie des zweiten Tempels nichts zu entnehmen. einen Anhaltspunkt f?r die m?gliche Lage des
Ebenso istdie Lage des r?mischen Tempels auf dem Tempels gibt,wenngleich es keine endg?ltigeund
Gel?nde unbekannt, die Angaben bei Cassius Dio eindeutige Entscheidung in dieser Frage zul?sst.
weisen lediglich daraufhin, dass das Heiligtum f?r Das Photo (fig.1) zeigtdie Konstruktionvon vier
die kapitolinischen G?tter an der Stelle des zweiten Stufen, die sich vor der S?dseite der Plattform be
Tempels errichtet wurde. Aus den Quellen ist die finden, ?ber die sich heute der Felsendom erhebt.
Zum Standort des Tempels
Diese Konstruktion stellt ein Element dar, das Jacobsonund Gibson (1995:169) die H?he dieser
?lter als die Plattform mit ihren Stufenzug?ngen Stufen auf 45 bis 50 cm bestimmt. Damit istdeutlich,
ist; sie wurde auch von Warren in seine Pl?ne des dass es sich bei dem erhaltenen Restbestand nicht
wegen derHeiligkeitdesOrtes
aufdemTempelplatz als Parallele vor allem auf den Tempel von Didyma
f?r die Muslime bis aufWeiteres ausgeschlossen verweist, der aus hellenistischer Zeit stammt. Nun
sind,muss die Zweckbestimmung dieser Konstruk ist zwar nicht auszuschlie?en, dass bereits Herodes
tion immer Vermutung bleiben. Auf Grund eines bei der Erneuerung des zweiten Tempels nach hel
Gr??envergleichs mit abgebildeten Personen haben lenistischem Vorbild eine solche Tempelplattform
168 Volkmar Fritz
geschaffen hat, wie sie dann in derMischnah (Mid aber der r?mische Tempel am Standort des zweiten
dot) beschrieben wird. Wahrscheinlicher ist es aber, Tempels errichtet wurde, istmit dieser Lage auch
dass der von Hadrian erbaute r?mische Tempel die Lokalit?t des zweiten Tempels eingegrenzt.
auf einem solchen Unterbau gestanden hat. Bei Der zweite Tempel hat s?dlich des Felsens gelegen,
der heute verschwundenen stufenf?rmigen Kon dieser war nicht ?berbaut, sondern hat in dem den
struktion s?dlich der heutigen Plattform k?nnte Tempel umgebenden Hof frei gestanden. Die Lage
es sich somit um einen Rest des Podiums f?r den des ersten Tempels bleibt weiterhin unbekannt.
r?mischen Tempel handeln. Die Abmessungen Erst Herodes hat den Tempelplatz zu seiner heuti
dieses Podiums sind nicht mehr auszumachen, am gen Gr??e erweitert und damit den Felsen in das
ehesten istmit einem von West nach Ost gerich Zentrum der gesamten Anlage ger?ckt. Bei der
teten rechteckigen Unterbau zu rechnen, mit dem ?bernahme des Platzes durch die Muslime im 7.
gleichzeitigeine ebene Fl?che f?rdie Errichtung Jh.n. Chr. wurde der Felsen n?rdlich des ehema
des Tempels in r?mischer Zeit geschaffen wurde. ligen Tempelbereiches ?berbaut und damit zum
Diese neuen Mittelpunkt kultischer Traditionsbildung.
rechteckige Plattform hat aber auf keinen
Fall mehr den Felsen mit eingeschlossen, sondern Die Reste der alten Plattform blieben auch bei der
s?dlich des Felsens gelegen. Damit w?re der Stan Neugestaltung erhalten, bis sie aus unbekannten
dort des heidnischen
Tempels in r?mischer Zeit im Gr?nden inder zweitenH?lftedes 19.Jh.endg?ltig
S?den des heutigen Felsendomes eingegrenzt. Da verschwanden.
REFERENCES
Bahat, D. Noth, M.
1994 TheWestern Wall Tunnels. Pp. 177-90 inAncient 1968 K?nige. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Ver
Jerusalem Revealed, ed. H. Geva. Jerusalem: lag des Erziehungsvereins.
Israel Exploration Society. L.
Ritmeyer,
Busink, T. A. 2000 Where was theTemple? Ritmeyer Responds to
1970 Der Tempel von Jerusalem von Salomo bisHero Jacobson. Biblical Archaeology Review 26, no. 2:
des I. Der Tempel Salomos. Leiden: Brill. 52-59.
Donner, H. M.
Rosen-Ayalon,
1977 Der Felsen und der Tempel Zeitschriftdes Deut 1989 The Early Islamic Monuments of al-Haram
schen Pal?stina-Vereins 93:111. al-Sharif. Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology,
Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
1979 Pilgerfahrt insHeilige Land. Die ?ltestenBerichte
christlicherPal?stinapilger (4.-7. Jahrhundert).
Rudolph, W.
Stuttgart:Katholisches Bibelwerk. 1949 Esra undNehemia samt 3. Esra. T?bingen: Mohr.
Fritz, V. Schult, H.
1980 Der Tempel im Licht der neueren
Salomos 1964 Der Debir im Salomonischen Tempel. Zeitschrift
Forschung. Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient des Deutschen Pal?stina-Vereins 80: 46-54.
Gesellschaft 112: 53-68.
Vogt, I,
Jacobson, D. M. 1974 Vom Tempel zum Felsendom. Biblica 55: 23-64.
1999 Sacred Geometry. Unlocking the Secret of the
Zwickel,W.
Temple Mount, Part 2. Biblical Archaeology 1999 Der salomonische Tempel.Mainz: Zabern.
Review 25, no. 5: 54-63.
by StevenFine
The interests of Eric M. Meyers stretch from Shetreet and Pope John Paul II. After themeeting,
the Bronze Age through the early Islamic Shetreet reported that
period, from ancient Israel to the diaspora ...he had asked for Vatican cooperation
communities of late antique Italy, from literary to
in locating the 6o-kg gold menorah from
archaeological sources to the State of Israel and
was
In celebra
the Second Temple that brought to
contemporary Jewish life in America. Rome by Titus 70 ce. Shetreet claimed
tion of Eric Meyers' interests and contributions, I
? that recent research at the University of
offer this study of themenorah which spans all
Florence indicated the menorah might be
of these sources, periods and locales.
among the hidden treasures in theVatican's
From the earliest literarydepictions of theTaber
catacombs.2 "I dont say its there for sure,"
nacle and its implements in the Pentateuch tomost
he said, "but I asked the Pope to help in the
recent times, concern for the Temple implements
search as a goodwill gesture in recognition
has held a central place in Jewish thought.1 This
of the improved relations between Catholics
is true of the implements described in Exodus 25
and Jews (Palmieri-Billig 1996:1).
and 37, and, to a lesser extent, of the implements
of the Second Temple. A poignantly contemporary The Israeli newspaper Haaretz discussed the re
concern was reported on page sponses to the incident in an article inMay 1996.
example of this
one of the Jerusalem Post on January 18,1996. The Witnesses to this conversation, reports Haaretz,
newspaper reports a personal meeting between "tell that a tense silence hovered over the room
then Israel Minister of Religious Affairs Shimon after Shetreet s request was heard" (Bergman 1996:
169
170 Steven Fine
8-2 ,22). Shetreet s request, and others that have traditional Jewish fear and distrust of Christians
followed,3 are a fascinating extension of the Zionist (particularly Catholics). Imention elements that
hope that theMenorah taken by Titus be returned I have encountered over the last few years
casually
"home" by the Zionist movement (Mishory 2000: only to illustrate the contemporary interest and
165-99). This is expressed in literary and visual passion that the Temple menorah, plundered and
sources, most officially in the Israel Independence taken to Rome by Titus, continues to engender.
Day 1955 commemorative postage stamp showing Rabbinic literature is,of course, vitally interested
the Arch of Titus menorah ablaze within the seal in the Tabernacle/Temple vessels. Among themost
of the State of Israel (Mishory 2000; see Litzman fascinating evidence for this Rabbinic concern is a
1978: 76). group of sources that suggest that the Sages actually
The legends of themenorah at the Vatican have visited Rome and there "saw" the menorah and
considerable currency among American lews. I other vessels of the Temple. The earliest appears
have heard it from Jewswho are members of all in Tannaitic sources and the latest in Byzantine
synagogue movements, clergy and laity,many of period midrashim (Strack and Stemberger 1992:
whom take it to be a historical fact. I have heard 119- 244, 254-393). My purpose in this context is
three versions, though many others surely exist. to assess the historicity of these sources against
According to the first,a certain American Orthodox the background of Rabbinic literature and what
rabbi entered theVatican and saw themenorah.4 Ac we know about the whereabouts of the these ves
a
cording to second, told tome by an IsraeliMoroc sels, especially themenorah, during the latter first
can rabbi resident in theUnited States, itwas aMo and second century ce. Parallel sources for this
roccan rabbi known as "Rabbi Pinto." An American
inquiry?from Josephus and the archaeology of
resident in Jerusalem recently toldme a version that Rome and Palestine ? allow for the contextualiza
bears a distinctly Anglo-Israeli loading. This story tion of these traditions: something rare for Rab
recently embellishes the famous rescue mission of binic evidentuary traditions. The sources under
former chief Rabbi of Israel, Isaac Herzog, to rescue discussion are as follows:
Jewish children in Europe, during which he visited
with the Pope at the Vatican.5 to this 1. 2:i66
According Tosefta Kippurim
? The
embellishment, the Pope showed Rabbi Herzog the TempleVeil (parokhet)
menorah and refused to return it! Father Leonard
He took the blood from the one who was
Boyle, former director of theVatican Libraries, tells
ofOrthodox stirring it.
Jewish tourists from theUnited States
He entered the place intowhich he had en
entering the library during their visits to theVatican
tered [earlier] and stood in the place where
andwith all naivet? tellingFatherBoyle thattheir
he had stood, and sprinkled some of it on
rabbi teachers had instructed them to go find the
theMercy Seat (kapporet)7 toward the two
menorah during their visits
(Bergman 1996). In this cloths of the ark,
way, themost holy pilgrimage complex inWestern
Christendom is turned into a Jewish
One [sprinkle] upwards and seven down
pilgrimage site wards. But he did not intentionally sprinkle
(or at least a religiously amenable option for Jews
uncomfortable with visiting Christian sites)! The upwards or downwards. But he did it like
one who swings a whip.
folklore of the Vatican menorah iswell deserving
And thus did he count: "One, one and one,
of a broader treatment.
one and two, one and three, one and four,
FolkloristDov Noy tells
me thatthemythof the
one and five, one and six, one and seven."
menorah at theVatican is not a part of traditional
Rabbi Judah said in the name of Rabbi Lazer:
Jewish folklore, and was not recorded by the re
"Thus did he count: One and one and one,
searchers of the Israel Folklore Archive. Iwould not
two and one, three and one, four and one,
be surprised ifthis is a
distinctly American-Jewish five and one, six and one, seven and one."'
urban myth, blending American anti-Papism with
"When IWent to Rome. ..There I saw the Menorah. .171
Scripture says: "toward the lampstand (me generation of Enosh through water. He only
norah)" (Num 8:2). exacted retribution from the generation of
And thus it says: "and he dwells turned the Flood through water. He exacted retri
toward me" (memuli; Num 22:5). bution from Pharoah and his army through
Said Rabbi Simeon: When I went to Rome water. When Iwas inHis house and His own
there I saw themenorah. All of the lamps were domain He could not stand against me, but
pointed toward themiddle lamp. now I ambeginningto thinkthathewill kill
me with water."
3. Jerusalem Talmud, Yoma 4:1,41c10 The Holy One, blessed be He said to him:
? The "Villain! By your life, I will inflictpun
PriestlyFrontispiece(tsits)
ishment upon this villain using the most
The priestly frontispiece, on itwas written:
insignificant creature that I created during
"Holy to the Lord."
the six days of creation."
was written below, and "to the Lord"
"Holy"
was written above. ImmediatelytheHoly One, blessed be He,
beckoned to his guardian angel of the sea
This is likea kingwho sitson his throne.
and he ceased from his fury.
And similarly [for lots for the scapegoat]. When he reached Rome all the dignitaries
Said Rabbi Eleazar son of Rabbi Jose: I saw
of Rome came out and lauded him.
it inRome, and the name was written on it
When he arrived inRome he entered to the
in a single line, "Holy to the Lord"
bath house, andwhen he lefttheybrought
him a vial of spiced wine to drink.
4. Genesis Rabba 10, 7 (Venice, 1545)11
? A mosquito entered his nose and gnawed his
The Mosquito thatAte Titus' Brain
as
brain until itbecame big as a two pound
ThewickedTitus enteredtheHoly ofHolies, dove. He screamed, saying: "Let them (the
his sword drawn inhis hand, slashed the two doctors) splitopen thebrain of thatman
veils. He brought two harlots and performed (that is, his own brain)."
sex on them on the altar, and his sword came
Immediately the doctors were called.
out full of blood.
They splithis brain and removed it,being
There are those who say that itwas from the the size of a two pound dove.
blood of the sacrifices, and there are others son
Rabbi Eleazar of Rabbi Jose said: I saw
who say that itwas fromtheblood of the it inRome (nvran K3K
wn). There were two
he-goat of Yom Kippur. pounds on one side[ofthescale]and thedove
He cursed and blasphemed and took all-\ on the other, and the one
weighed exactly the
the Temple vessels and made them like a same as the other.
172 Steven Fink
toricity,while the Genesis Rabba and Esther Rabba from the Jerusalem Temple were among the booty
sources are wholly literary. In Genesis Rabba this brought to Rome in triumph by Titus and paraded
literary convention is used to add veracity to the through the streets of Rome (War 7:5,132-61). This
physical evidence of Titus' punishment. Esther event was immortalized approximately a decade
Rabba reworks the "I saw" type in response to the later in relief panels within in the Arch of Titus.15
manner inwhich
travels of Solomons throne. After passing through Josephus describes in detail the
and Greece, the throne arrives many of the Temple vessels were turned over to the
Babylonia, Media,
in Rome by force of Daniels vision of the four Romans. InWar 6,387-91 Josephus describes how
Another collection, a certain priest handed over to them "some of the
kingdoms. Byzantine-period
Avot de-Rabbi Nathan, is aware of both Tabernacle sacred treasures," including
artifactsthat were "hidden away" and Second
two lamp stands similar to those deposited
Temple artifacts taken to Rome. The objects taken
in the sanctuary, along with tables, bowls,
to Rome include "themortar of the house ofAvti
and platters, all of solid gold and very mas
mas, the table, themenorah, the veil of the ark and
sive; he further delivered up veils, the high
the vestments of the anointed priest." This tradition
priests vestments, including the precious
assembles the artifacts that sources suggest Sages
stones, and many other articles for public
"saw" in Rome, adding to these "themortar of the
worship. Furthermore, the treasurer of the
house of Avtimas."13
temple, by the name of Phineas, being taken
The traditions preserved in Tosefta Yoma, Sifre
prisoner, disclosed the tunics and girdles
Zutta and Yerushalmi Yoma are, however, of an
worn by the priests, an abundance of purple
other order. Each of the items described in these
and scarlet kept for necessary repairs to the
traditions, theparokhet, themenorah, and perhaps
veil of the temple, along with amass of cin
the priestly frontispiece, could well have been
namon and cassia and a multitude of other
viewed inRome by the second-century rabbis men
tioned: Rabbi Simeon, son of Yohai, and the son of spices, which theymixed and burned daily
as incense toGod. Many other treasures also
his Ushan compatriot Rabbi Eleazar, son of Rabbi
were delivered up by him, with numerous
Jose.14This evidence parallels the first-person Rab sacred ornaments; those services procur
binic verifications of the Temple service and struc
a prisoner ofwar, the
ture that appear throughout Tannaitic literature. ing for him, although
To cite just one example: InMishnah Middot 1:2 pardon accorded to the refugees.16
"When IWent to Rome ...There I saw the Menorah ..." 173
In Chapter 7, lines 148-52 of The Jewish War, The descriptions of vessels taken to Rome fits
Josephus Flavius describes Titus triumphal return well with the "inventory" provided by our Rabbinic
to Rome from his successful campaign in Judaea in traditions. The description of the golden table of
great detail. His descriptions of the Temple vessels the showbread and of the menorah
parallels the
are relevant to our discussion: prominent place afforded
these on the
objects
Arch of Titus. This pairing of the menorah and
The spoils in general were borne in pro
the showbread table is based not just upon their
miscuous heaps; but conspicuous above
proximity in the Temple, but also upon both their
all stood those captured in the temple at
physical impressiveness and the large quantities of
Jerusalem. These consisted of a golden table,
gold ofwhich each was manufactured. The fact that
many talents inweight, and a lamp stand,
likewise made of gold, but constructed on Josephus felt obliged to describe the menorah as
The Rabbinic viewing of themenorah and the veil the historical parokhet. The enigmatic statement in
someone told Rabbi Eleazar, son
would have taken place in this temple. One might Tosefta Yoma that
suspect thatmany Jews, both natives of Rome and of Rabbi Jose, that "these are from the blood of the
seen
visitors, might have come to the Temple of Peace Day of Atonement," suggests thatmany had
to view the Temple items ? as Jews to this day still the veil and that there was some sort of local tra
flock to the Arch of Titus. dition that existed before Rabbi Eleazar raised his
has itthattheTempleveil and thescroll
Josephus question. One can almost imagine Rabbi Eleazar
of the Torah were placed inVespasiani palace. The going to see theparokhet, perhaps in the Templum
was a as the Gentis Flaviae, and discussing the spots with local
imperial palace partially public space,
White House is in themodern United States. As Vit Whatever
Jews.19 the context, what is certain from
"the com were deposited
ruvius suggests, in homes of the powerful Josephus is that the sacred vessels
mon rooms are those intowhich, though, uninvited, and on view within Vespasian's palace during the
persons of the people can come by right, such as ves later first century.
tibules, courtyards, peristyles and other apartments The Torah scroll that Josephus describes as hav
an
of similar uses."18 Referring to the Palatine, Pliny ing been deposited inVespasian's palace finds
notes that "Imperial mansions were often filled with a tradition preserved in an
intriguing parallel in
excellent statues" (NH 39.4.38). Little is known of 11th-century collection, Bereshit Rabbati.20 Accord
a scroll from the Temple was
the Domus Vespasianus, where the Temple vessels ing to this tradition,
were apparently displayed. Itwas probably the same brought from Jerusalem and eventually deposited
in a Rome synagogue:
building as the Domus Titus Flavius Vespasianus,
later rebuilt by Domitian as the Templum Gentis
This is one of thewords which were written
Flaviae (Richardson 1992:137-38,140). Important in the scroll thatwas captured in Jerusalem
artifacts were displayed in theDomus Titus. Pliny
and was brought toRome and was stored in
as
suggests the Laocoon was exhibited there, as well the synagogue of Severos.
Polykleitos of Sikyons "...Two Boys Playing Dice,
likewise in the nude, known by theGreek name of The description of this scroll as using what later
now standing in the atrium of came to be called the medial mem and the final
Astragalizontes and
theEmperorTitus (Titi imperatorius
atrio)? Pliny mem indiscriminately fits well with first-century
adds that "this is considered themost perfect work Jerusalemite as scholars
orthographic practice,
of art in existence" (NH 34.19.55). Of the Laocoon have long noted (Lieberman 1940: 23-24). The
a local syna
Pliny writes: "...the Laocoon, [is] in the palace of disposition of Temple booty within
General Titus, a work superior to any painting gogue is know from Seleucid times, when vessels
and any bronze. Laocoon, his children and the of the Jerusalem Temple were placed in an Antioch
wonderful clasping coils of the snakes were carved synagogue by Antiochus IV. Such a dispersal of
of a single block" (NH 39.4.37). It is not inconceiv Jewish sacred artifacts is, thus, not beyond the
able (thoughcertainlybeyondproof,owing to the imaginations of Roman Jews. In War 7, 44-45.
sparseness of the evidence) that the Temple veil and Josephus writes that
the Torah scroll were part of the same public/pri
For, although Antiochus surnamed Epi
vate collection, displayed in the same palace. The
phanes sacked Jerusalem and plundered
Laocoon was discovered on that site January 14,
the Temple, his successors on the throne
1506, and significantly impacted Renaissance and
restored to the Jews of Antioch all such
later art (Richardson 1992:137-38; Bieber 1942:1).
votive offerings that were made of brass
The Temple vessels, of course, are lost.
the
(chalka), to be laid up in the synagogue
Babylonian Talmud, Meilah 17b, places
(tan sunagogan) and, moreover, granted
in the personal and very private "treasury
parokhet them citizenship rightson equalitywith
of the Emperor," though this text says more about
the Greeks. Continuing to receive similar
late Babylonian Rabbinic storytelling than about
"When IWent to Rome. ..There I saw the Menorah..." 175
(Momigliano 1934; Leon i960:162-65). The Severan menorah that goes beyond Rabbinic speculation.
inRabbinic thought as from the Ro
dynasty is presented having Significantly, images of themenorah
been particularly friendly toward the Jews, and a man catacombs, which date to the fourth century,
a vow of the
temple was even dedicated "to fulfill often depict the lamps atop themenorahs branches
Jews" toMarcus Aurelius at Qasion on the border inclined toward the central stalk.We see this, for
of the Upper Galilee and Phoenicia.21 If there is, example, inwall paintings from theVilla Torlonia
indeed, an association between the synagogue of catacomb.22 Is this based upon a Palestinian or even
Severos and Alexander Severus, the transfer of a local interpretation ofNum 8:2, or is this imagery
Torah scroll taken from Jerusalem for storage there drawn from actual
observation of the Temple
would be all themore significant. menorah? In addition, the shape of most meno
Let us return for a moment to Sifre Zuttas de rah depictions from Rome is different from both
we read
scription of the Temple menorah. There the graffito and most later Palestinian depictions.
that "all of the lamps were inclined toward the cen In thesedepictions, the ratioof theheightof the
tral lamp." This purportedly eyewitness evidence branches to thewidth of the branches approximates
concludes an anonymous academic discussion of the depiction on theArch of Titus. The inspiration
the Temple menorahs lamp arrangement and is the for these branches could well be the arch, ifnot the
ultimate support for accepting the position that menorah itself. Significantly, the base of the Arch
"all of the lamps were inclined toward the central of Titus menorah is nowhere to be found on later
flame...," interpreting Numbers 8:2-3: depictions. It is depicted as a tripod (as in Pales
tinian synagogue images). Our SifreZutta passage
Speak to Aaron and say to him: When you raises serious questions regarding the presence of
raise up the lamps, opposite the face of the
themenorah inRome, what was actually seen there,
menorah (rnuan Vitt-1??)shall the seven
and Palestinian relations with the Jews of Rome. No
lamps shine. And Aaron did thus opposite conclusive answers are possible, of course, but the
the face of the menorah he raised up its
issues are too important to leave unexplored.
lamps just as Moses had commanded.
What, then, may we say about the Temple ves
The attempt to focus all of the lamps toward the sels in Rome after 70? Josephus descriptions of
central one, as my somewhat stilted translation of the presence of the menorah and the showbread
muan bw-bx suggests, iswell-known also outside table are verified by the Arch of Titus reliefs. The
the Rabbinic corpus, perhaps as early as the Jeru presence of the menorah, the veil and a Temple
salem graffito from before 70 and certainly from Torah scroll is expressed in Rabbinic sources as
late antique archaeological contexts. We see this, well. Rabbinic sources describe Sages viewing these
for example, in theHammath Tiberiassynagogue vessels, as well as the head plate of the high priest.
mosaic 1983: 37-38) and the Beth Shean
(Dothan This piece is not mentioned by Josephus, and thus
small "synagogue" (more likely a study house) mo its presence in Rome is not confirmed beyond the
176 Steven Fine
Rabbinic corpus. While itwould be easy to dismiss Itwas in reference to this thatRabbi Eleazar
these Rabbinic sources as mere literary devices or
son of Rabbi Jose said:
as folklore, the external evidence, from Josephus,
"I saw it in the city of Rome and therewere
from theArch of Titus, from the Jewish catacombs
on it several drops of blood"
of Rome, and from Palestinian archaeology, do
(Bacher 1897: 285-87; Bar-Ilan 1995:17-31).
not facilitate a quick dismissal. The Sages clearly
knew that themenorah and other vessels contin Benjamin (second half of 12th century)
of Tudela
ued to exist in Rome describes the holy vessels of the Temple in Rome,
long after the destruction of
the Temple, and were on public view. For just this using some similar terminology inhis 12th-century
evidence regarding the century after Josephus, we travelogue. Benjamin suggests thatmedieval Ro
should be grateful. mans had a tradition that the Temple vessels were
I should note that I am far from the first to ask in Christian hands:
how it is that the Sages could actually see the ves
In the church of St. John in the Lateran there
sels. The Sages of the Babylonian Talmud, who are two copper columns that were in the
were distant from the world of Roman
palaces,
Temple, the handiwork of King Solomon,
pleasure gardens, and fora, were also bothered by
peace be upon him. Upon each column is
this question. Their solution assumes a less public
inscribed "Solomon son ofDavid." The Jews
and considerably more nefarious deposition of the
of Rome said that each year on the Ninth
parokhet. A tale told inMeilah i7a-b focuses upon of Av they found moisture running down
the Jewish presence in Rome and quickly turns to
them likewater. There also is the cave where
a Roman decree that forbade the Jews from
allege Titus the son ofVespasian hid away (mw)
keeping the Sabbath, from circumcising their sons, the Temple vessels which he brought from
and required them to have sexual intercourse with
Jerusalem (Adler 1967: 7).
menstruant women. The remainder of the pericope
deals with ways that the Jewsworked to reverse the While the supposed columns of "Solomon son of
decree. A sub-text to our narrative grafts Rabbi David" were in full sight, the vessels of the Second
Eleazar, son of Rabbi Jose, and his comments on were
Temple, brought by Titus to Rome, thought
the to the context. to be hidden away. uses the verb ganaz,
seeing parokhet pertain present Benjamin
Simeon, son of Yohai, our text tells us, was sent as to hide, to describe the dispersal of the vessels by
the emissary to the Emperor s house. In route he Titus. This parallels our Meliah passage, where the
met a demon named Ben Temalion. Intending to was hidden away with the decree against
parokhet
help Rabbi Simeon, and with his assent, Ben Te the Jews in the kings treasure house, his genizah.
malion "advanced and entered into the Emperor s One wonders, therefore, whether Benjamins
daughter."When Rabbi Simeon arrived there,he de account draws upon our tradition, or whether
monstrably carried out an exorcism, calling out: the linguistic parallel is accidental. In any event,
perhaps back to Jerusalem after that.24 Jewish distrust of Christians, and, finally, toAmeri
can anti-Papacism (as evidenced most
Benjamin of Tudela "knew" that the Temple vividly in the
vessels had been brought to Rome. He also knew blockbuster popularity of Dan Browns best-seller,
that he could not see them, for they had been The Da Vinci Code; Brown 2003). Contemporary
as tractate Meliah said they had. Jews,particularly Orthodox Jews,have been known
"hidden"?just
The holy objects were present and non-present. to reenact thismyth on their own searches of the
? over
They were visible in the Arch of Titus, yet invis Vatican for themenorah providing a Jewish
ible in a cave where Vespasian himself had placed own touristic (and often
lay for their emotionally
them ?under a church, no less. When contem conflicted) forays into the holiest site of Roman
porary Jews go to Rome, the menorah is no less Christendom.25 As we have seen, even the Israeli
present, yet non-present. They know that their holy Minister of ReligiousAffairsparticipated in this
vessels were brought to Rome, as commemorated myth, merging itwith traditional Zionist imagery
in that open sore known as the Arch of Titus. of returning the menorah home through the Zi
can also see the menorah in the remains of onist enterprise. With Rabbi Simeon, all of these
They
the Jewish catacombs of Rome, most ofwhich are contemporary (and to be candid, not a
searchers
safely stored and displayed in theVatican, and that few academic scholars) would like nothing more
until relatively recent times the Church had actively than to be able to say "When Iwas inRome.. .there
? I saw themenorah."
acquired Jewish books and artifacts often in im
NOTES
Meyers 1976, and the short essays collected by Y. 7 See Liebermaris comment, ibid.
Israeli 2000. 8 SeeMidrash Tanhuma, ed. S. Buber (Vilna: Romm,
2 No one at theUniversity of Florence whom I have 1913)*Va-yakel 10; Lieberman, Tosefta Kifshutah.
contacted has knowledge of this research. Compare Jacob Neusner s translation, The Tosefta
3 Formore recent contacts between Israeli officialsand (New York: Ktav, 1981) 199.
theVatican, seeKingsley 2006:37-39. Parfitt(2006) re 9 SifreZutta, Be-haalotkha toNumbers 8:2, SifreD'Be
sponsibly reviews and contextualizesKingsley s thesis. Rab and SifreZutta onNumbers, ed. H. S. Horowitz
4 Many thanks to Lawrence Schiff man for this infor =
(Jerusalem:Wahrmann, 1966) Midrash ha-Gadol,
mation. ed. Z. M. Rabinowitz (Jerusalem:Rav Kook Institute,
5 "Herzog, Isaac," Encyclopedia Judaica (Jerusalem: 1967), ad. loc.
10 Talmud Yerushalmi
Keter, 1971), 422-25. According to
Ms. Or. 4720 (Scaql.
6 The Tosefta, ed. S. Lieberman, 2nd ed. (New York: 3) of theLeiden University Library with Restorations
JewishTheological Seminary, 1992); ToseftaKifshu and Corrections (Jerusalem:Academy of theHebrew
tah, ed. S. Lieberman (New York: JewishTheological =
Language, 2001). See Sukkah 5a B. Yoma 63b.
Seminary, 1955-1988), ad. loc., for parallels. 11 See themanuscript traditions and parallels cited in
178 Steven Fine
Midrash Bereshit Rabba, eds. J.Theodor and C. Al 21 Roth-Gerson 1987:125-29 and thebibliography cited
beck (Jerusalem:Wahrmann, 1965), 1:84-85 andMi there;Chiat 1982: 62-63; Ilan 1991: 57-59; Fine 1999:
drashWayyikra Rabbah, ed.M. Margulies (New York: 226-30.
Complete Works, trans.H. St. J.Thackery, R. Marcus, group avidly discussed the permissibility and their
A. Wikgren and L. Feldman (Cambridge, MA: Har personal comfort level in entering theVatican and
vard University, 1961-1965). other Christian sites.A minority chose not to enter,
17 Pliny,NH 36,102, trans.D. E. Eichholz, Loeb Clas while most did (including the wife of a deceased
sical Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, American ultra-orthodox rabbi). The Israeli guide
1962). and I narrated the visits to Christian sites in such
18 Vitruvius, On Architecture 6.5.1, trans. F. Granger, a way as to highlight Jewishpoints of contact, pro
a
Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, MA: Harvard viding a Jewish script for distinctly Christian pil
At theArch ofTitus, this guide
University, 1934). grimage experience.
19 The evidence is surveyed by Leon (i960: 46-74, orchestrated a distinctly Jewishritual event, singing
195-228, 263-346); Kraabel (1979: 497-500); Noy with the group Psalm 126 to the tune ofHatikvah,
(1995); Rutgers (1995). the Israeli anthem. (Note that this psalm is recited
20Midrash Bereshith Rabbathi, ed. C. Albeck (Jerusa before festivemeals on Sabbaths and festivals. The
lem:Mekitse Nirdamim, 700,1940). Va-Yigash 45:8, tune ofHatikvah isused with Psalm 126 innational
and Albecks notes, pp.
210-11. istic Jewish religious contexts in Israel and abroad,
particularly on Israel Independence Day).
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byCarol SelkinWise
If there has been a Leitmotiv to the career inMMT justmight be relevant to the issue of the
and teachings of Eric Meyers, ithas been the miqweh, but he added that the matter required
proposition that data requires context and further study (Sussmann 1989-90). Since then,
miqwa?t)} My aim is
to decode the ritual regula of4QMMT was previouslyentitled4QMisn(ique)a
tions of miqwa?t to reveal the postulates of sectar and first appeared in print in some remarks made
ian self-identity. Iwill commence with a discussion Milik about theCopper Scroll inDJD
in 1962by J.
of some halakhic issues, proceed to a discussion of III (Baillet et al. 1962: 222, 225). I reproduce the
a pro Hebrew as it appeared in its official publication in
pertinent ritual theory, and conclude with
posal for how
specific legal/ritual positions may DJD X (Qimronand Strugnell1994: 52-53):
represent sectarian world views.
am nnv onaix um?? mpnan by *
In a programmatic study on halakhah and 4QMMT, And concerning m?s?q?t, we say regarding
Sussmann indicated that the m?s?q?t mentioned them that they are not pure3 [Or possibly:
181
182 Carol Selkin W ise
do not have the ability to transmit purity.]. Everyniss?q ispure exceptone ofzifhoney
do not constitute or of Shammai adds
Furthermore, m?s?q?t sapahat. The School
a separation between the impure and the miqp? [apparentlya thick stew or paste]
pure, fortheliquidof them?s?q?t and that made from grits or fava beans, because it
which receives them is as one liquid. recoils backwards (A?.Maksirin 5:9).
First Yigael Yadin (1983: 213), and subsequently The situation presented in these two mishnayot
Joseph Baumgarten (1980: 163-64) observed that is one inwhich a person is pouring from an up
them?s?q?t should probablybe identified
with per vessel, which is pure, to a lower vessel, which
the niss?q of rabbinic literature, a phenomenon is impure. Does the interposing stream ?the
? cause the
specifically mentioned as a focal point of dissent in niss?q impurity of the lower vessel to
a sectarian controversy inM. travel upwards to the upper vessel? The determi
depicted Yadayim:
nation of theMishnah is that it does not, unless
nnm onzms dd^s?m i^mp vpm anaix
the niss?q is viscous, inwhich case the lower end
pran nx onn?a
of the stream, having been in contact with the
The Sadducees say 'We protest against you, rebound back into the
impure receptacle, might
Pharisees, because you say a niss?q is pure!' pure container.
Ihis matter of the niss?q is then presented in
nnxv o'pvra uybvm i^rnp d^ti? onaiK
M. Yadayim as the subject of a dispute between
mnapn rrna nxnn o>an nm annoa
the Pharisees and Sadducees, with the Pharisees
The Pharisees reply 'We protest against you, holding what would later be the rabbinic position,
because you say a water channel and the Sadducees
Sadducees, apparently holding the view
running through a graveyard is pure!' (M. taken inMMT, namely, that the niss?q I m?s?q?t
Yadayim4:7) do indeed transmit impurity.
In passing, we note two points: (1)
The question then is, of course, what is the minimally, the
niss?q
at the center of this debate? As apparent coincidence of subject matter raises the
already explained
question of justwhich group was meant when rab
by Baumgarten (1980: 163-64; see also Ginzberg
binic material used the term Zadokite ? perhaps
1976: 54; Guttmann 1970:153-54; Finkelstein 1962:
not Josephus aristocratic Sadducees; and (2) the
716-18, 811-13), there are two mishnaic texts that
coincidence of legal positions is, of course, part of
have traditionally been used to the mishnah
clarify
the argument that has led Schiffman to argue that
in The first isM. Toharot 4:4, which de
Yadayim.
the Dead Sea Sect is Zadokite rather than Essene
scribes a particular circumstance, but which does
not use theword niss?q: (Schiffman 1990; 1992b), at least in its origins, and
which has led Sussmann to conclude that there
uno )vbvn rmnrnp xxan 'W? ?toa nnyan were two main schools of Jewish legal thought in
miqweh*. (Where?)
mxipan-nx annua
pnnnn-p ]vbvr\
...nnpn-p pirnm
rrrr erampai a n^rrrsra *?"n
impure pool was defined on the basis of its associa the rabbis (Schwartz 1992a). The nominalist legal
tion with a pure pool (esb?ren) and not primarily perspective is one inwhich legal categories possess
in relation to the intermediary stream. their own life and validity and need no further
I propose that the Qumran community would reality. This is how Sifra explains the need for a
not have accepted this rationale and viewed the minimum 40 sfa of pure water:
in it,and any rock pool inwhich there isnot Returning to CD, the phrasing "its water is
enough to cover,13which
an impure person impure as the water of a vessel" reinforces how
? itswater is tenuous was the boundary between the pool that
touched impure as14 thewater
of a vessel (CD 10:10-13).15 could purify and the vessel that could contaminate,
between purifying water and contaminating water.
In this passage one does not find mention of the A stone pool with sufficientwater did not guarantee
rabbinic 40 s?'?, but rather the more realistic the purity of the facility, in the Qumran perspec
requirement that there be enough water to cover tive. Indeed, stone at Qumran did not have the
Miqw?'ot and Second Temple Sectarianism 185
impurity.17Even the stones of the deathhouse itself By contrast, in themishnaic view dirtywater was
had to be purified of all moisture.18 Tannaitic law, acceptable for purifying hands when itwas connect
by contrast, deemed stone vessels and materials af ed to theground, but not when itwas in a vessel (M.
fixed to the earth to be impervious.19 This difference Yadayim 1:3). It should also be remembered that
might well have added impetus to the debate about the water in a miqweh was not considered by the
miqwa?t, which were, after all, carved in stone. rabbis to be the same as " ?ti, the "living water"
If everything in the house of a decedent became required for the red heifer rite (Num 19:17), purifi
impure, including the stones of the house,20 what cation from skin disease (Lev 14:5), or purification
was the status of the family miqweh* from abnormal discharge (Lev 15:13).Whereas Sifra
CD 12:15-17 reads: "And all wood, stones, or tells us that livingwater had to be clear (amm) and
dust which are sullied by human impurity, having not brackish (?^nta),30 M. Miqw??t goes as far as
stains of oil on them, according to their impurity to allow mud to be calculated into the total volume
shall he who touches them become impure." Here, of a miqweh (2:6,10; 7:1, 7; 9:2).
even unfinished stone can be defiled
by the stains Ehud Netzer suggested that the considerable
that adhere to it.21 depth of some miqw??t helped preserve the cleanli
Baumgarten has detailed the way in which ness of themiqweh by allowing silt to sink to the
were to the Qumran com
physical stains defiling especially have been an issue
bottom.31 Silt would
munity.22 Such stains were, in Baumgartehs words, when water came from aqueducts,32 as was the case
defiling was based on lQS 3:2-3, which states "For miqweh. Even where the rabbis are concerned,
he plows in themud ofwickedness (ytznyixon) and however, there is some concern about the specific
his conversion isbesmirched (o^xm) with stains."26 types ofmud.33 Rabbinic interest lay inwhether the
Since the text continues by telling us that no form mud was thick enough to constitute an obstruc
of ablution will purify such a person, this particular tion between the water and the skin of the person
usage emerges as only partly metaphoric. As far as immersing. Interposition of any object invalidates
the defiling capacity ofmud in an immersion pool ones immersion in the rabbinic view.34
According
?
is concerned this is metaphor given concrete to Josephus, the Essenes immersed while garbed
reality.27 (JW 2.129). Their being clothed may have been due
Dan 12:10, cited in the rather exclusivist docu tomodesty about reciting the associated benedic
ment 4QFlor 2:3~4a, states that the righteous tions while still in the water,35 but it also indicates
would be purified and made white. Such symbols that interposition was not a concern for them.36
were apparently taken quite Whereas atQumran the problem ofmud pertained
seriously. According
to Josephus, the Essenes avoided oil as defiling and to the actual purity status of stains, in theMishnah
always dressed inwhite (/W2.123).28 It is especially the subject has been entirely reframed and involves
interesting that Josephus mentioned these two the rabbinic concept of interposition.37
details together.While it is true that dressing nor
amore trenchant
mally followed grooming with oil,
reason for Josephus organization of information
is that oil and other types of dirty stains on their
white garb were considered defiling by the Essenes.
186 Carol Selkin Wise
drop of rabbinic teachings, but eventually the that Johns beliefs about atonement, immersion,
background for Johns ostensibly "once and for all" and purification were broadly representative of the
"spiritual" baptism came to be sought within the Judaism of his time.44More to the point, itwill at
Qumran community, which supposedly possessed tempt to establish a framework for our subsequent
a precursor to the Christian
initiatory rite (e.g., interpretation of the miqweh.
Brownlee 1957:39-40). In fact, itwas only with the In actuality, itwas commonplace for actions,
discovery of the Qumran documents that some entities, and institutions in theHellenistic world to
scholars began to entertain the notion of a possibly be understood symbolically. There was ample clas
less "legalistic" (a false hypothesis as it turned out), sical precedent for this.Antigone, for example, was
and supposedly more "spiritual" form of Palestinian condemned not for actually burying her brother,
Judaism. The "spiritual" baptism of Johnwas then an act which had been forbidden, but for
giving the
routinely contrasted with the dry as dust "repeti symbolic appearance of having done so.45 In Eu
tive" purification rites of a "formalistic" Judaism. ripides Iphigeneia inTauris, symbolic substitutions
The latterwas sometimes identified with Essenic for human sacrifice occur twice: once, when a deity
or Qumranic Judaism,39but more particularly with intervenes to substitute a fawn in place of Iphige
Pharisaic/rabbinic Judaism.40 The antipathy toward neia, and again when the incomplete sacrifice of
Judaism undergirding this type of argument is Orestes by Iphigeneia results in the inauguration
rendered transparent by Bells broadly theoretical of a cultic practice, wherein a sword is drawn over
observation that repetition ismerely a "frequent, but the throat of a human victim in order to produce
not universal strategy for
producing ritualized acts" only token drops of blood.46
(Bell 1992:92). After all, one does not hear about the Writhin the biblical world, Ps 24:4,73:13, and Isa
legalistic, repetitive monotony of the Eucharist. 1:15-16 all indicate a symbolic import to washing
Miqw?'ot and Second Temple Sectarianism 187
uncharacteristically Jewish) declaration (Matt between moral and physical baptism, developing
27:24; cf. Deut 21:1-9). The Letter ofAristeas and the theme of water as a symbol for repentance in
Philo also provide variations on this theme.47 Judaism. He observed that sin and impurity were
In later rabbinictexts, hand-washing serves as a often associated in the Bible and thereafter,52 and
symbolic substitution for ritual bathing, and, in offered Ps 51:4 as an example "Wash me thoroughly
one instance, where it is viewed as a heterodox of my iniquity, and purify me of my sin...," on
practice, as the symbolic building of an unaccept which Gen. Rab. 39:11 comments "Whoever com
able altar.48 mits a transgression is as though he was defiled
by
Symbolic explanations of various facets of Juda contact with a dead body."
ism abound in Jewish
writingsof theHellenistic The connection between immersion and atone
Period. The biblical Tabernacle, for instance, is ment in the benedictions and instructions of the
as
presented symbolic of the universe both by Philo, purity rite in 4Q512 was astutely pointed out by
representing diaspora Judaism, and Josephus, Baumgarten (1992: 200-201). Better known and
representing Judaism in the Land of Israel.49 Real frequently repeated is the statement in lQS 2:26
space, in other words, was consciously conceived in 3:12 indicating that without prior repentance and
symbolic terms. adherence to theways and teaching of the sectar
with using eitherPhilo or Jose
The difficulty ian community the rites were ineffective.53 This
phus as exemplars for their time period is that in latter passage is comparable to Acts 22:16, where
varying degrees they were writing apologies for baptismal water washes sins away, ifone calls on
external consumption. Judaism was presented to Jesus name. In neither Acts nor lQS is the exercise
in a form
non-Jews they could appreciate. Yet the automatically efficacious without the appropriate,
fact that there was an object known as "the Sea" attendant dogmatic affirmations.54
in Solomons temple gives us some indication that The association of ritual
washing with repen
cosmic signification was hardly alien to ancient tance, or amoral cleansing, was not just to be found
Israelite ritual.50Certainly the eating of unleavened in sectarian or proto-sectarian texts, however. It
bread on Passover was understood was pervasive in ancient Judaism. these
symbolically Compare
(Exod 13:6-9). Moreover, Schwartz has convinc comments of Philo about entry to the
Temple with
ingly argued that at least some of Philos allegorical lQS 2:26-3:12:
explanations probably stemmed from Judaean,
For ifwe cultivate the spirit of rendering
priestly sources (Schwartz 1984).
thanks and honour toHim, we shall be pure
We are, in fact, not entirely
lacking in Second from wrongdoing and wash away the filthi
Temple Period homiletical or instructional texts ca ness which defiles our lives in
thought and
pable of informing us of themotivational rationales
word and deed. For it is absurd that a man
for ancient practitioners of the Jewish immersion
should be forbidden to enter the
ritual. A number of the following texts have been temples
save after and his
rehearsed bathing cleansing body,
repeatedly in discussions of baptism,
and yet should attempt to pray and sacri
without a correct appreciation of their
import for fice with a heart still soiled and
an aspect of common Jewish spotted....
determining piety. He who is resolved not
Some of these sources are so only to commit no
routinely reported in further sin, but also towash
studies, it is surprising that thismost obvious way away the past,
of interpreting them is ignored. On the other hand, may approachwith gladness lethim who
lacks this resolve keep far away, since
several recent works, hardly
including the author s, have
shallhe bepurified [emphasisadded].55
stressed the connection in ancient Judaism between
ablutions and atonement, and the need to under
188 Carol Selkin Wise
For Philo, one cannot properly approach the is found again in the liturgical document 4Q
Temple without purification of in concert Dib?r? Ha-me?r?t (ca. 150 b.c.e.), where it seems
body
with correction of soul. But already in Enoch, that a day for the confession of sins preceded the
the Flood was interpreted as purification from Sabbath as a day of praise.61 The lustration of the
sinfulness.56 In the Life ofAdam and Eve 11 (Apoca oracle is connected as much with prayer as with
lypse ofMoses), Adams exaggerated expressions repentance, and both of these require the spiritual
of penitence include standing up to his neck in a purityofwhich washing is a symbol (Abrahams
river, a theme later repeated in the rabbinic Pirkei 1917: 39-40).
de R. Eliezer 20,57 despite scholarly arguments for Scholarly discussion of the baptismal issue
rabbinic segregation of ritual and moral purity raises such questions as to whether
frequently
1992: 200, 209; Klawans 1997). A specific references were metaphoric or denoted
(Baumgarten
complete ablution prior to a prayer for atonement actual practice, and the significance of the tim
? whether
figures inMt. Athos 2:3 / 4Q213, the Prayer of ing of the immersion before, during,
Levi: "Then I laundered my garments and having or after the actual atonement, and to what extent
purified them with pure water, I also washed my different, organized "movements" were attached to
whole self in living water, and Imade all my paths small variations in the textual evidence. The very
as an "variation," however, suggests the existence
upright."58 Ben Sira used purity analogue word
for repentance: "If one washes after touching a of a common theme. Itmay be that some of these
corpse, and touches it again, what has been gained variations have had more significance for evidence
one fasts for his sins, and goes starved researchers than they did for practitioners
by washing? So if
same to
again and does the things, who will listen (L?vi-Strauss 1995: 41-42).
his prayer?" (Ben Sira 34: 30-31). This latter idea Some years ago, word circulated in the Jewish
a
recurs in an indisputable context of fasting and religious community in Jerusalem that particular
repentance in Tosefta Taanit, where a critter in the Orthodox woman had, for an extended period of
hand is worth two sins in the bush: "If a person time, been immersing herself early everymorning,
holds an impure creature in his hand, even ifhe dunk
regardless of the season, in the Siloam Pools,
on each occasion
immerses in thewater of the Siloam, yea in all the ing a prodigious number of times
waters of Creation, he will never be purified. [But] to accord with themystical significance she attached
ifhe casts the creature from his hand, immersion in to the event. No halakhah told her to do this. Itwas
a
40 se a suffices" (T. Taanit 1:8;Urbach 1987: 464). personal act of special, solitary devotion.
Returning to Philo, purification of body and soul The point is that purity, even more than other
involves coming closer to
appear as necessary correlates, while time could not divine prescriptions,
"wash away" (a e ) some sins (De Specialibus God, and thus intrinsically also involves a peniten
?
Exod tial element the desire to be worthy of being in
Legibus 1.257-61; 3.89). Utilizing the puzzling
38:8, Philo explains that the Tabernacle laver was the divine presence. Any statements of atonement
made ofwomen's mirrors, so that itcould serve as a associated with immersion or other purity rites
mirror to the soul (De Vita Mosis 2.139). His expla surely encompass the possibility of genuine wrong
basic feelings of
nation embraces the "reflective" introspectiveness doing, but they also represent the
of the ritual as an invitation to self-scrutiny. unworthiness that accrue to an awareness of being
The fourthbook of theSibyllineOracles isone human and finite.62
the stated
of themain sources for a putatively proto-Christian Finally, it should be stressed that
of repentance,"59 but there is nothing purpose of a ritual activity or installation does not
"baptism
exhaust all possible meanings or functions. From
extraordinary in the lustration described there.60
The people are warned to wash their entire bod a structuralist standpoint, profound meaning can
ies in rivers and pray by asking forgiveness and exist whether or not it is conscious. Or, to state
as a prelude the matter in terms of ritual theory, "to analyze
offering words of praise. Repentance
to prayerful praise is not unique to the Sibyl and practice...is...to formulate the unexpressed as
Miqw?'?t and Second Temple Sectarianism 189
sumptions that constitute the actor's strategic bemistakenly joinedwith profanedays (Jub6:37;
understanding of the place, purpose, and trajec lQpHab 11:4-8; 4QCalendrical); Jerusalem was the
tory of the act."63As explained by Bell, the actor s "camp," not to be confused with the area "outside
includes unspoken as the camp;"66 priests had to be especially wary in
strategic understanding
sumptions about the power relationships existing avoiding improper marital unions.67
in a particular society. Consequently, one should ? ?
Both concepts separation and mingling ap
not expect ritual participants to be aware of all pear together in a single context inMMT, where the
the ways in which support, and are
their actions sect describes the reasons for its separation from
in turn supported by, their social world. The task the practices of others: "We have separated our
for scholars of ancient Judaism is to recover those selves (latzns)from the majority of the peofple...]
assumptions, whether expressed or unexpressed, from intermingling (mynna) in these matters and
"68
that support legal teaching and ritual practice. from participating with them in these [matters]
The "matters" involved were, of course, purity
THE RELATIONSHIP OF matters ? MMT turns on the pivot of improper
LEGAL POSITIONS mixtures. Not surprisingly, the idea of separation
TO SECTARIAN WORLD VIEWS is also featured in the purification rite from Cave 4,
where God isblessed for separating or distinguish
The individual strands of legal teaching about ing between the impure and the pure.69 It is notable
streams and bodies of water conform to the par that the benediction emphasizes this particular
ticular world views
of the groups involved. M. reason for immersing. By comparison, the rabbinic
Toharot 8:9 states that the niss?q a irx, is not blessing for immersion (and most other activities)
a connective. It
employs the language of joining. emphasizes that the reason for doing it is thatGod
?
By contrast, 4QMMT emphatically states that said so70 a nominalist justification.
nfrina crx not The concern with maintaining
m?s?q?t ("do separate") between categories was
the impure and the pure. It uses the language of a priestly one, and not confined to the Qumran
separation. The extreme import of this concept of group alone. According to the Temple Scroll (11QT
separation,64 especially in priestly circles and most 45:1-7), the purity of priests arriving for their
course of service in the
particularly at Qumran (cf.Newton 1985: 15-19), Temple was to be ensured
is to be underlined. One need hardly belabor the by their entering in such a way as to avoid the other
existence atQumran of binary opposites of separa priests who had completed their tenure. Although
or
tion (V"n ;t2TiD ;Y'm) and mixing joining (n""is? the Temple Scroll is presumed to preserve a Utopian
;V'rr ;8'" ). vision of Temple life, tunnels discovered under the
Segregationist language was highly pronounced Temple Mount have been associated by excavators
at Qumran, where it extended into diverse areas with passageways (m?s?bot)
described in theMish
of life. To join (irr1?)with the sect, one had to nah as providing a route by which an impure priest
separate (^inn1?) from the community ofwayward could retire to a miqweh without contaminating
outsiders (IQS 5:1-2). With full integration into anyone else (Ben-Dov 1982: 147). Certain thor
the group came full integration of property (rraVi). in Jerusalem were known to be traveled
oughfares
Misbehavior resulted in distancing from the com by pilgrims and priests on their way to or from
munity and its lifestyle. Separation 0rnl?,''T:r"0from their ablutions.71 Pixner and others have observed
the pure food of the community was a penalty that this principle of separation extended into the
for wayward sectaries (IQS 6:25). The property very structure of some miqwa?U which were built
of the sectaries was not to mix (rrwnOwith the with partitions to prevent the impure who entered
possessions of those who had not been refined from contacting the pure who exited.72
through separation (^mn^from those wicked not Unlike those in Jerusalem, some pools at Qum
having adopted the sectarian viewpoint, or who ran had more than a
single divider, creating three
had rebelled against it.65Holy days were not to divisions. Wood posited that the third division
190 Carol Selkin Wise
served as a channel through which thewater flowed non-priests, women, and (perhaps) gentiles.75 If
into the pool (Wood 1984:46-53,58; de Vaux 1973: Knohl and Maier are correct, we see priestly circles
8-9; Driver 1965:41; North 1962:110-16). It should consistently protecting theirprerogatives by empha
be remembered, however, thatwater seldom would sizing absolute distinctions between boundaries.76
actually have flowed from the aqueduct that fed This attitude was in tension with a more inclusive
the pools. A central channel could have acted as a cat
tendency, which sought not to eliminate the
further buffer between those entering and exiting, but to redraw them so as to admit non
egories,77
the impure and the pure. We are reminded of the priests into more intimate contact with the core
complaint voiced in Ezek 43:7-8: of faith and the workings of power.78 Herod had
every reason to try to circumvent priestly authority,
The House of Israel and their kings must
while currying favor with the populace. Although
not again defileMy holy name by their
Pharisaic effortsmight, as Knohl intimates, have
apostasy...by the corpses of their kings....
had genuinely populist overtones,79 they too would
to
When they placed their threshold next have subtly served to undermine the priests in their
My threshold and their doorposts next to
own domain. My conclusions, however, do not rely
My doorpostswith onlya wall between
Me
upon a populist understanding of the Pharisees,
and them... (NJPS)
since any concern for granting the common Isra
So hierarchical was the priestly structure at Qum elite greater access to the sacred might have been
ran that an intermediate status may have been turned inward toward their own leadership ambi
interposed to insulate the pure from the impure. tions as a non-priestly, non-hereditary group.
The single-pool variety miqwa?t of theQumran
Milgrom describes the existence of staged purifi
cation rites with an interim hoi ("secular") status, sect, likemany of those found in Jerusalem, relied
verses exist that could have promoted a is a key to understanding the broader problem. The
preference
forpurifyinga standingpool bymeans offlowing respective interpretations of the twomain halakhic
water (Ezekiel 47; Zech 13:1, i4:8),81 such as from an groups, Pharisaic and Zadokite, reflect their dif
aqueduct, and indeed M. Yadayim indicates that the ferentworld views. Could a pure pool be merged
Zadokites accepted use of an aqueduct, even if it with an impure
pool beside it? Zadokite groups
flowed through a cemetery, but rejected the niss?q. enforced priestly hierarchical distinctions and said
The Pharisees in this mishnah condemned the "no." Groups with Pharisaic leanings introduced a
Zadokites for a perceived
inconsistency in accepting wider spectrum of the populace into the compass
one form of ground stream, but not the other. of elevated holiness, and they represented their
The language of 4QMMT, in stating thatm?s?q?t agenda symbolically through themerging of pure
do not separate between the pure and the impure, and impure pools of water.
NOTES
This article isbased upon the author s 1993Duke Uni Water under such circumstances has a heightened
versity doctoral dissertation "Exegesis and Identity: receptivityto impurityand is consequently described
The Hermeneutics ofmiqwa?t in theGreco-Roman inMMT as inherently impure. Such unrestrained
Period," completed under the guidance of EricMey water in liQT appears as themeans bywhich corpse
ers,whose rigorous training and supportivementor impurity spreads throughout a house. A stream of
ingmade it possible. Thanks are also due to Prof. water connected to an ongoing source of impurity
Martin Jaffee,whose clarity of thought improved would be analogous to the unrepentant person, who
mine. cannot be purified because he clings to the source of
2 Neusner, in his early work on ritual purity, had his impurity (i.e., sin). lQS 3:4-5, see also 4Q512, frgs.
dated the existence of the double immersion pool 29-32 (Garc?a-Mart?nez 1994:441). Ifm?s?q?t cannot
principally to theUshan period, considerably later receive purity, they certainly cannot transmit it.
than the archaeological evidence would now indicate. 4 In Lev 11:36,a distinction ismade between a spring
The distinction made by Neusner was that in the of flowingwater (vwa) and other types of catchment
Yavnean level of tannaitic textsan impurepool could areas (d'? mpa mm) where water has collected. The
be purified with thewater of a pure pool next to it adversative "but" ("but a spring") used in the verse
only through removal
or replacement of the impure establishes amore significantcontrastbetween spring
water, while theUshan contribution was tomingle or catchment water, on the one hand, which does
the two bodies ofwater, allowing the pure to domi not become impure under the conditions specified
nate the impure. Iwill argue that suchmingling was in theverse, and water invessels, on the other hand,
at issue well before theUshan period. See Neusner mentioned in the preceding verses and which does
1976-77:240-41, pt. 22; but cf. 173~74> and 88-91,127, become impure under otherwise similar circum
pt. 14.My own understanding of single vs. double stances. It is thisdistinction between water invessels
pools is indebted to thediscussion of Sanders (1990: and other types ofwater that forms thebasis for later
214-27). rabbinic extrapolation (Sifra,P?rasat Semini P?rasak
3 The positive formof thisphrase appears in 11QTemple 6, on Lev 11:32).
49:15 mno nan1?w new, where itmeans that some ves 5 For theuse ofm?s?q?t to indicate piping conducting
sels by nature can be purified,whereas others cannot. fluid, see Zech 4:2.
The reason why m?s?q?t cannot be purified ismade 6 Ci B.Gittini?dL.
clear in theway the verb yusaq isused in 11QT 49:7, 7 Probably from theGreek a a ,"down-turned".
where it replaces the biblical kit. The phrase in Lev 8 This might also have been the reason for so much
* vbv kit im. This is tannaitic emphasis upon the size of the connecting
11:34is all the food,' replaced in
11QTwith v^v psr nwx.The biblical rule states that conduit (M.Miqwaot 6:7). Ithad to be of a specified,
water having been poured on food makes the food minimal diameter, perhaps large enough to create the
impure when it comes into contact with impurity. fiction of a single pool.
192 Carol Selkin Wise
9 That is, the creation of new terms that are not bibli 17 This position was presumably extrapolated from "all
cally dependent and which reflect some distancing thevessels," inNum 19:18,and "everyvessel inwhich
from any supposed biblical basis for the traditions. work can be done," inLev 11:32,even though stone is
10 Underlined lettersindicate portions found in 4Q266 not among the typesof vessels listed inLev 11:32.The
and 4Q270. The text is derived from Baumgarten listof vessel types in Lev 11:32was thus understood
1996 and Qimron 1992; cf. Schechter 1970 and Ginz to be representative rather than inclusive.
berg 1976: 51-54. 18 This can be considered a "realistic"perspective, since
11 CD: ,1?dnan intr Emendation prior to publication Lev 14:40-44 records the removal of stones from a
of theQumran version of the texthad gone in two house with sara at; see further,Pfann 1997:15.
directions: (1) Ginzberg; Qimron: am or an, i.e., do 19 A?. Yadayim 1:2;M.Kelim 10:1; and M. Oholot 5:5.
not immerse a vessel in them; or (2) Schechter: Moreover, according to a tannaitic dictum (with
,i.e., do not immerse in the water of a vessel. Ortho certain exceptions), what does not have an inside
xb? -pn
graphically itwas not hard to justify themedieval is not subject to impurity, -pn^ tot
?
copyistmistaking ,l7nn^an in an ancient hand; how ? ?"Din Sifra, Semini, P?rasak 7 (4). For
ever,Ginzberg (1976: 52-53) turns out to have been more on Pharisaic "insides" and "outsides," see the
correct inpointing out that isused inpreference provocative article by Poirer 1996.
to fm, indicating thatvessels rather thanpeople were 20 Yadin (1983,vol. 1:328-30) cited thePalestinian Tar
the subject. This can now also be compared with gum toNum 19:14 in support of theTemple Scrolls
11QT 49:14-17, where is indeed used of vessels position "And even itsfloor, stones and vessels are
and other items,while rm is used of people. unclean for seven days," in contrast to the rabbinic
12 The word signifies not just filth but ritual unsuit position as represented in Sifre,Num 126 [162] "and
ability, see Zech 3:3;Meyers and Meyers 1987. everything in the tent'? I might understand the
13Widely understood as "to cover,"due more to the as straw, dried branches, wood, stones and earth are
sumption that this iswhat itshouldmean, than from meant; therefore it is stated..."
any satisfactory etymology. Rejecting Schechter s 21 In the rabbinic schema, unfinished vessels do not
(1970: xlviii) emendation of Vnea ("immerse"), receive impurity,seeM. Kelim 12:6 and Baumgarten
Ginzberg (1976: 52-53, cf. 312) suggested reading 1972; rpt. 1977: 95.
ysnn,with the Talmudic sense of "ritual cleansing," 22 Baumgarten (1972; rpt. 1977). According toM.
which for the sect involved an "actualwashing clean" Maksirin 6:4, there are seven liquids that transmit
(Thiswould accord with my own interest in the im impurity: dew, water, wine, oil, blood, milk, and
purity of stains). Rabin (1958: 51n. 11.6) offered the bee honey. Oil, blood, wine, and possibly honey
targumic rendering of "frsnn (hor?lu) inNah 2:4 as were singled out as objects of concern in sectarian
"wrapped (in colored garments)". Lieberman (1942: documents and in the information about Essenes
135) proposed an association with ^rna, which he provided by Josephus,JW, 2.123 (oil) and thedisputed
argued was a unit ofmeasure ("no man shall wash comments inCD 12:12 (honey?),which in any event
[inwater] that is less than a 'Mar eil'...") ultimately may pertain only todietary regulations; seeGinzberg
equal to the rabbinic fortysea. Liebermaris proposal 1976: 78-79, inter alia; but also Baumgarten 1977:
is compelling (Sokoloffand Qimron appear to accept 93, on the question ofwhether diaspora Jewswere
it), but, even ifhe was correct in associating ^sna unwilling to use Greek oil only fordietary purposes
with a large basket, this stilldoes not mean that the or foranointing also. Forwine, see Baumgarten 1977:
unit ofmeasurement was the equivalent of fortyse a, 96 . 42.
crement," or as a
byform of *7*unn,"to make unclean;" 39 For example Driver, who remarks on the Qumran
but ifwe compare V^unn inCD 3:17with Isaiah 9:4 water rites: "Such daily or annual ceremonies were
(own n^ua), we can better see how the semantic in no way baptisms in the ordinary sense of the
range could come to encompass "besmirched with term, although they had a certain religious as well
stains." as a purely physical purpose." Not one to be remiss,
27 On the failureof scholars to recognize that seemingly he continues by stating that the sect s practices were
metaphoric statements sometimes had concrete real not much different from those of other Jewsof the
ityand ramifications, see Klawans 1997. time, and he then segues into a discussion of "the
28 Compare M. Megillah 4:8. Goldin wrote of Essene Rabbis." Not even Johnescapes unscathed, however,
garb: "As symbolic of their emphasis on purity they for "Christian baptism...added a spiritual element
dressed inwhite" (1949:116). which that of John lacked" (1965: 498, 500, 502).
29 On the use of brackish water in miqwehs, see the 40 "Jesus showed plainly that Pharisaic ceremonial
debate between Eshel and Meyers (2000). washings had no permanent claims on the con
30 Or tepid, intermittent,or dripping; see Sifra,
M?s?ra, science..." (Driver 1965: 502). I am using Driver
Pereq 1;alsoM. Para 8:8-10. The water of the Jordan as my straw horse, but his attitudes were
typical
was not acceptable, although one wonders ifthiswas of scholarship until recently.This kind of dubious
a later reflexagainst Christian practices.
scholarship represents the continuance of a much
31 Netzer (1982:117); see also North (1962:122). A set earlier polemic,
see Heb 9:25-28; 10:10-14,18,22 (cf.
tling tank in the aqueduct would not have been ac Ezek 36:25-27). ?Peter 3:21 is actually cited by Driver
ceptable by rabbinic standards, for itwould render (P- 503) to explain thedifferencebetween Jewishrites
thewater "drawn." Greater depth also would have and Christian baptism.
allowed immersion to be performed, even when the 41 Driver goes on towarn (1965:498) "against attaching
water level fell in thedry season or in timeof drought; undue value tomere ritesand ceremonies, especially
see Sanders 1990: 217. to lustration as practised in contemporary Jewish
32 As noted by Reich (1981:51 . 15),who observes there society" [italics added]. Driver, by theway, saw little
would have been less of a problem in rainwaterdrawn in common between Johnand the Sect, but that line
from rooftops. of thinking undoubtedly stemmed in no small part
33 As, for example, inB. Zebahim 22a. fromhis relatively late dating of the scrolls.
34M. Miqwa?t chapter 9; also, B. Erubin 4b and B. Baba 42 See, for example, the study by Rhoads 1992,which,
Qamma 82a. while seeminglywell-intended, couches itsChristian
35 Baumgarten (1992: 201-2) emends Baillets recon triumphalism in socio-cultural theory.
struction in 4Q512 of vmn bv (while kneeling) tonaw 43 Driver actually uses theword "mechanical," when he
(while standing). The rabbinic benediction was writes that "neitherEssenes nor Rabbis had advanced
also said following the act of immersion, B. Berakot beyond the ritual requirements of thePentateuch and
51a and B. Pesahim 7b. See also Hippolytus' citation theirmechanical application" (1965: 505). The italics
inRefutatio omnium haeresium, 9.15.3-6, of theBook are mine, but Drivers comments
speak for them
ofElchasai, which purportedly advocated a second, selves.According toDriver, theQumran Sect, not to
clothed baptism. be confused with the Essenes, did inject something
36 Cf. M. Yoma 36, indicating that the High Priest new into Jewish lustrations,
namely the requirement
immersed while naked. Taylor suggests that the to repent ones sins, without which the riteswere
permeability of thematerial worn might have been inefficacious.He claims that this demonstrates the
pertinent (1997: 34~39> 54~56). lustration rites themselves were not really impor
37 And yet rabbinic literaturemay preserve an echo tant to the Sect. Of course, it shows
nothing of the
fromQumran. M. Miqwa?t 9:2 states thatmiry clay kind. John,on the other hand, was "the first tomake
constitutes an interposition. And how do we define baptism a rite of initiation" (p. 505). I discussed the
"miry clay"??by use of a prooftext, Ps 40:3, ^jti fallacy of dichotomizing purification and initiation
?Pn tro? "pxwmua, a usage which resonates with lQS in the "Introduction" tomy doctoral dissertation.
3:2-3. 44 Recent works emphasizing the need to understand
38 To theextent thathiswork on purity includespertinent John the Baptist within a Second Temple Jewish
data, Neusner s groundbreaking departure from this context includeWebb 1991, especially
chapters 4-6,
pattern should be acknowledged (1973; 1976-77). and Taylor (1997), particularly pp. 8,23,32, and chap
ter 2.Neither of these fine studies was yet available
194 Carol Selkin Wise
when I first formulated the ideas presented herein. association made inExod 40:2 between itsdedication
I differwith Taylor in that she does not associate and the creation of theworld, see Ibn Ezra on Exod
ritual purification with any simultaneous symbolic 40:2.
import (pp. 69-72), and insofaras she believes Johns 50 For further information about the symbolism inher
repentance-connected baptism was either unique ent in the architectural demarcation of theTemple,
to him (p. 318, cf. 86), or correlated within Judaism see Maier 1990: 67-82.
only with the Essenes or lQS (pp. 79-81). As will be 51 Abrahams 1917:39-45 and 30-35, respectively;Selkin
indicated below, I do not believe repentance-con [Wise] 1993: 1-4 and chapter 7; Baumgarten 1992:
nected baptism made John"unique," only distinctive 199-209;Webb 1991:131-32;and Taylor, The Immerser
inhis special emphasis, or call forre-emphasis, upon John theBaptist within Second Temple Judaism (1997),
a particular aspect of immersion already known to the titleofwhich establishes her agenda.
his audience. The idea that rites are not automati 52 A typical counter argument dichotomizes the "spiri
cally efficacious simply represents the continuation tual metaphors" of the prophets and the spiritual
of a well-known prophetic theme, e.g. Isa 1:11-20, purification to which they supposedly gave birth
58:3-14; Amos 5:21-24, as Taylor herself notes (pp. from thepentateuchal requirements and what might
84-86); butwhile acknowledging that such teachings be termed the "purelyphysical," see, e.g.,Driver 1965:
were theheritage of all Jews,she does not fullyfollow 501 and 505.
through on the implications of that realization. The 53 Also lQS 5:13-14.M. Hagiga 2:6 and T.Hagiga 3:2 also
distinction shemakes (pp. 87-88) between repent require proper intent,but the intentiondescribed is
ing before immersion (John) and during (TestLevi, to become rituallypure (so as to engage in actions
SybilOrac, and ApocMoses) only highlights Johns requiring purity), again a nominalist expression, but
emphasis on the sincerityof the repentance (hewants one countered in aggadic texts like the one cited by
prior proof), as compared with use of immersion Abrahams above.
as part of a (potentially ostentatious) repentance 54 The problem of corrupt administrators of the sacra
process. Webb, on the other hand, appreciates that ments (and hence the issue ofwhether the riteswere
Jewsother than Essenes connected penitence with automatically efficacious regardless) did not become
immersion, but his attempt to address John'splace critical within the Church until the 4th-century
in the Christian baptismal trajectory leads him to Donatist controversy. In a related vein,M. Yoma 8:9
? I think
distinguish artificially?between conver (within a framework of atonement and purification,
sionary and penitential repentance (chapter 6). we might add, see below) maintains thatwater does
45 Sophocles, Antigone. My thanks to Prof. Sheila not mechanically purify; it isGod who causes the
Colwell of the Classics Department, University of purification to happen.
Washington in Seattle, for this observation. 55 Quod Deus sit Immutabilis 7-8 (Loeb).
46 For further examples of symbolic substitutions for 56 1Enoch 10:22; cf. Juh 7:20-21; Nickelsburg 1986.
sacrifice, see Spiegel 1993: 64-65. 57 Life ofAdam and Eve, Pirkei de R. Eliezer, and the
47 Aristeas 304-6 (cf. Josephus,Antiq. 12.106). Philo fourth Sibylline Oracle were already adduced by
speaks of the correspondence between purity of soul Abrahams, "Pharisaic Baptism," 39-40. Pirkei de
and body (De VitaMosis 2.68), and he echoes Psalms R. Eliezer probably dates to the 8th or 9th century.
and Isaiah when he writes that theTabernacle laver Although its final form is quite late, it has been
was "a symbol.. .ofa blameless life,of years of clean described as a text under the influence of Second
liness employed in laudable actions, and in straight Temple sources, seeHerr 1972 and Friedlander 1981:
travelling,not on the rough road or more properly xxi-lvi.
pathless waste of vice, but on the smooth high road 58 Cited fromGreenfield and Stone 1990: 155;Kugler
through virtues land" (De Vita Moses 2.138, Loeb (1996: 57-58 and 72 n. 45) plausibly associates Levis
translation). purification with corpse contamination contracted
48 B. Berakot 15a. The altar is drawn from use of Ps in the attack on Shechem, but this inno way obviates
26:6 as a prooftext and is a criticism of handwash the prayerful context of the purification; compare
ingbefore prayer, a practice probably attested by the Greenfield and Stone,who disassociate the ablution
presence of lavers at some ancient synagogues. from the following prayer.
49 Vita Mos. 2.48-52, 80, 88, 96-108,117,133-35; Antiq. 59 Sybil Orac. 4:163-70; Collins 1983: 388 n. e2. Collins
3.180-87; see furtherChilds 1974: 537, 547~48. The compares thisbaptismwith thatof Johnand finds them
cosmic implications of theTabernacle are clear in the both dissimilar to thatofQumran or theEssenes.
Miqw?'ot and Second Temple Sectarianism 195
60 As noted also by Baumgarten 1992:207-8. 70 ^ *??imi Berakot 51a and B. Pesahim 7b.
Baumgar
tenhas furtheridentifieda precise parallel between the Letter
71 ofAristeas 106;M. Sheqalim 8:2; Rashi on B.
oracle and 4Q512, col. II, fr.44,which likewise refers Pesahim 19b; as observed by Lieberman 1967-68:
both towater forbathing and outstretched hands. 97-98; Grenfell and Hunt 1908:12; 11QT 45:1-7; Yadin
61 4Q504-6 in Baillet 1982:137, as discussed by Schiff 1983,vol. 1:271; and Reich 1980:225-26. Baumgarten
man 1987: 40-41. According to Schiffmans adds thatEssenes would have had to avoid all crowds
analysis,
theprayersmay be daily supplications, inwhich case of outsiders, whom they considered impure (1977:
the omission of this featureon Saturday isdue to the 63-65). Grenfell and Hunt provide the Greek text
inappropriateness of supplication on the Sabbath. of theOxyrhynchus fragmentwith
English transla
62 Investigatorsof fundamentalistChristian conversion tion and commentary. An English translation alone
are familiarwith the extent towhich prior sinfulness is available in Pixner 1976: 271 . 54. The relevant
is exaggerated in order to aggrandize the degree of section has a Pharisee address Jesus "I have bathed
conversion/salvation/grace entailed. myself in the Pool of David and...I have descend
63 Bell 1992: 85,108-10. The emphasis ismine. ed... over...
steps and come up over other steps..."
64 Although Neusner (1976-77:37-49, pt. 22) perceived Grenfell and Hunt (1908:12) had considered these
this,he was hampered in his further assessment by tobe "details invented for.. .rhetorical effect."Lieber
limitedpublication of the relevantQumran materials. man was the first to associate the papyrus with the
Consequently, despite the acknowledged importance Letter ofAristeas andM. Sheqalim. Pixner (1976:254)
of the concept of purity atQumran, he found
only a seems to have been the first to associate the
papyrus
of to
rudimentary system purity regulations support fragment and the Letter ofAristeas with the ridge on
it. In retrospect, the incongruity is telling.On the the steps of some immersion pools. Prior to Pixner,
priestlyview of creation through separation (Genesis there is evidence of earlier awareness of the
ridges
1), see Fishbane 1979:8; Houtman 1984; and Gorman on the steps of some
pools, with Dupont-Sommer
1990: 39-45> 229-30. (1955) already suggesting that their purpose was to
65 lQS 9:8, 8:23; see also lQS 5:14, 9:5-6; and Sharvit prevent people with differentdegrees of purification
1980-81:19-23. frommingling. Simultaneously, Brownlee (followed
by North), who was also an early supporter of the
6611QT, e.g., cols. 46-47.
67 4QMMT, composite text (DJD X), lines 48-49, ritualuse of some of thepools atQumran,
suggested
80-82. that the divisions in the stairs at Qumran
might
68 Cited fromQimron and Strugnell 1985:402; see fur have served as separate passageways. He envisioned
therDJD X, 58-59. Rabin (1957: 28-30) discounted monk-like liturgical processions to and from the
thismeaning for the root, preferring to define it as
4 pools, but remarked
'
thatde Vaux responded tohim
contact." For our purposes, the difference isnot sig that other cisterns" elsewhere in the country had
nificant.Newton follows Rabin (1985:19 n, 63, 22 n. such divisions on their stepswithout any indication
71, and 24 n. 84). Qimron suggests sexual separation of liturgical usage (1957: 39).
ismeant, but Baumgarten convincingly discounts 72 Pixner 1976: 270-73; Yadin 1983, vol. 1: 271; Reich
this (1995: 5); see also Milgroms remarks (1995: 63). 1980: 52; 1984; Benoit and Boismard 1951; Brooke
69 4Q512, fr. 40 and 41 in Baillet 1982: 274; cf. CD 1988: 232; North 1962:107; Avigad 1984:142-43, fig.
6:17-18,12:19-20; Lev 10:10,11:47;Num 16:9 (for the 149; Ben-Dov 1982,photos on 148 and 151;cf.de Vaux
word "my1?"in fr.40), 21. The word "impure" usu 1973:131 and pl. 16, and 1956: 539-40.
ally precedes "pure," often in chiasmus with "holy" 73Milgrom 1991:162,166-67; cf. Frymer-Kensky 1983:
and "profane." Specifically, the liturgical formula 404-5; and Schiffman 1990a: 147. Writes Milgrom in
of the purification rite is clearly influenced
by the reference to (1991: 524): "the notion that the same
priestly writings of Lev 10:10 and Ezek 22:26 and application of the blood of the purification offering
42:20. The rootY12 appears in this sense primarily can simultaneously decontaminate and consecrate
in the priestly materials, and in Ezra, Nehemiah, is intrinsicallywrong. The realms of
impurity and
and Chronicles. It is found also in 11QT 35:11-13and holiness are incompatible with each other and their
46:17. The affinityof the roots V'in and Tm, the lat admixture is lethal.... Impurity and holiness must
terbearing the positive association of
being favored be kept apart at all costs.... Thus an
object must
with selection and separation for a higher purpose, firstbe emptied of its impurities before itmay be
is seen inDeut 10:8 and 1Chron 23:13; see further sanctified. This necessitates two discrete processes
Japhet 1989: 88-91,122-24. first decontamination and then consecration." In a
196 Carol Selkin Wise
similar vein, he discusses why the Temple Scroll in 79 Knohl 1991:145-46; 1995, chapters 3-5, particularly
troduced the sacrifice of a second bull into theHigh p. 224; cf. Schwartz 1992c, esp. 63-66.
Priests consecration ceremony: "it allows the altar 80 Pauls sanctification ofmarriage with an unbelieving
to be decontaminated and sanctified by a discrete partner by virtue of thebelieving spouse (1Cor 7:14)
purification bull before the sacrificial series for the bears an abstract resemblance to the purification of
priestly consecration commenced..." (1991: 562). the impure pool. On the subject of Pauls view of
74 Knohl 1991; Schwartz 1992c; cf. Saldarini 1988: 230 mixed marriages, see Newton 1985: 105-6. Writes
n. 75. Knohl was anticipated, albeit with different Newton: "through union with thebeliever theunbe
conclusions, by Alon 1977: 232-34; cf. Zeitlin 1924. liever is sanctified" (1985:106) Also, Klawans' (1997)
Milgrom (1989) disagrees with Alon and sees the analysis of the defiling force of sin indicates that
critical biblical distinction as resting in s concern the tannaim compartmentalized ritual and moral
with holiness of the sanctuary vs. H s holiness of the impurity,whereas at Qumran the two categories
land.Milgrom (1990) finds both minimalist (P) and were fused. IfKlawans is correct,we would draw
maximalist (H) positions among the rabbis. Since the following implications fromhis work: ifone held
Milgrom sees no populist overtones, he would pre theview that sinnerswere also rituallydefiling, one
sumably also disagree with Knohl on thispoint. would almost have towithdraw from society ifone
75 Maier 1989: 51; on the exclusion of gentiles, cf. wanted tomaintain a pure state,particularly ifone
Schwartz 1992b and 1990: 165-66. Maier describes also held the belief that everyone else was a sinner.
three controversial occasions ofboundary tampering Tannaitic compartmentalization would have meant
in the Second Temple (Maier 1990: 70-71, 75). Cf. that they could remain societally integrated,while
also Anderson 1992: 34. still trying tomaintain a high standard of holiness.
76 The exclusionary aspects of the priestly concept of This unifying societal perspective would find later
ancestry are discussed by Schwartz 1990. expression in the familiarmidrash (Lev Rab. 30:12,
77 Although, as Schwartz points out,M. Kelim 1:6-9 commenting on Lev 23:40) concerning the lulav and
moves directly from gentiles to women to Israel etrogas a joint symbol for the four typesof Jewswith
without anymention of a category of proselytes. their varying religious strengths and weaknesses,
78 According to Knohl, however, both tendencies who are nevertheless bound into one people.
originated within the priesthood in the form of 81 On the importance of thispassage ofEzekiel atQum
(exclusionary outlook) and (inclusive), but were ran, see Farmer 1956;Wacholder 1993; and Selkin
continued by theSadducees/Boethusians/Qumranites [Wise] 1993:156-58.
on the one hand, and the Pharisees on the other.
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?
One of the highest concentrations of stepped MIQVEH OR STEPPED POOL
pools in Palestine has been uncovered
on ETYMOLOGICAL CLARIFICATIONS
theWestern Acropolis at Sepphoris. A total
of twenty pools are spread over an area measuring Without negating thepossibilitythatmost of the
approximately 3100 m2. When discovered some Sepphorean steppedpools were built and used for
fifteen years ago, this find was considered unique, ritual immersion, I have chosen to replace the com
both in terms of the pools locations and their dat monly used term of miqveh with "stepped pool."
ing.1Since then, the discovery of similar structures One of the first stepped pools was excavated at
in comparable contexts has proven that this site Masada by Yadin (1966:164-67) in the 1960s. Rabbi
does not represent an anomaly. The use of stepped s statement that this
Muntzberg pool conformed to
pools structures far from the Jerusalem
in domestic the halachic prescriptions of a ritual bath seemed
at to justify the use of the term miqveh. Since then,
Temple extends into the early Byzantine period
Sepphoris and beyond at other Palestinian sites. most stepped pools excavated in similar contexts
are no
Although archaeologists longer surprised to (that is,most pools of the late Hellenistic, Roman
encounter stepped pools, their uses and functions and Byzantine periods in Palestine) have been des
have caused more interpretational controversies as
ignated miqvabt.4 Inmy view, given the histori
than any other architectural element. While the cally evolving and changing character of theword
excavators of the Sepphoris Acropolis have continu miqveh, this designation is problematic.
as miqvabt, others have dis means "col
ously referred to them Literally translated, theword miqveh
puted the pools ritual character.2 This recent debate lection" or "collected mass," generally, but not al
on the Sepphorean pools reflects a general tendency ways, ofwater. Examples can be found inGen 1:10,
in discussions on stepped pools: maximalists view Ex 7:9, Lev 11:36, and Isa 22:11. In biblical contexts,
a
most stepped pools
as serving for ritual immersion, miqveh most frequently refers to natural body or
while minimalists oppose the pools' religious sig source ofwater that can eliminate impurities from
nificance without offering an alternative function.3 people or objects. In Leviticus and Numbers, the
201
202 Katharina Galor
word miqveh is usually associated with issues of from Israel and theDiaspora, from the Early Islam
purity and impurity. It can, however, be used in a ic period (mid-seventh century c.e.) until around
context that is not connected with these issues. In 1200, forces us to advance to the Middle Ages.
Isa 22:1, for example, theword miqveh designates Literary and archaeological evidence indicates that
a pond: "You made also a
pond between the two inmedieval Europe themiqveh represented one of
walls for the water of the old pool." It is only in themost important institutions within the Jewish
literature that a miqveh designates an we learn that
Rabbinic community.6 In meshib Dabar 2:45,
artificial installation built for the purpose of ritual in urgent cases itwas even permitted to sell a syna
purity Discussions of ritual pools usually refer gogue in order to erect a miqveh. Medieval miqvabt
to Tohorot, inwhich an entire tractate is devoted were mainly built for the purposes of ritual immer
to halachic discussions on miqvabt.5 Though the sion. However, inmany instances they served as
most commonly performed activity in a miqveh is bathhouses, because of the order forbidding Jews
obviously ritual immersion, it is not the only act. towash in the rivers together with Christians.7
For example, inMiqvabt 7:3 we read that rinsing We can, thus, conclude that only in modern
a
food in miqveh would not necessarily alter the times did the termmiqveh come to designate an in
ritual character of thewater, provided that it stayed stallation that is solely used for ritual purification of
clear in color: a person or an
object. The functional development
of this installation requires that one make a clear
Ifone rinsed in it [an immersion-pool] bas
distinction between themodern and ancient terms
kets of olives and baskets of grapes, and they
and the specific installation being described.
changed its colors, it is valid.... Ifwine and
olive-sap fell into it and changed its color,
STEPPED POOLS AND OTHER
What shouldone do? He should
it isunfit.
PLASTERED INSTALLATIONS
wait on ituntil rain falls and its color returns
to the color of water.
Archaeologically speaking, the stepped pools
It should also be stressed thatmost of the qualities to a of in
belong larger category plaster-covered
and rules that apply to ritual immersion pools ap stallations, built and used for different purposes.
ply to other bodies of water contained in natural The relatively homogenous appearance of plaster
depressions or containers, or built installations, used for different kinds of installations within any
such as cisterns and wells. In Miqvabt 1:4 it is given site requires
a careful cross-examination of
stated that both the plaster application and the installation
in question.
all the same are [or in other words, the same
rulesapplyto] (1)water ofponds, (2)water Plaster
of cisterns, (3) water of ditches, (4) water of
The plaster usually covers the entire installation
caverns, (5) water of rain-drippings which
and is applied regularly in several layers. The first,
have stopped, and (6) immersion-pools coarse even out
which do not contain forty seahs: during layer is used to irregular surfaces.
The last, or outer, surface layer tends to be com
the rainy season, all are clean.
posed of significantly smaller particles, making the
In the Rabbinic context, the word miqveh can be texture much smoother. Unlike Reichs research
viewed to some extent as the religious qualification (1990:63), which suggested thatmiqvabt or stepped
attributed to a variety of depressions or construc pools were
more
frequently replastered than other
tions that can hold water and have the ability to plastered installations, the data from Sepphoris and
purify. In Talmudic literature, the word miqveh other Palestinian sites indicate that the quantity of
does not exclusively designate a stepped pool. plaster layers is equally distributed among various
Later definitions ofmiqvabt are also instructive. installation types. In fact, in theWestern Acropolis
The chronological gap in the archaeological data at Sepphoris we observed many more
layers of
The Stepped Water Installations of the Sepphoris Acropolis 203
plaster applied to installations used for industrial difficult to find a common denominator for such
oldest aqueduct was dated to the early first century Appropriate use of historical evidence on
ce., and an additional one was built during the miqvabt should consist of applying the external
following century. One of the channels diverted source as a supplement, rather than as a substitute
water into an open pool which, according to Tsuk, or point of
departure for the internal, archaeo
might have served as a swimming pool. Another logical evidence. The wealth of relevant literary
channel debouched into a cavernous reservoir, the accounts can
hardly be ignored and should not be
most impressive feature of the entire water system. in the study of contemporary evidence
neglected
At least one more plaster-lined swimming pool has of plastered installations. Issues of purity and
been exposed as part of Stranges excavation. The ritual immersion are treated in detail in Talmudic
public bathhouses in Stranges and Weiss'
found literature. The Mishnaic law of Purities accounts
excavations were equipped with a large number for about one quarter of Rabbinic literature? ob
of pools and rooms, with surfaces that had to be an important theme to the rabbis, even
viously
protected by impermeable materials. Here, the after the destruction of the Temple. This written
mosaic or opus sedile techniques were well-suited evidence however, not be treated as a
should,
to the ostentatious character of the place. point of departure and as a primary source for
Only
installations of secondary importance were lined the interpretation of stepped pools. Nor should
with ordinary gray plaster. The reports in progress the archaeological material be treated as second
will determine the exact dates of these installations ary evidence, conditioned to fit into the literary
within the context of the late Roman and Byzantine framework. this approach has
Unfortunately,
periods. determined the trend of archaeological research
of stepped pools ever since the identification of
STEPPED POOLS AND CISTERNS theMasada pools in the 1960s. Reichs typological
AT THE SEPPHORIS ACROPOLIS studyof "SecondTemple periodmiqvabf laid the
groundwork for this approach. This is particularly
A high concentration of plaster-lined installations in light of his exclusive consideration
problematic
is located on thewestern summit of the of post-70-c.E. textual evidence for the interpreta
Sepphoris
Acropolis. The excavation of this primarily resi tion of pre-70-c.E. material evidence. Regardless
dential area has been conducted by the Joint Sep of how appropriate using the Talmudic evidence
(JSP) between 1985-92, and from as a point of
phoris Project departure appears to be, both from
1993until thepresentby the SepphorisRegional a
chronological and thematic point of view, and
Project (SRP). The JSPwas directedby Carol L. particularly with respect to the Sepphorean pools,
Meyers, Eric M. Meyers and Ehud Netzer; the SRP this study uses the latter as supportive, additional
by Carol L. Meyers and Eric M. Meyers until 1997. evidence to the primary, archaeological data.
Since the last season (2000), an extension of the In spite of the more careful and somewhat re
latter project has been conducted under the direc stricted use of the textual evidence I apply in this
tion of Jonathan Reed.
study, the use and interpretation of the relevant
Chronological^ Typological
ing chronological questions. There is no doubt, and Contextual Classification
however, that the chronological data will be less
precise for these pools than for other structural or A chronological, typological, and contextual clas
architectural elements. sification of the stepped pools will help us to answer
some of themost
Technical Aspects intriguing questions about their
functional significance. The preliminary and par
As the stepped pools are part of a larger group of tially incomplete state of the general stratigraphie
cavities dug into the ground and tend to be con reports will almost certainly require readjustments
fused with other installations, I have categorized and corrections of this description and analysis for
them using the following nomenclature: SP for the the final report.
stepped pools, C for cisterns, S for storage places, The Western Acropolis excavation has uncov
and V for vats or installations that have one step or ered a total of twenty stepped pools within an area
no steps the fact that some of the
(fig. 1). Despite measuring approximately 3100 m2. The habitable
cavities seem to have been conceived as cisterns space of the general surface, excluding roads and
but subsequently transformed into storage places,10 alleyways, is about 2900 m2 (ca. 93.5 %). We can
this change in function can be almost certainly thus calculate that, on average, each pool supplies
excluded from other installations. That is,not every a domestic space thatmeasures 11.23 x n-2.3 m.
S was originally built and used as a storage place. Chronologically, the stepped pools cover a time
In contrast, each stepped and plastered pool has span of almost 700 years; the earliest pools were
always belonged to the category of SP. built around 100 b.c.e. and the latest during the
206 Katharina Galor
Fig. 2 Sepphorissteppedpool .
Fig. 3 Sepphoris
steppedpool 2.
Late Roman period (that is, some time between be related to the general lack of structural remains
280-363 o.e.). Most were used until the earth from this period. Ithas been suggested that the Late
quake of 363 c.e. Only two pools remained in use Roman refurbishing activity included the clearing
until the Late Byzantine or Early Islamic period. ofMiddle Roman occupational remains. Follow
The earliest pools were uncovered in Unit I and ing this chronological/stratigraphical blank, an
were builtwithin theperimeterof the fortified additionalphase of constructionof
steppedpools
building.While theoriginalHellenistic building tookplace during theLate Roman period. Only
was constructed some time around 200 b.c.e., twopools remainedinuse slightly
beyond theLate
theadditionsof SP 1,SP 2 and SP 3 (figs.2-4) fall Roman period. The abandonment ofmost stepped
into a refurbishing phase that took place around pools after the earthquake of 363 c.e. suggests that
?
the year 100 b.c.e. additions that did not alter the area was taken over by inhabitants of another
the fortified character of the building. Histori cultural and, possibly, different religious orienta
cally, the construction of these pools falls into the tion. Since, at this point, the aqueducts had
already
period when Sepphoris was a Hasmonaean supplied the citywith additionalwater forabout
city.
Thus, thebuildingof the steppedpools could re 300 years, it isunlikelythatthischange inuse of
flectthe takeoverof theSeleucid buildingby the the stepped pools was correlated to the necessity
Hasmonaeans. During the Early Roman period, of increasing or decreasing storage capacity for
the fortress area was transformed into a residential drinking or even water.
bathing Chronologically
settlement, spreading far beyond its former limits. speaking, the abandonment ofmost stepped pools
A two-meter-wide road led westward down the coincides with the introduction of pig bones. Itwas
slope of the acropolis, evolving into an axis along after the earthquake of 363 c.e. that the lattermade
which the residential grid on thewestern slope was their appearance in this area of the city. The pres
oriented.Most of the stepped pools distributed ence of steppedpools and theabsenceofpig bones
the new residential
throughout area, including during the Roman period would, therefore, suggest
Units II toVII, were built towardsthebeginning that the people who inhabited this particular area
of theEarlyRoman period (duringthesecondhalf of the city lived according to Jewish precepts. These
of the first century b.c.e.). The complete absence of preceptsincludedusing thesteppedpools forritual
pools builtduring theMiddle Roman periodmust immersion and abstaining from eating pig.
The Stepped Water Installations of the Sepphoris Acropolis 207
Typologically,
we can subdivide the stepped width of the installations or only part seem totally
pools into two main groups. One group includes random. The general shape and appearance of these
pools that could hold between approximately 500 pools was obviously not confined by any aesthetic
and 4000 liters of water, and the other includes rules.Theymerelyhad tofitintoa given
or stylistic
pools that could hold between 4000 and 8000 liters space and serve their purpose. It is quite likely that
of water. Estimatesfor how many liters equal 40 all thepools were originallysuppliedby rainwater
seahs vary from 250 to 1000 liters of water. Thus, channeled in from the exterior, possibly from the
even the pools of the smaller category were able roof. Since, however, only three such channels
? one channel
to hold at least twice as much as theminimal esti have survived in our excavation
mation of 40 seahs. The smaller pools were clearly in proximity to SP 4 (fig. 5) and C 3, one located
reserved for individual use, whereas the larger ones next to SP 10 (fig. 6), and another one close to SP
were most likelyused by several people. Despite the 18? supply methods remain speculative.
factthatall the largepool typeswere builtduring A close examination of the location of the
theHellenisticperiod and the smallerpool types stepped pools within their architectural context in
were built during the Roman period, the chrono dicates that they could be located almost randomly
logical factor might not be the only determinant. under a building s roof. In addition to the ceiling of
The public nature of the Hellenistic building can the surrounding space, the pool was
architectural
as
hardly be compared to the private character of independently protected from above. Beyond
the domestic quarter. Other than the approximate suring privacy and preventing thewater from get
volume and depth of the pools, the presence of ting dirty and overgrown with algae, the separate
steps, and the plaster applications covering the vaulted or flat covering structures of these instal
entire installation, no feature seems to follow lations transformed them into quasi-independent
strict rules from one pool to another. The general units. In Unit I, SP 2 and SP 3, as well as SP 8 (fig.
shape of the pools, the number of steps, whether 7) inUnit IV take up the entire space of the room.
the steps lead straight into the pools or turn (once Sometimes, however, additional space surround
or twice), and whether the steps cover the entire ing the pool is available. This space could be either
208 KATHARINA GALOR
2m
Fed
used in connection with the pool, as some sort of than themore distant aqueduct reservoirs. This can
an anteroom (SP 9 or SP 19), or for totally unrelated be substantiated by the fact that inmost cities the
purposes (in Unit II, SP 4 shares the room with a construction of aqueducts usually complements
cistern and a taboon), suggesting that some form and coincides with the construction of public baths.
of divider originally separated these areas. Thus, the water consumption in this residential
One of the most important factors in deter quarter, though including public space, will be
mining the function of the stepped pools is the considered separately from thewater consumption
proximity. In addition to the twenty stepped pools, often impressive size,my calculations indicate that
- - cisterns have been were
forty mostly bell-shaped they only used to hold drinking water. Most
exposed on theWestern Acropolis (Tsuk 1985: essential for this evaluation is tomeasure the cis
40-42). In several cases, stepped pools are located terns' total storage capacity and to determine the
or in immediate proximity to a cistern. average daily water consumption. Since the storage
adjacent
This indicates that they were probably supplied capacity does not reach itsmaximum potential
with water by the same channel and, more im throughout the year, and given the fact that the
same domestic estimation of daily water consumption is tied to a
portantly, were located within the
unit. Given the small mouths of the cisterns, their number of factors, we can only aspire to creating
was a theoretical model. This model must take into
sole function clearly storing water. One could
have easily filled a jar or bucket by reaching into account that only a certain percentage of the total
the cistern opening. Bathing, however, would have precipitation was ultimately stored in the cisterns.
been impossible. Other factors that need to be considered are the
The exposure of several enormous cisterns lo climatic conditions (indicating precipitation and
cated on the western (C 26, C 27, C 31, and C 32A evaporation losses) and the geo-morphological
and B) and northern extremities (C 34 and C 35) features of the site being studied (determining the
of the Acropolis, adjacent to, but beyond the area quantity of runoffwater and water that is absorbed
of, the private domestic dwellings, suggests that into the ground; Schilman 2000). This calculation,
the residents of theAcropolis used the latter, rather though based on hypothetical numbers, can help us
The Stepped Water Installations of the Sepphoris Acropolis 209
to approximate the distribution of thewater supply at Sepphoris and other Palestinian sites from other
in this particular area of the city. plaster-covered structures. Beyond the steps and
Since during the Roman and Byzantine periods the plaster, the pools come in different shapes and
theWestern Acropolis constituted about one tenth sizes. Therefore, considering associated structures
of the totalhabitable space of thecity (Tsuk 1985: and examining the surrounding context can be
40) and was more densely occupied by domestic helpful in reconstructing the intended use of the
structures than the civic areas, we can speculate stepped pools. In the case of theWestern Acropolis,
that it accommodated roughly fifteen percent of examining the cisterns and their relationship to the
the total population (12,00 ),11approximately 1,800 stepped pools has proven very helpful.
In an aver A stepped pool located next to a synagogue
people. this area, forty cisterns with
or an oil press is easy to
age storage capacity of 47 m3 have been located. identify as a ritual pool,
This implies that,with an average individual daily even ifno other plastered installations are found
consumption of three liters, the total drinking in proximity.13 The large number of stepped pools
?
consumption per year for this area which is 1971 found in the vicinity of the Jerusalem Temple can
m3 ? was slightly above the cisterns' total storage be explainedby thenecessityof providingpriests
capacity of 1880m3. and pilgrimswith ritualbaths (Reich 1989; 1990:
This calculation brings us to the conclusion that, 87-93). The explicit literary documentation testify
if the local inhabitants did not use any additional ing to the necessity of immersing in a ritual bath
storage facilities or facilities outside their imme prior to entering the Jerusalem Temple, visiting a
diate surroundings, the cisterns could not have synagogue, or using an oil press enables the func
provided any surplus water for uses other than of the steppedpools in these
tional identification
a result, it is
drinking.12 As unlikely thatwater from contexts. The existence of ritual pools in domestic
would havebeen used tofillthestepped
thecisterns settings,
on the other hand, is
barely documented
pools, a procedure that would have rendered the in the texts. Therefore, analyzing and compar
water impure from the point of view of Jewish ing data from similar archaeological contexts is
law. The cisterns, thus, constitute the strongest particularly important. The most reliable control
evidence in support of the ritual character of the group for the Sepphorean installations would be
ity to bathtubs, rendering the functional division pools in addition to stepped pools. In Jerusalem,
between washing/bathing and ritual immersion the same units that are equipped with stepped
very clear. Despite the opposite conclusions I pools also have bathtubs and cisterns. Finally,
reach regarding the functional interpretation of the stepped pools at Susiya are found alongside
the Sepphorean pools, I also believe that in order to cisterns. Therefore, rather than viewing a bathtub
identify function and use of stepped pools, one can as a necessary complement to a ritual pool in the
not rely on the analysis of the pools independently domestic context, I suggest viewing it simply as an
from their context. As mentioned above, only a few indicator of social status. Clear indicators of social
features can help us distinguish the stepped pools status in the domestic context can be the size and
210 Katharina Galor
shape of the domestic unit, the quantity and qual This clearly undermines archaeological method
causes distorted representations of the
ityof the decorational elements, and the nature of ology and
the small finds. That is, one has to be cautious in material evidence. The main objective of this study
man is, therefore, to present and summarize themate
comparing the Jericho palaces or Jerusalem
sions that belonged to upper class residents with rial evidence of the stepped pools and associated
or structures on theWestern Acropolis at Sepphoris.
Sepphoris Susiya houses that belonged to the
middle or lower classes. The bathtubs at Jerusalem The goal of offering a new interpretation with
constitute one small element in a larger picture, respect to use and function is only secondary. It
including polychrome mosaic floors and frescoes, is for this reason that I decided to separate these
stepped pools in luxurious as well as more mod suring approximately 3100 m2. In spite of the highly
?
est contexts suggests that theywere not related to variegated appearance of these installations the
economic factors. steps and plaster being the only constant charac
The steadily growing evidence of high concen teristic features ? they can easily be distinguished
trations of stepped pools at Sepphoris and other from the other plastered installations found at the
siteswith domestic architecture indicates that this site. The three largest stepped pools were built
was part of the Palestinian household 100 b.c.e., a
commodity around integrated into pre-existing
from the lateHellenistic through the Byzantine pe fortified building. The remaining smaller pools
riods. The stepped pool does not appear to indicate of the domestic complexes were built during the
the socioeconomic status of its residents, but rather course of the Roman period. With the exception of
signals their religious affiliation. the two pools that remained in use slightly beyond
ce.
the Late Roman period, the earthquake of 363
CONCLUSIONS put an end to both the use and construction of
pools of the late Hellenistic and Roman periods necessitates a reassessment of the chronological
in Palestine. This find, a source of riches in itself, development of stepped pools in Palestine as a
can not be examined without the whole. Instead of the previously prevailing belief
considering
numerous other sites that have revealed similar in a sharp decline in the use of stepped pools after
installations and the texts commonly associated 70 ce., the Sepphorean installations suggest a
with them. However, unlike the textual evidence, continuous, if not increased, integration of this
which is easily accessible to all scholars studying commodity within the domestic context. This
issues related to purity, most of the archaeologi situation continuedthroughout the entire Roman
cal material pertaining to stepped pools is still period and possibly beyond.
unpublished. The single final report written on a
site that includes concentrations of stepped pools Interpretative Matters
(Geva 2000: 29, 88, 96-97) only briefly mentions The typological and chronological evaluation of
some of them. Instead of the stepped pools at Sepphoris, their independent
presenting the excavated
material and examining and analyzing itproperly, assessment within the context of the Western
scholars usually prioritize the textual evidence Acropolis, and a comparison with stepped pools
and only use the archaeological finds as supple from other Palestinian sites seem to indicate that
mentary evidence to their literary conclusions. these installations were used for ritual immersion.
The Stepped Water Installations of the Sepphoris Acropolis 211
Typologically,I have been able to show that the Several important considerations remain to be
stepped pools were different in shape and function stressed. Regardless of theTalmudic perspective that
from other plastered installations found at the site. the Sepphorean steppedpools fulfillthehalachic
Given their similarity with installations identified requirements of miqvabU and despite the fact that
as ritual pools at other sites, their presence at sites
theywere likelybuiltand used forthepurposes of
associated with Jewish rituals (Temple and syna ritual immersion, one has to keep inmind that they
gogues) and residents (Jewish towns and cities), were, or could have been, also used for other pur
and their absence from sites lacking these associa poses. A number of other sites have shown that the
tions, a purely utilitarian character, devoid of ritual presence of stepped pools on theWestern Acropolis
seems very is not an isolated case within the boundaries of Ro
significance, unlikely. Chronologically,
the presence of the stepped pools on theWestern man-Byzantine Palestine. However, we still do not
Acropolis coincides with the presence of Jewish know how common itwas to actually build, own,
residents, as attested both the textual and mate and use an installation of this type. It is not unlikely
by
rial evidence (incense shovels, oil lamps decorated thatmost people continued to immerse themselves
with Jewish symbols, absence of pig bones, etc.). in natural, rather than artificial installations.15
NOTES
Sixteen stepped pools were uncovered during the Joint study includes an analysis of both the literary and
Sepphoris Project between 1985 and 1992. Four addi architectural evidence.
tional pools were exposed by the Sepphoris Regional 7 Through personal communications, I learned that
Project between 1993-94 and 1996-97.During the last, thishabit of using a miqveh as a bathhouse persisted
2000, season, three more
pools
were excavated inUnit well into themid-20th century in Israel and in the
IX. The latterwill not be considered in this report. Diaspora.
2 After the initial careful phrasing of "stepped and 8 Porath (1985:12-20) established a typological study
plastered pools" (Meyers et al. 1985:297), the cavities of plaster applications indicating how to visually
have subsequently been referred to as miqvabt. See differentiate between plasters of different periods,
Meyers et al. 1986:18;Meyers et al. 1995:70; Hoglund beginning with theHasmonean period and ending
and Meyers 1996: 40-42 and Meyers 2000: 46-49. with the early Islamic period. His method has proven
Eshel (1997: 131-33; 2000: 42-45) has repeatedly to be largely inaccurate. See Shimron et al. 2000.
rejected their identification as ritual pools. 9 For personal hygiene in antiquity, see Ginouv?s 1962
3 Sanders (1990: 216) and Wright (1997: 194) discuss and Laser 1983:138-72.
the criteriaused by "maximalists" and "minimalists" 10 It is impossible topinpoint the exact date ofwhen this
to identifythe use of stepped pools. transformation inusage took place.We can, however,
4 The most extensive research on stepped pools has hypothesize that this change, observed in several of
been conducted by Reich. The titleofhis unpublished the cisterns,was connected to the construction of
dissertation "Miqvabt (Jewish Ritual Baths) in the the city s aqueducts. Despite the fact that the build
Second Temple Period and thePeriod of theMishnah ing of aqueducts usually takes place in conjunction
and Talmud" (1990) and the use of the termmiqveh with the building of bathhouses, it also relieves the
inhis published articles on related issues (1987; 1989; cisterns from the burden of being the only storage
1993; 1998) have contributed to the immediate asso fordrinking water.
ciation of stepped structures and ritual immersion 11 Given Josephus usual habit of exaggeration when
baths. dealing with numbers, I have chosen to adopt Broshi s
5 One of the twelve tractates of Tohorot is devoted approach (1979) of determining the population of a
to halachic discussions on miqvabt. See Neusner's city in Roman-Byzantine Palestine. According to
translation and discussion (1976:1-66). him, the size of the urban population of Palestine
6 Kiinzl (1992) surveys ancient and medieval ritual at the end of the Byzantine period can be reckoned
baths around theMediterranean and Europe. Her by multiplying the coefficient 400 (= persons per
212 Katharina Galor
ha) by the area being considered. In Jerusalem, the nected to theWestern Acropolis of Sepphoris and
combined evidence of the development in area and who have encouraged me to conduct the research on
the growth inwater supply formost of the ancient the stepped pools. The examinations in the field to
periods has allowed Wilkinson (1974) tomore pre getherwith StuartMiller and our lengthydiscussions
cisely estimate populations. on pools and ritual purity contributed greatly tomy
12 For an alternative solution to the use of the cistern curiosity and eagerness to study the pools. Iwould
water, as not inviolation of Jewish law, seeMiller in also like to thank a number of individualswho have
thisvolume, chapter 18. made valuable suggestions and comments to this
13 Since Reich (1990) restricted his surveymostly to paper: Melissa Aubin, Sarah Berman, JodiMagness,
Second Temple period installations,only a few exam Milton Moreland, Christopher Tuttle and J?rgen
ples of stepped pools found adjacent to synagogues Zangenberg. I greatly appreciate the funds provided
could be listed.Updating Reich's data and including by the Center forOld World Archaeology and Art
lateRoman and Byzantine synagogues in the survey at Brown University to support the geochemical
would, no doubt, increase the list tremendously. analysis of the plaster. A preliminary version of this
14 I am grateful toDavid Amit forhaving pointed out articlewas presented at theAnnual Meeting of the
tome the contextual similaritybetween the stepped American Schools ofOriental Research inNashville,
pools at Sepphoris and Susiya. TN, in November 2000.
REFERENCES
. Geva, H. (ed.)
Avigacl,
1983 Discovering Jerusalem.Nashville, TN: Nelson. 2000 JewishQuarter Excavations in theOld City of
Broshi, M. Jerusalem conducted byNahman Avigad, 1969
1979 The Population ofWestern Palestine in theRo 1982. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.
Schools ofOriental Research 236: 1-10. 1962 Balaneutik?: Recherches sur leBain dans lAnti
Browning,
I. quit? Grecque. Biblioth?que des ?coles Fran?ai
1982 ses d'Ath?nes et de Rome 200. Paris: Boccard.
Jerashand theDecapolis. London: Chatto.
K., and Meyers, E.
Eshel, H. Hoglund,
1997 A Note on 'Miqvaot' at Sepphoris. Pp. 131-33 1996 The Residential Quarter on the Western Summit.
inArchaeology and theGalilee, eds. D. Edwards Pp. 39-43 in Sepphoris inGalilee. Crosscurrents
and C. McCollough. Atlanta, GA: Scholars. of Culture, eds. R. Nagy, C. Meyers, E. Meyers
2000 The Pools of Sepphoris. Ritual Baths or Bathtubs: and Z. Weiss. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
1986 - "Ornament ofAll Galilee." Biblical 2000 The Significance ofGeological Structures, Cave
Sepphoris
Archaeologist 49, no. 1: 4-19. Sediments and Hydraulic Lime in the Inter
brew). Tsuk, T.
1997 Die Pal?ste der Hasmon?er und Her?des3 des 1985 The Aqueducts to Sepphoris. Unpublished MA
Grossen. Mainz: Zabern. thesis,Tel Aviv University (Hebrew).
1996 The Aqueducts of Sepphoris. Pp. 45-49 in Sep
Neusner, J.
1976 A History of theMishnaic Law ofPurities. Part phoris inGalilee. Crosscurrents of Culture, eds.
Fourteen:Miqvaot, Literary and Historical Prob R. Nagy, C. Meyers, E. Meyers and Z. Weiss.
Winona IN: Eisenbrauns.
lems.Leiden: Brill. Lake,
2000 BringingWater to Sepphoris. Biblical Archaeol
Porath, Y.
Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Hebrew). 1966 Masada: Herods Fortress and theZealots Last
Stand. London: Weidenfeld.
Chapter 18
The largenumberof steppedpools recently pools have to be carefully assessed before conclud
discovered on the western acropolis of ing that they are, indeed, ritual baths.
as well as similar finds at other To be sure, archaeologists have persuasively
Sepphoris,
sites, seriously challenge the notion that ritual ruled out other uses of both pre- and post-70 c.e.
sources
bathing and attention
to purities declined after the stepped pools before turning to rabbinic
destructionof the Temple in Jerusalem.1 Itmust for support in identifying them as ritual baths (es
be remembered, however, that the association of pecially Reich 1990: 62-81). Furthermore, the fact
these newly discovered pools with the purity laws that these structures come in a variety of shapes and
of the Jewswould not have arisen to begin with, had forms that are often difficult to understand from the
mean that
a rich body of suggestive,
the rabbis not provided standpoint of hal?k? does not necessarily
as miqvaot We need
roughly contemporaneous,
evidence. Curiously, they should not be identified
while talmudic sources point towards the persis only compare the history of synagogue discoveries
tence of ritual purity interests after 70 ce., they do to appreciate the extent to which archaeological
not at all suggest that there was a single, preferred finds oftentimes provide a very different picture
model or design thatwas especially thought of as a than what is expected from the literary evidence.
ritual bath.2 Indeed, the rabbis expend considerable With these hermeneutical concerns inmind, I
effortinMishnah and ToseftaMiqva?t describing would like tomake some observations about the
situations thatwould either validate or invalidate possible uses and users of such pools, particularly
thewaters of a ritual bath, but at no point do they at Sepphoris,whichwill hopefullyshed some light
one in detail. In fact, a "typical" on the purpose of these installations. At the outset,
actually describe
to depict. Moreover, as we it is important to recognize that the term "miqveh"
miqveh would be hard
shall see below, the tannaitic sources clearly convey had other meanings in talmudic sources, and only
the impression that different types of "gathered wa in later rabbinic literature is itused consistently to
ters," both natural and artificial, could be thought refer to a man-made ritual bath. This is significant,
of as miqva?t.3 Thus, the various types of stepped primarily because it broadens our understanding
215
216 Stuart S. Miller
of the variety of water sources available for ritual of Jews that had non-Jewish attendants.7 While the
cleansing. M. Miqva?t (1:1, 4-8) points to several type of installation used for ritual purposes within
other bodies ofwater that are expressly regarded as a merh?sis not specified, itundoubtedly resembled
miqva?t, including a "spring" (ma(y?n) that lacks the other structures alluded to in the passage in
forty seah of rainwater, "spoiled" springwater, and one important sense: itwas not
designed expressly
mayim hayy?m, i.e., fresh springwater, all ofwhich for the ritual purity needs of Jews. Stepped pools
have halakhic advantages over the stationary, ar have been found in bathhouses atMasada, where
tificial pool of naturally collected rainwater more they apparently served as the plunge-pools of the
a
commonly referred to as "miqveh."4 These diverse frigidarium ("cold room"). Their resemblance to
should come as no surprise in view of some to
meanings stepped pools from other sites has led
Lev 11:36, where the expression miqv?h mayim as ritual baths.8 The Tosefta suggests
identify them
("gathering ofwater") is used to refer to rainwater that such structures incorporated into bathhouses
that has collected a spring or into could, indeed, take on the additional function of a
naturally into
a man-made cistern (b?r).5 The biblical phrase ritual bath. Obviously, the Tosefta, like theMish
certainly did not apply to a well-established institu nah, alludes to several types of "miqva?t," none
tion and allowed for the wide range of meanings of which was designed or designated as a ritual
assumed in theMishnah.
Obviously, the tannaim bath from the outset; a miqveh in the formal sense
took their cue from the biblical associations and could not have been intended. Rather, the Tosefta
did not think of a "miqveh" inmonolithic terms, considers pre-existing pools to be valid "miqva?t"
even if the termwould be used to refer under certain circumstances.
increasingly
to a more formal, artificial structure.6 By the same token, rabbinic sources also resort
T. Miqva?t 6:1-2 further establishes the varied to the phrase bet tebil?h or "house of immersion,"
applications of the term among the tannaim. This to refer to a ritual bathing complex. The bet tebilah,
passage is primarily concerned with the ritual Iwould argue, points to a private, indeed, at times,
use of pre-existing, natural or artificial, domestic facility for ritual purification. Tannaitic
bathing
structures that are frequented
by sectarian Jews or sources use the phrase with reference to several
non-Jews. Thus, theTosefta firstdiscusses the valid such places in the environs of the Temple Mount.
ity of miqva?t in the land of the Samaritans {'Eres Thus, M. Y?ma 3:3 reports that the High Priest
It then considers those located in non was required to immerse five times on the
Ha-K?tim). Day of
Jewish lands {miqva?t ha-amm?m she-b?-h?s?h Atonement in a bet tebil?h. According toM. Y?ma
la-ares), which are presumed to consist of drawn 3:2, the first of the immersions took place in a bet
water. The Tosefta moves on to a discussion of ritual t?bil?has theHigh Priest enteredthe courtyard
a
bathing in cave filled with water. The same passage after the slaughtering of the daily t?m?d offering.
also considers the validity of immersion in a pool This is likely the same bet tebil?h referred to inM.
located between Usha and Shefaram, an area that T?m?d 1:1,where ordinary priests officiating in the
was more
clearly Jewish. Somewhat problematic Temple who suffered a nocturnal pollution would
is a pool in Rom Bet Anat towhich non-Jews also immerse before participating in the t?m?d rite.9
had access. Next we learn from a maaseh ("case") The four other Yom Kippur immersions of theHigh
that a late first-century sage, Rabban Gamaliel, once Priest pertained more directly to the special service
immersed in a "bathhouse" (merh?s) when he was of that day and were to take place in a bet tebil?h
visiting Ashkelon (a decidedly Hellenistic center) which, according toM. Midd?t 5:3,was situated on
with the proselyte, Onqelos. In contrast, Onqelos the roof of the Parvah chamber in the "Holy" area
was said to have immersed in the sea. R. Yehoshua of the Temple. This most was an unusual
definitely
ben Qufsa i then testifies that he accompanied the immersion pool, at least from the point of view of
two sages on their trip toAshkelon, and Rabban Ga later rabbinic hal?k?, which required the bath to
maliel most assuredly immersed in the sea! be built into the ground, so as not to resemble a
Finally,
the Tosefta discusses ritual immersion in a merh?s "vessel" (cf. Reich 1990: 87).
Stepped Pools and the Non-Existent Monolithic "Miqveh" 217
While these batt? tebil?hare hardlydomestic, and, perhaps, Jericho10certainly are unremarkable
their private or exclusive nature is certainly evident. as
gathering places for Torah reading or prayer,
Domestic use might be implied inM. Sheq?lim 8:2, unlike later "synagogues," which have much more
which describes the bringing of utensils for immer pronounced architectural and Jewish elements.
sion in a bet tebil?h in Jerusalem.Midrash Tann?tm More to the point, these structures could not pos
toDeut 6:9 takes us beyond Jerusalem and consid siblyhave been the only places that functioned
ers thepossibilitythata b?t tebil?h
may requirethe as synagogues at the end of the Second
Temple
a to its entryway. The Midrash Period. It ismore likely that less formal, domestic
affixing of mez?z?h
concludes thatonlyplaces thatpeople trulylivein structures, now unrecognizable, were utilized as
require mez?z?t. The Babylonian Talmud (Y?ma synagogues. Furthermore, even after the promi
11a) appears to be expanding upon this tannaitic nent structures thatwe now identify as synagogues
tradition when it considers the same issue and ex appeared and came into more regular use, the
plains that the question arose precisely because a domestic types of "houses of assembly" very likely
b?t tebil?h is a private, domestic complex inwhich continued to exist, much as they do today. There
an individual woman adorns herself. is no reason to assume that communal prayer and
The different understandings ofmiqva?t and the Torah reading did not continue in homes or in do
use of the expression "b?t t?bil?h" are important, mestic-like structures. On the contrary, the limited
because they remind us not to think of the ritual size of the structures identified by archaeologists
bath as a monolithic institution with a single ap as synagogues, and the fact that no more than one
or form. Even the artificial pools referred or two of these oftentimes
plication costly buildings have
to by the rabbis are of different types and may not ever been found in
relatively large sites, indicate
have been originally used or designed for ritual that theywere the exception, rather than the rule.
bathing. In addition, the meanings of b?t tebil?h Organized worship obviously occurred elsewhere
us to examine the possible domestic uses as well (cf.Miller 1998: 63-66).
compel
and private nature of some stepped pools. I shall The point is that just as the synagogue undoubt
return to these points. edly evolved, so did themiqveh.What originally
I have already alluded to the fact that talmudic made a synagogue a synagogue was the activity that
sources would not have prepared us for the rich and occurred therein. Once people gathered in a home
synagogue finds uncovered over the last or even in a "b?t" midrash to pray and read the
variegated
century. This point is worth pursuing, primarily Torah, these structures also took on the function
because a comparison with synagogue discoveries of a "synagogue."11 Similarly, whenever a person
can
actually be helpful in appreciating the evolution immersed for ritual purposes in a stream, a natural
of thesteppedpools
of thescholarlyidentification pool and, eventually, a stepped pool, these func
as miqva?t. Although the rabbis have much to say tioned as miqvaot It is inconceivable that a well
about prayer, they convey relatively little about defined institution for ritual ablutions
suddenly
the structures inwhich it took place. Elsewhere, I appeared when the Tanakh and Second Temple
have stressed that our over-preoccupation with the literature, including the Dead Sea Scrolls, know
edifices identified as synagogues has distracted us of no such institution. Indeed, Second Temple
from the origins of synagogues as communal gath Greek sources from 'Eres Israel have Jews
bathing
erings, convened at first,perhaps, in public squares, for ritual purposes in natural sources, and do not
and eventually in buildings thatmay not have been allude to speciallydesignated pools.12Although
all that different from houses (Miller 1998; 1999a). the Dead Sea sectarians frequently allude to ritual
Indeed, inmany instances, these gatherings may bathing in theirwritings, they, too, do not refer to
very well have taken place in "homes." This perhaps typesfoundatQumran by any
thepools ofdifferent
explains the designation bet k?neset or "house of official designation. Many of these pools undoubt
were used for ritual purposes, but the sect had
assembly." In any event, our earliest identifiable edly
structures, those at Gamala, Masada, Herodium, not yet come to think of them as ritual baths in a
218 Stuart S. Miller
formal, institutional sense. Moreover, as the Miqva?t 4:1 is concerned about situations where
just
more formal synagogue structures evolved out of vessels were used to collect rainwater from the pipe
familiar architectural prototypes, so the earliest to the it "drawn
leading miqveh, thereby rendering
identifiable, man-made "miqvaot" were stepped water" (she?v?n)}7 Interestingly, much pottery, that
pools that,with time,
were adapted and resorted is, earthenware that, at least according to rabbinic
to for ritual purification.13 law, would not haverequired ritual immersion,
Thus, it is likely that the miqveh, ifwe may call has been discovered in stepped pools at Sepphoris,
it that, evolved over time.While ithas been sug Jericho and elsewhere.18 While theMishnah only
one can sur
gested that the great variety of stepped installations speaks of the rinsing of fruit baskets,
?
that have been discovered those with or without mise that stepped pools in domestic settings served
reservoirs (bs?rot) for rainwater, those with divided as a convenient place to rinse (lightly?) soiled
stairways, those that relied on rainwater from vessels.19 Similarly, the cool waters of a standing,
aqueducts (at Qumran), those that apparently domestic pool would have been hard to resist on
on water a particularly warm
depended delivered through pipes from day.20 These possible profane
rooftops, those with great depth (at Jericho, enough uses and the terminological variation found in the
to swim in!), etc.? reflect sectarian tendencies and Mishnah forpools thatwere adapted for ritual bath
differences,14 it seems equally possible that these ing indicate an evolving, multi-use stepped pool.21
distinctions are the product of architectural experi As with the evolution of the synagogue, there is no
mentation that had more to do with divergences in reason to assume the spontaneous generation of the
time and place.15 Indeed, when reason to assume con
the large number "miqveh." Nor is there any
of steppedpools at the single siteof Sepphoris is tinuity in use, especially where "private" installa
considered, at least two types are apparent: those tions were concerned. Again, the comparison with
dug into floors of homes and entered from above, synagogue finds is instructive. In both instances,
and those carved into the bedrock from the side, practices not foreseen or ignored by the rabbis
forming cave-like structures. The excavators have were, undoubtedly, common.22 In short, a "miqveh"
suggested that the side-entry stepped pools are the did not always function as a miqveh.23
earlier of the two types.16 Still, if this assessment is correct, then many of
Even so, a stepped pool at Sepphoris or else the steppedpools at Sepphoriswere likelytohave
where only functioned as a miqveh when the person been used for ritual bathing, regardless of their
immersing did so expressly for ritual purification. original or even primary purpose. One reason
Fig. functioned as a
Steppedpool installation(SP 17)from Area 84.2. The step-lesspool on the leftlikely
for thesteppedpool/ritual
reservoirs'osar hath to its The
right. channelor hole that
presumably connectedthe two
is no longer extant. An behind and above the step-less reservoir/'osar leads to a container/cistern
opening plastered
below (see n. 33.) The originaldate of the installationisuncertain,but itappears tohavefunctioned intothe
Middle
and even Late Roman periods.
that the pools had a distinct purpose, but rather argued that pipes from the roof could easily have
than see the two as entirely discrete installations, I led to both the cisterns and the pools.25 Perhaps, as
would maintain that their proximity to each other Galor has suggested, the two were located in prox
same
suggests an interrelationship that, in turn, confirms imity to one another because they shared the
that the pools at times could have functioned as or adjoining pipes.26 This seems quite reasonable,
we do not know how the aqueduct
halakhicallyacceptablemiqva?t especially since
ritualbaths in 'Eres
Themost easily identifiable at Sepphoris would have provided water for the
Israel are those stepped pools that sit alongside cisterns or pools in the upper city.27
containers of rainwater,which inmore recent times I wonder, however, whether this fully explains
have been designated os?rot (sing, osar, "trea the proximity of the cisterns to the stepped pools.
sury"). A pool of drawn water brought into contact There explanation, one that ad
is an alternative
means of a channel or connecting hole with the assumes
that we are dealing with instal
by mittedly
rainwater in an adjacent osar became a valid ritual lations used for ritual bathing in accordance with
bath. We have one definite installation of this type rabbinichal?k?,which, itshouldbe kept inmind,
in the western acropolis at Sepphoris (fig. 1;Area may not have been the case. M. Miqva?t speaks
84.2). Most of the recent "greatMiqveh debate," of other mechanisms, aside from the provision of
however, concerns the stand-alone stepped pools, rainwater from an osar, for allowing drawn water
to be used in ritual pools. Drawn water disquali
precisely because it isunclear how these would have
with rainwater(Reich1993;cf.Eshel 1997 fiesamiqvehwhen itispoured directlyintoa bath
beenfilled
and 2000). Galor and E. M. Meyers have cogently lacking 40 seah of rainwater. However, according
220 Stuart S. Miller
toM. Miqvaot 6:8, an unlimited amount of drawn a mixture of drawn water and rainwater,
provided
water could be poured into a container of 40 seah of that the rainwater formed at least 21 sea and that
rainwater until itoverflowed into a lower container, the mixture underwent hams?ka before arriving
fillandbecome a validmiqveh
whichwould thereby at the miqveh. Amoraic sources allowed drawn
of 40 seah. This process would become known as water to be conducted along the ground and added
zeri ah ("sowing") in later halakhic sources, since to a miqveh that already contained at least 21 sea
the drawn water was "seeded" into the rainwater, of rainwater.32 It should also be remembered that
which rendered itvalid.28 unlimited amounts of drawn water could be added
Perhaps more relevant is the process known as directly to any miqveh if italready contained 40 sea
hams?k?, or "conduction." This mechanism allows of rainwater.
for the pouring of drawn water onto the ground or The point is thatthe rabbishad cleverways of
into a channel attached to the ground from where utilizing drawn water to either fill
or top off an
it flows into the pool. The water thereby loses its existing pool of rainwater. The cisterns at Seppho
"drawn" status. Biblical law actually would allow ris, regardless of whether they were supplied with
a to be formed by thismeans.29 rainwater from rooftops or with water conveyed
complete miqveh
Tannaitic law appears to limit this process some or transported somehow from the aqueduct to the
what. According toM. Miqvaot 4:4, if rainwater East, could have been used not only for drinking
and drawn water mixed together in a courtyard, a purposes, but also for filling the stepped pools.33
or on the steps of a cave a
trough ( '?q?), leading to Water from the cisterns could have been "drawn"
miqveh, and then flowed into a ritual bath, the bath by bucket and utilized in thepools, which still
is kasher provided that the rainwater constituted could have functioned as miqva?t even according
the greater proportion of themixture. This is usu to rabbinic hal?k?, as we have just seen. The avail
ally understood in light of the amoraic discussion ability of drawn water would have eliminated the
in B. Ternura i2a-b, where the tanna, R. Eliezer problem of inadequate supply of rainwater and
ben Yaaqov, is presumed to allow 19 sea of drawn evaporation as well as occasional removal of stale
water to be conducted over the ground into a pool water from the stepped pool. Thus, the location
that already contains 21 se? of rainwater.30 That is, of a good many of the cisterns near stepped pools
the drawn water actually need not be mixed with suggests a relationship between the two installa
rainwater before it arrives at the pool, but it can tions and may point to the use of these pools for
a
only be used to fill a pool that already has majority ritual bathing. Indeed, one of these pools (fig. 2),
of rainwater. The Talmud formulates this principle has a channel running through its top stair,which
as roram n":ra mn?? mw, "drawn water validates leads from the direction of the nearby cistern. This
with majority [of rainwater] and conduction over
a isverymuch reminiscent of the situation described
the ground." However, M. Miqvaot 4:4 appears to inM. Miqva?t 4:4, where drawn water flows down
be more in line with R. Eliezer s opinion, as stated the stairs of a "cave" used for purification.34 This
in T. Miqvaot 4:2. There, Eliezer maintains that if particular pool could have been filled entirely of
one were to bucket 19 sea of drawn water into 21 drawn water according to biblical law (see above) or
se? of rainwater found on a roof, and the waters through
some combination of rainwater and drawn
mixed "in the courtyard," i.e., themixture of 40 se? water ? la the rabbis. Interestingly, a small bath that
flowedon thegroundbefore itfilledthepool, the could have been used for foot washing was found
waters form a valid miqveh?1 The implication here in an adjoining room to the north of this same
is that the entire pool can be filled in thismanner. pool. While the relationship of the smaller instal
The amoraic perception was that R. Eliezer was lation to the larger stepped pool remains unclear,35
concerned with drawn water that had not been several other similar installations have been found
mixed with rainwater prior to its conduction along in close proximity to stepped pools at Sepphoris.
the ground into the ritual bath. Thus, tannaitic M. Miqvadt 9:2 explicitly speaks of the removal of
sources permitted an entire miqveh to be filled with dust from ones feet before immersion.36
Stepped Pools and the Non-Existent Monolithic "Miqveh" 221
Fig. 2 Early Roman period steppedpool (SP 4) and cisterncomplexfromArea 85.1.A channelhewn throughthe top
stairof thepool extendsunder the
floor of theroom towardsthecisternopening immediatelyto theeast.Water couldhave
easilybeen drawn from thecisternand poured intothechannel.Thewaterwould thenflow intothesteppedpool, thereby
renderingitvalid accordingto therabbinicprincipleo/hams?k?.
Who used the steppedpools at Sepphoris and stepped pools in Jerusalem were used by aristo
forwhich ritual purposes? One tendency has been cratic priests, who rejected the Pharisaic insistence
to see distinct types of miqva?t as a reflection of on rainwater and filled them with drawn water.40
sectarian or group differences vis ? vis the laws of Sawicki, for different reasons, has argued that the
purities. Regev claims thatbaths found in Jerusalem steppedpools at Sepphoris reflecta priestlypres
and environs with double entries and/or stairways ence
already in the first century (Sawicki 2000:125;
withdividerswere used primarilyby thepriestsof cf.Miller 2000: 34-35).
the Temple. Accordingly, once these priests had I doubt, however, that the western acropolis of
immersed, theywould have been careful to avoid Sepphoris was populated mainly by priests, espe
contact with those who had not yet done so by cially in view of my previous conclusion that the
exiting via the alternate exit or literary evidence only suggests significant priestly
stairway.37 Regev
and Sanders claim that pools with os?rot were presence at Sepphoris beginning in the third cen
the invention of the Pharisees, who promoted the tury (Miller 1984:62-132; 1999b: 152; forthcoming).
notion that rainwater could render drawn water All other attempts to assign ritual baths to distinct
acceptable for purification.38 Selkin, for similar groups are and stem, once
equally wrongheaded
reasons, sees the use of an ?s?r as a fundamental again, from
an over-eagerness to find neat answers
difference between the Pharisees, on the one hand, to complicated questions. At the very least, these
and the Dead Sea sect and the Sadducees, on the attempts should await further clarification of the
other.39 Sanders also proffers that the stand-alone contexts and typologies of the extant installations.
222 Stuart S. Mil ser
Stepped pools such as those found in Jerusalem eating in Luke 11:38 (Taylor 1997: 60; Harrington
that have neither an osar nor a nearby cistern, need 1993: 280). Some tannaim fostered the eating of
not have been built by people who disregarded profane foods (h?ll?n) in a state of purity, perhaps
Pharisaic law. These pools could easily
(rabbinic?) in order to extend the holiness associated with the
have been supplied via hams?k? with rainwater Temple and Jerusalem to other parts of the land.44
from roofs towhich some drawn water, admittedly Thus, we hear thatRabban Gamaliel ofYavneh only
not with great ease, could, from time to time, have ate profane foods prepared in a state of purity.45
been added. Even iftheywere filleddirectlywith Similarly, the early second-century tanna R. Meir,
drawn water, as Sanders claims, aristocratic priests who promoted the h?v?r? ("fellowship"), report
need not have been the only ones to use them.41 edlyinsistedthatonewho did not eatfood inpurity
was an am ha~ares.46 While
Similarly, both the stand-alone pools and the osar these instances could
installation (fig. 1) at Sepphoris may be explained be viewed as exceptional, supererogatory efforts
as I on the part of the sages, there are also reports of
by rabbinic hal?k?, argued above. This does not
mean, however, that only rabbis or their followers commoners observing these laws. Thus, a disciple
used these baths. of R. Meir, R. Simeon ben Eleazar, comments on
It is importantto keep inmind themanifold the extent towhich "purity has spread" by referring
impurities forwhich ritual bathing was prescribed to themaintenance of purity laws that applied to
who is likelytohave used ritual
when considering eating.47More revealing
is an account concerning
baths, especially after 70 c.e. It is commonly as the relatively unknown fourth-generation amora,
sumed that after 70 c.e. most of the laws of purities R. Yose ben Yose, who, while sailing on a ship,
fell into abeyance, precisely because their primary advised a person who wanted to immerse in the
purpose was to enable access to the Temple. Ac sea before eating that in fact he was not required
rity.The purification procedures for lepers and for immerse whenever he wished to eat (R B?rak?t 3,
those suffering from certain sexual diseases are also 6c). It isno wonder thatmetal and glass ware con
believed to have been suspended. Nevertheless, tinued to be immersed after 70 ce., as were other
there are indications in the sources that priests after items that contracted a
impurities.48 Indeed, good
70 c.e. continued to purify those who contracted of the
Mishnaic tractateK?l?m, which is
proportion
a
leprosy or the impurity of corpse.42 Presumably,
to impurity
devoted to thesusceptibility ofallkinds
priests would have had a vested interest in sustain of "vessels," is thought to be the work of R. Yose
ing these practices, both as a remembrance of the ben Halafta, who was the most important tanna
a ?
Temple period and in order to eat their dues in in second-century Sepphoris and, incidentally,
state of purity. Indeed, T. H?g?g? 1:2 even explains was not a
priest.49
that one immerses a child to teach him how to The immersion of food vessels would imply a
properly consume t?r?m?.43 domestic need for a stepped pool,50 but purifica
Priests, however, are not likely to have been the tion practices associated with sexuality are even
more suggestive where the home is concerned.
only ones concerned with ritual purity, particularly
when it came to eating. The Gospels testify that Although it is commonly assumed that immersion
of everyday food was a purity in
the consumption following sexual relations, which is prescribed
concern
already in the time of Jesus. Mark 7:4 Lev 15:18,was no longer practiced subsequent to
singles out the Pharisees, but also says that all Jews the destruction of the Temple, when access to the
an issue, there is a wealth
wash their hands before eating, immerse before sanctuary was no longer
consuming food upon returning from themarket, of evidence to the contrary.51During the tannaitic
a baal qer?, a man
and wash cups, pots and vessels of bronze. The period, the requirement that
Pharisees clearly expect Jesus to immerse prior to who had a seminal emission, required immer
Stepped Pools and the Non-Existent Monolithic "Miqveh" 223
sion before prayer or Torah study was debated.52 was for one whohad engaged in sexual relations
some concluded that even nine qabtn or suffered a seminal emission to immerse before
Although
a half
(approximately four and gallons) of drawn prayer or study of Torah.54 It has been suggested
water poured over a person was sufficient for pu thatHanina protested the practice of the
"morning
rification in this instance, it is apparent that the bathers," because he was originally from Babylonia,
stricter practice of full immersion in valid rainwa where the practice was not as prevalent. However,
ter persisted.
Certainly that would have been the Ginzberg has shown that, although this immersion
case for someone meticulous about eating h?ll?n would eventually lose ground in the
Babylonia,
in a state of purity. M. Miqva?t 8:1 and T. Miqva?t rabbis and pietists in both countries were in agree
6:1 do, however, specifically
single out "miqva?f ment that itwas worth
preserving and continued to
of non-Jews outside of 'Eres Israel, that is, pools observe it.The difference in 'Eres Israel,
Ginzberg
that likely consisted entirely or largely of drawn argues, was that the practice was more widespread
water, as suitable for immersion of a man who among commoners.55 Hanina was simply protest
had a seminal emission (a b?al qeri). In any event, a common observance that some rabbis no
ing
second-century tannaitic sources indicate thatmen longer insisted lay-persons perform, especially in
and women still practiced immersion after sexual his native Babylonia, but which remained
popular
relations, and men were considered impure even in 'Eres Israel not
only among the sages and differ
if they had a lewd dream and awoke "with warm ent types of pietists but also among themasses.
skin" (M. Miqva?t 8:3). To be sure, we have already seen that there was
Indeed, a in the Palestinian Talmud a
passage tendency toward leniency in the observance of
{B?rak?t 3, 6c) has the sages express surprise that this particular ritual purification. This, however,
R. Yose ben Halafta once immersed on Yom Kippur, did not mean that immersion after sexual relations
when sexual relations were strictly forbidden. It is would be so easily eliminated. When T. Miqva?t
surmised that the "holy" sage must have suffered a 6:1 has the tanna, R. Judah ben
second-century
nocturnal seminal pollution. The same passage also Hai, insist that a baal qer? could immerse "any
has the late third-early fourth-century amora, R. where" (bekhol maqom), including in "miqva?t"
Jacob bar Avun, explain that immersion after sexual consisting of drawn water, the implication is that
relations was instituted in order to prevent Jews indeed did
people just that, particularly in 'Eres
from conducting their lives like fowl, "who cohabit, Israel. This should come as no surprise. After all,
get up and go and eat." The gemara also reports that ablutions after sexual relations were common to
in the time of the third-century sage R. Joshua ben cultures throughout the ancient world, as Mil
Levi there was interest in
doing away with ritual grom has shown (1991: 932-34). As for the Jews,
bathing after sexual relations, because the "wives Philo relates that husbands and wives would not
of Galilee" were becoming barren from the cold. touchanythingupon risinguntil theyhad bathed
R. Joshua ben Levi insisted, however, that the im
(Special Laws 3:63). While Sanders may be correct
mersion "protected Israel from sin." that Philos ablution consisted of
Remarkably, sprinklings from
another Sepphorean sage, the great R. Hanina bar a basin,
Josephus, whose testimony would be more
Hama, who was a contemporary of R. Joshua ben relevant for 'Eres Israel, testifies that husband and
Levi, is said to have objected to all those gathered wife are required to bathe after
engaging in sexual
early in themorning at the "gates of the baths" to relations.56 Perhaps Jews in the Diaspora, both in
wash, and sarcastically referred to them as t?v?l? Alexandria and in Babylonia, had a more liberal
sah?r?t, an apparent allusion to a group of "morn understanding of "bathing." Nevertheless, Philos
ing bathers" who were fastidious about washing assertion that these
washings prevented husbands
after sexual relations inTemple times.53Hanina tells and wives from committing
adultery, sounds very
themtogetonwith their(Torah)studies,implying much like the claim attributed to Joshua ben Levi,
that they did not have to immerse before who lived in 'Eres Israel, that post-coital immer
doing
so. The prevalent practice in 'Eres Israel, however, sions "protected Israel from sin." These notions
224 Stuart S. Miller
would not have been peculiar to the rabbis. Indeed, that the washing of hands before meals applied to
a report in the very same
s?gya of the Palestinian all Israelites, not exclusively to Priests and L?vites.60
Talmud from which so much of our evidence has This rabbinic teaching would not have fallen upon
been drawn, has R. Yose ben Halafta warn a donkey unreceptive ears among the masses. Moreover,
driveragainst riskinghis lifeat night to ritually theholinessof thelandprescribedin theHoliness
cleanse himself after sexual relations. In this in Code would also have been interpreted tomean
stance, it is a prominent rabbi who tries to dissuade that thepeople must be "holy" inmore than a spiri
a commoner from tual sense.61 Thus, themany stepped pools found
performing the rite!57
By now, it should be obvious that scholars who in domestic settings at Sepphoris and Jerusalem
have thought of the post-70 c.e. ritual bath as need not have belonged to Pharisees, rabbis, or
ing in Torah study and prayer, but itwas the home, defined exclusively by the rabbis. Indeed, evidence
not the synagogue, thatwas evidently most affected marshaled recently by Cohen suggests that Jewish
women
by the spiritual properties of water. True, stepped in i2th-i3th century Spain and Byzantium
pools have been found in proximity to synagogues, frequently waited the seven days aftermenstrua
but these have been the exception, rather than the tion and then immersed in ordinary baths (Cohen
rule.66 The discovery of so many of these pools in 1999).68 Interestingly, these women claimed that
domestic settings at Sepphoris compels us to re what they were was
doing halakhically valid. We
consider the extent towhich the home, beginning need to keep this inmind when our pe
studying
with thelateTemple period,but especiallyafter70 riod. Purity rituals were certainly kept after 70 ce.,
ce., the focus of a lifeof sanctity.67 Jews at
became yet there were probably a good number of varia
Sepphoris who could afford to install or adapt exist tions on a theme. Stepped pools at Sepphoris that
were situated
ing bathing facilities in their homes may have done alongside cisterns and made use of
so precisely because these baths served a their waters may have functioned as halakhically
regular
function that was especially personal, governing legitimate miqvaot. Others may have been filled
not only what they ate, on which utensils, and entirely with drawn water and still have been used
men who had
when, but also, and especially, their sexual lives. It by experienced a seminal pollution,
is no wonder that Neusner discerns an increased or men and women who had sexual relations. At
emphasis upon the home and puritymatters among the same time, we cannot rule out profane uses
the rabbis subsequent to 70 ce.: for stepped pools, such as rinsing fruit baskets or
.. .the earliest dishes, or even for cooling off on a hot day. The
stage in the unfolding of the
law of Purities deals with domestic matters, privacy of ones home certainly would have lent
itself to variation in usage and ritual applications.
not cultic ones. The points of special con
In the final analysis, the identification of
cern begin with the uncleanness of a woman stepped
pools in domestic settings does not come down to
in her menstrual period, atwhich point she a choice between minimalist or maximalist
posi
may not prepare food which is to be kept in tions.Wright is on the correct track, when he as
a state of cultic cleanness, or even sit on a
serts that the lines should not be "drawn as
chair and eat at a table at which a meal in firmly
as do those who see the
a state of cultic cleanness is to be served. majority of these pools as
baths having ritual uses." Wright assumes there is
226 Stuart S. Miller
an alternative: some stepped pools are ritual baths the eyes of the rabbis or fromwhat we know about
and some are not (Wright 1997: 204). I agree, but immersion in antiquity, must have been used,
there is one other possibility: that the pools were among other things, for ritual ablutions. Certainly
designed from the outset
or ended up being used the presence in second-century Sepphoris of R.
for multiple ritual and profane purposes. With Yose ben Halafta, a preeminent authority on pu
time, and depending on the halakhic perspective rities, who contributed extensively to the entire
and perhaps the means of the owner(s), many a Mishnaic order of Tohorot, speaks volumes about
come to be used primar the continued interest in ritual purity. However,
stepped pool may have
or, in certain contexts, exclusively for ritual only after further examination of the stepped pools
ily
bathing. The attempt, however, to restrict
most and their contexts, as well as the relevant texts,will
of these pools to either ritual (and then, only rab we fullyappreciate the origin of each pool and
binic) or profane uses delimits our understanding its uses. While much work remains to be done,
of the value and meaning ofwater in a traditional, it is importantto keep inmind thatthe Jewsof
not have
ancient society. It also inhibits our appreciation the western acropolis at Sepphoris need
ofhow themiqvehmayim of Scriptureeventually been Pharisees, rabbis, or priests. They may very
encompassed the various meanings the rabbis as well have been ordinary Jews who, living in a
times, evolved world where ritual purity remained exceedingly
signed to it,and finally, bymedieval
into a fixed, man-made institution known as the were still at times very much doing
important,
their own thing.
"miqveh."
Thus, many, ifnot most, of the stepped pools of
seen in their own right from
Sepphoris, whether
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I have gained much frommy discussions with Katy acropolis of Sepphoris at theAnnual Meeting ofASOR,
Galor aswell aswith JonathanReed and J?rgenZangen November, 2000. It is a modest but fittingrecognition
of the conversation between literary historians and
berg,with whom Ihave discussed methodological issues ? that Eric
? between "text and
over the years. This article represents a preliminary archaeologists spade"
career.
discussion of the issues.A more detailed discussion will Meyers has fostered so eloquently throughouthis
appear in thepublication thatEric Meyers, Katy Galor, I am especially grateful toEric foraffordingme theop
as as for
and I are preparing forpublication. portunity tobe a part of this conversation, well
This article actually began as a response to Katy his collegiality and friendship.
Galor s discussion of the stepped pools of thewestern
NOTES
See Reich 1990:143-44. Reich completed his disser 2 For a recent attempt to differentiatebetween Phari
tation before the full extent of stepped pool finds at saic-Rabbinic and aristocratic/priestly ritual baths,
see Sanders 1990: 222-26; cf. Regev 1996. For a
Sepphoris was realized. The twentypools excavated
in thewestern quarter date to the Late Hellenistic response to Regev, who sees distinct Pharisaic and
(ca. 100 b.c.e.) throughLate Roman/Early Byzantine Sadducaic approaches to miqveh construction, see
periods. Some of those constructed in theEarly Ro Grossberg 1997.Regev counters in Regev 1997; also
man Period prior to 70 ce. may have continued in cf. Selkin 1993:134-61. See discussion below.
use after the destruction.
Stepped Pools and the Non-Existent Monolithic "Miqveh" 227
3 The term miqveh is derived from the root q/v/h, riod,but no later than thefirstcentury b.c.e. Neusner
meaning "to gather." The expression miqveh may im notes that the requirement of 40 sea ofwater does not
("gathering ofwater") isused inLev 11:36with refer appear before Usha. Sanders (1990:137-47; 214-15)
ence to purity concerns involvingwaters collected in credits the Pharisees with the extension of immer
either a spring or a cistern; cf. Selkin 1993:20-22 and sion tomenstruants. Selkin (1993:9-11; 18) questions
discussion below whether the Bible knows of complete immersion.
4 A ma-'yanwith less than 40 sea of rainwater towhich In contrast, Milgrom (1991: 667), sees the use of
drawn water is added remains fit for immersion. yitma ad h?-arev ("will be impure until evening")
Similarly, "spoiled water" (mayim mukkim), which as implying ablution. Harrington (1993:113-39) fol
according toM. Tara 8:9 is either saltyor hot spring lowsMilgrom in arguing that the rabbinic system is
water, effectspurification even ifit isflowing. "Living intricately connected to and directly derived from
waters" {mayim hayyim), that is, fresh springwater, the biblical.
have the additional advantage of effectingpurifica 7 In contrast, the implication is that the previous case
tion of a person with a genital flux (zav) through involving Rabban Gamaliel involved a non-Jewish
immersion. In addition, mayim hayyim were used bathhouse inAshkelon. For the introduction of pools
in the sprinkling purification of a leper and were for ritual purposes into the bathhouses of the Jews,
combined with the ashes of the red cow to form see Reich 1988:102-7.
theme hattat used for the purification of someone 8 Netzer (1991: 94) suggests that the arrangement of
who contracted corpse impurity.See Num 19:17and the stepped pooifrigidarium in the Large Bathhouse
M. Ternura 1:5.M. Miqvaot 1:4describes the uses of at the northern end ofMasada permitted itsuse as
water in crevices {m?g?va?m, on which see below, n. a miqveh. Reich (1990:112) identifiesboth this
pool
16), cisterns, ditches, and caves, as well as rainwater and one located in thebathhouse in the lower terrace
that has ceased flowing, and "miqvaot" that do not of theNorthern Palace (see Netzer 1991:164-67) as
contain 40 sea, all ofwhich may be utilized for cer ritualbaths. Grossberg (1990:169,171) sees these and
tain purification purposes, but notwhere immersion other similar installations atMasada as ritual baths
(t?b?l?h) is required. thatdoubled asfrigidaria (not vice versa!). Still other
5 See above. It is clear that natural bodies of water shallow pools atMasada, he contends (1990:164-69),
are intended in Lev 11:36. See Levine 1989: 71 and served for immersion of hands. See also Elisur 1999.
Milgrom 1991: 680 and 923. Remarkably, the earliest Wright (1997:196-99) acknowledges the difference
source to understand miqveh mayim in Lev 11:36 between the stepped pools in the bathhouses at
as a so-named structure is the
Septuagint, which Masada and those found in bathhouses elsewhere
renders "...a spring or cistern of gathered water in theRoman Empire, but insists that theyneed not
...
{miqveh mayim)" as a a a be ritual baths: "They can just as easily be seen as
a a a ,where a a adaptations of theRoman bathhouse to theMasada
is a discreet item introduced by the conjunction fortress."
Wright's (and many others') either-or un
.
a Miqveh is repeatedly used with "water" {mayim, derstanding of stepped pools (that is, either they are
m?m?hem) in the Torah, where it always has the ritual baths or they are not) may not, however, be
connotation of naturally gathered waters, whether necessary. See discussion below.
collected in a spring or a cistern. In addition to Lev 9 See also M. Midd?t 1: 6, 9.
11:36 and Gen 1:10, see Exo 7:19. Curiously, Isa 22:11 10 A building at Jerichohas
recentlybeen identified as a
resorts to the stand-alone feminine form,miqv?, to synagogue largelybecause it resembles the structure
referto a pool built byHezekiah to collect rainwater so identified at Gamala. The excavators also claim
channeled from theGihon spring; cf.Ben Sira 50:3. that a nearby pool is a miqveh, and note that in this
Selkin (1993: 22) rightlynotes that both Isaiah and regard, too, the configuration of the complex at Jeri
Ben Sira resort to the term to refer toman-made cho is similar to thatatGamala, where a stepped pool
public reservoirs or "catchment basins." has also been identifiedas a miqveh by archaeologists.
6 It should be noted that the evolution of thenotion of See Netzer et al. 1999.
full-body immersion and specifically of ablutions in 11 For prayer in the betmidras and the
relationship of
40 sea of still rainwater is subject to dispute. Neusner that institution to the synagogue, see Miller 1998:
(1994: 145-51) sees the rabbinic system as a major 55-56 and 1999a: 60, 63-65.
departure from biblical ritual purity practices. He 12 Both Judith (12:7-8) and Josephus (Ant 3:258) allude
claims that it is rooted in the late Second Temple pe to ritual bathing in springs. SeeWright 1997: 205-10
228 Stuart S. Miller
on ritual bathing in Second Temple period sources thevessels were being disposed of in defunct pools.
from Israel and theDiaspora. The great many single-variety saucer-style vessels
13 On synagogue architecture and thevarious views of discovered recently in a stepped pool at Jerichoand
its origins, see Levine 2000: 296-302. themany whole vessels found in some of thepools at
14 See above, n. 2.
Sepphoris hardly suggestdisposal. Itcould, of course,
15 Admittedly, this remains to be proven, but the dis be argued that some people believed, contrary to rab
covery of the concentration of stepped pools at Sep binic law, that immersion of clayvesselswas required.
phoris, when just a fewyears ago itwas assumed that That would not, however, explain why a dispropor
such installations were peculiar to Jerusalem, and tionate number of these vessels have been found in
then only inTemple times, strongly suggests that the the pools in comparison to glass vessels, which re
typologyof these baths has a history of itsown? one quired immersion according to thehal?k? and espe
that is already being written. cially those composed ofmetal, which required ritual
16 See Meyers et al. 1992: 29. Selkin (1993: 83-84) immersion according to biblicalhw. Interestingly,the
Kmof
posits the interestingpossibility that the 37*703 ritual immersion of food utensils is stilldone today,
Damascus Document 10:12 originated with these and there are opinions that certain types of glazed
rock hewn structures, inwhich case itmay not have earthenware require t?bil?h; see Cohen 1988:18-19;
been exclusively a "natural rock pool." Iwould argue 122-24. That some people in antiquitywould have
that both natural and man-made structures could thought
it was necessary to immerse earthenware,
have been intended,which would furtherreflect the or perceived some spiritual benefit from doing so,
multiple meanings and development suggested here. does not seem farfetched, regardless of the view of
SeeWright (1997:212), who calls attention to theuse the rabbis. In any event, rabbinic hal?k? requires im
of x:n at Isa 30:14 for "cistern," and at Eze 47:11 for mersion only ofmetal and glass ware purchased from
a
"swamp." See also M. Miqvaot
1:1 and 1:4, where non-Jews. See . aa Zara 75b and P. aa Zara
D'iOA seems to allude towater in crevices in the it
5, 45b. Is likely that the amount of pottery found
ground. See Selkin (1993:156-58), who translates the in stepped pools was acquired fromnon-Jews?Were
Mishnaic usage as "standing collections ofwater." thereno Jewishpotters in 'Eres Israel?On the other
17 See especially M. Miqvaot 4:2. hand, people who feltcompelled to ritually immerse
18Netzer (1982:110-13), maintains thatpottery found earthenwarewere either ignorant of rabbinic hal?k?
in the "Cornucopia Miqveh" at Jerichowas deposited or disagreed with it.On thepossible rationalization
there after the pool went out of use during "the last for the rabbinic practice, see Alon 1977a: 181-82.
of the Hasmonean stages." The vessels, however, are 20 Could swimming explain the depth of some of the
roughly contemporaneous with thepool. Moreover, pools at Jericho,as Netzer (1982:117) has suggested?
thefinding ofwhole pottery in a pool does not neces The rabbis were primarily concerned with the dis
sarilymean that thepool itselfhad fallen out of use. coloration of thewater used for ritual purification,
Some pottery could have sunk to thebottom during not necessarily with how clean itwas. Apparently,M.
rinsing or ritual immersion of thevessels (see the fol Miqva?t 7:3 allows the rinsing of baskets that once
lowing note) and have been leftthere.Perhaps pools contained fruitpreciselybecause whatever fruitdebris
inwhich the largestquantities ofwhole pottery have adhered to the unclean baskets was too insignificant
been found were installations thatwere no longer andwould not have discolored thewater. See thecom
used for ritual purposes, but were still functioning ments of R. Ovadiah of Bartenoro and R. Yom
for rinsing/immersing dishes, rather than for stor Lipmann Heller toM. Miqva?t7:3. M. Yadayim 1:3al
age; others, inwhich fewer and more fragmented lows for the ritualwashing of hands inwater thatwas
vessels have been found, could have continued in "unfitforanimals to drink," as long as thewater was
operation both as ritual baths and for some of the collected on the ground, rather than in a vessel. The
profane applications described here. On the date sameMishnah continues that if thewater had been
of this particular pool at Jericho, see Netzer 1999: discolored by ink,gum or vitriol? all ofwhich suggest
30-31. On other pottery discoveries in stepped pools industrialuse ? itwas invalid. The concern through
at Jerichoand Sepphoris, see n. 19. out appears tobe that thewater retain itscharacter as
19 The other possibility, that the vessels were stored in water. Again, see the commentary of R. Ovadiah of
thepools once the latterhad gone out of use (see the Bartenoro ad loc.Thus, swimming,bathing or rinsing
preceding note), seems less likely.Stepped pools are of dishes in a ritual bath may not have rendered the
not ideal places for storage.Nor does it appear that bath invalid according to rabbinic law. Interestingly,
Stepped Pools and the Non-Existent Monolithic "Miqveh" 229
theDamascus Document (10:10-13) may have been 31 The T?sefia implies that the drawn water was added
stricterwith regard to the use of foulwater for ritual to the rainwater on the roof itself.See Maimonides,
purification. See Selkin 1993:140-41. Hilk?t Miqva?t 4:8 and cf.Reich (1990: 27-28), who
21 This approach obviates the concern of Eshel (1997:
explains how this could have been done. The point
131-33 and 2000: 45), who argues that stand-alone seems to be that thewaters had tomix before under
stepped pools were more likelytohave been bathing going conduction along the ground to the pool; cf.
installations. The point here is that these pools could Avramsky (1986: 28).
very well have been built as such or with multiple 32 For a detailed discussion of thevarious ways inwhich
uses inmind. M. Miqva?t 4:4 can be understood, see Kehati 1977:
22 See thediscussion of Levine (2000:357-86, 446-47) 253-55. Also, see the comments ofHorowitz 1991:13,
on the "Communal Dimension" of the synagogue and 87-89, where hams?k? is described.
on thedisparity between the
archaeological finds and 33 Galor (chapter 17 in thisvolume) argues that thewa
the rabbinic perception of this institution. ter contained in the cisternswould
barely have met
23 Cf. Selkin 1993:32: "Certainly therewas a tremendous the consumption needs of the population,
making it
time differentialbetween the biblical priestlymate unlikely that itwould have been used in the stepped
rials and theTalmudic period. Itwould be naive to pools. However, it is just as unlikely that the stepped
suppose thatno development, modification, dispute, pools would have been solely filled with rainwater.
or advance had occurred with the passage of time." Additional water would have been needed, depending
Selkin argues that the artificialpools were non-exis upon the season and amount and types of use of any
tent in the pre-exilic period and only emerged in the given pool. While water was precious, the amount
Hellenistic period. Be thatas itmay (see above, n. 6), needed periodically from the cisternswould not have
once they did appear, there is no reason to assume taxed the overall system,except in the driest of spells,
that theirpurpose and design did not evolve further but then conservation measures would undoubtedly
over time.Are we dealing here with the sudden ma have applied to both the cisterns and the stepped
terialization of fullydeveloped "miqvaot?" I doubt pools. The location of the cisterns in such close prox
it.To be sure, Selkin (1993: 257, 264) seems to sense imity to these pools at Sepphoris, Sussiya (see Galor,
the likelihood of ongoing development and suggests chapter 17 in thisvolume) and Yodfat (Adan-Bayewitz
that the tannaim eventually attempted to arrive at a and Aviam 1999:150-51) remains suspicious and im
compromise between the various purification sys plies an organic relationship, one that easily can be
tems available in their time. discerned in SP 4 (fig.2) and, for thatmatter, in SP 17
24 See Galor s article in thisvolume, chapter 17. (fig. 1) aswell. Right behind and above the os?r infig.
25 See Galor s article in this volume, chapter 17,and 1 is an opening to a
plastered container/cistern that
Meyers,
2000: 49. Cf. Meyers 2002: 212-13. extends south and eastward underneath the separa
26 See Galor s article in thisvolume, chapter 17. tionwall visible at the top of the photo. Beyond the
27 See, most recently,Tsuk 2000: 41. The precise func wall and the cistern is a stairway (not visible in fig.
tion of thewater wheels at Sepphoris referred to as 1) that leads down into a plastered niche and, three
galgalya de-Sippori in Ecclesiastes Rabb? 12:6 and steps below, through an archway that opens into the
Leviticus Rabb? 18:1 isunclear, despite recent specula container/cistern. The stairway/niche/archwaymay
tion that these brought water from the aqueduct to have been a lateradaptation of the container/cistern
the upper city. installation resulting in another stepped pool (SP 16),
28 See B. P?s?h?m 34b,where the concept is explained, this one directly supplied with water by the cistern.
although there it applies to impure water thatwas In any event, a clearly visible channel at the base of
intended foruse inTemple times for the libation on thewall infig. 1 leads to the opening of the container/
the festivalof S?kk?t. This water could be seeded into cistern and may have brought rainwater from the
valid rainwater,which would render itpure. See the rooftop not only to the cistern and SP 16,but also to
comments ofRashi toB. Nidd?h 17a.The termzeri ah the reservoir/os?r of SP 17.
frequentlyappears in laterhalakhic literaturein refer 34 The "cave" or a pit therein constituted an actual
ence to drawn water poured into a valid miqveh.
miqveh. See R. Ovadiah of Bartinoro, ad loc. and cf.
29 See comments of T?saf?t to B. Baba Batra 66b. the use of mear? at M. Miqva?t 7:7. Interestingly,
30 There were two tannaim called Eliezer ben Yaaqov, Reich (1990: 28) has identified a small basin near
one belonging to thefirstgeneration of tannaim, the some stepped pools thatmay have been the
trough
other to the post-Bar Kokhba period. ( uqa) that is also referred to inM. Miqv?ot 4:4.
230 Stuart S. Miller
35 According to JonathanReed, the context and archi passage requires too much reading into to support
tectureof thisparticular installation remains unclear his argument.
(personal communication). The suggestion made 41 Sanders (1990:224) argues thatonly aristocrats,who
here must, therefore, remain tentative. could afford servants to bucket the considerable
36 Immersion of hands is perhaps another possibility; volume needed to fill the pools, would have owned
see above, n. 8. them!Again, at leastduring the rainyseason, rainwa
37 Regev 1996. Also, see Regev (1997: 169-72) where tercould have gathered upon the rooftopsand flowed
he responds to the objections of Grossberg (1997: throughpipes to thepools. During thedrier seasons,
151-56). Grossberg maintains that these baths were drawn water could have supplemented whatever was
meant to accommodate the greatmany pilgrims to leftof the rainwater.To be sure,Sanders (1990:356-57,
Jerusalem,whether priests, L?vites or Israelites, and n. 63) considers this possibility, but rejects it both
that theywere designed so thatone could exit to the because, todate, archaeological evidence forrooftop
right and towards the east, which, according to B. "reservoirs" does not exist and, in any event, such
Yorna 17band B. Z?v?him 62b,was thepreferredpro structureswould be impractical. In fact, however,
tocol. Reich (1980:225-56) was the first to elaborate a "reservoir"was not needed. As already discussed,
the theory that the divided stairwayswere intended talmudic sources refer towaters collected on roofs
to separate thosewho had already bathed from those thatflowed intomiqva?t (see n. 31). Several stepped
who were still impure.Grossberg discounts thispos pools at Sepphoris appear tohave had pipes leading
sibilityaswell. For other pools with partitioned stairs, from above. Cf. Meyers 2000: 49.
see Amit (1997; 1999). 42 See T. N?ga?m 8:2 and parallels, where R. Tarfon is
38 See Sanders 1990; 218-19; Regev 1996:12-21. Also, see said tohave purified some lepers.On thepreservation
Regev 1997:172-76, where he responds toGrossberg after70 ce. of ashes of the red cow forthepreparation
1997:159-63. of "water of purification" for those who contracted
39 Selkin 1993:147-49,160-61. corpse impurity,see T. Para 5:6 and the comments of
40 Sanders 1990:222-25. Sander s contention that these Safrai 1958: 206-7. Also, cf.Oppenheimer 1977: 64.
aristocrats used drawn water in theirmiqvaot ispar 43 The practice ispresented among othermatters taught
tially premised on his understanding ofM. Z?btm tominors, and not as an obsolete custom only appli
5:12.This Mishnah precludes the eating of t?r?m? by cable toTemple times.The passage includes a gloss by
an impure person who has immersed theirhead and R. Judahben Hai, who was a second-century tanna.
most of theirbody in drawn water and by a person Cf. T. Tohor?t 3:10.
who happens to be "pure," but upon whose head 44 See Al?n 1977b: 205-34. The view that thePharisees
and most of theirbody three l?gin of drawn water ate everyday meals in a state of purity, promoted
has fallen.While Sanders presumes that thismeans especially by Neusner 1979: 83, and inmuch of his
people actually immersed in drawn water, the com otherwork on thePharisees, has been challenged by
mentators understand these two rulings as related. Sanders (1990:131-254). For recent discussions of the
According to R. Ovadiah of Bartinoro, ad loc., for issue and bibliography, seeHarrington 1993:267-81;
a n. 21;
example, one who immersed in smellywaters in Hengel and Deines 1995:41-51; Taylor 1997:60,
cave (not a plastered pool!) might be tempted to and Maccoby 1999: 209-13.
bathe indrawn water afterwards,which could lead to 45 See T. H?g?g? 3:2-3 where we also hear thatOnkelos
themistaken use of drawn water altogether. In order the proselyte did the same. See Oppenheimer 1977:
to furtherensure that thiswas not done, the rabbis 64.
ruled thata person who was t?h?rupon whom drawn 46 T. aa Zar? 3:10 and parallels. See Safrai 1972:
water fellwould also be unfit for eating t?r?m?. The 74-76 and cf.Oppenheimer 1977: 83,145.
commentators, at least, do not see this as a rejection 47 T. Sabbat 1:14; P. Sabbat 1,3b and B. Sabbat 13a.On
of some sectarian practice. Rather, theMishnah the expression "purity has spread," which is often
see
seems to be primarily concerned with washing in incorrectly translated as "purityhas broken out,"
drawn water afterone has immersed properly in rain Miller 2003: 403, n. 7 and 412.
water. The further restrictionwas simply intended 48 See especially P. aa Zar? 5,45b,where late third
as a g?z?r? to ensure that thiswas not done. Itwas and early fourth-century amoraim of 'Eres Israel
not necessarily a response to a common practice of discuss issues thatarose pertaining to the immersion
immersing in drawn water. Sanders may be correct of vessels purchased fromGentiles. See Alon 1977a:
that some people did just that (see below), but this 181.
Stepped Pools and the Non-Existent Monolithic "Miqveh" 231
49 On Yoses contribution to theMishnah, see Epstein hal?k? to undergo immersion,much as the Israelites
1957:126-47 and Miller 1999b: 153-54.Not surpris did in anticipation of the revelation at Sinai, according
ingly,Yoses opinions also frequently appear in the to the traditional understanding of the formsof q/d/s
tractateMiqvaot. On Yose at Sepphoris, seeMiller in Exo 19:10, 14. See Schiffman 1985: 19-21, 25-30.
Proselyte immersionmay also have been a purifica
2006: 36-38, 289 n. 235, and 443.
50 Cf. discussion of b?t t?bil?above, and seeM. Sh?q?lim tion rite, as the derivation from Exodus 19would
8:2.
suggest. See Taylor 1997: 64-69 and Selkin 1993:3.
51 A traditionpreserved inboth Talm?d?m ascribes this 59 Goodman (1983:94-96) collects rabbinic case studies
immersion toEzra. See P. Y?maS, 44d; P. Taan?ti, 64c; to examine the interest inpurities inRoman Galilee.
P.M?gill? jssl; B. B?rak?t 22b; and B. Baba Qamma He concludes (p. 102) that thepurity lawswere "those
82a. For discussions of the evolution of this ablution, most likely to be ignored because of their complex
see Alon 1977b: 191-97 and Ginzberg 1941: 272-76.
ity."Nevertheless, he admits that the sexual purity
52 See B. B?rak?t 22b and discussion inGinzberg 1941: laws were observed,and suggests (p. 107) this was
274. "because these lawswere securely in the control of the
53 On the t?v?l? sah?r?t see Ginzberg 1941: 238-39. women and could be used by them for
psychological
54 Note how the book of Judith (12:7) reports that the advantage over theirhusbands." In contrast, thepoint
heroine would immerse daily before prayer. made here is that bothmen and women had ritual
55 Ginzberg 1941:236-38,274-76. See also theobjections obligations where sexualitywas concerned and that
of thePharisees to themorning bathers inT. Y?dayim the ritualbathwas not solelyused for immersion after
a woman's menstrual flow.More
importantly, there
2:20.
56 Against Apion 2:202-3. On Philo, see Sanders 1992: were other applications of ritual purity that involved
268-70. the ritual bath after70 c.e., and, in any event, purity
57 Again see P. B?rak?t?? 6c. The donkey driver appears and immersion practices had much more compelling
tohave been a transgressorwho had adulterous rela motivations that resulted in theirwidespread obser
tionswith a menstruating woman, but this piece of vance. The minutiae of rabbinic law should not be
data may have been meant to be taken facetiously. seen as an overwhelming obstacle to the observance
In any event, he pays a price fornot listening to the of ritual purity laws, since the basic practices would
?
prominent rabbi he drowns! For a fullerdiscussion, have had a lifeof theirown. Iwould agree with Sand
see Ginzberg 1941: 255-56 and Miller 1999c: 547-48. ers (1992: 229), who claims that the biblical
purity
See, in the same sugya, the already cited story involv lawshad much influence in the last centurybefore the
ingYose ben Yose and a fellow traveleron a shipwho destruction of theTemple. I further argue here that
wanted to immerse before eating. The intention there such influencewould not have waned and instead
also seems tohave been that theperson was sexually would have found renewed expression after 70 c.e.
impure. Non-observance of purity laws or their limitation to
58 That scholars frequently overlook these practices is menstrual lawswould have been strange.
particularly fascinating since the ritual bath contin 60 Yalq?t K? Tisa 386 and El?yah? Rabb? 16.
ues to be used for some of the same purposes even 61 Cf. Milgrom 1990: 88. On the ritual purity-land
today. Thus, aside from itsuse by women who have nexus, see
Maccoby 1999:199-208, 212-13.
completed thewaiting period after theirmenstrual 62 SeeMilgrom (1990:96-97, n. 17),who maintains that
flow, the ritual bath is stillused for immersion of eat Sadducees would have shared with the Pharisees an
ing utensils (see n. 19). It is also used by some men, interest in puritymatters beyond the Temple. Their
primarilyKabbalists, once aweek before theSabbath, real difference with the Pharisees was that they
and bymany others before festivals, especially Yom thought of themselves as "themaster pedagogues,"
Kippur. A bride and groom each immersebefore their authorized by the Torah and especially itsHoliness
wedding. In addition, although not a full immer Code to demonstrate how one lives a lifeof sanctity.
sion,washing of hands is required in themorning in 63 According toMilgrom, water is only "purificatory"
preparing forprayer, as well as beforemeals atwhich and not regenerative in the Torah. See, especially,
bread is eaten.While some of these practices are later Milgrom 1991: 957-68, where he considers the view
developments, theyall testifyeither to the ongoing, if of Eliade.
vestigial, significance of purity in Jewish lifeor to the 64 Selkin 1993:233-34. See especially Sipr? Deut 48 (ed.
persistence of the symbolism and meaning ofwater, Finkelstein, 110.12-111.5)and Tanna de-B? Eliy?h? 18
on which, see below. Converts, too, are required by (ed. Ish Shalom, 105).
232 Stuart S. Miller
65 In his Dialogue with Trypho (14:1), JustinMartyr accommodate more than a single person. These
insists that the Jews dig cisterns that only cleanse more likelybelong to public buildings, such as the
the flesh and body. He also (46:2) has Trypho allude fortifiedbuilding in area 85.3. See Galor, chapter 17
to washing after coming into contact with things in thisvolume. With theonset of theRoman period,
prohibited byMoses and after sexual relations as an domestic pools become more prevalent, suggesting a
important law. Sanders (1990:360 n. 11) suggests that new perception of theirvarious applications thatonly
baptizesthai may not mean full immersion here. In grewwith time,particularly after70 c.e.. It is at least
contrast, Selkin (1993:230) thinks the cisterns Justin curious that this very much parallels the develop
refers to are actually allusions to ritual baths. ment of the synagogue, which also firstappeared, in
66 Noted already by Reich 1995: 289-97, where he dis its rudimentary but formal form, in theHellenistic
cusses the evidence. See Levine (2000: 310-11),who
period and became increasinglymore multifaceted
sees the inclusion of stepped pools in synagogue and ubiquitous with time.
complexes as primarily a pre-70 ce. phenomenon 68 On the development of rabbinic understandings of
and maintains that therewas a diminished interest menstruation, see Fonrobert 2000.
in ritual purity observance after that time.
67 The earliest pools at Sepphoris date from theHel
lenistic period and are the largest, intended to
REFERENCES
P.
H. Schiffman.Warsaw, IN: Eisenbrauns.
Kehati,
1977 Mishn?y?t, Seder Toh?rot, II. Jerusalem:Hekhal 2000 Review ofD. R. Edwards and C. T. McCollough,
Shelomo (Hebrew). eds.,Archaeology and theGalilee. Atlanta: Schol
ars Press, 1997. In JewishQuarterly Review 91,
Levine, .A.
no. 1-2: 33-38.
1989 The JPS Torah Commentary: Leviticus. Philadel
2003 Some Observations on Stone Vessel Finds and
phia, PA: JPS. Ritual Purity in Light of Talmudic Sources. Pp.
Levine, L. I. 402-19 inZeichen aus Text und Stein: Studien
2000 TheAncient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years.
auf dem Weg zu einer Arch?ologie des Neuen
New Haven, CT: Yale University. Testaments, eds. S. Alkier and J.Zangenberg.
Maccoby,
H.
T?bingen: Francke.
1999 Ritual and Morality, The Ritual Purity System 2006 Sages and Commoners inLate Antique Erez Isra
and itsPlace inJudaism.Cambridge: Cambridge el:A Philological Inquiry intoLocal Traditions in
University. Talmud Yerushalmi. T?bingen: Mohr Siebeck.
Meyers,
E. M.; Netzer, E.; and Meyers, C. L. forthcoming Priests, Purities, and the JewsofGali
1992 Sepphoris.Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. lee. In Ancient Galilee in Interaction, Religion,
1991 Masada III: The Yigal Yadin Excavations 1963 1995 The Synagogue and theMiqweh in Eretz-Israel
1965yEinai Reports. Jerusalem: Israel Explora in the Second-Temple, Mishnaic, and Talmudic
tion Society. Periods. Pp. 289-97 in Ancient Synagogues,
1999 The Palaces of theHasmoneans and Herod the Historical Analysis and Archaeological Discovery,
Great. Jerusalem:Yad Izhak ben-Zvi (Hebrew). eds. D. Urman and P. V. M. Flesher. Leiden:
Netzer, E.; Kaiman, Y.; and Luries, Y Brill.
1999 A Synagogue from the Period of theHasmone Safrai, S.
ans at Jericho.Qadmoniyot 32, no. 1: 17-24. 1958 Bet Shearim inTalmudic Literature. 'Eres-Israel
5: 206-12 (Hebrew).
Neusner, J.
1979 From Politics toPiety: theEmergence ofPharisaic 1972 The Holy Congregation in Jerusalem. Scripta
IL: University of Chicago. 1990 JewishLaw from Jesus to the Mishnah. Philadel
1994 Purity in Rabbinic Judaism, A Systematic Ac phia, PA: Trinity International.
count: The Sources,Media, Effects,and Removal 1992 Judaism:Practice and Belief 63 bce-66 ce. Phila
ofUncleanness. Atlanta, GA: Scholars. delphia, PA: Trinity International.
Oppenheimer, A. Sawicki,M.
1977 The Am Ha-Aretz, A Study in theSocial History 2000 Crossing Galilee: Architectures ofContact in the
of the Jewish People in theHellenistic-Roman Occupied Land of Jesus.Harrisburg, PA: Trinity
Period. Leiden: Brill. International.
Regev,
A. Schiffman,L. H.
1996 Purification Baths ofClasses and Sects in Israel 1985 Who Was a Jew:Rabbinic and Halakhic Perspec
during the Second Temple Period,. Cathedra 79: tiveson theJewish-Christian Schism. Hoboken,
3-21 (Hebrew). NJ: Ktav.
1997 More on Ritual PurityBaths ofClasses and Sects: Selkin, C. B.
TheMethodology of Scholarly Research and the 1993 Exegesis and Identity: The Hermeneutics of
Archeological Finds?A Response. Cathedra 83: Miqwabt in theGreco-Roman Period. Unpub
169-76 (Hebrew). lished Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University.
Reich, R.
Taylor, J.
1980 Mishnah Sheqalim 8:2 and Archaeological Dis 1997 The Immer ser: John the Baptist within Second
covery. Pp. 225-56 in Jerusalem in the Second Temple Judaism. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.
Temple Period, Abraham SchalltMemorial Vol Tsuk, .
ume, eds.A. Oppenheimer, U Rappaport andM.
Stern. Jerusalem:Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi (Hebrew).
2000 BringingWater to Sepphoris. Biblical Archaeol
ogyReview 26, no. 4: 34-41.
1988 The Hot Bath House (balneum), theMiqweh and
the JewishCommunity in the Second Temple Wright III, B. G.
Period," Journal of Jewish Studies 39, no.l:
1997 JewishRitual Baths?Interpreting theDigs and
102-17.
the Texts: Some Issues in the Social History of
1990 Ritual Purity Baths in the Second Temple Period Second Temple Judaism. Pp. 190-214 in The
and the Period of theMishnah and Talmud. Archaeology of Israel, Constructing thePast, In
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Hebrew Uni terpretingthePresent, eds. N. A. Silberman and
D. Small. JSOT Supplement Series 237. Sheffield:
versity.
1993 The Great Mikveh Debate. Biblical Archaeology SheffieldAcademic.
Review 19, no. 2: 52-53.
Chapter 19
byByronR.McCane
zling to archaeologists and historians of Near Eastern funerary practice. Since then Prof.
Syria-Palestine.1 Amid the rich ferment of Jewish Meyers' distinguished work as an archaeologist
culture in Palestine under the Greeks and Ro and biblical scholar has had the effect of dramati
mans, the emergence of these limestone chests cally expanding our understanding of the history
for individual secondary burial stands out as a and culture of Syria-Palestine. In particular, he
? and ?
striking elusive development. Completely has helped to bring to lightwith subtle clarity
unknown before about 30 b.ce., Jewish ossuaries the practical contours of the confluence between
proliferate in and around Jerusalem during the Judaism and Hellenism during theHellenistic and
first century ce. and persist in various locations Roman periods. This chapter argues that the rise
across Palestine until at least the mid-third cen of the Jewish ossuary also belongs to the story of
turyce. What were the factors behind the rise of the encounter between Judaism and Hellenism. In
the Jewish ossuary? What forces prompted Jews particular, Imaintain that was
it the in
increasing
in this part of the world to begin practicing this fluence ofHellenistic cultural norms valorizing the
new form of
secondary burial? In particular, what human individual, which led Palestinian Jews to
moved them to alter their long-standing pattern develop a form of burial that
secondary preserved
of collective a custom with deep individual
secondary burial, identity.The ossuary is best understood,
roots in local history and culture? in other words, as an artifact of the intersection
More
than thirty years ago, Eric M. Meyers between Judaism and Hellenism, and, as such, it
proposed that parallels to the Jewish ossuary could exemplifies what Prof. Meyers has described as
be found in similar types of ancient Near Eastern Hellenisms ability to "serve as a framework for
containers for secondary burial (Meyers 1971a: preserving and promoting local Semitic culture"
92-96). Drawing upon examples from as far away (Meyers 1998: 29).
235
236 Byron R. McCane
DEFINING THE JEWISH OSSUARY carved into the walls. The openings of loculi that
contained human remains are often found to have
A Jewish ossuary from the early Roman (ER) pe been covered with flat stone slabs. Ossuariesmay
riod is a chest or box, usually made of stone, but be found in whole or in part in several locations
occasionally of clay or wood, used for secondary around such a tomb, including on the shelf, in
burial, i.e., the reburial of human bones after the niches, and on the floor. Other typical finds in
flesh of the corpse has decayed. Hollowed out from clude human bones on the shelf and in the niches,
blocks of the soft limestone that is so common in perfume bottles
(piriform unguentaria), juglets,
ossuaries are proportionate in size are
Syria-Palestine, cooking pots, and lamps. Coins, by contrast,
to the large and long bones of the body (e.g., skull quite rare (McCane 2003).
and femur). Thus the average size for an adults
ossuary is approximately 60 35 30 cm, with SECONDARY BURIAL
smaller measurements for children. In keeping
with their function, ossuaries have removable lids, The archaeological evidence from tombs of this
most of which are flat, although some are domed sort, along with contemporaneous literary ref
or erences to death and burial, indicates that the
gabled. The majority of ossuaries are plain and
undecorated, but many are ornamented with deco ritual process of secondary burial in ossuaries
rations typical of artistic motifs in the Early Jewish took place in two stages. At the time of death,
culture of Syria-Palestine (Figueras 1983; Rahmani bodies were placed in the tomb, either on the
1994: 28-52). Geometric designs, for example, shelf or in niches. The presence of human skeletal
? on
appear very frequently, the most common being remains ? often still articulated the shelves or
a was chip-carved in niches confirms this practice of primary burial.
six-petalled rosette that into
the side of the ossuary using a chisel and compass Literary sources agree, depicting primary burial
(Rahmani 1988). Representations of Jewish reli in a rock-cut tomb as a public ceremony that oc
gious themes also appear, including palm branches, curred as soon as possible after death, often on the
menoroth, and Torah shrines. Inscriptions, when same day (Mk 5:21-43; Jn 11:1-44; m. Sanh. 6.5).
was
present, are scrawled with charcoal or scratched Shortly after death had occurred, the body
with a nail or sharp object and may be found washed, wrapped in linen, placed on a bier, and
virtually anywhere
on the ossuary, including the carried to the tomb. Literary sources describe this
sides, ends, lid, or even along the inside edge. These ceremony of primary burial as a public occasion,
inscriptionstypicallyincludeonly thename of the a ritualmoment duringwhich the familyof the
deceased and sometimes a nickname, patronymic, deceased experienced significant social visibility.
as to assert that
or place of origin. Occasionally, a
distinguishing Josephus (War II.i) goes so far
fact about the deceased may also be added. Since many families were reduced to poverty by the
my argument is that ossuariesemerged from the expense of providing a socially acceptable funeral.
engagement of Judaism with Hellenism, it is of Josephus exaggerates, of course, but his remark
interest to note here that slightlymore than forty does underline the social prominence of the ritual
percent of inscriptions on Jewish ossuaries from of primary burial.
the ER period are in Greek.2 was performed
Secondary burial, by contrast,
Ossuaries are found in Jewish tombs from ER much later when decomposition of the flesh was
? or
Palestine, most often in tombs within the vicinity complete nearly so. In a private ceremony that
of Jerusalem.3 The typical cave is a nearly square took place entirelywithin the confines of the family
chamber (approximately 3.5m on a side) cut from burial cave, the bones of the deceased were taken
bedrock, with a shallow rectangular pit in the from their resting place on the shelf or in a niche
floor creating a low shelf around thewalls. Several and were collected in an ossuary. The ossuary was
? the name of the deceased
loculi (Heb. kokhim) i.e., deep narrow niches for then marked with and
the primary burial of a single body?are usually positioned in its final resting place, either on the
Jewish Ossuaries of the Early Roman Period 237
floor, on the shelf, or in a niche. When ossuaries ondary burial of this sort persisted into the closing
were placed in loculi, the
openings of the niches decades of the first century b.c.e., when charnel
were sealed over with stone slabs. Liter rooms are common inmany Jewish tombs of the
frequently
ary depictions of secondary burial are consonant Late Hellenistic and ER period. In these tombs,
with this archaeological evidence. The sources bones of family members were piled together in
describe a private ceremony, attended a separate chamber
perhaps by prepared and reserved exclu
as few as one or two close relatives of the deceased.
sively for that purpose (see Rahmani 1958; 1967;
Sem. 12.9, for example, describes the rite of second Kloner 1980). It is important to observe that at
ary burial rather poignantly: the conclusion of this kind of collective secondary
burial, the remains of the deceased would have
Rabbi Eleazar bar Zadok said: Thus
spoke been rendered completely indistinguishable from
my father at the time of his death: "My son,
the remains of the "fathers." The identity of the
bury me first in a niche. In the course of individual would have been thoroughly dissolved
time, collect my bones and put them in an
into an ancestral collective. In the commonheap
ossuary; but do not gather them with your
of bones beneath the bench of an Iron II tomb or
own hands." And thus did I attend him:
in a charnel room of the Late Hellenistic
period, it
Johanan entered, collected the bones, and
would have been impossible for surviving relatives
a sheet over them. I then came in,
spread to identify the remains of any individual deceased
rent my clothes for them, and sprinkled
dried herbs over them. Just as he attended familymember. With the ossuary, by contrast, the
his father, so I attended him. identity of the deceased was preserved even after
death and secondary burial, because the individual
Other sources
(e.g., Q 9:59-60) also emphasize container ? often marked with the name of the
the connection ?
between secondary burial and the deceased protected his or her individuality.4
nuclear family group.
Individual secondary burial of this sort had THE RISE OF THE JEWISH OSSUARY
virtually no history in Syria-Palestine prior to the
ER period. On the contrary, the dominant pat Previous attempts to account for the rise of the
tern throughout the region for centuries had been Jewish ossuary have been generally unsatisfac
collective secondary burial, inwhich the bones of tory, largely because they have sought to explain
the deceased were piled together in a common the ossuary primarily as an expression of Jewish
heap along with the bones of all previously de theological convictions and religious beliefs. A
ceased family members. In the Late Bronze Age, particularly common view has held that the ossuary
for example, bones were gathered together to one arose from Jewish convictions about death and the
side of a roughly circular tomb. By afterlife, especially belief in the bodily resurrection
underground
the Iron II, this simple LB tomb architecture had of the dead.5 Drawing upon late rabbinic sources,
evolved into the Israelite "bench tomb," inwhich some that suggest that
including decomposition
a low bench ran
along three sides of a roughly of theflesh could expiate sin (BT Shabb. 13b;BT
square cave. At the time of primary burial, bodies Kidd. 31b;BT Sank. 47b;BTBerakh. 18b),thisview
were laid on the shelf to and when has maintained that individual secondary burial
decompose,
decomposition was complete, the bones were in ossuaries served as a ritual preparation of the
gathered into a recess hollowed out beneath the dead for the day of resurrection.
Gathering the
bench. Over time, these recesses came to hold the bones of the deceased in an ossuary
supposedly
bones of all familymembers so that the
long dead, gave symbolic representation to the fact that the
material culture of Iron Age secondary burial is deceased was purified from sin and ready to be
vividly captured in the familiar biblical expression, raised. The rise of the ossuary, in other words, was
"he slept and was gathered to his fathers" (Meyers driven by the rise of belief in bodily resurrection.
1971b: 96; cf. Bloch-Smith 1992). Collective sec The weakness of this argument is plain to see and
238 Byron .
McCane
religious convictions of groups, but by tasks and rosettes ? betray an unmistakable level of afflu
conflicts that confront society as a whole. For death ence. Prosperity alone, however, is not sufficient
symbols tomake social structure explicit" (Morris stone-carvers to construct elaborately ornamented
1992:1). A compelling account of the rise of the Jew charnel rooms for their family tombs. Of course,
? use ossuaries instead.
ish ossuary, then, should connect the emergence they did not they began to
of these bone containers with changes in the social Economic developments in first-century Jerusalem
structure of Jerusalem during the late first century do not, therefore, provide a sufficient background
b.c.e. and the early first century ce. for the rise of the Jewish ossuary. The anthropol
Jewish Ossuaries of the Early Roman Period 239
ogy of death ritual, by contrast, suggests that that the ossuary would certainly not have been the
the most likely source for the social energy that firstaspect of Jewishdeath ritualtobe affectedby
a
produced the ossuary was change of some sort the interaction of Judaism with Hellenism.
in the roleof the individual in familyand society It is particularly significant to note that these
in ER Jerusalem. changes in Jewish death ritual all valorize the
Certainly, Jewish societyin Jerusalem had human individual in ways that had been consis
undergone profound changes in the centuries tently celebrated in Hellenic society and culture.
immediately prior to the ER period, and during Greek politics had long valued the voice of the
this time no influence was more substantial or individual in the democratic process, and Greek
long-lasting than the culture of Hellenism. Even theater was steeped in the tradition of tragedians
before Alexander the Great had conquered the who had dramatized the psychological strengths
eastern end of the Mediterranean, traders and and weaknesses of individual human beings. Greek
from the Aegean had already made an
mercenaries sculptors of theHellenistic period had pursued
their way to Palestine, bringing with them the artistic quest for the ideal human form, and Greek
Attic coins and black-figured wares that regularly educators took up that quest on an individual level
a staple of training
surface in Persian-period strata of archaeological through the exercises thatwere
excavations. As early as the middle of the fifth in the gymnasium.
century b.c.e., "the handwriting was already on The emergence of Hellenistic burial practices
the wall, and itwas in Greek" (Meyers 1992). inER Jerusalemstronglysuggeststhatby theend
Later, under the auspices of Roman political and of the first century b.c.e. the structure of Jewish
military authority, the cultural streams of Juda society in Jerusalem was beginning tomake more
ism and Hellenism came to terms with each other room for the human individual. Cohen has aptly
more fully and in specific and creative ways. All described the development of post-biblical Judaism
'
Jews in Palestine (indeed, all Jews in the ancient as the "democratization of traditional Israelite reli
world) became "hellenized" to one degree or gion, pointing out thatwhile the piety of pre-exilic
?
another, as every area of life language, politics, Israel centered on the group, "the piety of second
education, architecture, literature, religion, and temple Judaism centered on both the group and
? a cultural imprint
material culture absorbed the individuar (Cohen 1989:22). This observation
whose origins were inGreece. While the depth of aptly fits the developments
we are
following here.
this imprint varied from place to place, by the ER The rise of the Jewish ossuary indicates that in
period itsbreadth covered most of Syria-Palestine. the ER period, democratization was beginning to
It is important to observe that among the areas of reach into the internal structure of Jewish families
culture which Hellenism had touched was death in Jerusalem. Individual secondary burial in an
ritual. Even before the ER period, the process of ossuary symbolically represented and celebrated
Hellenization had already begun to introduce individual identity and dignity, even after death and
recognizable changes into Jewish death ritual in burial. In the privacy of the family tomb, usually
Palestine. Primary burial in sarcophagi, for exam with only one or two close relatives present, the
ple, increased during the Early Hellenistic period, social structure of the family was established and
? a
and the loculus niche Hellenistic form of tomb reinforced in a way that protected and defended
?
architecture also came into Palestine during the the individual. The persona of the deceased did
first century b.c.e. (McCane 1997; Ilan 1997). Even not dissolve into an ancestral collective, but was
the Greco-Roman custom of putting a coin in the symbolically preserved for all time. Those who
mouth of the deceased (to pay Charon, the ferry could afford to do so supplemented this symbolic
man across the river Styx) eventually came to be preservation through ornamentation and decora
practicedby some Jewishfamilies,includingthe tion, and those who were literate inscribed itwith
familyof Caiaphas theHigh Priest.All of these a name, patronymic or other
epithet; but even the
burial customs are of Hellenistic origin, showing use of a roughly-hewn, uninscribed, and undeco
240 Byron .
McCane
long structured Jewish life in Jerusalem. Thus, it is Sepphoris have clearly documented the rich conflu
not surprising that ence of cultural traditions that came to expression in
Peleg has recently demonstrated
that the Jewish practice of secondary burial in os the Lower Galilee during theRoman period (Meyers
suaries evinces a preference formales over females. 1999). In this historical context, the rise of the Jewish
In a sample of seventy ossuaries excavated in Jeru ossuary inER Jerusalem furnishes an exemplary case
salem and Jericho, close observation of gender in study in the power ofHellenism to influence a local
both inscriptions and skeletal remains showed that culture, and in the resilience and creativity of a local
the bones of females were more
likely to be gath culture in resisting it. By continuing to gather the
ered in ossuaries not by themselves, but along with bones of their dead, Jewish families of ER Jerusalem
the bones of someone else, usually their husband honored one of theirmost deeply-rooted ancestral
and/or children. Ossuary inscriptions are more traditions, and by gathering bones in individual
likely to record the names ofmales than females. containers, those same families also welcomed an
As Peleg puts it, in ER Jerusalem "the identity of emerging new pattern in their social system.
themale person was more individualized than that Yet there should be no mistake about which way
of the female" (Peleg 2002: 65). the wind was blowing: Hellenism, a world culture,
was certain to have the last word, and it did. The
NOTES
For the course of the discussion see Meyers 1971a; one individual s bones might be collected in the same
1971b; Figueras 1983;Hachlili 1988; Rahmani 1994; ossuary. Intermingling of bones was to be avoided,
Teitelbaum 1998; Kraemer 2000; for representative said Rabbi Akiba, but Rabbi Judah is reported to
and important excavation reports see Avigad 1962; have allowed persons who could share a bed in lifeto
Hachlili 1979;Greenhut 1992. share an ossuary in death (Sem. 12.6; 12.9). Thus, the
2 Rahmani 1994,where 93 of 231 (40.2%) are inGreek. Jewishossuary was not always associated with strictly
3 Ossuaries do not appear inGalilee, forexample, until individual secondary burial. Yet itcertainlypreserved
the
early second century c.e., as at
Huqoq; cf. Ravani individual identityto a greater degree than previous
1961. forms of collective secondary burial.
4 It is important not to overstate the degree towhich 5 For representatives of thisview see Lieberman 1965;
ossuary burial preserved individual identity,since Rahmani 1994: 53-55; Figueras 1984; and Hachlili
analysis of skeletal remains shows thatmany ossuaries 1988. Meyers was a lone dissenter: "It is an over
held the remains ofmore thanone person. The famous simplification to suggest that the custom of Jewish
"Caiaphas" ossuary, for example, held the partial ossuaries reflects only the Pharisaic community of
remains of six individuals; cf.Zias 1992:78. Rabbinic Jerusalem,which adhered to a rather literal concep
discussions considered thepossibility thatmore than tion of resurrection" (1971: 85).
Jewish Ossuaries of the Early Roman Period 241
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Chapter 20
byRachelHachlili
In ancienttimes, the desecration of tombs for to prevent themixing of their bones with those of
secondary usage or for the purpose of plunder others. In some 3rd-4th-century ce. lead coffins
was a frequent occurrence. Ancient tombs, (some from Beth Shearim), the lid is soldered
or rich people, were with lead to the chest s rim or to both long sides of
especially those of prominent
supposed to contain valuable objects buried with the chest, or the closure is implemented with lead
the dead. During the Roman period, an Imperial tongues (Rahmani 1999:12-13).
law (Avigad 1976: 256 n. 15; Supp. Epig. Graecum Another preventive measure were
Hebrew,
III 1929: 13) was enacted to prevent the violation Aramaic, and Greek inscriptions, which included
of tombs and the removal of bones from tombs in curses and threats,with the affirmation that noth
order to bury other bodies instead. ing of value was within the tomb. In addition, some
In Jewish tombs of the Second Temple period, of the epitaphs contain curses and warnings against
various measures were employed to seal wooden tomb robbers or against secondary use of the tomb
coffins and ossuaries. Wooden coffinswere closed (Avigad 1953:147;
van der Horst 1991: 54-60). The
and fastened with ropes. Some ossuaries have pairs curse or threat was supposed to deter the tomb
ofdrilledholes throughtherimand lid thatserved violators, often depicting the outcome of violation
to secure the lid to the chest with rivets, strings or as horrible death, bodily sufferings, punishment
? in after death, and sometimes financial penalty. These
ropes. Some ossuaries have direction marks
? on
cised or charcoal-drawn lines, usually in pairs inscriptions are common among pagans, Jews, and
the lidand on thechest to indicatetheposition of Christians throughout the ancient Near East.
holes (Rahmani and Sussman 1994: 18; cf. Sem. Preventive measures employed against the dese
12:8,13:8). This step of securing thewooden coffins cration of tombs could be demonstrated by physical
and ossuaries probably resulted from the wish to and symbolic evidence, as well as by inscribed curse
protect the remains of the deceased and the desire and warning formulae (Hachlili 2005: 489-507).
243
244 Rachel Hachlili
PHYSICAL EVIDENCE
presumablytohold ittogether(Bennett
coffin,
1965: 532).
At Gedi, triplebraided ropes (1cm thick)
made of date-palm fibers were wound around
almost all the closed wooden coffins. The rope
was wrapped around once or more and tied
in an overhand knot (fig. 1;
see coffins 5 and
8 from tomb 1; coffin 7 from tomb 5: Hadas
1994: 4,* fig.4, coffin 8; fig. 12, coffin 5; figs. 33, Fig. 3 Ossuary with holes, Jericho(Hachlili and Killehrew
M M)
1999:
42, coffin 7).
Some ossuaries from Jerusalem and Jericho have to indicatetheplace fortheholes (Hachliliand
direction marks, that is, lines incised or drawn with Killebrew 1999:93, figs. III.45,49,51). Ossuary
charcoal on the rim and lid to indicate the position II (fig.2) has sixholes in thelid,corresponding
of holes. These pairs of drilled holes through the to six holes in the ossuary chest (two in each
rim and lid of an ossuary were evidently intended long side, one in each short side; ossuary XV
as a means to secure the lid to the ossuary chest (fig.3) has double drilledholes on the front,
with strings, rivets,
or ropes and to prevent its sides and back and double holes on all four
opening. sidesof thelid.Small ossuaryXXII (fig.4) has
Three ossuaries (nos. II, XV, XXII) from Jeri fourholes in each side of the lidand one hole
cho Tomb H (the 'Goliath'familytomb)had in each side of theossuary (Hachlili and Kil
drilled holes with incised lines or crosses as lebrew 1999:93,102,108,111, figs. III.45,49,51).
direction marks on the rim and lid, apparently The sealing of these ossuaries was secured with
Attitudes toward the Dead 245
Fig. 4 Ossuary with holes, Jericho(Hachlili and Killehrew Fig. 5 Ossuary with two lids,Jericho(Hachliliand Killebrew
1999' HI.51). 1999:111-47)?
rope, iron or lead rivets that have disintegrated The various measures employed to bind the
since. wooden coffins and to facilitate closure of the os
Similar direction marks, usually in the shape suaries with strings or iron rivets were probably
of crosses, appear on Jerusalem ossuaries and prompted by the wish to secure the coffins
or
were once
erroneously thought to be an early ossuary contents on the journey to the tomb, to
record of Christianity (Sukenik 1947: 12-15, guard the remains of the deceased, and to avoid
21-26, 30; refuted by Tzaferis 1970: 27; Smith the mixing of their remains with those of others
1974: 65; Rahmani and Sussman 1994: 19-21, (Rahmani and Sussman 1994:18; cf. Sem. 12:8,13:8).
figs. 8-12). However, it is also possible to interpret the closure
Three ossuaries from Jerusalem have iron or lead practices as a form of defensive
"magic," restraining
rivets; one ossuary from a double-chambered hostile powers by preventing anything from leav
acrosolium tomb on the south slope of Talbiyeh ing or entering the coffin or ossuary (also White
(Rahmani and Sussman 1994: no. 70) has iron rivets 1997:11; 1999: 87). Nevertheless, it is quite difficult
through the outer edge of the lid and the corre to explain why these sealing practices occurred so
sponding narrow side of the chest. This ossuary also rarely.Were these measures employed especially
had the Aramaic inscription, "Dostas, our father, for children? In Jericho, the ossuary sealing was
and not to be opened" (see below). Another ossuary used only inTomb H (the 'Goliath'Tomb); the
(Rahmani and Sussman 1994: no. 77) has incised inscriptions and the skeletal remains indicate that
marks and unfinished and unused holes in its up the ossuaries with the holes contained a child, an
per outer corners; an iron rivet is secured through infant, and a single 40-year-old unmarried woman1
the rim of the chest and narrow outer edge of the (Hachlili and Killebrew 1999: 93,102,108,111); the
lid. Fragments of lead rivets,which fastened the lid Gedi wrapped coffins also contained children,
to the rim of the chest, appear on an ossuary from as well as a male.
Arnona (Rahmani and Sussman 1994: no. 196).
The Jericho examples support the contention SYMBOLIC EVIDENCE
that the marks served to indicate the position of
the lids on the ossuaries, since on the marks or Some symbolic implications could be observed on
next to them were the holes that served to fasten a double lid, on ossuaries, and a wooden
graffiti
the lid to the ossuary with ropes or metal pieces. coffins iron lock, possibly designated as signs to
The sealing was ostensibly intended to protect the protect the remains of the deceased and to prevent
remains of the deceased. the ossuaries or coffins from being reopened.
246 Rachel Hachlili
'3HH? a ? i_ b
& lines (fig. 7); twisted cords and straps seem to ap
pear tied down, with broad crossing straps arranged
Ffg. 6 jAn ironlockplate ofawooden coffin,
Jericho(Hachlili diagonallyandhorizontally
alongthecoffins
central
and Killebrew 1999: 111.8);b) Iron lockgraffitoon ossuary, axis. The bound coffinmotif signifies a well-secured
Jerusalem (Rahmani and Sussman 1994: no. 403). container. These decorative and technical measures
may have expressed a local concern for the security
of the deceased s resting place.
The rope symbolizes the act of tyingup and
binding the coffin. The peculiar decoration on the
Jerusalem lead coffins of crisscrossing ropes on
the lid and on the long sides create the impression
that the coffinwas tied up with cord (Rahmani
1987:136; 1999:65; White 1997:9, fig. 10). The ropes
firmlyaffixedthe lid to the rim of the chest figurineof a headless nakedman with tiedhands
(Rahmani and Sussman 1994:20, no. 403). Both was found in a tomb in Ketef Hinnom, Jerusalem.
theselocks
may have impliedthatthecoffinand The dating is not clear and estimates range from
the ossuary had been sealed. They could have Hellenistic to late Roman (Barkay 1994: 92-93).
been meant as symbolic protective marks. Sixteen similar lead figurines were discovered at
Lead coffins(some fromBeth She arim) dated to Mariss? (Bliss 1900: 332-34 and pi. 85; Zissu 1995:
the 3rd-4th century c.e. were found with the lid 162) and at Tel Anafa, a clay figurine of a man with
solderedwith lead to thechests rimor toboth long hands tiedon his backwas found (Weinberg1971:
sides of the chest.Many of the Jerusalem lead coffins pl. 19, d-e). A fragmentary folded
lead plaque
were sealed shut with lead tongues. Some lead cof was discovered in thewooden coffin inTomb D14
finswere encased inwooden casings or, rarely, in a at Jericho (Hachlili and Killebrew 1999: 141, cat.
stone sarcophagus (Rahmani 1999:12-13,17,65-67, 220).
Attitudes toward the Dead 247
on lead coffins
Rope decoration symbolizes the warning against opening or plundering the tomb
actofbindingor tying a
up thecoffin.Itmight reflect or
sarcophagus, with the inclusion of a curse. The
memory of the symbolic act of tyingup and securing following are formalized expressions, with cursing
the coffins contents. Avi-Yonah (1930: 310) associ and warning apparently installed for protection
ated themotifof therope loop on lead coffins
with against robbers or hostile spells. Several examples
a
symbol of immortality and resurrection, with an are noted
(Avigad 1953:147-48):
of thebindingofevil spirits.
added significance The The "Ahiram" Phoenician tomb inscription
lead coffins decorated with cord and rope, the curse (11th century b.c.e.) contains: ".. .curses upon
tablets, and the curse figurines represented a way theman who lays bare the sarcophagus."
to avert something from either
escaping or entering A 7th-century b.c.e. Aramaic
inscription of
the coffin. The purpose might have been to prevent
Agbar, priest of Sahar inN?rab (Syria), states:
the ghost of the deceased from escaping its chest to "...Whosoever thou art that shalt injure and
harm the living, as well as to protect the spirit of the plunder me, may Sahar and Nikal make his
dead from the powers of evil (Rahmani 1987:136; death miserable, and may his posterity per
1992: 82, n. 3;White 1997: 9; 1999: 77-80,87-91). ish!"
In a b.c.e. Phoenician inscrip
5th-4th-century
INSCRIPTIONS AND EPITAPHS WITH tion on a sarcophagus from Sidon, Tabnit, the
CURSES AND WARNINGS priest of Ishtar, declares: "Do not, do not open
me nor for I have not indeed(?)
disquiet me,
Warnings and curses
against tomb robbers or silver,Ihave not indeed(?)gold nor any jewels
against reuse of the tomb appear frequently in of... only I am lying in this coffin.... And ifthou
inscribed epitaphs throughout the ancient Near do at all open me and at all disquiet me, mayest
East in various languages. Ancient tombs, in par thou have no seed among the living under the
ticular those of prominent people, were assumed sun, not resting-place among the shades!"
to contain valuable objects buried with the dead. A formula of woe and oath appears on the
Hence, as a deterrent measure, tomb inscriptions 5th-century b.c.e. Phoenician sarcophagus
sometimes included curses and threats against inscription of Eshmanezer (son of Tabnit), the
'
would-be robbers, hostile spells, or spirits, and king of Sidon: nwa o?x toi ratoa
also affirmed that nothing of value was to be found to "Twp... "For every prince and every man
within the tomb (Avigad 1953:147). who shall open this
resting-place...may they
The termdefixiones(katadesmoi inGreek) is have no resting-place with the shades, nor be
used by Gager (1992: 3 . ) in the generic sense to buried in a grave, nor have son or seed in their
designate curses, spells and warnings inscribed on stead.... (Avigad 1953:148; Naveh 1992:199).
a variety ofmedia in formulaic A Nabatean
language. They "il funerary inscription from Heger
lustrate the long and difficult debate about magic' dated to 1 b.c.e. (Cooke 1903: 217-20; Naveh
and 'religion inWestern culture.... Unlike ancient 1992:198).
are and An Aramaic
literary texts...they intensely personal epitaph from Palmyra (2nd-3rd
direct." At present, surviving examples exceed the reads X?to iv nn nnan Tnto 1 *?
century ce.)
number of 1,500. They are primarily inscribed on tzftxi
"And let no man open over him this niche
thin sheets of lead, but also on ostraca, wax tablets, forever" (Sukenik 1935: 194; Avigad 1953: 149;
and gemstones (Gager 1992: 25-26). 1967: 235).
These curses were also common among Phoeni Similar inscriptions with curse formulae against
cian-Aramaic (Palmyrean and Nabatean) funerary those who do not leave the tomb untouched were
inscriptions from the 11th to the 4th century b.c.e. also common inAsia Minor,
dating to the 5th~4th
and are similar in structure and wording. Curses b.c.e. in and to
century Lycia (Bryce 1986:116-20)
stated that, other than the dead body, no valuables the 2nd-3rd century ce. in Phrygia (van der Horst
were present in the tomb. Sometimes there is a 1991: 54-60).
248 Rachel Hachlili
mm
JEWISHARAMAIC, HEBREW AND GREEK yjVo
PROTECTIVE INSCRIPTIONS
AND CURSE FORMULAE
Fig.
io Inscription 5 (after Rahmani and Sussman 1994: no. 70). Fig. 13 Inscription8 (afterPuech 1989:fig. III.i).
rington 1978, no. 95; Rahmani and Sussman to inscription no. 6 (above).
1994: no. 70). 8. An Aramaic inscription (fig. 13) on a stone
6. An Aramaic protective formula (fig. 11) on an coffin lid reads
ossuary lid from JebelHallat et-Turi (Milik nnxn nay inprr rfti
mvri1? xb iax -do
1956: 235, Inscription Ai, figs. 2-3; Fitzmyer
1959; Fitzmyer and Harrington 1978, no. 69; "Closed by the
ram (or lamb): Itmay not be
Naveh 1992:198-99; Rahmani 1994:18, n. 89; changed and
none entombed with him in
Benovitz 1995) reads this coffin" (Puech 1989; translation Rahmani
rmm h1?** pnp m ^ runnatok h *?d and Sussman 1994: 18 n. 89). The inscription
a man will find to his profit means: is closed, and by no means
"Everything that the ossuary
in this ossuary (is) an offering toGod from the is itpermitted to damage or open it or to bury
one within it." anybody else in it.Naveh (1992: 197, fig. 137)
This inscription does not follow the identifica compares this phrase to similar expressions on
tion of the deceased person. The inscription Nabatean burial inscriptions and proposes that
has been discussed widely, and it seems that x^m, "ram, lamb," refers to the daily burnt of
it is a formula that warns against secondary fering, here invoked
as a
binding conjuration.
250 Rachel Hachlili
Fig. 15 Inscription
io
(after Rahmani and Sussman 1994: no. 610).
Fig. 17 Inscription12(after
Rahmani and
Sussman 1994: no. 259).
Fig. 16 Inscription11(after
Avigad 1961:fig.1).
2' --a;
/tf,^ \? ^
The language of theGreek inscriptions (nos. 12-14)
articulates woe and oath formulae. A similar type F/g.22 Inscription17 (afterAvigad 1976:fig. 106).
of formula was inscribed on Hellenistic tombs
of Mariss? (Peters and Thiersch 1905: 48, no. 17;
Rahmani and Sussman 1994:18). notes, "the expression at the end of the inscrip
Similar Aramaic and Greek curse-formula tion is unique and has no parallel inAramaic
inscriptions were discovered at the necropolis of or Hebrew
epigraphy." This unique inscription
Beth She'arim, dated to the 3rd-4th century ce. demands protection for the deceased and issues
The Aramaic inscriptions (nos. 15-18) contain a warning in the name of both religious and
versions of explicit threats and retribution against secular law. Schwabe explains that the famous
are unique in Ara
transgressors; Nos. 15 and 16 imperial edict discovered in Galilee (SEG,
maic epigraphy in the exceptional wording of their VIII,i3) is the only known epigraphic evidence
curses. The Greek inscriptions (nos. 18-19) express that threatens punishment for the violation of
the protection of the tomb and include threats graves, especially prohibiting the removal of
and belief in the immortality of the soul and the the dead and their transfer elsewhere (Schwabe
resurrection of the dead (Schwabe and Lifshitz and Lifshitz 1974:124, n. 12).
1974: 223-24). 16. An Aramaic painted inscription (fig. 21) above
15. On the back wall of arcosolium 3, room III, theopening of the rightkokh in the southern
Hall A, Catacomb 12, an Aramaic dipinto (fig. wall, room VIII, Hall A, Catacomb 12, states
20) in red reads TP "ntonns*toi nsnnrcm
ma' rmm ]a nmmp nm ? iata urn tra ?
"Anyone who shall open this burial whoever "He who is buried here is Shimon the son of
is inside shall die of an evil end." The Aramaic Yohanan; and on oath whoever shall open
warning
was apparently not sufficientand itwas upon him shall die of an evil end" (Avigad
as well, in a
repeated in Greek slightly altered 1976: 234-35; inscription 2, fig. 105, pl. IV.4).
formula: "Nobody shall open, in the name of This inscription mentions the deceased and
the divine and secular law" (Avigad 1976:23-25, invokes the curse on whoever disturbs his rest;
233; inscription 1,fig. 104, pl. III.3, 4; Schwabe thewording is comparable toGreek inscription
and Lifshitz 1974:223, no. 134). The prohibition no. 129 from catacomb 11 (see below, no. 18).
in this inscription to open the tomb is based These two inscriptions are written in a formula
on the law of the Torah and of the state.Avigad "devised to warn people against touching the
252 Rachel Hachlili
grave and disturbing the rest of the deceased 20. A 4th-century ce. Aramaic inscription carved
and to threaten them with punishment oth above the tomb entrance of Hirbet Gomer
erwise... and threaten offenders with Gods reads
or exclusion from eternal life. nmmp mn mas? nxa -a -inftxnax
judgment They
are the ones
only threatening a death penalty" nnn -a ?mi?
(Avigad 1976:235).
17. An Aramaic painted inscription (fig. 22) on a "I, Elazar son ofAbah Mari made this tomb for
a stone slab, Hall A, room VIII,
fragment of Abah Mari son of Batha, warn against touching
Catacomb 12, reads nriETi ta "Anyone who the tomb with a vow."
shall open..." The stone slab either served to This inscription conveys a warning and a vow
close a kokh or to cover one of the trough graves
prohibitingtheopening of the tomb (Kloner
(Avigad 1976: 235; inscription 3, fig. 106). 1985: 97-98; Naveh 1992:196, fig. 136).
18. A Greek inscription painted on the front of The Beth Shearim and Hirbet Gomer inscriptions
arcosolium 2, room V, Catacomb 11, reads (Avigad 1976: 234-35; Schwabe and Lifshitz 1974:
[] a e e 162; also van der Horst 1991: 124-25) are written
? a a e [ ]a in a formula that serves as a warning to
people
e [? ] a [ ], against touching the tomb and disturbing the rest
lie here with my wife. May any of the deceased, as well as
"I, Hesychios, threatening them with
one who dares to open (the
grave) above us not punishment; it is also meant to frighten offenders
have a portion in the eternal life" (Schwabe and with God s judgment or exclusion from eternal life.
Lifshitz 1974:113-14, no. 129; pl. IV.4). Two of the inscriptions (nos. 15-16) also include a
The curse on this inscription isunusual and "is threat of the death penalty. These warnings against
the only example to date inwhich the share in tomb violation comprise belief in a judgment or
eternal life is explicitly threatened.... The im post-mortem punishment.
portance of this inscription is in the fact that it A popular belief
along the coastal Levant under
gives expression to the belief in eternal life.. .it Roman administration was that near the graves of
isnot mere chance that
explicit evidence of this persons whose lives had been cut short by violence
belief is found in an inscription whose function or accident,
ghosts hovered and sought retribution
is to protect a tomb" (Schwabe and Lifschitz from the living. Tombs, graves, and burial places
were also believed to be the
1974:113-14). potential haunt of
19. A Greek inscription incised and painted red ghosts and other evil spirits (Cumont 1962: 62-63;
above the arch of arcosolium 1 in room II,
Toynbee 1971: 34-42; White 1999: 87). The ghosts
Catacomb 13, reads of the dead were regarded as evil spirits thatmight
a e a a ? a a e harm the living; they were feared especially at
e e a e( ). funerals and thereafter, when their evil powers
"Anyone who changes this lady's place [i.e., had to be guarded against. The ghost of the dead
the woman buried in this grave], He who was envisioned as a hostile and
dangerous spirit,
promised to resurrect the dead will Himself hovering with malicious intent, making demands
judge (him)" (Schwabe and Lifshitz1974:139, or
harming its living kin. It had to be dealt with
no. 162;
pi. VI.i). The inscription warns against sensibly and watchfully,
so that the livingmight be
violation of the tomb and the peace of the dead. safe from its anger and malice. The attacks
by these
Punishment by God Himself will befall those of the dead must be warded
ghosts off by various
who do not obey. The inscription's formula is means and formulae; theymust be appeased and
unique; it constitutes definite evidence of the their hostility placated (Morgenstern 1966: 141,
contemporary belief in the resurrection of i47> 185-86).
the dead; ithas no parallel at Beth Shearim or
Binding up the coffin and sealing the ossuary are
other places in the country. associated with securing the coffins or ossuary's
Attitudes toward the Dead 253
contents on the journey to the tomb; they were dead are expressed in the Greek inscriptions of
also preventive measures against the desecration Beth Shearim. Some of the inscriptions are gen
of tombs for the purpose of plunder or secondary eral warnings and do not mention the deceased s
protecting the remains of the deceased against sented symbolic tying and sealing to keep out evil
reburial and secondary use, and explicitly threaten spirits. Protective and curse inscriptions regularly
ing transgressors and those who disturb the bones include threats of bodily sufferings, a terrible death,
of the dead with curse formulae and retribution. and punishment after death of the tomb disturber
Threats against transgressors and belief in the im and his relatives; sometimes a financial penalty is
mortality of the soul and the resurrection of the threatened as a further deterrent.
NOTES
This ossuary had an inscription of a woman named tomb (instead of in her husbands family tomb, as
Mariah relating that shewas the daughter ofNatanel was customary) evidentlymeans that shewas unmar
and the granddaughter of Shelamsiyon (Hachlili and ried, a widow with no children, or a divorcee who
Killebrew 1999: inscription 7b). Mariahs inscription returned to her fathers house and was then buried
attests that shewas the thirdgeneration tobe interred. in her fathers family tomb. It is suggested that a
Examination of her remains showed that she died woman on the death of her husband was forced
(by
at age 40. Her inscriptionmentions her father, the his heirs) or chose to return toher fathershouse and
manumitted Theodotos/Nath[an]el and uniquely is was thenburied in the family tomb and inscribed
by
citingher grandmother Shelamsiyon. The interment her original name "X daughter of Y" (Hachlili 2005:
ofMariah in her fathers and grandmother s family 320).
REFERENCES
Bennett, C. Hadas, G.
1965 Tombs of the Roman Period. Pp. 516-45 in 1994 Nine Tombs of the Second Temple Period at
Excavations at Jericho II, eds. K. Kenyon and Gedi, 'Atiqot24: 1-8 (English Abstract).
T. A. Holland. London: British School of A.
Kloner,
Archaeology in Jerusalem. 1985 New Jewish Inscriptions from the "Darom."
Bilig, Y. Qadmoniot 18: 96-100.
2000 An Ossuary from Jerusalem bearing 'Korban D. and
Kurtz, C., Boardman, J.
Inscriptions. Cathedra 98: 49-60. 1971 Greek Burial Customs. London: Thames and
Bliss, E J. Hudson.
1900 Report on theExcavations at Tell Sandahannah.
Milik, J.T.
Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Studies 32: 1956 Trois tombeaux juifs r?cemment d?couverts au
319-41.
sud-est de Jerusalem.Liber Annus 7: 232-67.
T. R.
Bryce, J.
Morgenstern,
1986 The Lycians inLiterary and Epigraphic Sources. 1966 Rites of Birth, Marriage, Death and Kindred
Cambridge: Museum Tusculanum. Occasions among the Semites. Cincinnati, OH:
Cooke, G. A. Hebrew Union College.
1903 A Text-Book ofNorth-Semitic Inscriptions: Naveh, J.
Moabite, Hebrew, Phoenician, Aramaic, Nabtaean, 1980 An Aramaic Consolatory Burial Inscription.
Palmyrene, Jewish.Oxford: Clarendon. Atiqot 14: 15-59.
Cross, E M. 1992 On Sherd and Papyrus: Aramaic and Hebrew
1983 A Note on a Burial Inscription fromMount Mishnaicand
from theSecond Temple,
Inscriptions
Scopus. Israel Exploration Journal 33: 245-46. Talmudic Periods. Jerusalem:Magnes (Hebrew).
1962 After Life inRoman Paganism. New York, NY: 1905 Painted Tombs in theNecropolis ofMariss?.
Dover. London: Palestine Exploration Fund.
Faraone, C. Puech, E.
1991 Binding and Burying the Forces of Evil: The 1989 Une Inscription Aram?enne sur un Couvercle
Defensive Use of 'Voodoo Dolls' in Ancient de Sarcophage, Eretz-Israel 20: 161-65.
Greece. Classical Antiquity 10, no. 2: 165-205. Rahmani, L. Y.
byPeter Richardson
Khirbet Qana (ancient Cana; Arabic: Gana; the site is relatively strong, though clearly there are
map reference 1786.2475) lies on the north transition periods and rebuilding. Houses on the
sideof theBethNetofa valley (el-Buttauf
), east and west slopes, whose walls survive to heights
one of
directly across from Sepphoris (Zippori), of 2-3 m, show stratified occupational levels with
themajor sites associated with Eric Meyers' work.1 evidence of residential alterations and structural
Cana commands a strategically wide-angle view of changes, but without evidence of destruction and
thewhole valley at themouth of theWadi Yodefat, rebuilding.
about two km southeast of the village of Yodefat a major Christian
Although Cana became pil
which played amajor role in theJewish
(Jotapata), grimage site because of Jesus' water-to-wine in
2
Revolt against Rome in 66-74 ce. When Yodefat cident, itwas an obviously Jewish site prior to
was destroyed after a 47-day siege in 67 ce., Cana and overlapping that stage for themajority of the
apparently suffered no damage.3 Vespasian and half millennium from the 2nd-ist century b.c.e.
his army must have bypassed Cana on their way ce. From then until
through the 4th-5th century
between Yodefat and Sepphoris; the absence of evi the Persian invasion, Christianity may have been
a dominant force. Judaism and
dence ofmilitary action at Khirbet Qana suggests Christianity must
that Cana was not involved in the Revolt.4 have overlapped as competing or complementary
Excavations at Khirbet Qana set itwithin its re entities at Cana in somewhat the same way as at
as an integral part of the Beth Netofa so that the Khirbet
gional context Capernaum and Nazareth,
valley and have shown its long occupation, perhaps Qana excavations should ultimately shed light on
from the Bronze Age through early modern peri Jewish/Christian relationships inGalilee. The ques
ods.5 The peaks of occupation seem to be the late tion of the relationship of Judaism and Christianity
Hellenistic, early Roman, and late Byzantine peri at the site is still just a little uncertain, since there is
ods, in ascending order of occupational intensity, no evidence of Christian burials at Khirbet Qana.
with smaller peaks in the Iron Age and the Arab But a very clear sign of the vigor of Judaism is the
257
258 Peter Richardson
typologically similar tombs; the one tomb on the about the same height above the valley bottom,
east slope differs from the others in its with the tombs distributed over a larger area. They
design. The
farthest are situated ca. 500 m from the center of are oriented
approximately northwest-southeast,
the built-up area; the closest dwelling units are the contours. One shaft is either com
following
ca. 100 m from the nearest graves, in a kind of pletelyfilledflushwith thebedrockorwas merely
suburb on the southern hillside, which dates from
begun but never finished. Of the five discernible
a period later than the tombs.6 chambers, the three we could enter had twenty
All tombs are in closely related seams of hard three loculi. Here, too, therewere cisterns nearby.
limestone, sloping from northwest to southeast, Group 3, the northwest complex, is located in
good for quarrying, with cisterns nearby, though front of a vertical face in the limestone bedrock.
the cisterns are not architecturally integrated with a
Though dromos-type entrance would have been
the graveyards. Twelve of the thirteen tombs are and more convenient, the tombs are still
simpler
entered by vertical shafts,none with steps or indica of the shaft type. The shafts are all oriented ap
tions of ladders to give access to the
"courtyards." proximately northeast-southwest, following the
None of the tombs is decorated; several, however, bedrock seams orientation. We entered three of the
include surface features that may suggest archi four chambers (of three shafts) with sixteen loculi.
tectural embellishment of the tombs. The tombs There were major cisterns in the same limestone
locations are visiblefrom nearby roads, perhaps seam.
Group 1 Southwest
Group 2 Southeast
Two round "pots" at SW and SE; doors Not entered
to chambers arched in arched field,
Not entered
with very deep recesses
Wide square door (1.2m) in arched Loculi 1-5 rotated; loculus 7 unusually
field,with deep recess; small shaft,with large; loculi arched, the largestone
littleevidence of ledges most noticeably
Group 3Northwest
Loculus 1, to left,1.2m deep; two loculi
10 Information incomplete in other twowalls
11 Information incomplete Three loculion each side
Arcosolia (? uncertain)
Information doors to
12 incomplete;
Not entered; photos suggest perhaps
8 or 9? chambers rectangular in arched field
8-9 loculi
Group 4 East
No shaftor other external features; Rectangular loculi-,1,2 & 8 rotated; 4
13 11 door to chamber very roughlyarched double width (bone repository?); slight
opening invertical bedrock modulation of ceiling
260 Peter Richardson
Table 2
Summary of Tombs.
Shafts None 12 + 1
Chambers 18
20 in 5 23 in 3
Loculi 16 in 3 chambers 11in 1 chamber 70 in 12chambers
chambers chambers
shaft-design must have been deliberately chosen, deep, with a further half meter of bedrock for the
despite the fact that itwas neither regionally com doorway (Tomb 7); this
was the
only entrance that
mon nor, in Group
3, logical. The shafts share was plastered.
several important features: none ismonumental The shaftsvary in area from 4.62 m2 to 15.54m2.10
in scale; all are 1-2 m deep, with vertical sides Several shafts have badly weathered or damaged
and rectangular plan; none showed evidence of ledges around the opening just below the level of
benches in the shafts, though it is not certain that the bedrock that ranged from 15-30 cm wide. The
there were none, since no fill was removed from ledges had been leveled in
some cases; others fol
the courtyards; and none has any visible means lowed the contours of the bedrock. There was no
of descent from bedrock to the courtyard floor. surviving evidence of the purpose of the ledges.
Hewn stairs in a corner or on a side could have
Chambers
been designed not to interferewith entry into the
chambers, but there are none, nor is there evi It is impossible to stand in any of the chambers;
dence of supports forwooden stairs. Presumably without excavation, heights are only approximate,
short ladders were used as occasion demanded.8 but all appear to be between 110 and 170 cm. They
There is no evidence of tomb closures, whether vary in size and number. One tomb has three
basalt or limestone doors, rolling stones, or seal chambers, two chambers, and
three tombs have
ing stones,9 so there is some uncertainty how they nine tombs have only one chamber.11 No tomb
prevented carnivores frommolesting the corpses. has four chambers, nor does any have a chamber
One shaft had a small rectangular niche opposite opening off another chamber. The layouts of loculi
a it is possible that this took the end of within the chambers vary, but the designs are gen
doorway;
or
a beam spanning the shaft to seal the stone door erally similar; in several cases loculiwere rotated
of a chamber in place of a "buttressing stone" splayed, creating an almost radial plan.
(cf. m. Oholoth 15.8). The rest were unelaborated The chambers are roughly though not carelessly
except for the doorways, which took the form of hewn; chisel marks are evident. All ceilings are
recessed openings, usually arched, with a (usually relatively flat,
some
following the bedrock
seam.
arched) door within the recess. The most deeply There are no moldings around doors or loculi or at
recessed opening created a kind of porch, 1.9m the intersection ofwalls and ceilings. The chambers
Khirbet Qana's Necropolis and Ethnic Questions 261
*
Table 3 Dimensions of shafts, chambers and loculi. indicates shafts exceeding the area of 6 6 cubits;
t indicates chambers exceeding the area of 4 6 cubits. Only tombs 5 and 7 have dimensions exceeding
theMishnahs courtyard and chamber size.
=
2.5 2.3 m 5.75 m
= loo
C 2.2 2.2 m 4.84 m2 50 190 cm
= =
1.9 2.6 m 4.94 m t2.4 2.2 m 5.28 m2 50 90 190 cm 60 80 180 cm
= = 180 cm 180 cm
1.4 3.3 m 4.62 m2 A t2.5 2.5 m 6.25 m2 70 90 50 90
A
=
*2.9 3.0 m 8.7 m =
t2.8 2.8 m 7.84 m2 140 90 200 cm 50 70 200 cm
= 12.21 m = cm
3-3 x 3.7 m t2.7 2.5 m 6.75 m2 150 90 125 cm 50 90 40
=
*2.8 3.0 m 8.4 m2
f 2.3 . 2.5 = 5.75 m2
= =
*4.2 3.7 m 15.54 m2 A t3-5 2.8 m 9.8 m 60 90 220 cm 50 80 190 cm
= = 180 cm 110 cm
1.8 2.9 m 5.22 m2 t2.7 3.3 m 8.91 m2 80 90 75 90
- t-3.4-4.0 2.9-3-5 m,
100 200 cm 60 80 210 cm
2.0 2.9 m 5.8 m = ca. 11m2 90
irregular
Information
10 A Information incomplete
incomplete
Information
Information incomplete
incomplete
Information
12 Information incomplete
incomplete
are a rural and poorer form of chambers, similar to between 180 and 210 cm long. Though no ossuaries
those in Jerusalem, but lacking all embellishments were found, there is one extra-wide loculus, one
(an unresolved problem in all the tombs) or alter of the Second Temple period or just after, and they
grally related with the shaft and chamber: the larger In some respects, however, the Cana tombs raise
virtually identical to the loculi and chambers of in Jerusalem (Queen Helenas Tomb, with its
the city. Their dimensions are is there a
usually smaller, impressive shaft and stair). Why
are
they unembellished, and they do not advertise difference in courtyard designs between Jeru
their presence with monuments, as compared with salem and Cana?
those in the city. But
functionally they are similar, Some tombs in Jerusalem (e.g., Tomb of the
and they indicate rather
clearly that rural village Bene Hezir, of Jason, of Abba) had inscrip
burial practices correlated
closely with Jerusalem tions (and ossuaries with inscriptions). Why
practices. The Cana tombs fit comfortably within are there no
inscriptions at Cana?
the range of design features, dimensions, and A thorough study would
necessarily involve com
customs of the ist-2nd century ce., as those are with other
parisons nearby tombs (Yodefat, Naza
considered in theMishnah. These are Jewish tombs reth,Meiron, Achziv, Hanita, and Beth
Sepphoris
Khirbet Qana's Necropolis and Ethnic Questions 263
Shearim, to name but a few), though the paucity of was the whiting of tombs done when virtually
extensive simple Galilean graveyards makes rural all features were below ground level; did the soil
comparisons difficult.19 Here at Khirbet Qana it washed off the bedrock pose problems of ritual
may be that some features noted can be accounted contamination on the fields below?21
for on the basis of Canas lower status, lesserwealth,
and simpler cultural influences. Chronology
The peculiarity of the shaft entrance is par Without the stratigraphie precision and material
ticularly noteworthy. Phoenician tombs sometimes evidence that excavation of the tombs would pro
had small, deep shaft entrances, some up to 30 m vide, it is impossible to establish a chronology of
deep, though, in fact,most Phoenician tombs had Canas necropolis. Its close typological similarities
steps and were of the dromos type.20 It has been to pre-70 ce. Jerusalem tombs suggest that the
suggested that the Cana shaftsmight recall
Phoe tombs span the late Hellenistic through Roman
nician influence, a not implausible proposal that periods, especially the Early Roman period. The
would be more persuasive if the Galilean shafts coherence with theMishnah also suggests this
were deeper and ifother sites in Lower and Upper same general period. This hypothesis is consis
Galilee had such shafts. The evidence leaves us with tent with the evidence of peaks of occupation at
a conundrum: we know of Phoenician tombs with Khirbet Qana in the late Hellenistic and Early
shafts of a different design and we know of Jewish Roman periods and also with the possibility of
tombs without shafts but with a dromos of a similar resettlement of the area following the conquest of
ering the Cana necropolis: (a) Protection of the the Early Roman period (late ist century b.c.e.
corpses from carnivores was necessary, and the through 2nd century ce.), with the possibility
Mishnah's references to "stones that seal a grave" that some may be late Hellenistic and that others
the likeliest general solution, confirmed could be middle Roman. It is likely that the tombs
provide
The Cana were hewn over a period of time, but that must
by tombs in Jerusalem and elsewhere.
necropolis has not provided any explicit evidence
remain uncertain. Were embellished tombs, the
ear
that helps to understand this local solution, (b) rectangular loculi, and the better built tombs
Runoff water, especially in the two main groups lier or later? The following overall picture might
of tombs in the southwest and the southeast, be hypothesized: the earliest tombs were probably
must have been a very serious problem during the those in the southwest and the southeast, followed
ones in the northwest, with the lone tomb
winter rains, when much water would naturally by the
drain into the closed shafts, and from there into on the east likely the latest.
the chambers and the loculi. Only one shaft has
a feature that might reasonably be inter
Ethnicity
design
even loculi were widely used in surrounding
preted as a solution to this problem, and Though
this is at best a partial solution, (c) The absence cultures, their use at Khirbet Qana reflects Jew
of niches for lamps ?needed while the tombs ish burial patterns, as the various references to
? is a minor of the site
were being hewn and during burials the Mishnah suggest. The evidence
more careful inspection of the coheres closely with usual reconstructions of Jew
question. Perhaps
tomb chambers will disclose evidence of such ish history in the region, especially a Hasmonean
b.c.e. An expansion
niches, (d) Related to the burials themselves are reconquest of Galilee ca. 100
other questions: how to carry corpses into the of the village at this period is consistent with
chambers when there were no stairs; what pro the archaeological evidence of Jewish culture
vision was made for spices; why were there no (Hasmonean coins, stoneware, mikvaoth, GCW
formal indications of mourners' benches; how Since no other tombs from obviously
pottery).
264 Peter Richardson
perhaps with a factor thrown in for oversupply. The the overall design of the tombs, the social historical
maximum population the necropolis could serve reconstructions of the village itself, together with
might be calculated as follows: Ifwe assume 100 textual evidence from theMishnah, suggest that the
loculi, an average life expectancy of 30 to 35 years, tombs derive from the ist century b.c.e. through
an the 2nd century ce., or a more limited portion of
evenly distributed death rate (though this is
obviously unlikely), and primary burial lasting that period;(c) the shaft entrances to twelve of the
one year in a loculus thirteen tombs need further consideration to ascer
(prior to secondary burial),
the necropolis could serve 100 (loculi) times 30-35 tain the origin of this unusual feature that seems
(life expectancy) times one (year of interment), or reflected poorly in the presently known data; (d)
about 3000 persons. This maximum is consider the design of the shaftsmay plausibly be interpreted
ably too generous for Khirbet Qana even at peak as an influence from Phoenician practice; if that
population periods. The population was probably suggestion is supported by subsequent examina
a third or a quarter of that, tiom itwill be a factor of considerable importance
raising yet another
question, about the overbuilding of tombs. in discussions of the cultural matrix of western
Lower Galilee.
NOTES
Eric M. Meyers work is a model forGalilean exca 6 Mishnah Baba Bathra 2.9 says graves are to be 50
vations, both urban and rural. It is a pleasure to ac cubits (ca. 23m) fromdwellings; ra. Oholoth 16.3 (cf.
knowledge both his archaeological and institutional 17.1,18.2) suggests amaximum of 20 cubits (ca. 9m)
contributions. between graves within graveyards.
2 On Yodefat, see Richardson 2004, part 2; on Galilean 7 Aaro S?derlund and ByronMcCane wrote a prelimi
walled villages, Aviam and Richardson 2001. nary report (1999) considering the tombs; both have
3 The excavations have found no earlyRoman destruc been helpful in preparing this chapter.
tion, arrowheads, ballista stones, or catapult bolts. 8 The Mishnah does not explicitly mention such a
4 Sepphoris and most neighboring towns stayed quiet problem when discussing burial practices.
early in the revolt (Josephus,War 2.511), but rebels 9 Mishnah Oholoth 2.4 (cf. 15.9; m. Erubin 1.7; ra. Nazir
and brigands fought Romans on Mount Azmon, 73) mentions stones that seal graves, with a "but
adjacent to both Cana and Yodefat. On brigands, tressing stone."This may sometimes referto a rolling
Edwards and Richardson 2004, chap. 2. stone, at other times to a stone fitting the chamber
5 Excavations by theUniversity of Puget Sound, under entrance with another stone holding it in place (in
the direction ofDouglas R. Edwards, began in 1998. ra. Oholoth 15.9 a "jar" or even a
"living beast" can
10 According tom. Oholoth 6.8 the "courtyard"was to 15 Several passages in theMishnah presuppose monu
be 6 6 cubits, large enough for thebier and bearers ments or decoration: ra. Oholoth 7.1 (a solid monu
(ca. 7.6m2 in area). Five shaftsare less than this area, ment); ra. Erubin 5.1 (amonument inwhich isa "dwell
four are
larger. ing chamber" or hollow); ra. Shekalim 2.5 (building a
11Mishnah Baba Bathra 6.8 says the chamber is to be monument with excess
money).
4x6 cubits (ca. 5m2), with eight niches, three on 16 The need tomark graves by whiting them iswell
the sides and two opposite the door. Rabbi Simeon known: ra. Maaser Sheni 5.1; ra. Moed Kat?n 1.2; ra.
said 4 8 cu (ca. 6.7m2), with 13niches, four on each Shekalim 1.1 (on 15Adar).
side, three opposite the door, and one on either side 17 Hachlili 1988, chap. 4; Stern 2001: 470-77; Bloch
of the door. Courtyards could have three chambers; Smith 1992; Pearson 1999; Chapman et al. 1981.
R. Simeon said up to four;R. Simeon ben Gamaliel 18 Richardson 2004, chap. 17.
said "All depends on the nature of the rock." 19 The door design, in particular, has similarities
12Mishnah Baba Bathra 6.8 discusses niche dimensions: at Achziv and Hanita; Frankel and Getzov 1997:
4 cubits long (ca. 1.85m), 6 handbreadths wide and 7 45*-47*.
high (ca. 54 by 63 cm). Table 3 shows that themini 20 On Phoenician tombs, seeWard 1997: 316;Markoe
mum niche sizes hover around these dimensions. 1997:329-30; 2000:141; Baramki 1961:97-99; Harden
13 InTomb 5 the "bone room" is theonly functional locu 1980: 96-104; Lipinski 1992: 457-61; Moscati 1988:
lus, since the only other loculus seems incomplete. 267-83.
14 On secondary burial, see m. Pesahim 8.8; m. Moed 21 Washed-down soil, ra. Oholoth 17.4; areas formourn
Katan 1.5;m. Sanh?drin 6.6. Two stylesof ossuaries ers,ra. Oholoth 18.4 (cf. also 18.7; 2.3); ra. Megillah
are presumed inm. Oholoth 9.15, thosewith lids that 4.3; ra. Ketuboth 2.10; ra. Baba Bathra 6.7; whiting,
fitwithin the sides and thosewith lids overhanging see above; carrying the bier,ra. Baba Bathra 6.7-8.
the sides: seeMeyers 1971;Rahmani 1994.
REFERENCES
Aviam, M., and Richardson, R logical and Literary Perspective. Pp. 17-38 in
2001 Josephus sGalilee inArchaeological Perspective. Building Jewish in theRoman East, ed. P. Rich
Pp. 177-209 in Flavius Josephus, ed. S.Mason. ardson. Waco, TX: Baylor University.
Life of Josephus, vol. 9. Leiden: Brill. and Getzov, N.
Frankel, R.,
Bloch-Smith, E. Hachlili, R.
1992 Judahite Burial Practices and Beliefs About the 1988 Ancient JewishArt and Archaeology in theLand
Dead. Sheffield: Journal for the Study of theOld of Israel. Leiden: Brill.
Testament. D. B.
Harden,
. (eds.) 1980 The Phoenicians. Harmondsworth:
Chapman, R.; Kinnes, I.; and Randsborg, Penguin.
1981 The Archaeology ofDeath. Cambridge: Cam
Lipinski, E. (ed.)
bridge University. 1992 Dictionnaire de la Civilization Ph?nicienne et
Edwards, D. Punique. Turnhout: Brepols.
2002 Khirbet Qana: From JewishVillage toChristian Markoe, G.
Pilgrim Site. Pp. 101-32 inThe Roman and Byz 1997 Phoenicians. Pp. 329-30 inOxford Encyclopedia
antine East, vol. 3, ed. J.Humphrey. Journal of
ofArchaeology in theNear East, vol. 4, ed. E. M.
Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 49.
Meyers. New York, NY: Oxford University.
Portsmouth, RI: JRA. 2000 Phoenicians. London: BritishMuseum.
Edwards, D., and Richardson, P. S.
Moscati,
2004 Jesusand Palestinian Social Protest inArchaeo 1988 The Phoenicians. New York, NY: Abbeville.
266 Peter Richardson
M. P. Stern, E.
Pearson,
theBible, vol. 2.New
1999 The Archaeology ofDeath and Burial. Stroud: 2001 Archaeology of theLand of
Sutton. York, NY: Doubleday.
L. Ward, W. A.
Rahmani,
1994 A Catalogue ofJewishOssuaries in theCollections 1997 Phoenicia. Pp. 313-17 in Oxford Encyclopedia
Near East, vol. 4, ed. E. M.
of theState ofIsrael. Jerusalem:
IsraelAntiquities ofArchaeology in the
Authority. Meyers. New York, NY: Oxford University.
Richardson, P. (ed.)
East. Waco, TX:
2004 Building Jewish in theRoman
Baylor University.
Chapter 22
Monumental Changes:
Architecture and Culture in Late Roman
and Early Byzantine Sepphoris
byC. ThomasMcCollough
Libanius, thewell-known orator of the fourth Palestine, Sepphoris underwent changes, and in
took note of signs of the decline some cases dramatic
century ce., changes, in its urban land
of theancient cityandwas appalled by the scape beginning in the mid-fourth century c.e.
inattention given to this crisis. Libanius acknowl The excavators of the site have all noted evidence of
era had been ravaged by
edges that cities of his destruction in themid-4th century and accounted
any number of internal and external problems for the destruction layer either in terms of the Gal
and catastrophes, but he argues the decline is lus revolt of 352 and/or the earthquake of 363. From
not inevitable or uncorrectable: as he observed, that point forward, the city evolved in ways that
are
"Considering also that the destinies of cities show signs of continuity and discontinuity with its
not identical with those of men, formans end is former self. This study focuses on twomajor urban
? can structures ? a basilica and a theater ? and, in terms
irrevocable while they?the cities be revived"
(Orations 12.50-51). As Libanius goes on to observe, of the excavation results, offers some observations
to do otherwise risked not only barbarian takeover, about the city and its population as it entered the
but also the onset ofmelancholy, "Failure to found Byzantine period.
a non-existent city is no shame, but to ignore the Recent studies on changing patterns of urban
destruction of a previously existing town involves ism in the late antique world have demonstrated
the double penalty of disgrace and damage. The both the complexity of the endeavor as well as the
occurrence of such a disaster is an invitation to the potential for such studies to truly allow archaeol
barbarians.. .and to our people an inevitable cause ogy to give back a voice to the people of the past.
of despondency. ./.'(Orations 12.50-51). The latter has been especially true in studies that
a have emphasized a more postmodernist
Sepphoris, large city in lower Galilee, could perspec
well have been one of the cities forwhich Liban tive on urbanism. This perspective has located in
ius grieved. As was true of other cities in Roman the archaeology and architecture evidence of a
267
268 C. Thomas McCollough
?
multiplicity of forces operative in the urban set in each case, these buildings flagship structures
? are not
ting at its point of transition from the classical of the Roman polis restored, but rather
cities of the Hellenic east to the pragmatic cities in both cases there is spoilage and a radical reuse
of Byzantium. This approach opens the analysis of space. The archaeological record of these two
to a greater sense of the active role of the urban a new phase in
buildings signals the dawn of
resident in determining his/her world. The urban the character of this city, a phase that points in a
context is no longer seen simply as the setting for direction away from the Roman polis and in the
themanipulative strategies of the elite, but as the direction of a medina, away from a city focused
context inwhich individuals adapted and in some by thecentralbuildingsof
upon and held together
cases
radically transformed their urban space for
a the polis and in the direction of a city broken into
host of reasons, ranging from economic to religious centers
neighborhoods and clustered around other
to environmental. It is in this way that studies of of loyalty and identity.
urban archaeology can openly converge with the It has become a truism, but a truism built on a
concerns of the substantial body of evidence, that urban architec
archaeology of difference in the
ancient world. ture in the Empire in late antiquity ? meaning the
? was
Over the last fifteen years, several excavation mid-3rd and through to the 4th centuries c.e.
teams have worked at uncovering the ancient city being transformed by shifts in political, economic
of Sepphoris. I have been affiliated with the Uni and cultural (more specifically, religious) forces.
versity of South Florida Excavations at Sepphoris. These forces significantly disrupted the urban
Our excavations have opened five fields and two of pattern inherited from the Hellenistic period and
those have centered upon monumental structures continued (and one might say perfected) during
from the urban landscape of Sepphoris: the theater the period of the Roman Empires hegemony over
and a basilica-type building. While an important the Mediterranean basin. The urban patterns that
goal of the excavations was, of course, the question emerged in themidst of this disruption had been
of foundation, the excavations fully exposed the cast as indicators of decay on the eve of the inva
depositional history of the later occupation and sions from Persia and, in time, themassive takeover
use of the structures. This
stratigraphical history by the Islamic invaders. More recent studies have
gave important insight into the city in transition. rejected such pessimistic evaluations and instead
The theater and the basilica, classic features of a characterized this period as a time "not of decay
Roman city,were transformed as the city entered and barbarism but a creative tension between old
a ur
the early Byzantine (meaning themid-4th century and new, between compelling tradition of
ce.) period. Previous assessments of Sepphoris in banism inherited from the past and new spiritual
this period have noted some changes in the city s and social realities" (Holum 1993: 698).1 One goal
landscape, but have tended to characterize the late of this study is to test this paradigm shift in the
fourth century as witnessing an almost immediate characterization of the late antique city.Have the
restoration or rebuilding of the city. In fact, one excavations given us a city in decay or one recast
scholar has contended that after the Gallus revolt ing itself in accordance with a changed view of
of 352 "the citywas immediately rebuilt...." (Strange the city? And how might the transitional data be
1999), while others noted that after the earthquake used as well for capturing themultifaceted forces
of 363, "In certain parts of the city,damaged build driving the changes?
ingswere restored and in other parts, new buildings There iswidespread agreement that late-third
were erected" (Weiss 1997: 123). The impression and fourth-century imperial policy regarding the
given by these sorts of assessments is one of rapid cities had a significant impact on urban architec
recovery and only modest change in the urban ture, as itdisrupted, and in some cases destroyed,
landscape. What I would argue is that in light of the fiscal sources for building and maintaining
the excavations of the twomonumental structures, public structures and relocated the sources for
these sorts of impressions need modification. For social status and stature from municipal office to
Monumental Changes 269
imperial office (e.g., Saradi-Mendelovici 1988). And finally, and, some have argued, most fatally,
The fiscal resources for building and maintaining there was the assault by Christianity on certain
to have been as the
public buildings in the city appear public buildings of the ancient city, such
three-fold. The largest source of funds came from theater, as theywere connected with encouraging
private benefactors. Public spending by a rich
man frivolous behavior and, thus, distracting from a
displayed the virtue of magnanimitas, and on the life of virtue.3 In a work from somewhat later in
more mundane level, itboth showed offwealth and the Byzantine era, under the titlePeira, there is an
shape to the urban landscape in the Byzantine binic texts and a synagogue inscription found in
period. We turn now to the provincial city of Sep the rubble of the Crusader church may refer to a
phoris to test these claims against the archaeologi synagogue in Sepphoris. Tomb inscriptions from
cal record as ithas been recovered to this point. burials near the citymake reference to a Hoshayah
The archaeological record is, in fact, the key bar Tanhum, a Rabbi Yaakob, and a Rabbi Nahum
resource for recovering a some
history of the city of Sep (Strange 1999:1092). I think we can saywith
phoris in the Byzantine period. The literary and confidence that the population of the city remained
epigraphic resources for Sepphoris in this era are predominantly Jewish even into the fifth century.
limited and those that are available are difficult to The sources outside of the rabbinic corpus witness
use for recovering a social or economic history of to the resistance of Sepphoris to a Christian pres
the city.As Stuart Miller has shown in his several ence in the city in the fourth century.7 That there
studies of the Talmudic traditions regarding Sep were non-Jews in residence in the city is also very
The interest of the Jews of the Late Second peculiar report of theArian Emperor Valens exiling
orthodox Christians from Egypt to the territory of
Temple and Talmudic Periods in urban
Sepphoris (Diocaesarea).8 A record of the bishops
matters does not compare to the interest in
in attendance at the Council of Chalcedon in the
urban matters taken by theirGreco-Roman
mid-fifth century includes a reference to a Dor
contemporaries or later by Christians and etheus from Sepphoris (Diocaesarea) and there is
Muslims.... Indeed, JacobNeusner may well
a reference to aMarcellinus, a bishop of Sepphoris
be rightwhen he characterizes the city as "a
(Diocaesarea), who intervenes in a matter before
useless symbol in Late Antique Judaism."
the Council of Jerusalem in the early fifthcentury.9
The Jewsmay have formed distinct com
We also have an inscription that places a bishop in
munities in themetropolises of theM?diter
Sepphoris in thefifthcentury(see below).
Monumental Changes 271
The archaeological record of late Roman and Weiss and Netzer comment that it is presumed
that the structure was
Byzantine Sepphoris has been greatly enhanced damaged by the earthquake
by the excavations ofHebrew University under the of 363, but that it continued to be used "in the late
direction of Zeev Weiss and Ehud Netzer.10 These fourth and fifth century but was abandoned later
excavations have exposed, in particular on the in theByzantineperiod,when most of itsbuilding
eastern flank, evidence of a city that by the early stones were looted for other construction projects
fifth century was in full recovery from the disas as well as for the of lime" (Weiss and
production
ters of the mid-fourth century. As anticipated by Netzer 1996: 82).
the discussion above, the Church seemed to have In sum, Weiss and Netzer us a portrait of
give
a major role in this recovery. Traces of two a city uneven after the
played experiencing development
churches have been found to either side of the cardo mid-fourth century. Some elements of the classical
near its intersection with the decumanus. Dedica city are retained (the cardo and decumanus), but
in the mosaics of the sidewalk are ? in
tory inscriptions significant aspects lost particular the Ro
near the churches date to themid-fifth century and man theater.With the possible exception of theNile
mention the Episcopus Eutropius, who is given a festival building, the urban monuments are now
role in the renovation of the stoas.11 Further south primarily those constructed by religious commu
on the cardo, the excavations uncovered a large nities and funding for urban construction appears
public building that they note was "most probably to be shifted to these same religious communities.
builtat theend of thefourthor at thebeginningof As suggested above, the pattern of "demise" in this
the fifth century." The excavators suggest thiswas provincial city is a complicated matter that requires
"amunicipal basilica, which in Byzantine sources an
equally complex interpretative approach. Before
ismentioned as a place where regional meetings, an interpretation (however tentative),
offering such
lectures and the like were held." The floors of the I add the archaeological evidence recovered by our
rooms of the
building were carpeted with poly excavations of two of themost important structures
chrome mosaics, one of which had a scene from a of the classical city, the theater and the basilica. Our
Nile River festival,and thusthebuildinghas been carefully stratified excavation of these structures
named theNile festival building. offers another sort of evidential resource, as it al
Stillon theeasternflank,but to thenorthof the lows for a more microcosmic study of structures
center of themainfocus of Byzantine renewal, the as they pass the transition from Roman to
through
Hebrew University excavations exposed a syna Byzantine period of occupation.12 The depositional
gogue dated to the sixth century. The synagogue history of these structures opens thewindow more
floor was paved with amosaic that included scenes fully
on the urban dwellers and their
perceptions
of biblical stories, Temple ritual items, as well as a of space and its use.
zodiac (Weiss and Netzer 1996). We turn first to the theater. The questions ofwho
Weiss and Netzer describe a very different pat built the theater and when are still
being argued.13
tern of urban development exposed in their excava For this paper, the founding date is not an issue that
tions on the acropolis. Buildings damaged by the needs to be revisited. For our purposes, the point
mid-fourth-century earthquake were largely left in is thatcertainlyby the beginning of the second
ruins. The "mansion," which housed the triclinium century, Sepphoris included in its architectural
with a floor covered by theDionysiac mosaic, is for statements a Roman theater. The theater was a
the most part not restored and "poorly planned ubiquitous and defining feature of the specifically
buildings out of stones in secondary
constructed Roman urban landscape, one of the several public
use were erected above the rest of the ruined man
buildings that, asMcDonald notes, "were essential
sion" (Weiss and Netzer 1996: 81). In the center to a distinctive architectural creation, the
specifi
of the acropolis, the space is transformed into a cally Roman town.. .these robust objects were in
storeroom inwhich twelve large pithoi were found struments of architectural colonization,
symbols
in situ. In terms of their excavations of the theater, of the claims and ways of Rome" (McDonald 1982:
272 C. Thomas McCollough
). In terms of theaters in the Roman Near East, had been constructed across the orchestra floor for
the theater at Sepphoris was a medium-size struc the purpose of filling the theater s cavea. The latest
ture with seating for approximately 5000. Itwas date for the ceramics and coins collected from the
located on the acropolis and the archaeology gives soil layers against thiswall of foundation was fifth
evidence of one or possibly two renovations. The century.14
theater in a provincial city like Sepphoris served In sum, the evidence we recovered gave us a
several purposes, from providing the setting for picture of continued use into the late fourth cen
entertainment and spectacles to public displays tury and then abandonment and intentional fill
of local and foreign authority and social rank. beginning in the early fifth century. As noted, these
The provincial elite and themunicipality put their conclusions agree with theHebrew University (and
funds towork, building a theater because itwas a theUniversity ofMichigan) excavations, with one
recognized symbol of affluence and civic pride. As exception:15 theUniversity ofMichigan excavators
Segal noted, the elite citizens of provincial cities of was constructed
suggested the "retaining wall"
Palestine, "...knowing that political and military in the Crusader period (Waterman 1937: 31).We
avenues were barred to them, the citizens of these found no evidence of Crusader construction, but
cities turned their energies and funds to construc rather find the wall to be part of the reconfigura
tion activities which could satisfy their desire for tion of the acropolis area that took place beginning
recreation and ostentation, i.e., colonnaded streets, in the late fourth century. Our excavations of the
triumphal arches, nymphae, and theaters" (Segal areas immediately to the south of the theater and
1995:12). around the base of the citadel (now used as the
Our excavations opened areas within the cavea sites museum) have given evidence of the trans
and around the external face of the stage. In terms formation of this space into a military fortress in
of the Byzantine phase of occupation of these areas, themid-fourth century. The transformation of the
our conclusions, in acropolis into a military fortress is typical of the
general, coincide with those of
theHebrew University excavations. The excavation reallocation of resources in the Byzantine period.
in the cavea was centered over the upper row of That is, the building of the retaining wall and the
seats in the imma cavea and the interior corridor. reuse of the space immediately to the south of the
The excavation produced evidence of continued theater appears to have been for the sake of a mili
use the end of the fourth century and tary enclave, which is consistent with the pattern
through
in the fifth century abandonment and the intro of the infusion of imperial resources from the late
duction of fill. In the corridor a fourth century on. Resources made available to
layer of soil 85
cm
deep just above the bedrock foundation for the city from the imperial treasury were given to
the corridor yielded forty-two coins dating from the cities for the sake of fortification, rather than
364 to 402 in conjunction with pottery that dated the restoration of civic structures. This decision
consistently to the Byzantine period. The soil loci to invest in fortifications would be especially ap
above this layer (95 cm deep) were consistent in propriate in the aftermath of theGallus revolt. The
having very few artifacts, pottery that dated the decision to fill the theater should then be seen as
layers to the late fourth-early fifth century and the part of this transformation of the classical city for
consistency of gravity sorted fill. The excavations military ends.
us a in the Eastern
along the exterior face of the stage wall gave The fate of classical theaters
similar depositional history. There was evidence provinces is uneven and for that matter not well
of repair and reinforcement of walls and drains documented, as excavations of these structures
until the end of the fourth century. Beginning in were more often than not driven by the issue of
the early fifth century, therewere signs of a terrac foundation, meaning that later stratigraphy was
ing and preparation of the area to the rear of the handled sloppily, if at all. Where there is usable
theater for agriculture. Moreover, we were able we an uneven
evidence, have history. For example,
to locate a portion of the large retaining wall that at Scythopolis/Bet Shean, one of the other major
Monumental Changes 273
urban centers of the lower Galilee, the theater suf centuries ce. ? is perhaps the most propitious of
fered significant damage in the earthquake of 363 times for Sepphoris and witnessed the installation
c.e., when, according to the excavators, the upper of elegant mosaics. As with the theater, by themid
cavea was ruined and the fa?ade of the scaenaefrons fourth century a dramatic a monumental
change,
was badly damaged. But in this case, again accord change, was exposed.
ing to the excavators, there
was a
major restoration Unlike the theater, there are obvious signs of
in the late fourth century (Tsafrir and Foerster 1997: thebuildingbeing badly damaged by earthquake
109). On the other hand, the fate of the theater at or revolt in themid-fourth century. For example,
Pella in the Decapolis was much like that of Sep we exposed collapse that is clearly
second-floor
was filled and invaded
phoris, as it by small-scale dated to this period. What is important, is that
structures in the early Byzantine period (Smith thebuilding fromthispoint enjoys only uneven
and Day 1989:28-29). What would account for the efforts at restoration. We found that small por
decision to abandon the theater and how does this tions of the western half of the building were
decision reflect the urban population of Sepphoris repaired (e.g., mosaics were repaired, but not with
in the early Byzantine period? These
are the
key polychrome mosaic tesserae ? less expensive large
interpretative questions, but the answers need be white tesserae were used instead), and from the
held until we examine the fate of the other major large number of coin finds appear to have been
structure of the classical city, the basilica. used for commercial transactions until the mid
building became, like the theater, "indispensable to installed. In sum, the monumental structure that
a proper town" (McDonald 1982:111). Itwas, as John was so critical to
defining the Roman city of Sep
Carter notes, "the one building which stands out as phoris was not incorporated into the Byzantine city.
a Instead, itwas either abandoned or transformed
peculiarly Roman type... large covered hall which
performed the function of the ubiquitous stoas of into discrete space to accommodate the desires of
Hellenistic architecture.. .and became, along with the "neighborhood" or for the sake of the
newly
the great bath-buildings of the Empire, a major arrived urban industry.16
vehicle of Roman originality and development in We can now return to the question thatwe posed
architecture" (Carter 1989:32 ).Our excavations of in the discussion of the abandonment of the theater.
this building have exposed foundations that date Why, in the case of these monumental structures
to the early decades of the first century c.e. We that so obviously defined the ancient city, is there
interpret it as one of the buildings (along with the spoilage and reuse rather than reconstruction or
theater) built by Herod Antipas as a defining struc renovation? On the one hand, as noted, the law
ture of Sepphoris as a Roman polis. The middle and codes show a pattern of reduced revenues, as re
? the sources were shifted to the emperor s res privata.
late Roman phase second through the third
274 C. Thomas McCollough
Moreover, the epigraphical evidence reveals a approach became more explicit" (Tsafrir and Foer
dramatic decrease in the role of the city council ster 1994:105). The transformation of the basilica
( ? ) and of private a in providing in Sepphoris into space for industry and a bath is
for public construction.17 Added to these broad a sign of a new sort of ? one in
city in themaking
patterns of shifting of funds, we noted the Gallus which industrial activity is now housed inside the
revolt, the ascendance of Tiberius as the center of city itself and not allocated to the villages.
the rabbinic movement in lower Galilee, and the re Finally, in accounting for the transformations of
sistance toChristianization as factors specific to the the classical city, Iwould offer some observations
situation at Sepphoris that account for the demise that respond to the challenge of the postmodernist
of parts of the ancient city. The buildings thatwe perspective on urban evolution posed at the outset
have focused on, the theater and the basilica, were of this study. That is, can we use the archaeology to
both likely to have suffered considerable damage go beyond the notion of a passive urban popula
by way of the Gallus revolt and/or the earthquake tion being manipulated by greater forces (e.g., the
of 362 ce. The decision to leave these structures in Emperors fiscal policy)? At the risk of over-inter
rubble or to reuse the space was surely a matter of pret ing the evidence ofmute stones, I suggest that
lack of financial resources, at least until the arrival the city of Sepphoris that emerges after themid
of a new civic patron, the Church. fourth century is one inwhich the urban dweller
In addition to the shift in financial resources, has a new vision of urban space and is actively
we should take into account some involved in the transformation. These are urban
demographic
variables for the period of the late fourth-early fifth dwellers that have relocated their identity from the
centuries. As Tsafrir and Foerster note, "In the first polis to discrete communities residing within the
new one shaped by
part of the sixth century, Palestine reached itspeak polis. The identity is primarily
in terms of population and the number and size of religious authorities that increasingly emphasize
settlements" (Tsafrir and Foerster 1997:99). Given the particularities of the religious communities.
the rather high concentration of the population These are urban dwellers no longer enchanted by
in urban centers in Palestine, one would expect thevision ofLibanius and his deep loveofpublic
an impact on Sepphoris. The incomplete state of space. In the fourth century, Libanius waxed elo
the excavations does not allow us at this point to quent about the joys to be found wandering among
fully track this impact, but in terms of these two the public structures of the city and mingling in the
think we can say that this variable it
buildings, I public places with other citizens of the city, "isht
manifests itself as an increased demand for urban more pleasant towalk through merchandise rather
space for pragmatic structures, at the cost of the than through gardens, aren t the meetings in the
monumental public structures of the Roman po agora more pleasant than residing at home? Doesn't
lis. The evidence from Scythopolis/Beth Shean is theview of thecrowdwhich flowsthroughthecity
similar and instructive. Foerster and Tsafrir see bring joy?" (Libanius, Oration 11.266). The archae
in the archaeology from 363 ce. on a pattern of was not to be
ology suggests the future of the city
selective rebuilding and restoration that "meets true to Libanius' hopes or visions, but rathermore
new that of the Christian orator JohnChrysostom, who,
demographic demand by the addition of
monuments and institutions of purely utilitarian on the eve of the fifth century, inveighed against
character (e.g., industrial installations and bath the city, its spectacles, its public monuments, and
complexes)." In terms of the basilica, in particular, its social links, arguing instead that men's and
they note, "the large Roman basilica went out of
use women's lives need to be centered on the family, on
in the 4th century (perhaps after the earthquake the Church. For Chrysostom, the ideal life is one
of 363) and on its sitewere built rooms, lanes and in stark contrast to that offered by the city, "In the
porticoes, probably forutilitarian or even industrial city, baths make people voluptuous, taverns make
purposes... the grandeur of the Roman urban plan them indulgent, markets and festivals make them
In the fields, virtue reigns supreme, free
ning deteriorated...and the pragmatic Byzantine hasty
Monumental Changes 275
from licentiousness, drunkenness, and daintiness, institutions of the past. As Peter Brown observed, in
it looks like heaven."18 this period of transition, "on every level of life the
The city that has emerged from the archaeologi institutions that had seemed capable of receiving
cal excavations of themonumental structures of the the awesome charge of permanence and divinity in
classical city of Sepphoris offers intriguing evidence classical times either declined or exploded" (Brown
of a moment of transition that contains elements 1971: 85). The monumental structures that defined
of continuity as well as significant manifestations the Roman polis are left for spoilage, and the space
of a departure from the classical ideal of the urban is reconfigured and the city begins a gradual tran
landscape. It is a transition that points away from sition thatwill witness the dissolution of the polis
the classical city of theRoman world and toward the and a shift toward fragmentation and greater social
medina of the Arab period. The city continued to atomization. It is a dissolution thatwill ultimately
serve as a social and political center for the region. also manifest itself in an urban landscape evolving
Bishops are tobe foundembedded inthecitiesand into a medir?a. And so I end with a quote fromHugh
the town plan ofHippodamus continued to provide Kennedy whose observations regarding the cities in
the visual map for the ordering of the city structures. Byzantine Syria wonderfully captures the dynamics
?
But there is change, significant change monumen of this city in lower Galilee:
?
tal change that points forward and not back. The
...the broad, colonnaded streets were
public structures that defined the city architectur invaded and divided up by intrusive struc
were replaced by other
ally and in terms of values tures, both houses and shops, and became
structures and by other values. On the one hand,
more like winding lanes than the massive
Libanius iswrong, as this shift does not signal a
thoroughfares antiquity; and
of classical
sort a malaise of a melancholy sort. There is every
the extensive, open agora, scene formarkets
reason to believe thatAvi-Yonah was right to char
and meetings was gone. The other main
acterize Palestine in the late fourth and early fifth
features of the ancient city, themonumental
centuries as a locale witnessing economic vigor
buildings, disappeared almost entirely, to
and manifesting heady confidence in the future
be replaced by the small industry or bath
(Avi-Yonah 1976). And yet, it is a confidence that house" (Kennedy 1985: 5).
has been re-centered and refocused off the classical
NOTES
1 As Holum notes, Claudes studyof theByzantine city 5 The role of Christianity in the financial stability of
(Die Byzantinische Stadt im6. JahrhundertMunich, theByzantine cityhas been discussed in a number of
s
1969)was critical for identifyingtheByzantine phase publications. See, forexample,Whittow discussion
as a distinct phase of urban development, as was of thewealth of the Late Roman cities in theNear
East (1990:13-20) and Haldon 1999; forPalestine in
Kennedy (1985) for correcting Claude and showing
that the 6th-century phase of the Byzantine citywas particular,
see Dan 1984.
6 In this same vein, see also Dagon 1977 and Saradi
"just one phase in a gradual transition from classical
to Muslim medinah..." Mendelovici 1988: 365-401.
polis
2 The transformation of the ruling elite of the cities 7 See, e.g., the reference to Joseph of Tiberius inEphi
has been studied in detail by a number of scholars phanius,
Adv. Haeres. 1.30 and Panarion 30,12:1-10.
11 The dedicatory inscription does mention Marianus, Florida is preparing a publication of its excavations
the "fatherof the city" ( a ee ),who "pro of the theater.
vided" for the construction. Another reference to a 14 See the field reports in Israel Exploration Journal 34,
'fatherof the city for Sepphoris is in an inscription no. 1: 51-52; 35: 297-95; 38, no. 3:188-90; and 39, no.
firstedited byAvi-Yonah in 1961 and retranslated by 12:104-10.
Di Segni (1995:325). Di Segni describes the role of the 15 In 1931,LeroyWaterman of theUniversity ofMichi
pater civitatis to be that of an imperial officer,who gan excavated a portion of the theater.In his remarks
"administered the city'srevenues and was responsible about the occupational history of the theater, Wa
for the upkeep of the public streets and buildings" termans assistant Samuel Yeivin concluded that the
(p. 325). These administratorswere not, however, the theaterhad gone out of use in themid-fourth century.
source of the funding. Yeivin reached this conclusion, inpart, fromevidence
12 The excavations of Sepphoris have, in fact, offered recovered from a cisternuncovered near the theater.
a good test case of the value of somewhat different The cistern contained architectural fragments from
approaches to archaeological method. The Hebrew the theater and "large amounts of Byzantine but not
University excavations have moved more rapidly, later,shards so thatone must conclude thatat the lat
not at the total sacrifice of stratigraphy,but certainly est, the theaterwas destroyed in theByzantine period."
with an emphasis on architecture over depositional Yeivin goes on to observe, that, "A confirmation of
history. Our excavations have "erred" in the other theByzantine datemay be seen in a fewbadly ruined
direction. walls found over the lowest seats.. .the construction
13 The disagreement is between the later publications of thesewalls seem tobelong to the4th-6th centuries
of the Joint Sepphoris Project/Hebrew University and so it follows that the theaterwas likely to have
Excavations and the publications of theUniversity been destroyed some timeduring thefirsthalf of the
of South Florida Excavations at Sepphoris. The ini 4th centuryperhaps during the sack of the cityunder
tial field reports of the JSPand theUSF excavations, Gallus (351ce.)." (Waterman 1937: 30).
published in the Israel Exploration Journal, agreed 16 See the field reports in Israel Exploration Journal 49
on a dating of the early first century c.e. The JSP (1999) 122-26.
and thenHebrew University changed theirmind in 17 On the epigraphy, see Di Segni 1995
later publications and argued for a date of late first 18 PG 60, coll. 147-48; cited inSaradi-Mendelovici 1988:
or
early second century c.e. The University of South 390.
REFERENCES
Avi-Yonah, M. Dan, Y.
1976 The JewsofPalestine: A Political History from the 1984 Urban Life in the Land of Israel at theEnd of
Bar-Kochba War to theArab Conquest. Oxford: Ancient Times. Jerusalem:Yad Ishak Ben Zevi
Blackwell. (Hebrew).
Brown, P. Di Segni, L.
1971 The Rise and Function of theHoly Man. Journal 1995 The Involvement of local,municipal, and pro
ofRoman Studies 61: 80-101. vincial Authorities inUrban Planning in Late
1988 Body and Society New York, NY: Columbia Antique Palestine and Arabia. Pp. 313-22 inThe
University. Roman Byzantine Near East: Some Recent Ar
Carter, J. chaeological Research, ed. J.
Humphrey. Journal
1989 Civic and Other Public Buildings. Pp. 31 -66 in of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series
Roman Public ed. I.M. Barton. Exeter: 14.Ann Arbor, MI: University ofMichigan.
Buildings,
Exeter Haldon, J.
University.
G. 1999 The Idea of theTown in the Byzantine Empire.
Dagon,
1977 Le christianisme dans la ville Byzantine. Pp. 1-23 in The Idea and the Ideal of theTown
Dumbarton Oaks Collected Papers 31: 1-26. Between Late Antiquity and theEarly Middle
Monumental Changes 277
byBill Grantham
Because of its potential for "describing and since food refuse and ceramicsare very common
ingly become
an interest to archaeologists focus (McGuire 1982:163). Hesse (1986:17) suggests that
are
ing on complex societies (Schuyler 1980; Shennan foodways conservative elements of culture that
have attempted to isolate can be distinctive markers of
1989). Archaeologists ethnicity. He further
patterns in the archaeological record that might suggests:
be useful as indicators of the ethnicity of those
Moreover, people tend to resist change in
responsible for the creation of the record. Through
theirways of getting and consuming foods.
ethnicity, archaeologists have attempted to under The choice of what animal to slaughter,
stand how culturally different people interact in
the proceduresfor butchering the selected
complex societies, the relationship between eth and
the methods for cooking or
victim,
nicity and subsistence strategies, and how material otherwise making use of the carcass can
culture may reflect ethnicity.
constitute a cultural pattern potentially as
Food remains, ceramics, and architecture have
distinctive in the archaeological record as
been the foci ofmost attempts to evaluate ethnic other more traditional forms of artifactual
ity archaeologically (McGuire 1982:162) and some
debris (Hesse 1986:17).
of the more successful attempts have focused on
food remains and food related technology (Crab Similarly, McKee (1987:32) suggests that foodways
tree 1990). McGuire (1982) asserts that food refuse are an important expression of ethnicity:
and artifacts associated with food are particularly
What eat, and how they eat it, is an
people
good criteria for examining ethnic differences.
important aspect of the process of ethnic
Referring to his work in the American southwest,
Most people are rather particular about
he asserts that ethnic food practices have varied ity.
what they eat, and foodways often rival
greatly between American ethnic groups and that,
279
280 Bill Grantham
technology, such as butchering practices or meth tion of around 30,000. The city also served as a
ods of obtaining wild foods, as a basic detectable commercial and agricultural center for the region
difference between the subsistence strategies of (Netzer and Weiss 1992: 37). Sepphoris urban
different ethnic groups. character, its role as a capital of Roman Galilee
and its role as a center for Jewish legal and spiritual
ROMAN- A E PALESTINE thought during the Roman and Byzantine periods
are indicative of a multi-ethnic, urban society (see
Roman-Byzantine Palestine is an ideal area to test Batey 1992 and Crossan 1992).
archaeological models of ethnicity. The region
Excavations at Sepphoris
was inhabited an ethnically diverse popula
by
tion. There is also a rich historical accounting of Excavation first began at Sepphoris in 1931.Yeivin
life in Roman-Byzantine Palestine (e.g., Josephus (1937:17) described the site at the time of excava
[Whiston1987];theMishnah [Neusner1989]; the tion:
Talmud [Steinsaltz 1993]), which suggests marked
The ancient town of Sepphoris (Sippori),
differences in dietary practices (e.g., avoidance of
fourmiles northwest ofNazareth, is buried
certain species for religious reasons [Hecker 1982;
to a great extent under a largemodern Arab
Hesse 1988; 1990]).
a name which preserves
a useful source for village, Saffuriyye,
Epigraphic evidence provides the old name of the place.
establishing archaeological expectations. While the
accuracy of the documentary evidence with respect The 1931 excavation focused on the citadel hilltop
to the ethnic nature of a population should not be and parts of the northern slope. Yeivin (1937?
archaeological record. Though little isknown about formed the Sepphoris Regional Project and have
The Butchers of Sepphoris 281
continued the excavations in the residential district is also little documentary evidence with respect to
of Sepphoris. Four field seasons (1993,1994,1996 the ethno-cultural nature of Sepphoris during the
and 1997) have recovered several structures in the Persian period. Meyers (1993a: 739) reports the
residential area. existence of Attic black wares at Sepphoris
during
Areas 84.1 and 85.1 consist of domestic struc the fifth century b.c.e. He suggests that,while this
tures. From Area 85.1 a Late Roman floor, Early alone does not necessarily mean that there were
Roman water installations, pottery dumps, and Greek mercenaries at Sepphoris during this time,
two miqwaot were recovered. One of the miqwaot "in view ofmany other considerations, an interpre
was used as a tation favoring amilitary presence may ultimately
apparently dump. It contained exten
sive bone and ceramic remains (Meyers, personal be the best explanation" (Meyers 1993a: 739).
communication). Sepphoris isfirstmentioned historically by Jose
Area 84.4 consists of the remains of a Byzantine phus (Antiq. 13.12.5), a Jewish historian, who tells of
structure plus a Late Roman floor. The function of a failed attempt (ca. 100 b.c.e.)
by Ptolemy Lathyrus,
the building appears to have been non-domestic/ governor of Cyprus, to take the city during the reign
production oriented (Meyers, personal commu ofAlexander Jannaeus (Yeivin 1937:19). Most schol
nication). Areas 84.4 and 84.5 also appear to have ars agree that Sepphoris became
militarily strategic
been used for non-domestic/production oriented early in its history, but there is little evidence that
buildings. any military group, other than Jewish, occupied
Area 85.3 consists of a largeHellenistic structure. Sepphoris before the arrival of the Romans.
The function of this building is not entirely un Yeivin (1937: 27) reports that the masonry of
derstood, but non-domestic use, possibly military thecitadelbuiltbyHerod Antipas included some
housing,
seems
likely.The remains of the building slightlylargerblocksof stonetypicalof theHasmo
were used as a
dump or intentionally filled in prob nean and Herodian
buildings in the country. Yeivin
ably before the first century ce. (Meyers, personal further suggest these blocks could be the remains
communication). of an old citadel built by the early Hasmoneans.
Area 84.6 was likely public space, consisting of a Traditional, ritualized food behavior practiced
largewater reservoir and its associated architecture among Jews in the region is attested to historically as
(three largewalls dividing plaster floors in use dur early
as the fourth century b.c.e. In this
regard, the
ing the Late Roman period). This area was probably Letter of Aristeus, written around 285 b.c.e., notes:
constructed during the Early Roman period and
was in use during the Late Roman period until the Jewishdelegatesdinedwith thepagan Ptol
emaic king Ptolemy II Philadelphus, but
earthquake of 363 ce. here it is explicitly stated that the food was
From these six areas a total of 16,349 identifiable
chosen and served in accordance with the
animal bone fragments were recovered, which
habits of the Jews and that no pagan acts of
represent a total of thirty-two species or analytical
worship took place (Aristeas 181-86, cited
categories of animals used by the inhabitants of in Borgen 1994: 6).
these structures. Of these bone fragments 13,968
represent domestic species, 722 fragments wild After theMaccabean Revolt (ca. 166-63 b.c.e.), a
species, and 1,659 could only be identified as animal tyrannical dynasty was established. In 164 b.c.e.,
bone fragments. Judas Maccabaeus took Jerusalem and "cleansed
the Temple," establishing Hasmonean (Jewish)
Sepphoris inHistorical and Cultural Perspective control over much of the region (M. Miller 1982:
Little isknown historically about Sepphoris prior to 148). Meyers (1992: 85) describes the dynasty as
theHellenistic period. Unfortunately, archaeologi
...more like that of the Hellenistic tyrants
cal evidence is also scarce, owing to a leveling offof
than of the former rulers of Israel. In their
previous remains, probably during the time of re and style they were
Herod public demeanor just
building by Antipas (Yeivin 1937:22). There
282 Bill Grantham
During Herod Antipas first reign (4 b.ce.-19 During the reign ofHadrian (117-38 ce.), a gentile
ce.), he reconstructed the city and made it his administration was installed at Sepphoris and the
capital. In 19 ce., Antipas founded Tiberias and city became known
as Diocaesarea, or the City
moved his capital there (Meshorer 1979: 159). of Zeus, and Hadrian adopted the title of Zeus
Under Felix (52-60 ce.), Sepphoris again became Olympios (Meyers 1992: 88).Meyers (1993b:33)
the capital of theGalilee, but only afterthe fall maintains that, "despite the urbanization policies
of Jerusalem (70 ce.) did the city become a real of Rome," the Galilee remained "predominately
center of Jewish life and a center for Jewish study Jewish throughout the Roman Period, especially
(Meshorer 1979:163). in the first century c.e.," though he suggests that
During the reign of Trajan (98-117 ce.), a Jew "by themid-second century the pluralistic nature
ish revolt erupted against Romans inNorth Africa, of Sepphoris, and hence itsHellenistic ambiance,
Egypt, Cyprus, and Mesopotamia (Meshorer 1979: was greatlyheightened"(Meyers1992:88).
164). The revolt was suppressed during the reign of There is also
archaeological evidence of the
Hadrian (117-139 ce.) and, according toMeshorer changing cultural nature of Sepphoris during the
(1979: 165), Sepphoris "being one of the very few second century c.e.:
places inhabited only by Jews"was singled out for ...all manner of Roman decorated
lamps
punishment by the Romans. can be found, ones with mytho
toMeyers including
According (1992: 88), first-century
a
c. e. Sepphoris was "full of priests," "had a patrician logical figures and variety of erotic themes.
Many are found in Jewish domestic areas,
character," and "an overwhelming majority of the
indicating their sense of being at home in
inhabitants were Jewish." The significant number
a in which pagan
ofmiqwaot discovered there and evidence of "strict physical environment
themes and symbols came to dominate
Jewish burial practices outside of the city" support
assertion (Meyers 1992: 88). (Meyers 1992: 89).
Meyers
There is also epigraphic evidence of the ethnic Meyers (1992: 89) suggests that while "the actual
nature of Sepphoris during the first century ce. trappings ofHellenistic culture" were welcomed by
The Butchers of Sepphoris 283
the Jews, their "expressions of Judaism" survived throughout the Byzantine Period, suggesting that
and prevailed." the city continued to be a viable urban center (S.
population of Sepphorisshould
That the Jewish Miller 1992: 80).
take on some of the trappings ofHellenistic culture A distinct Christian presence was not evident
while maintaining a separate ethnic identity is not in Sepphoris during the fourth century c.e., but
an isolated occurrence. Jewish sarcophagi from was experienced throughout the region. During
Rome often exhibit pagan imagery (Rutgers 1992: the early fourth century (ca. 307-337 c.e.), many of
104). In Rome, Jews and Christians bought lead the laws of Constantine were directed specifically
Despite abundant evidence that Jews incorpo in the social relations between Jews and Christians.
rated pagan images and themes into their art and Evidence from Rabbinic literature (mostly the
that they were not opposed to the use of mass Palestinian Talmud) suggests that at least those
as lead
produced pagan goods such sarcophagi, Jews directly involved may have been persecuted
history suggests they maintained a strong sense in the aftermath of the uprising discussed in the
of ethnic identity. Tacitus noted in the second preceding section. Geller Nathanson (1986: 33)
century that Roman households "comprise nations cites a passage from the Palestinian Talmud (PT
with customs the reverse of our own, with foreign Sota 9-3>23c):
cults or with none" (Rutgers 1992, citing Tacitus).
(It came to pass) in the days of Ursicinus
Rutgers suggests the Jewswere one such group who theking thatthepeople of Sepphoriswere
maintained a strong ethnic an observation
identity,
also made in the sought. And they had placed plasters on
by Augustine early fifth century their noses and no one recognized them.
(Rutgers 1992:117). But in the end an evil tongue informed on
Jerome (ca. 380 ce.) and other Christian chro
them and all of them were captured because
nographers beginning with Socrates (ca. 380-450 of the information against them.
ce.) maintain that a Jewish uprising against the
Romans in Sepphoris resulted in the destruction
Although itisunlikelythatthe inhabitantsof Sep
of the city by Gallus around 352 ce. Historical phoris wore masks, it is reasonable to interpret this
accounts suggest that the uprising was pacified by passage tomean
Aracsinus, who is reported to have burned the city
...that in the days of Ursicinus ? perhaps
(Yeivin 1937: 21). Archaeological evidence (Yeivin
in the days of Gallus ?some portion of
1937) supports the accounts that the citywas at least thepopulation of Sepphoris hid from the
partiallydestroyed,but it isunlikelythatthecity authorities, most likely the Romans
was (Geller
subjected to complete ruin. Travelers reports Nathanson 1986: 33).
from Christian pilgrims, such as the Piacenza
Pilgrim, who visited the city around 570, continue
284 Bill Grantham
Other cities in the region were affected by the Sepphoris during the Persian and Hellenistic peri
uprising as well, and the pattern of destruction in ods. Meyers (1993:739) suggests amilitary presence
the region maybe a reflection of the social relations at Sepphoris was likely during the Persian period,
between Jews and Christians within the region, and but the cultural composition of the population
the evidence would suggest that the revoltwas both remains unclear. Both Meyers (1992:85) and Yeivin
limited and selective (Geller Nathanson 1986: 34). (1937: 27) suggest a Hasmonean presence at Sep
For example, Nabratein and Meiron, Jewish centers phoris during the Hellenistic period, but Meyers
of population, were abandoned around the time adds that, in his opinion, the general population of
of the revolt whereas the nearby sites of Khirbet the region maintained "Hebrew tradition."
Shema and Gush Halav continued to thrive. The The cultural nature of Sepphoris during the early
limited and seemingly selective destruction of Roman period was unmistakably Jewish, although
some cities and towns and the abandonment of there was likely a small Roman military presence
others suggests that in the city. By the mid-Roman period, Roman
influence at Sepphoris was considerable, although
...the revolt was caused not by actual eco
the jewish nature of the city persisted. A growing
nomic or politicalhardship,butperhapsby
Christian population began to assert its influence
on
feeling of cultural and political deprivation
the part of the rebels [Jewish], relative towhat during theByzantineperiod, and by the latefifth
was
century ce., Christian influence in the city
they had enjoyed under pagan Rome and, seems to suggest that,
strong. Historical evidence
possibly, relative to the enhanced status of the while Christian influence continued during the
growing Christian population and church in later part of the Byzantine period, the citywas still
Palestine (Geller Nathanson 1986: 34).
known for its Jewish nature.
Cyrus (393-460 c.e.), commented on the "Jewish in Rabbinic literature. These butchers were well
character of the city."Theodoret relates that known, not only for their skill and ability at their
trade> but also as reputable and knowledgeable of
...eleven bishops of Egypt were banished
the Jewish religious laws that govern the slaughter
around 373 c.e. by the Arians "to a place is
ing of animals. One such butcher, Natan bar Shila,
named Diocaesarea [Sepphoris], inhabited known from Rabbinic literature as the head butcher
by Jews" (S.Miller 1992: 80).
of Sepphoris, who was not only an expert on the
Thus, by the end of the fourth century, therewas at anatomy of cattle, but could quote Jewish sages.
were
Sepphoris a truly plural society with strong Jewish Seemingly not all butchers at Sepphoris
and Roman and a more limited Christian cultural as reputable as bar Shila. Two incidents reported
presence.
in Rabbinic literature suggest that some Jewish
butchers were not particularly concerned with re
Summary of Cultural Influences at Sepphoris One such incident
ligious regulation of their trade.
From the historical and archaeological data, the concerns a butcher who, because of his refusal to
relative impact of various cultural influences on sellmeat to a Jew,was suspected of selling nevalot
the population of Sepphoris can be summarized. (meat of an improperly slaughtered animal or of
one thatmet a violent death ? neither are accept
Owing tominimal historical evidence, it is difficult
to evaluate the cultural nature of the population of able under Jewish religious laws). Having been re
The Butchers of Sepphoris 285
upper classes in the Roman Empire (Miller, per ized. Bone density codes were assigned to each
sonal communication). sawn bone fragment following Lyman (1984).
The distributionof these codes was divided into
ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA three equal categories, representing "soft" bones,
"medium density" bones, and "hard" bones. Of the
At least one class of artifacts recovered from Sepph sawn OWs-Capra/medium mammal bones, over 68
? ?
oris butchery remains supports the epigraphic percent were "soft" bones. Of the Bos/large mam
descriptions of the changing cultural nature of the mal bones, 44 percent were "soft" density bones.
city. Evidence of standardized butchering proce Not surprisingly, this suggests that bone density
dures at Sepphoris suggestsa highlydeveloped was a
significant variable in the dismemberment
commercial butchery industry thatmay be reflec of carcasses.
suggests a standardized method of butchery that It is also apparent that many of the cuts were
likelywas commercial. standardized. For example, 84 or 62 percent of the
Almost 39 percent of the specimens that were cuts on Ov/s-Capra/medium mammal vertebrae
sawn were either Bos (cow) or large mammal are variations of only two saw angles. A similar
58 percent were either Ovis-Capra same saw angles oc
bones. Almost frequency, 54 percent, of the
or medium size mammal bones. An curs on mammal.
(sheep-goat) Bos/large
additional 18Sus (pig), and threeCervid (deer)
Evaluation of Butchery Evidence
bones were sawn. Of both the Bos/large mammal
and OWs-Capra/medium mammal specimens, the Having associatedthe butchers of Sepphoris with
most commonly recovered sawn bones were from Jewish ethnicity, an evaluation of the frequency
the axial skeleton. Axial bones (primarily verte with which sawn bones were recovered from the
brae) account for 51 percent of the sawn Bos/large different archaeological periods may reveal some
mammal remains and 61 percent of the sawn Ovis thing of the changing ethnic nature of the popula
Capra/medium mammal remains (fig. 1). tion of the city. For this evaluation only specimens
286 Bill Grantham
HaltMtstfc
MaJlaRlstic^Roiiiait
mmm
Romin-Byxantlna .j?
Byzantin* ~1
0 10 20 30 40 90
Hi Bot Ovlt-Capra Percent
that could be identified as either Bos or Ovis 20 percent (215) of the sample. However, the huge
Capra were used. The proportion of the samples increase in the frequency of Sus in the Byzantine
sawn bones from each period and a in
represented by period is not accompanied by proportional
the distribution of sawn bones by archaeological crease in "standardized" butchery remains. In fact,
occurrence of sawn Sus
period were calculated (figs. 2-3). the lowest proportional
Sawn bones were farmore frequent during the remains was observed for the Byzantine Period.
Hellenistic and Hellenistic-Roman periods. Their Two Sus bones were recovered from the Persian
ly
rare. This suggests that the importance ofmeat these specimens. Saw marks were observed on 3.3
providedby thebutchersdeclined throughtime, percent of the 30 Sus specimens recovered from the
which was likely the result of increasing ethnic Hellenistic period, 2.4 percent of the 127 specimens
12 percent of
diversity at Sepphoris. Little pattern in the spatial from the Hellenistic-Roman period,
distribution of these sawn bones was apparent, the 25 specimens from the Roman period, 9 per
except that they occurred most often inArea 85.3 cent of the specimens from the Roman-Byzantine
during the Hellenistic and Hellenistic-Byzantine period, and only 1.9 percent of the 215 specimens
Persian
Persian-Hellenistic 26
Hellenistic 40
Hellenistic-Roman 2 19 119
Roman 22 10 9
13 3 8
Roman-Byzantine
Byzantine 5
Total 44 11 32 202
Persian-Hellenistic 21
Hellenistic 24
Hellenistic-Roman 1 54
Roman 46 7
7 5
Roman-Byzantine
Byzantine 2
Total 56 18 111
the end of the Roman period and during the Byz for which the epigraphic evidence suggests an
antine period. The historical evidence also suggests increasing Christian presence in the city. The data
were not a product
the presence of religiously regulated butcher shops suggest that these Sus remains
associated with the Jewish population at Sepphoris. of the regulated butcher shops.
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Chapter 24
291
292 James F. Strange
Mark has a geographical viewpoint from thewest less, itwas clear that the Sepphoreans had built all
and north of the country tends to support such a the foundations of all the houses thatUSF investi
on bedrock during the second century b.c.e.
hypothesis. gated
There was a second major period of rebuilding in
THE EXCAVATIONS AT SEPPHORIS the transition from the first century b.c.e. to the
1983-2000 first century ce. In other words, on or about the
birth of Christ, following the usual chronologies,
In 1983,when USF first entered the field, the objec theSepphoreans rebuilttheircitydirectlyon the
tive was simply to probe the stratification beside foundations of the earlier city.This seems to accord
the "Citadel," or Fortress, at Sepphoris (Strange with the history of Sepphoris as read in Josephus,
and Longstaff 1985). There was little from previous who wrote that Varus destroyed the city when it
excavations from which one could formulate pre revolted at the death ofHerod theGreat (Ant 17.289;
liminary hypotheses, but the hope was that enough War 2.56; Strange and Longstaff 1985).
remains of the ancient city would persist in the This occupation sequence tends to be confirmed
some underground chambers cut
stratification to eventually reconstruct architecture, by the history of
tomake the remains of houses. The earliest ac
living patterns, and economic life,but also beneath
certain comparisons to village life in the Galilee. cumulations on the floors of the cisterns (dipping
on strings to dip
We also hoped to be able to determine whether jars and cooking pots lowered
Sepphoris was
a Jewish city, as many maintained, water) were from the Late Hellenistic period or the
or a mainly Gentile city, as others thought. late second century b.c.e. We propose that this is
Another important objective was to check the a remnant of the Hellenistic city. In the course of
Sepphoris in 1931 under the aegis of theUniversity with one house cut two new cisterns. They did not
ofMichigan. Waterman had excavated a structure know by this time of the earliest cistern, which had
that he had interpreted as
a church. In fact, he gone out of use.
thought that Christians had built itbefore Chris This pictureofbuilding in theLateHellenistic
a at the turn to the first cen
tianity was religio licita, which had implications period and rebuilding
on
for the course of Christianity in Palestine in general turyce. tended to emerge everywhere USF dug
and in the Galilee in particular (Waterman 1937). topof thehill of Sepphoris.Later,USF would find
We set out to test the hypothesis ofAvi-Yonah, who the same pattern at the bottom of the hill next to
was more than likely the cardo. The character of life in these buildings
suggested that the structure
a villa (Avi-Yonah 1975). was everywhere the same also. That is,USF found
The findings were, first, that the tower on topwas intense domestic use with storage of foodstuffs, but
not Crusader in its founding. It appears that itwas also storage of ceramics, olive oil and perhaps wine,
or and impounding ofwater in cisterns. The economic
certainly used and renovated in the Crusader
Fatimid periods, but its founding was mid-fourth level of the people was not poor, but neither was it
century ce. It appears to have been a Roman mili necessarily rich (Strange 1992).
tary tower. Those who built itfirstdestroyed houses All thehouses thatUSF probed came equipped
and other buildings down to their foundations. In with miqwa?t, or ritual baths, beneath their floors.
the cleared area of about 90 i8o m, they built Users entered each bath by a narrow staircase that
or left,perhaps to save
the tower in the center and built other structures usually turned to the right
reasons. They room for the footprint in cutting the feature out of
nearby, apparently all for military
paved the whole with a layer of lime and clay on bedrock. The baths were small, only large enough
top of as much as ameter ofmixed debris from the for one person at a time. The builders plastered
destruction of the city. the interior on all surfaces, even the ceiling, with
In terms of the archaeological aims of the expe a strong white plaster suitable for holding water.
dition up to 1988, the finds were scant. Neverthe The plasterers took care to round off all corners so
Sepphoris and the Earliest Christian Congregations 293
that no user would injure himself or herself when The presence of miqwa?t under the floors of all
and leaving the chamber. houses so far excavated at
entering Sepphoris, coupled with
Why is USF so convinced that these are ritual the presence of limestone vessels in the Early Ro
baths and not simply baths? The answer is not man strata, tends to confirm that the majority of
complicated. First, in the large villa thatWaterman thepopulationat Sepphoriswas Jewish
during that
firstuncovered and which USF re-excavated, there period, even ifwe do not know precisely what kind
do exist at least three rectangular stepped basins of Judaism they practiced. This was true as early as
cut into bedrock that are most easily interpreted as 103 b.c.e., when Ptolemy Lathrys besieged the city
baths or even bathtubs. Waterman interpreted one unsuccessfully
on a Sabbath (Ant. 13.338). Presum
of them as a baptismal font, but he did not mention ably,Ptolemy thoughtthatthe Jewishinhabitants
theothertwo,thoughtheyappear inhis plans and would not defend themselves on a Sabbath. He did
in the plans ofMakhouly. That one type is simple not know that this issue had been settled since the
and the second typemore complex itself suggests Maccabean War.
separate uses. Only the fully plastered chambers Is theremore evidence to suggest the character
cut with staircases fulfill the requirements for im of thiscityduring theEarlyRoman period? The
answer is, of course,
mersion.
"yes", and I turn to this evi
We also noticed that there was a type of lime dence now.
stone vessel that appeared in the early Roman strata Waterman had discovered a Roman theater at
but never in the later strata. The exception iswhen Sepphoris in 1931.We approached the theater with
some
well-worn fragments that clearly stem from earlier curiosity. There are not that many Roman
occupation appear in Late Roman strata. In other theaters in ancient Palestineproper, so thematter
words, the inhabitants of the city used some small of its founding date and history of usage remained
and some large stone vessels, all cut from the local an
intriguing problem. Waterman had suggested
limestone of the hills of Lower Galilee. thatHerod Antipas had built thetheater.
Albright,
We now know the source of these vessels, namely, after a visit to the site, later published a comment
at ancient Abila, which also happens to be the ori that the stones looked second-century to him
one of the aqueducts that serviced Sepphoris.
gin of (Albright1938:148).
These vessels appear in recent archaeological and The dating of the theater remains a bone of
historical literature as veritable markers of the contention between the Hebrew University and
practice of Judaism (Deines 1993). This is because ourselves, but USF remains relatively certain that
these vessels are not subject to impurity, according itwas indeed Antipas who founded the theater.
to theMishnah, Kelim 10:1, "These vessels afford Our findsin thefoundationsof thewest end of the
protection with a tightly-stopped up cover: vessels stage showed us extensive rebuilding after the Early
of dung, vessels of stone, vessels of earth, vessels of Roman period, but set the founding of the theater
clay, and vessels of alum." A similar sequence ap in the first century ce. This was determined from
pears inM Yedayim 1:2: "With all sorts of utensils pottery in the foundation trenches and in drains
do they pour [water] for hands, even with utensils beneath the foundations, which is exactly parallel
made of dung, utensils made of stone, and utensils to pottery of period lb fromQumran. The date also
made of clay." It is apparently the firing thatmakes rests upon the feature of engaged columns built into
vessels of clay or earth susceptible to uncleanness, the fa?ade of the theater, a feature known otherwise
as witnesses M Kelim 4:5: "Clay vessels, fromwhat only in the combination hippodrome and theater
time do they receive uncleanness? When they
are built at Jericho
byHerod theGreat (Netzer 1993).
fired in the furnace. And that is the completion of This date also accords with what we know ofAn
theirmanufacture." It appears that the rabbis clas tipas. He had lived all his life in Rome as a Roman,
sified stone vessels as natural vessels, since firing undergoing the education of a prince. He knew the
was not part of their manufacture (Magen 1994; first century theaters of Rome and perhaps of other
Strange 1997). localities, such as Pompeii. It seems clear that the
294 James F. Strange
first appearance of a theater that early at Sepphoris width. The cistern held up to 60 m3 of roof run-off,
or
would have required royal patronage, and specifi though USF has not yet found where it emptied
cally patronage of the Herodian family,who
were what the use of thewater was. The vaulted cistern
was original to the building.
romanophiles.
In 1987, the USF Excavations at Sepphoris ex The interiorof thebuilding in itsfirst,that is,
the surface of the ground on the eastern was plastered everywhere on
amined Early Roman phase
slopes of thehill of Sepphoris.No digging took thewalls inwhite. The floors were also white mosa
a ics. Everywhere USF could check beneath thewhite
place. While forcing path through thistles nearly
twometers tall and through thorns up to our knees, mosaics, they dated to the Early Roman period.
we stumbled upon the bottom of a heart-shaped Everywhere USF could check in the foundations
column still in situ. Because of its size, itwas clear of the building,itwas clearly early Roman, though
that the building we were standing inhad to be very to the north some of the foundations were reused
none of us knew its date. Hardly by Hasmonean structures.
large. Of course, period
five meters away another staffmember dusted off We also discovered that there were three in
the remnant of a white mosaic floor at themodern terconnecting rooms beneath the mosaic floor
surface. The combination of heart-shaped column on the north side of the building. Someone used
(or corner column) and mosaic floor bespoke ma this basement apartment, as itwere, for centuries
jor architecture (Strange et al. 1988; 1989). right up to themiddle of the fourth century ce.,
In the years of excavation since then, our expe when the entire structure was destroyed. Even in
dition has determined that there was
a very large the second half of the fourth century, someone
on this spot, which measured about 40 was using the room at the northeast corner of the
building
60 m overall. Itwas rectangular in plan, with enclosed building, accessing it from the street to
roughly half the plan occupied by three or per the north. In the next century, when more than a
haps four porches. Two rows of columns graced meter of material had washed in from the upper
the interior, but itwas not the case that there was hill, workers dug down into these rooms and used
one entrance at either end, nor was there a single part of the space again.
entrance on one broad side, except perhaps on the On thenorth side of the building stood one
north. Rather, the enclosed building was amore or entrance from the street. This entrance was not di
on the south. Rather, the
less square enclosed and roofed space with rooms rectly opposite an entrance
on either side of the longitudinal axis. On the east trafficpattern includes entry near the southeast cor
ner of the
end, at the cardo, the simplest architectural solu building into the corridors and entry in
tion from the traces ofwalls is that therewere four themiddle of the north side into the corridors. The
porches, each with its colonnade of columns. colonnaded corridors invite one towalk around the
There was second story collapse at thewest end two central spaces. Each of the two central spaces
of the building, which told us that there were of featured rows of columns around all four sides.
fices upstairs at least in that part of the building. Is itpossible to deduce the nature of the interior
The materials found in the collapse of the second space of the building and, therefore, the use of the
story included intact storage jars from the last use building?We shall startwith theplan itself.
We
of the building. We do not know what the jars noticed that there are five rooms along the south
contained, but one may infer that therewas at least side of thebuildingand fiveon thenorth,but the
some storage upstairs. builders took no care to place them symmetrically.
In the excavations in 1993,USF discovered that One enters the rooms to the south only from in
the corridor on the north side of the building was side the building, as far as we know, for there are
much wider than that on the south side. In the no thresholds for
doorways in the south sides of
1999 and 2000 excavations, USF discovered that any of these rooms. On the other hand, there are
there was an enormous vaulted cistern exactly at least five entrances into a narrow corridor from
underneath thewide corridor, which explained its the street on the south side of the building. This
Sepphoris and the Earliest Christian Congregations 295
is odd, forwe expected a line of entrances to let not reasonably have been very tall, if there are no
directly into space for shops or offices. jambs. I propose that thiswas a special kind of door
One of the south entrances is a main entrance no more than a meter high that formed a kind of
into the building. In this case, visitors walked low barrier to enter into the eastern space from
through a double-leaf into a vestibule. the central corridor. Since the threshold is almost
doorway
To the right one saw a decorative pool, whose devoid ofwear fromwalking upon it, Iwould sug
top stood higher than themosaic floor. From that gest that itwas, in fact, rarely used as a doorway,
point one was guided into a rectangular corridor but when itwas, the bottom of the door scraped the
that traversed the east end of the building with col relatively soft stone enough to leave itsmarks.
umns around a central space and connected with a There may well have been inscriptions in the
second central space to thewest. The central space floor that named a donor or gave the name of a
to the east was about five centimeters higher than governor or Caesar, but none has come to light.
the space of the corridor. Two parallel black bands, Three times in the eastern rectangle of the Late
seven centimeters wide, in the floor of the corridor Roman mosaic one reads the word EYTYXWC,
directed traffic around the space and through a once on each of three sides of the
rectangle. This
north-south corridor between two rows of col is most easily read as
an adverb derived from
umns and between two spaces. The north-south e . In that case, the
inscription is wishing
corridor apparently led to a doorway that exited the viewer good fortune. This is not
recognizably
to the north street. Jewish, Christian, or necessarily pagan, but more
The central space to the west was sur
second or less a generic
greeting. Itmay be quite deliberate,
rounded by columns and furnished with two pools so that citizens of any
religious persuasion might
to the north and south. One entered the or use the
shops building.
offices directly from this inner space. A beautiful We have not discussed the streets on four sides
mosaic with birds, fishes, and animals decorated of the building, but they have an interest in them
thewestern space in the Late Roman period, while selves. The street on the west side of the
building
geometric colored mosaics decorated the eastern was no more than a sidewalk and narrow street,
space in the same period. Neither space was pro each about 2 m wide. The sidewalk, paved with
vided with a tribunal or bema. stones, stood about 20 cm above the street, itself
One of the most interesting features of the also paved with stones. The street had an
Early
western rectangular space, aside from the birds Roman founding.
and fishes mosaic, is the beautifully cut threshold Workers paved the north street with crushed
that lay between two larger columns. The stones limestone, not with cut stone. Next to the building
are among themost there was a curbing made sometimes of the same
beautifully cut, finished, and
stones I seen
placed that have anywhere. Itwas not crushed limestone and sometimes of cut stones
until the summer of 2001 that our architectural about 25 cm high. This curb effectively
protected
team discovered that there are wear marks on this thebuilding fromthewater thatrusheddown the
threshold from some kind of door. The reason that street to the east during the rainy season.
I say "some kind" is that there is no provision for The street on the east side of the ap
building,
on either side, as in an en
doorjambs ordinary parently the Cardo Maximus, was originally paved
trance. There is one finely cut, square mortise hole with the same crushed limestone, as
presumably
on the side end of this threshold, but no was the south street. The cardo was
doorjamb, provided with
unless some kind of a narrow jamb had a tenon on stones cut into blocks for a sidewalk in the early
itsbottom thatfitintothishole. Roman period. This raised sidewalk kept citizens
About theonlykind of door thatwould fitthis from thewet and dirty street. In the second century
feature would be one which
pivoted on a single ce., renovations at Sepphoris included adding cut
hinge in the south, as determined by the circular stone paving stones to the cardo above its original
scrape marks on the threshold. This door could pavement of crushed limestone.
296 James F. Strange
activity. From the last use of the building many In sum, USF
discovered housing of the first
? ? were
coins small bronzes found directly upon century at Sepphoris that is surely Jewish in nature.
themosaic floor. These coins must have had little We have investigated primarily one villa, but our
ity that could have occurred at any time during the a civil basilica, that served special
building, perhaps
life of the building,including the first century. needs of the people of Sepphoris for 350 years. That
Since offices or shops line the north and south is, an enormous structure with a tiled roof domi
sidesof thebuilding,itispossible thatthebuilding nated the intersection of the two main streets of
housed administrative offices. I think this unlikely, Sepphoris. Itwaslarge enough to be visible from
for the simple reason that the administrative offices the top of the ridge above Nazareth, about four
excavated elsewhere are very small rooms. On the miles to the south.
ings suggests that those who rented these offices SEPPHORIS AND THE EARLIEST
used them for special purposes, perhaps for some CHRISTIAN CONGREGATIONS
kind of services such as banking, money lending,
amanuensis offices, legal archives, or others. Let us now turn to the Galilee in general and the
A fourth possible use of the building is for gov place of Sepphoris within it to garner a broader pic
ernment purposes. In this case, some high official ture of the context of the earliest Christian congre
of the realm met with his retainers and suppliants gations. May I firstpoint out that Sepphoris stands
in one of the rectangular spaces surrounded by more or less in the center of Lower Galilee, midway
columns and walkways or corridors. Such a state between theMediterranean coast and thewestern
of affairs suggests intermittent use of the birds and coast of the Sea ofGalilee, or theKinneret, to use its
fishes mosaic with its threshold as a special gather Hebrew name. Yet, the territory I am speaking of at
Sepphoris and the Earliest Christian Congregations 297
1300 km2, or about 505 square miles, is only slightly imprint on the population, though precisely what
larger than Los Angeles at 467 square miles. This this means for understanding the emergence of
territory to the west, Itruria to the north, and Sa the earliest Christian congregations were likely
maria and the territory of Beth Shean-Scythopolis completely participant in Galilean life: in the lan
to the south. To the east the border ismore perme guages, trade, manufacturing, agriculture, social
able, since it is formed by the lake,which provides gatherings, giving and receiving brides, and the
access to city territories to the east. consumption of public goods, including the legal
as a Jewish and other services that the cities and the territory
Sepphoris, then, stands city in the
center of a more or less non-Jewish circle. The of Galilee offered.
citizensofSepphorisand allGalilee faceddaily the Were there public buildings, such as synagogues,
problem ofmaintaining Jewish identity in this state in the first century where the nascent Christian
of affairs.We have commented that the Galileans congregations could gather? This question still
used certain elements of the material culture to undergoes debate, but I am convinced that there
maintain their identity, namely, stone vessels and were. Even though we do not have a candidate for
a or Sepphoris
ritual baths. This is surely correct, but theremust first-century synagogue atNazareth
be other elements as well. yet, one may emerge. So far, for the entire country
was quite small, as was the candidates for first-century synagogue buildings
Although Galilee
ancient province of Judea, itwas marked by sev are to be found at Capernaum (the black basalt
eral major economic and political disruptions building beneath the Byzantine synagogue ofwhite
between 103 b.c.e. and 70 ce.: (1) theAnnexation limestone), Gamia, Herodium, Masada, Kiryat
of Galileeas Jewish territory solidified by Alexan Sefer, Modi'in, and NT Jericho. All follow the
der Jannaeus at the beginning of his reign, (2) the same pattern or template, ifyou will, inwhich the
coming of Rome in 63 b.c.e., (3) the installation of builders mark the interior rectangular floor space
the Council at Sepphoris by Gabinius in 55 b.c.e., by architectural features within features. One finds
which marks the advent of an official Roman insti columns all around or on two or three sides, then
tutioninGalilee forthefirsttime,(4) theCivilWar walkways between the columns and the walls
on
between Antipater and Herod, itself punctuated three or all four sides, and finally benches between
the incursion of the Persians in 43 b.c.e., (5) the walls and the walkways. The result of such a
by
to look between the
the death of Herod the Great and the crowning of design is that participants had
Herod Antipas about 4 b.c.e. Accompanying this columns to see what was going on. Although this
of the reigns of power was the destruction feature isknown fromNabatean mortuary temples,
change
of Sepphoris at the hands ofVarus and its rebuild it is otherwise
virtually unknown in the Roman
66-73 or 74 ce. In this revolt Sepphoris had the help us explain the assumption in theDidach? that
distinction of being a city of peace, while the other traveling evangelists and prophets might drop in
localities of Galilee, at least according to Josephus, from time to time. The Christian communities were
were strongly pro-revolt. This string of disruptions obligated to offer them hospitality. That is, by the
and changes in administration must have left its time of the Didach?, the Christian communities
298 James F. Strange
CONCLUSIONS
of Galilee had managed to move into southern
Syria with their message, following established The above remarks amount to preliminary observa
trade routes.
tions. There are as yet no firm conclusions, even
As an aside, may I respond toCrossan and Reed,
from the relatively hard evidence of excavation.
who believe that there is an anti-city stance in
This is very simply because archaeological evi
Galilee, quoting Josephus' Life (Crossan and Reed
dence requires interpretation in the same way that
2001)? Such a view is also found in the Hebrew
texts do, and conscientious scholars can disagree
Bible, which tends to support the hypothesis that
on what archaeological evidence means. This is
the anti-city view would appear in Judaism of the
one moves from inference of
first century. But this view is not an ideology that especially truewhen
was technology, which is relatively straightforward, to
amalgamated with Christianity, for the earliest
inference of social patterns, beliefs, and values. We
missionary strategy thatwe know is that of Paul, are not yet at the stage of some kind of consensus
which was an urban strategy. Therefore, it seems
about inferring such patterns of belief and values
reasonable to speculate that therewill
likelybe both from material culture. This latter challenge will
city-Christians and country-Christians in the first
continue to occupy us for some time to come.
century in Galilee, both exhibiting some anti-city
views and feelings.
REFERENCES
1985 Sepphoris (1984). Revue Biblique 92: 429. 1937 Preliminary Report of theUniversity ofMichigan
Excavations at Sepphoris/Diocaesarea, Palestine in
Strange, J.F.; Groh, D.; and Longstaff,T. R. W.
1931. Ann Arbor,MI: University ofMichigan.
1988 Sepphoris (Sippori), 1987. Israel Exploration
Journal 38, no. 3: 188-90.
1989 Sepphoris (Sippori), 1988. Israel Exploration
Journal 39, no. 1-2: 104-6.
Chapter 25
byAlysia Fischer
In this article, the physical ramifications of Ethnographie research I undertook with tra
in antiquity are considered. ditional glass-blowers in Jordan and Egypt in
glass-blowing
By using archaeological and ethnographic 1996 and 1999 demonstrated that those workmen
evidence related to glass-working, it is possible to were
exposing themselves to carcinogens in the
hypothesize about the lives of the glass-blowers fumes from the motor oil they burned as a fuel
working at the site of Sepphoris during the Byz (Fischer 2001: 128). This pattern of behavior led
antine period (363-640 ce.). Creating a possible me to question whether substances or practices
not onlyhighlights
lifehistoryforthesecraftsmen employed by glass-workers in antiquity may also
the differences between modern and ancient glass have impacted their bodies, and subsequently their
blowers, but also offers a case-study for future quality and length of life.Archaeological evidence
comparison with other social groups. The glass clearly indicates thatmost of the body would have
data derive from two separate excavations at the been affected in some way by working with glass,
site: the University of South Florida's Excavations largely in adverse ways. The following discussion of
at Sepphoris (USF), led by JamesF. Strange,and such adverse effects on the body of glass-workers
theSepphorisRegional Project (SRP), ledby Eric in antiquity, and at Sepphoris in particular, pays
Meyers of Duke University. special attention to the lungs, kidneys and heart,
The majority of the glass artifacts and virtually all reproductive organs, eyes, muscle and skin.
of the evidence for glass-working at Sepphoris come
from two workshop areas that operated during the LUNGS
Byzantine period (363-640 ce.). These workshops
primarily produced goblets, cups, bowls, and hang As a result of their craft, glass-workers are at risk
ing lamps, with a variety of each type. A full report for chronic bronchitis, emphysema, and silicosis,
and discussion of the glass vessel assemblages from a form of pneumoniconiosis. This heightened risk
the two excavations will be published with the final is primarily due to silica exposure, although wood
excavation reports. Here, I use this data alongside smoke can also be a factor in some cases. Accord
ethnographic material to develop an in-depth pic ing to Rossol, "a large percentage of glassblowers
ture of the life of a glass-worker in antiquity. develop lung problems and significantly decreased
301
302 Alysia Fischer
workshops. This evidence consists of seen," which further underscores the probability
blowing
glass droplets, tooled glass bits, furnace waste, and that ancient glass-workers were unaware of this
other by-products of glass-blowing. Glass-making threat (1983: 4).
as Bet Glass-workers in antiquity generally had shorter
evidently took place at peripheral sites, such
Shearim (Freestone and Gorin-Rosen 1999) and life spans than theirmodern counterparts, but that
Hadera (Gorin-Rosen 1993). does not necessarily mean that theywould not have
Glass-makers would have been at the highest experienced the effects of silicosis. Ethnographic
risk for silica inhalation among the glass-workers studies suggest that traditional glass-workers typi
an
of antiquity. While mixing the ingredients for the cally began work at early age and work daily for
glass melts, the glass-makers would have been longer periods, increasing their exposure. Research
to large amounts of silica as well as other with traditional glass-workers in Afghanistan,
exposed
potentially harmful glass constituents; if the glass conducted by the Corning Museum of Glass in
makers ground the sand to a finer grit to aid in the the 1980s, showed that involvement in the glass
melting process, their exposure would have been working process began at a very young age. In the
even greater. Being around broken glass vessels and son of the
family they studied, the eight-year-old
poorly stored raw materials also increases the risk glass-blower spent his days stoking the glass fur
of silica inhalation. nace with fuel, thus exposing his young lungs to the
Not only would the glass-workers have been af silica and other harmful substances that a western
in life
fected by silica, but their families would have also glass-worker would not experience until later
faced the risks of inhaling silica. Many of the safety (Corning: The Glassmakers ofHerat). Young glass
guidelines for glass-workers today recommend the workers were also recorded by Burra (1995: 43) in
removal of clothes worn when in contact with silica, India during the 1980s, where twenty-five percent
to avoid bringing silica into the home and exposing of the workers in the glass factories of Firozabad
other family members (Rossol 1990: 225). Lawrie were under the age of eighteen. In likemanner, the
also recommends frequent washing ofwork clothes exposure to silica was likely to have begun before
so theydo not "harbourdustwhich will be right the age of eighteen in antiquity, increasing the ex
under your nose" (1984:28). It is unlikely that these posure time significantly and making itnecessary
activities were practiced in antiquity, and therefore to adjust the date of onset of silicosis. In addition,
memberswho did notwork in the
likelythatfamily traditional glass-workers also worked more than
were still exposed to silica. 40 hours per week. Glass-blowers inCairo reported
glass workshop
Silica inhalation can lead to silicosis, an irrevers a week,
working approximately forty-five hours
ible condition. When silica enters the lungs it can while Burra interviewed glass-workers in India
not be absorbed. Once in the lungs, silica collects who worked twelve-hour days (1995: 35). A com
The Lives of Glass-Workers at Sepphoris 303
bination of similar factors would have impacted The craft of glass-working clearly has negative
the Galilean glass-workers at Sepphoris much as effects on the tissue of the lungs. Depending on
itdoes in these traditional situations. an individuals exposure to silica and other irri
Silica causes other physical problems in addition tants, his or her symptoms can range from mild
to silicosis. Silica is considered a carcinogen by discomfort to silicosis, emphysema, or cancer.
the International Agency for Research in Cancer These same conditions may have been prevalent
(IARC; Rossol 1992: 102). The carcinogenic label among the glass-workers of the Byzantine period
has been applied to silica based on experiments in theGalilee, particularly among the glass-makers.
with animals as well as "limited evidence for the Because there is a latency period between exposure
carcinogenicity of crystalline silica in humans" and the appearance of symptoms, the glass-workers
(Rossol 1992:102). Ithas been difficult to linkmany may not have recognized the link between their
cancer to
specific cases of glass-working because activities and their health.
of the latency period between exposure and mani
festation of the cancer in the body. This situation is KIDNEYS /HEART
further complicated by the prevalence of cigarette
smoking among glass-workers in the 1970s and Heat emitted from glass furnaces places signifi
1980s. Personal testimonials concerning the forma cant stress on the kidneys and the heart. The body
tion of tumors following a lifetime of glass-working works to maintain an internal temperature of
do, however, point towards the higher risk of cancer 98.6?F, which is difficult in front of a 2500?F fur
nace
in this population (Kristel 1981). containing molten glass. In order to see what
can internal temperatures can be reached in a glass
Appropriate safety equipment significantly
lower the risk of developing debilitating lung studio during the summer, the body temperatures
conditions. The glass-blowers I visited in theNear of four glass-workers, including the author, were
East, however, do not use such safety equipment. monitored on August 3rd and 5th of 2001. While
Glass-workers in antiquity did not have this type this small sample size and the use of an ear ther
of safetyequipmentandwould certainlyhave had mometer make any conclusions anecdotal, it is
substantive exposure to silica with possible resul noteworthythatall individualsstartedwith body
tant damage to the lungs. temperatures ranging from 96.5-98.40 F, and dur
antiquity. Wood smoke from the firebox of their rants further study.
furnace, as well as from the possible use of wood High temperatures are stressful for the body,
tools,would have also been inhaled. Wood has long causing the heart and kidneys to work harder,
been used as amaterial for shaping glass. As long as circulating blood and water (Waller 1985: 41).
thewooden tool iskept wet, itwill burn very slowly. Overworking these organs can sometimes lead to
If the tool dries out, itwill catch fire upon contact their collapse(Barazani 1980a: 46). Organ damage
occurs as the result of a heat stroke when
ing hot glass. In both scenarios, varying amounts typically
of wood smoke forms and, in the first, steam is the body temperature is over io4?F.
also produced. Assuming that the ventilation in Glass-blowers are more likely to suffer episodes
the ancient workshops was no better than that seen of heat exhaustion than to suffer from heat stroke.
in traditional Near Eastern glass workshops today, It is difficult for the body tomaintain its optimum
it is likely that a significant amount of smoke was temperature while working with glass because most
in the work area. This would have been are quite hot, hovering around
present glass workshops
particularly true when the furnace was stoked, io4?F and are even hotter around the furnace,
especially if improperly dried wood was in use. where the glass is held at 2500?F. The work area in
304 Alysia Fischer
front of the glass furnace inCairo, for example, was been suggested that the best way to get acclimated
i40?E The temperatures are even hotter during the to the heat in a glass-blowing studio is to do so
summer months. Glass furnaces in over
antiquity prob slowly, "increas[ing] your work load gradually
ably only reached approximately 20oo?F, yet they several days" (McCann 1992: 229).
would have produced sufficient heat to contribute Frisancho also states that, as a result of long
to the necessary conditions forheat-related illnesses term exposure, "acclimation to heat stress is at
(Fischer 2001: 178), such as heat exhaustion, and tained through the continued maintenance of
related symptoms, such as "weakness, headache, high peripheral heat conductance" (1996: 55).
and nausea" (Finkel 2001:1). This heat conduction is a result of an "increase in
The primarymethod of heat loss utilized by vasodilation," "an increase in plasma volume and
glass-blowers bodies is evaporation through sweat total circulating protein," and "a more complete
ing and exhalation. When subjected to constant and even distribution of sweat over the skin"
heat stresses, the body reacts by sweating. When (Frisancho 1996:55). Thus, it is not surprising that
the ambient temperature is above 35?C, or 95?F, the glass-workers develop the ability towithstand very
body loses ninety percent of itsheat by evaporation hot working conditions. However, the acclimated
of water on the skin and from the heat tolerance only "lasts two months beyond the
lungs during
exhalation (Frisancho 1996: 35). This excessive end of the exposure," and necessitates reacquisition
sweating puts stress on the heart and kidneys, of the tolerance if leaving the craft for an extended
which must work hard to process and move fluids period of time (Waller1985:41).
through the body. The accumulated ability to lose heat efficiently
Sweat cools the body as a result of the energy does not come without potential long-term costs
lost during the evaporation of the liquid on the to the body. Because blood is diverted to the skin
skin (Frisancho 1996: 36). The human body has an individual can suf
during periods of heat stress,
between two and fivemillion sweat glands and thus fer from acute kidney and heart problems, in part
this part of the cooling system is rather efficient because these organs are not receiving an adequate
(Frisancho 1996: 36). Over a period of repeated blood supply(McCann 1992:228).
When thebody
exposure to heat, the body becomes more efficient isworking at its peak heat-shedding efficiency, it
at sweating (Barazani 1980a: 46). For the is still taxing the heart and kidneys because of the
majority
of the history of glass-working current evidence
highervolume of fluids thatmust be filtered
and
suggests that the craftwas practiced primarily in pumped throughthe body.Waller has pointed
the warm climate of the Near East. Individuals, out that acclimation to stressful amounts of heat
such as those at Sepphoris, would have already also "produces a variety of harmful reactions such
developed some tolerance to heat as a result of the as skin disorders, water and salt imbalance, heat
hot dry summers they experienced and may have exhaustion, cramps, edema" (1985: 41). The body
more can even reach a point where itcan no
easily adapted to the high temperatures of longer adjust
glass-working. Such tolerance could be gained to the heat, where further exposure may result in
over a fewweeks. Frisancho describes the first four death (Waller1985:41).
days of new exposure to heat stress as a period of In order to work efficiently in hot conditions,
"increased heat and circulatory strain," during glass-workers must reduce their risk of heat ab
which "an increase in blood flow from the internal sorption by covering their bodies with appropri
core to the shell may increase the ate clothing and maintaining a constant supply of
peripheral heat
conductance from five to six times itsnormal value" water with which to replenish their bodies. Glass
(1996: 55). The individual will also sweat profusely blowers in antiquity, then,were likely to have taken
but not efficiently, because "only a small propor periodic breaks throughout the day during which
tion of this sweat is evaporated" (Frisancho 1996:
theyingestedliquids.
55). Often this initial period is enough to deter The glass-blowers may have taken further steps
individuals from pursuing glass-working. It has to protect their bodies from the furnaces heat.
The Lives of Glass-Workers at Sepphoris 305
a
Figure shows glass-blower inCairo who created REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS
additional protection in the abdominal area by fold
ingup fabricand placing itbeneathhis shirtas a Another potential area of concern for glass-workers
heat shield. A second way that glass-workers protect deals with reproduction. Studies have shown that a
theirbody fromtheheat of thefurnaceis tobuild number of thematerials used in glass production
walls of the same materials used in the furnace, today
can adversely affect reproductive success.
located between the opening to the furnace and the Three of these substances were also in use in the
s as can be seen in themodern
glass-worker station, Galilean glass industry of the Byzantine period:
Jordanian glass workshop shown in figure 2. Antimony (Sb), Copper (Cu), and Manganese
Being able to adapt to high temperatures may (Mn). An earlier study of glass from Sepphoris
have been a prerequisite forbecoming a glass-worker shows that Sb and Mn were used as decolorants
in antiquity. This heat tolerance could also have been in some of the glass vessels at the site, while Cu
a factor in the dominance ofmen in the was added to others in order to impart a blue hue
glass craft.
Women cannot endure as much heat stress as men (Fischer and McCray 1999: 901).
(Frisancho1996: 57).Their inabilityto shed heat It is unclear whether decolorants and colorants
as one reason were excluded were added
quickly may be they by the glass-maker or the glass-blower
from many of the pyrotechnic crafts.While this in antiquity. There is some evidence for either
may have been a factor in the historical exclusion scenario. Certainly, glass-makers made a variety
ofwomen from glass-working, it ismore likely that of different colors of glass, which would have
safetyand socio-economic concerns were to blame. exposed them to a variety of harmful substances.
an arduous
Glass-working was probably considered Glass-blowers may also have added colorants to the
and dangerous profession unsuitable forwomen. glass theypurchased,especiallyifthedesiredcolors
Glass-working would also have carried the potential were not available. It seems possible, therefore, that
forearning enough money to support a family, again both could have been exposed to Sb, Cu, and Mn.
keeping it out of the female arena, as males have These three substances can enter the body through
historically retained control over such professions. ingestion of small quantities or inhalation of vola
306 Alysia Fischer
tilized gases. While Barazani points out that "trace stillbirth and spontaneous abortion" and to nega
amounts of many metals are present in the body tivelyaffectnewborns (Jossy1985: 28). Animal
and necessary in the diet," she goes on to say that studies have suggested that copper has similar ef
can cause harm
"very small variations in quantity fects,while both human and animal studies show
ful cumulative effects,particularly over a prolonged manganese to have negative effects on male and
ages in theirworkshops. Figure 3 shows a kettle on posed to these materials, and the glass-blowers may
top of the furnace that was used formaking tea. have been. Like silica exposure, Sb, Cu, and Mn
a exposure could have affected the health of a glass
Drinking beverages in the studio is useful way to
combat heat exhaustion but is also a potential av worker s entire family. Future work with particular
enue for the ingestion of harmful materials. While
glass-working lineages could indicate the extent of
inCairo, I saw the glass-blowers using their furnace reproductive problems among traditional glass
to heat vegetables, in this case eggplant and garlic, workers, making itpossible to hypothesize further
that they would later consume. It is possible that about the fertility of glass-workers in the past.
temperatures" (1979: 20). Kerkvliet and warning mechanism in the eye" (1997:98). A glass
working
Dunham suggest, however, that ultraviolet expo worker would move away from the furnace due to
sure can cause an irritation that "feels like sand in skin irritationlongbeforehe would realize that
youreyes" (1997:98).Mild exposure to IR andUV damage is being done to his eyes. There
seems to
radiation can result in conjunctivitis, also known as have been some knowledge about the effects of
on the eyes, as Kazhdan mentions
pink eye, and chronic exposure to IR can result in glass-working
cataracts (McCann 1992:215). These conditions re a Byzantine period textwhere "Moschos mentions
sult because "the lens of the eye is poorly protected who was blindedby the
a hyalopsos[glass-blower]
against overheating" (Layton 1979: 20). flame" (1991: 853).
As Layton describes, cataracts develop as a result Infrared-resistant eyeglasses, widely available
of glass-working because "continual or repeated in the United States and Europe, are not within
cause the lens to become cloudy or the price-range of the traditional glass-workers in
overheating can
opaque rather than clear" (1979: 20). Historically, theNear East. The only traditional glass-workers I
cataracts have been so common among glass encountered who wore any sort of eyeglasses were
blowers that they have been called "glass-blower s fiveoldermen whose eyesighthad clearlybegun
cataracts" (McCann 1992:218). As with silicosis, the to experience the negative effects of years of glass
damage to the eyes is cumulative and in antiquity working. The four remaining glass-workers did not
would have been irreversible. wear eyeglasses of any sort. Certainly, glass-work
ers in antiquity had no such eye protection, which
Byzantine period glass-workers would have
been unaware of the constant infrared radiation leftthemathigh riskfordevelopingcataracts.
because the eye is ill-equipped to send messages Modern can also reduce the risk
glass-workers
of pain. Kerkvliet and Dunham have pointed out of exposuretoheat and glarebybuildingshielding,
that, while the skin "provides its own warning like that mentioned earlier, around the furnaces
mechanism a pain threshold below that (Barazani 1980a: 47). The traditional glass workers
by having
of the burn threshold," there "is no such adequate in Jordan employed this strategy,having construct
308 Alysia Fischer
ed a small brick wall between the glass-blower and are themost avoidable, although burns are com
the furnace opening, as shown in 2.
figure While mon, due to the temperature of the glass when it
the shortwall was built to protect the
glass-blower s is being worked. Metal tools also present a
danger
body from the heat of the furnace, itwould also when they come in contact with hot glass. These
provide some protection for the eyes. These tra tools become very hot and need a sufficient time to
ditional approaches suggest that a similar strategy cool down before the portion thatwas in contact
may have been employed in antiquity. While we with the glass ishandled. Many
glass-blowers in the
currently lack any evidence of such heat-shielding United States bear the scars of accidental contact
walls archaeologically, we also lack evidence for with either hot glass or a hot hand tool, which can
any upper furnace structures. Hopefully, future cause burns
ranging from first to third degree.
excavation and publication of
glass furnaces can Hot glass and tools can burn not only the skin,
help to answer this question. but also clothing. Experts suggest
glass-workers
wear natural fibers thatwill not melt to the skin and
MUSCLES heavy-duty shoes that cannot be penetrated bymol
ten or broken glass (Barazani 1980a: 47; Bond 1976:
Glass-working also causes immediate discomfort. 28; Rossol 1990:225). At Sepphoris, the glass-blow
Some glass-blowers
today go through a series of ers could have been
wearing linen, wool, or leather
stretches to avoid the "neck, back, and shoulder which has the potential to catch fire.As
clothing,
stiffness and pain" that result from their craft for footwear used by the traditional
glass-workers
(Spencer 1997: 95). This discomfort results from Imet, most did not wear shoes while
working; the
carrying hot glass around the workshop on the same may have been true in the
past. Working in a
end of a or Moreover, while the hot glass studio while barefoot exposes theworkers
blowpipe pontil.
length of the blowpipe serves to distance the glass to thepossibilityof being burnedbyhot glass,or
blower from the heat of the
glass, it also multiplies stepping on sharp shards of glass and getting cut.
theweight of the Feet are not the only
glass. body part that can be cut
Another physical ramification of glass-work Glass wounds often occur in the upper
by glass.
is carpal tunnel syndrome, often caused by
ing body after a glass object is broken and a person
the constant rotation of molten
glass on the end handles it in an unsafe manner. Rossol (1990: 220)
of a blowpipe. This rotation is
necessary to keep has underscored that there are many points in the
the glass object and avoid slumping.
symmetrical glass-working process where "sharp glass splinters
The repetitive nature of
rotating the blowpipe can and shards are created,"
including "when pieces are
contribute to the
directly development of carpal discarded, transferred to the pontil, or knocked
tunnel problems. can also have negative off the pontil into the
Sitting annealing oven." These ac
physical repercussions, especially while working on cidental glass wounds can be severe, and there are
the floor,which can cause further aches in the lower modern glass-workers in the United States who
body and possibly lead to arthritis in the knees or have severed a tendon in the hand/wrist
region as
other joints.
Approximately half of the traditional a result of
working with panes of glass. Poor an
glass-workers thatwere observed sat on the floor. nealing would increase the probability of getting cut
All of the bead-makers in Turkey and half of the as
by broken glass, the stresses created under those
in chose to sit
glass-blowers Egypt cross-legged on conditions are unpredictable. Poorly annealed
glass
the floor while can shatter at any time,
working. potentially injuring some
one either or
nearby handling the object.
THE SKIN: BURNS AND CUTS Glass can also have long-term effectson the skin,
llie ultraviolet
light and IR radiation mentioned
The finalpartof thebody affected earlier can also affect the
byglass-working glass-workers skin. UV
is the skin, which can be burned and cut radiation can cause
by glass. damage to the skin that ranges
Of the afflictions related to
glass-working, these from sunburn tomelanoma (McCann 1992: 218).
The Lives of Glass-Workers at Sepphoris 309
Traditional glass-blowers ignore this potential were present in the population, however, the silica
threat because sunburn fades, removing the dam in the lungs of the glass-workers would have prob
age visible to the naked eye;moreover, skin cancers ably aggravated colds, allergies, asthma, bronchitis,
take 20-40 years to develop. Because these skin and other respiratory conditions (Bond 1976: 27).
conditions disappear or lie dormant, traditional Of the two glass professions mentioned here,
glass-workers may not be aware of the risks they glass-making and glass-blowing, glass-making was
are
taking. Itmay seem thatwearing less clothing themost hazardous in antiquity. Exposure to air
would make an individuals borne silica and various colorants would have been
body temperature
lower, but in cases of exposure to extreme heat, present, although in bursts
this exposure occurred
the body ends up gaining more heat from exposure and was not constant. Glass-blowers, in contrast,
than it is losing by evaporation (Frisancho 1996: would also have been under almost daily assault
33). Glass-blowers in antiquity would have faced from the heat and UV and IR radiation coming
the same exposure and long-term effects. from their furnaces.
The glass-blower s family would have been
sig
CONCLUSION nificantly impacted as well, notably in regards to
potential reproductive problems and with children
Looking at the physical effects of glass-working in who were introduced to the craft at an early age.
traditional workshops in Jordan and Egypt provides Glass-blowers in Cairo said that theywould retire
important insights into the lives of glass-workers in when they died; Galilean glass-blowers would
antiquity, especially in regards to their bodies and probably have retired out of physical necessity,
their quality of life.Glass-working could and prob when they could no longer see the glass theywere
a variety of
ably did contribute to physical ailments, working. This was certainly the case in the family
even of glass-blowers interviewed in Afghanistan
including chronic cough, loss of eyesight, and by
death through the inability to absorb oxygen. Ironi the Corning In the resulting film, the
researchers.
were not the
cally, beautiful or utilitarian objects youngest glass-worker described how his father and
of a host of grandfather "were crippled and blind when they
only products glass-working; physical
ailments would have also permeated ancient glass died" (Corning: The Glassmakers of Herat).
were full of One wonders why, with such a variety of physical
workshops. These workshops danger
ous items that could harm craftsmen and their ailments, anyone would have wanted to become a
families both immediately and over time. glass-worker in antiquity. The adverse physical ef
One might suppose that glass-workers in antiq fectswould have been noticed, even if the life-spans
uitywere sickly as a result of the dangerous practices were somewhat shorter than today. Indeed, inmod
of their craft. This probably overstates the situation, ern even the poorest in the
day India population
since most of the glass-workers in traditional set know that glass-working will "cut short" the life
tings that I encountered appeared healthy. But the of a worker by ten to fifteen years (Burra 1995: 39).
appearance of health on a macroscopic level can And glass-workers in theNear East have a hard time
mask internal problems. In addition to themany convincing their sons to follow in their footsteps
physical effects discussed above, Schwind has because of such concerns. The strength of the tradi
pointed out that in Early American glasshouses tion of passingthe craft from father to son certainly
"infections of any sort spread rapidly because the a
played significant role in antiquity. A 14th-century
blowpipe passed from mouth to mouth in the manuscript about Jerusalem illustrates this practice
manufacturing process" (1984: 178). Blowpipes when describing the occupations of the servants
would have also been shared in antiquity, although of the Noble Sanctuary (Haram al-Sharif), which
the passing of infections in thismanner would not included glass-workers, each ofwhom was, as Engle
have been as significant a problem for the glass notes, "cast into his role before he was born" (Engle
blowers at Sepphoris, as theworkshops only seem 1984: 73). In antiquity one did not choose to be a
to have employed a few workers. Once infections was rather born into the craft.
glass-worker, but
Alysia Fischer
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Barazani, G. Gorin-Rosen, Y.
1980a Health Hazards. The Glass Art Society Journal 1993 Had?ra, Bet Eliezer. Excavations and Surveys in
1980: 46-48. Israel 13: 42-43.
1980b Hazards of Glass Manufacturing. Glass Studio
Jossy,R
12: 52-58.
1985 Reproductive Hazards in the Arts and Crafts.
1983 Protecting Your Health. The CraftsReport 9, no. Glass Studio 46: 26-28.
89: 4.
Kazhdan, A.
Bond, J.R. 1991 Glass, Production of. P. 853 in The Oxford Dic
1976 Occupational Health Hazards. Glass Art 4, no.
tionaryofByzantium, vol. 2, eds. A. P. Kazhdan,
4: 26-29.
A.-M. Talbot, A. Cutler, T. E. Gregory and N. P.
Bray,C, and Dobing, T. Sevcenko. New York, NY: Oxford University.
1978 Safety. British Artists in Glass Newsletter 4:
Kerkvliet, B., and Dunham, B. S.
16-26.
1997 Eye Protection forGlassworkers. The Glass Art
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Burra,
Society Journal 199797-100.
1995 Born toWork: Child Labour inIndia. New Delhi:
Kristel, D.
Oxford University. 1981 Silicosis: Beyond Repair. Glass Studio 17: 39.
The Corning Museum ofGlass
Lawrie, J.
1979 The Glassmakers ofHerat. Benchmark Films,
1984 SafetySense. CraftWork: Scotland's CraftMaga
BriarcliffManor, NY.
zine 6: 28.
Engle, A. P.
Layton,
1984 1,000 Years ofGlassmaking inAncient Jerusalem. 1979 Eyes and Safety.BritishArtists inGlass Newsletter
Jerusalem: Phoenix. 9: 20-21.
Finkel,M. M.
McCann,
2001 Heat Wave Dangers. Pp. 1-4. http://www.abc
1992 ArtistBeware. New York,NY: Lyons and Burford.
news.go.com/sections/living/Healthology/heat M.
Rossol,
wave_dangers.html/. July25, 2001. 1990 The Artists Complete Health and SafetyGuide.
Fischer, A.
New York, NY: Allworth.
2001 IntegratingAnthropology inPursuit of theByz 1992 Glassmaking Health and SafetyUpdate 1992.
antine Period Glass Industry inNorthern Israel.
The Glass Art Society Journal 1992: 99-104.
Ph.D. Dissertation. UMI number: 3040159. Ann
Schwind, A. P.
Arbor, MI: University Microfilms.
1984 The Glassmakers of Early America. Pp. 158-89
Fischer, A., and McCray, W. P. in The Craftsmen ofEarly America, ed. I.M. G.
1999 Glass Production Activities as Practised at
Quimby. New York, NY: Norton.
Sepphoris, Israel (37 BC-AD 1516). Journal of
Spencer, J.E.
Archaeological Science 26: 893-905.
1997 The Prevention and Care of Neck, Back, and
Freestone, I., and Gorin-Rosen, Y.
Shoulder Pain Syndromes in theGlassworker.
1999 The Great Glass Slab at Bet She arim, Israel: An
The Glass Art Society Journal 1997: 95-97.
Early Islamic Glassmaking Experiment? Journal
Waller, J.A.
ofGlass Studies 41:105-16.
1985 Safe Practices in theArts & Crafts: A Studio
Frisancho, A. R.
Guide. New York, NY: College Art Association
1996 Human Adaptation and Accommodation. Ann
of America.
Arbor, MI: University ofMichigan.
Chapter 26
311
312 Melissa Aubin
cm
above the band, hair is represented by intermit larity slight asymmetry, and uneven surface of the
tent, short incisions paralleling the width of the figurine all indicate that the parts were fashioned
band. Hair is not represented on the crown, sides by hand. In the first step, the hollow torso
was
or back of the head. formed, with a 0.6 cm thick layer of clay forming
The head meets the shoulders at a thick, short the exterior. A hole was leftat the center top of the
neck. The chest itself resembles in the shape of a torso so that the neck and head could be attached.
half oval. Although the shoulders are prominent, In the second step, the solid head was formed atop
the arms are narrow and thin, and would have been a conical base of
clay that
was then inserted into
vulnerable to breakage. the neck hole of the torso.1 This conical clay base
Aside from the headband, there is no clothing is visible from the inside of the broken torso. The
on the torso. The back of the joining of the head and torso is very smooth, so
figurine fragment
no incised features. The most notable that no seam is apparent at the neck of the figu
displays
embellishmenton thefigurineis red striping(ior rine. Limbs were attached in the third step. The
4/6, red). Painted after firing, the striping (average armswere simplyrolledcoils of clay joined to the
width 0.8 cm) isvisibleon thetop ifthehead, and torso at the shoulder and then pinched along the
on the front, back, and sides of the head and torso. surviving length of the arms to form flat, narrow
Though the paint has survived more clearly
on the limbs falling at the sides. The face was incised with
back of the figurine, the striping seems to roughly a narrow,
pointed tool to form the eyes, headband,
spiral around the figure. mouth, and ears. The regularity of the pattern in
The three-stage manufacture of this piece is the representation of the hair indicates that this
worthy of note. The head, torso, and arms were feature was incised with a comb.
each formed separately and later joined. None of
these components were mould-made: the irregu
Two Terracotta Figurine Fragments from the Sepphoris Acropolis 313
only survives
as a fragment, it is clear that itspro ible insidethehollow figurineinplaceswhere the
duction and appearance differ greatly from Frag coroplast pressed the flat (0.3 cm thick) sheets of
ment 1.The clay color is slightlymore one for the front of the
orange (5YR clay against each mould,
7/4, dull orange). The fragment depicts the right figurine, and another for the back. After placing
side of a torso and the right arm of amasculine sub the clay in themoulds, the two sides of the figurine
is clothed with a were pressed were scored
ject. The figure garment covering together, and the edges
the torso and arm. Folds of a long-sleeved garment and brushed with slip.2 The spot where the two
are apparent on the front of the arm. There are also halves were joined is still visible; here, a flat tool
shallow folds on the back of the arm, though the smoothed any irregularities in the seam, leaving a
arm itself is not defined at the back, and there is 0.3 cm mark along the border where the moulds
no other decoration on the back of the met. No projections were attached to the fragment
fragment.
There appears to be a second, short-sleeved gar after themoulds were removed, though it appears
ment, with draping folds below the neck, over the that therewere minor modifications. The coroplast
top of the long-sleeved garment. One thick cord added definitionto thehand by clearlyincisingthe
surrounds thewaist and another extends from the outline of the fingers and to thewaist cord by add
arm is raised up
right shoulder to the waist. The ing incised diagonal lines, perhaps where the clay
at the elbow, carrying some sort of tool or other had not been fully depressed into themould.
fragments have been excavated from the cracks in sible that either fragment served secular or sacred
the bedrock, indicating ephemeral occupation of purposes, but there is unfortunately no evidence
the area before the construction of the fortress. So to indicate specifically the figurines' uses.5
it is conceivable that the figurine, which was also Although both of these figurine fragments
recovered just above bedrock, was dropped there were recovered in close proximity to one another,
in an earlier period and somehow not displaced the contexts from which they were recovered are
a time span of 150-200 years. The
during the construction of the fortresswall. Other separated by
materials recovered from the same locus include a very coarse quality of Fragment 1, recovered from
a
metal fibula and fragments of pottery dating from clearly Hellenistic stratum, ismarkedly less skill
as
the Persian and Early Hellenistic periods. fullyproduced than Fragment 2,which may date
The second
fragment
was recovered in 1994 late as the early Roman period. Fragment 1bears no
during the excavation of the E-W balk separating obvious resemblance to themuch finer terracotta
excavation squares G and H within the fortress. The figurines exported from Alexandria in the Helle
fragment was discovered at an elevation of 284.68 nistic period, nor does itdisplay theworkmanship
m above sea level, 1.02m below of the finer terracottas discovered from favtssae,
ground level, along
the uppermost remaining course of wall 85.3118. cemeteries and other deposits along the Israeli and
This context belongs to the level known as Stratum Phoenician coast (Lunand 1944-45; Riis 1979; Stern
VI/ Phase 1:Early Roman sub-phase C, 50/70-135 1978; 1982a; Pritchard 1975; Rosenthal-Hegginbot
ce., initiated by the destruction of the upper tom 1995; Linder 1973; Culican 1969; 1976;Messika
courses of the walls 1951-52). The closest parallel
and in-filling of the fortress 1996; 1997; Ch?hab
during the early Roman period. The massive fill in form appears to be a terracotta head from the
generally consists of loose rubble with scattered coastal site Tel Michal, dated to the Persian period
spots of compacted white and yellowish soil. It (5th-4th centuries b.c.e.), though itshould be noted
contained many cobbles, many bones, very often thatthispiece isnotpainted (Stern1982b:174,photo
with butcher marks,4 and a very large quantity of 295:2).6 Another comparandum appears in the
pottery, mostly plain wares. Interestingly, the pot finds fromMakmish (Avigad 1958:90-96, pi. ii:d).
tery sherds could very rarely be reconstructed into Avigad has suggestedthatthe styleof thishead is
whole vessels, so the vessels were not destroyed on Cypriotinfluenced(Avigad1958:94).Given thefact
the spot where their remains have been found. The that Fragment 1 ispainted with red striping, amotif
orientation of sherds was not uniform; theywere thatwas current in Cyprus (see, e.g., Karageorghis
not found spread out horizontally on a surface or 1995: pl. IV:6~7), it ispossible to suggest thatCypriot
similar architectural features. All these features, style influenced the manufacture of Fragment 1,
a considerable amount of faunal remains, whether itwas created in Cyprus or Palestine.
including
suggest that the fill largely consisted of domestic It is certainly possible that this figurine was made
waste that wasintentionally brought in, in order locally, since it lacks the refined artistry of urban
to fill and level the whole area without regard to workshops. In addition, it exhibits a technique of
any of the existing architecture. Thus, Figurine construction that had existed in Palestine since the
Fragment 2 was brought to the spot from a place sixth century (Negbi 1966:8, n. 58). In comparison
Two Terracotta Figurine Fragments from the Sepphoris Acropolis 315
to other published Hellenistic terracotta figurines duced in the early Roman period, it dates to a
from inland Syro-Palestine, Fragment exhibits time of increased international traffic in the Lower
low quality (McNicoll et al. 1982: pl. 15a; Derfler Galilee, when imported pottery and lamps stand
1981; Iliffe 1934; Crowfoot et al. 1957:83-84), though (albeit in a minority) alongside fine locallymade
we should not
another unsophisticated figurine at Tel Anafa might goods. Without provenience testing,
attest to local production of figurines elsewhere in hasten to presume that Fragment 2 is necessarily
Northern Israel.7 Nonetheless, we cannot reject the an import, since Sepphoris would have provided
was brought in from an outside a hospitable environment for producing crafts
possibility that it
source, such as Cyprus8 or elsewhere in the eastern that were suitable for distribution within the city
Mediterranean, since the area of the Bet Netofa val and region. To be sure, the Syro-Palestine region
leywould have hosted commercial and military traf produced itsown terracotta figurines in the Roman
ficduringtheHellenisticperiod and before(Weiss period, including provincial reinterpretations of
and Netzer 1996:21-28). Negbi has ably shown that western types. Nonetheless, the consanguinity of
one cannot determine place of production based on the clothing indicated on Fragment 2with broader
stylisticgrounds alone, since several of the so-called Greco-Roman representations of clothed figurines
"western" types she has studied originate in Syro militates against any determinations of provenance
on
Palestine (Negbi 1966;
see also Shenhav 1966). stylistic grounds alone (seeWeber 1986; another
more ad comparandum appears in the finds fromMakmish:
Fragment 2, however, does exhibit
vanced workmanship, and if itwas indeed pro Avigad 1958: pi. ii:d).9
NOTES
An earlier version of this type of head attachment is 6 In addition, another earlier, unpainted head re
clearly apparent at Beit Mirsim (Albright 1941-43: sembles the head of Fragment 1, inasmuch as the
154,pi. b:6). headband and eyes are similar; see Crowfoot et al.
2 On the manufacture of terracotta figurines, see 1957: pl. xi:2. Avigad has suggested that the style of
Uhlenbrock 1990: 89-92. thishead isCypriot influenced.
3 J?rgenZangenberg and Melissa Aubin, "The Stra 7 SeeWeinberg 1971: 105,pl. i9:d-e; but see also the
on the better crafted earlyHellenistic heads fromTel Anafa
tigraphy of the Late Hellenistic Fortress
of Sepphoris, Preliminary Notes on Four inWeinberg 1973:116, pl. 3o:c-d.
Acropolis
Seasons of Excavation," forthcoming. 8 Negbi 1966: 8 also indicates that themode of pro
4 I am indebted toDr. Bill Grantham forproviding us duction exhibited in Fragment 1 is evidenced in
with preliminary results of his investigations. 6th-centuryb.c.e. Cyprus. Figurines painted with red
5 Bronze figurines,one depicting Pan and another de striping are certainly attested during thatperiod.
picting Prometheus, have also been recovered from 9 See also the production of terracottas in first- and
later contexts (ca. 2nd-3rd centuries ce.), and seem second-century Petra (Parr 1993; Parlasca 1993;
tohave served decorative, ratherthanvotive,purposes Horsfield and Horsfield 1941).
et al. 1996:171-72, cat. nos. 17 and 18).
(Nagy
REFERENCES
Albright,W. F. Ch?hab, M. H.
1941 The Excavation ofTell BeitMirsim III The Iron 1951 Les Terres cuites de Kharayeb: Texte. Bulletin du
-1943 Age. Annual of theAmerican Schools ofOriental -1952 Mus?e de Beyrouth X: 5-184
Research 21-22. Cambridge, MA: American 1953 Les Terres cuites de Kharayeb: Planches. Bulletin
Schools ofOriental Research. -1954 duMus?e de Beyrouth XI: v-xxviii.
W.; Crowfoot, G. M.; and Kenyon, .
M.
Avigad, N. Crowfoot, J.
1958 Excavations at Makmish 1960. Preliminary 1957 Samaria Sebaste III: The Objects from Samaria.
Report. Israel Exploration Journal 11: 90-96. London: Palestine Exploration Fund.
316 Melissa Aubin
Culican, W. Parr, P. J.
1969 Dea Tyria Gravida. Australian Journal ofBiblical 1993 A Commentary of the Terracotta Figurines
Archaeology 2: 35-50. from the British Excavations at Petra, 1958-64.
1976 A Votive Model from the Sea. Palestine Explora Pp. 77-86 inPetra and theCaravan Cities, ed. F.
tionQuarterly 108: 119-23. Zayadine. Amman: Department ofAntiquities.
Derfler, S. Pritchard, J.B.
1981 A Terracotta Figurine form the Hellenistic 1975 Sarepta: A Preliminary Report on the IronAge.
Temple at Tel Beer-Sheba. Israel Exploration Philadelphia, PA: University Museum, Univer
Journal 31: 97-99. sityof Pennsylvania.
Horsfield, G., and Horsfield, A. Riis, P. J.
1941 Sela Petra, theRock of Edom and Nabatene: The 1979 Sukas VI: The Graeco-Roman Phoenician Cem
Finds. Quarterly of theDepartment ofAntiquities etery and Sanctuary at the Southern Harbour.
inPalestine 9: 105-206. Copenhagen: Munksgaard.
Iliffe,J.H. Rosental-Heginbottom,
R.
1934 A Nude Terra Cotta Statuette of Aphrodite. 1995 Terracottas from the Hellenistic Period. Pp.
Quarterly of theDepartment ofAntiquities in 456-58 in Excavations at Dor: Final Reports,
Palestine 3: 106-11. Vol. IB, Areas A and C: The Finds, ed. E. Stern.
V. Qedem Reports 2. Jerusalem: Institute of Ar
Karageorghis,
1995 The Coroplastic Art ofAncient Cyprus IV: The chaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
Cypro-Archaic Period. Small Male Figurines. Shenhav, H.
byRami Arav
Bethsaida presents perhaps the best example the reigning Emperor in that year. Julia-Livia died
of a New Testament town inwhich, on one in 29 (January) ce., and the renaming of the place
hand, most scholars believe Jesus had been can be explained as a part of Philips endeavor to
active, and which, on the other hand, is accessible participate in the Roman imperial cult.1 Jewish and
to archaeological investigation. According
to the Roman sources indicate that the place still existed
New Testament, three apostles were born there, during the Late Roman period. It is from the 4th
Peter, Andrew and Philip, and itwas at Bethsaida century ce. on that the information about the town
that Jesusperformedhis mightyworks (Appold isperplexing and misleading. It seems that the town
1995; Kuhn 1995; Rousseau 1995). Byzantine tradi was lostduring thisperiod (Freund 1995).
tions add to this list two more apostles, James and Modern scholarship, beginning in the 19th
John, the sons of the fisherman Zebedai. Some century, attempted to locate the sitewithout much
other traditions attribute three more apostles to success. A few contenders were proposed for Beth
this number, which means that between three to saida. One of them was e-Tell, a very large mound
were born in one small place (Arav on the Sea ofGalilee, situated about 1.5km from the
eight apostles
1999b: 79-80). seashores, and the second one was el-Araj, a shallow
Josephus mentions Bethsaida more often than ruin at the estuary of the Jordan River. Probes and
he mentions the Pharisees. He asserts that the surveys carried out in 1987 yielded Hellenistic and
place
was situated near the Jordan River estuary early Roman remains only in e-Tell, while the other
and in lower Gaulanitis and that Philip, the son of contenders yielded only Late Roman and Byzantine
Herod the Great, elevated it to the status of a city remains.2 Ground penetration radar tests carried
'
and named it after Julia, the emperor s daughter" out in the stretch from the Sea of Galilee through
(Ant. 8:28). Philips coins indicate that this change the ruins of el-Araj confirm what archaeological
one oc
was made in 29/30 ce. and that Julia,who gave sounding revealed: that el-Araj consists of
her name to the city,was no other but Livia-Julia, cupation level only.3 This level has been dated to the
the wife of Augustus and the mother of Tiberius, Byzantine period. The ground below the Byzantine
317
318 Rami Arav
levelwas found to be beach sedimentary layerswith Hazael of Damascus who consolidated, by means
no remains of inhabitation. Further geological and of conquest and annexation, the Aramean petty
research carried out on the plain more severe
geomorphological kingdoms in southern Syria. A much
of Bethsaida explainswhat had happened to the destruction occurred during the end of the eighth
began in 1988and stillcontinue (2007). The finds lenistic period, as small finds such as cylinder seals
help to enhance
our understanding of the environ and stamps dating from the Persian period testify.
ment of Jesus and elucidate the physical and social No meaningful structures, however, were added to
circumstances of the society surrounding Jesus.4 theexistingbuildings.
Ironically, a major change occurred after the
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES conquest of Alexander the Great, when central
to more imposing
government seemed be by far
research discovered that the city of and tighter than the ethnical freedom that nations
Archaeological
Bethsaida (fig.1)was founded in thetenthcentury maintained during the Persian period. It is
reason
b.c.e. on a basalt extension that descended from able to think that the new markets in Greece and
the lava flow of the Golan Heights. The lava flow Rome served as catalysts for the primary mercantile
created strong foundations for construction and economy of the Phoenician cities, which rapidly
extensive construction material for the seized the new commercial opportunities (Mar
provided
uneven ter koe 2000: At a influx of
settlers. However, large boulders and 63-67). Bethsaida, larger
rain compelled the founders to carry out new settlers arrived, presumably from the thriv
large-scale
earthworks, which filled the gaps and created an ing Phoenician coast, in a movement that can be
The
even plateau on which the citywas constructed. The interpreted as expansion of their hinterland.
duringtheIronAge (Arav1995;1999a).
citythrived
new settlers rebuilt the ruins and were engaged in
The fortifications of the city are almost without trade with the coastal cities. Pollen analysis shows
kingdom of Geshur, which ismentioned often in back wall for theHellenistic private homes, theHel
theOld Testament (Kokhavi 1996). lenistic city bears rural features, as opposed to the
The citywas destroyed several times during the urban features of previous periods. It is interesting
Iron Age. Itwas firstdestroyed in the firsthalf of the to note that all through theHellenistic and Roman
ninth century b.c.e., perhaps by theAramean king periods these features remain the same, in spite
-
Fig.
2 Reconstruction of
a house inArea the "Fisherman's House? Fig. 3 An iron
fish hook.
of the population change. On top of the Iron Age were developed into an elaborate atrium
yards
public buildings, a cluster of private rural houses in the Greek and the Roman world, although at
was built. The new houses made use of the old walls Bethsaida we do not observe this development. The
that were still protruding above the ground. The houses remain humble, and the courtyards were
walls of the new houses were thinner, generally 70 not adorned with columns, fountains, mosaic or
cm wide, as to wall widths between 1.5 marble floors as lavish dwellings elsewhere were,
opposed
and 2.5 m during the Iron Age. Segments of old nor did Bethsaida homes have stucco and other
structures and particularly the old palace in the Bit decorations, which were present in rural homes at
Hilani stylewere reinhabited. Parts of the citywall Tel Anafa, north of Bethsaida. The impression one
were rebuilt, as is indicated in the southern section gets from the ruins of theHellenistic-Early Roman
of Area A. Itwas, however, not to the same extent periods is similar to that of the humble houses
and width as the Iron Age citywall. of Gamala and Capernaum of the first centuries
It seems that the settlement
spread from the b.c.e.-c.e.Pig bones, large numbers of Tyrian
northern citywalls to the south within these cen and other Phoenician coins, and fine wares from
turies. During the third century b.c.e., densely the Phoenician coast indicate that the population
populated areas existed next to the northern city either originated from these areas or kept close
walls, but by the first century ce. and later there contact with the cities there through the third and
was very little
activity near the northern citywall, second centuries b.c.e.
while more activity was concentrated towards the A major change in the population can be ob
southern sections of themound. served in the period following the conquest of
Some of the houses dating from the Hellenistic Alexander Jannaeus in 84 b.c.e. (fig. 9). A drop
and EarlyRoman periodswere built in thestyleof in Phoenician coins versus a rise in Hasmonean
courtyard houses (figs. 2-8). This type of house is coins, together with pottery produced in Kefar
built around a large open courtyard. The courtyard Hanania and Kefar Shikhin and limestone vessels,
isflankedbya kitchento theeastand a diningroom indicate that the new inhabitants were Jewish. The
(triclinium?) and residences in the north. This type conquest ofAlexander Jannaeus caused a change in
of house is typical forMediterranean civilizations the ethnicity of the population from Phoenician to
and is found almost everywhere and in all periods Jewish. How exactly this change was achieved is a
(Robertson 1969: 297-321; Arav 1989). The court matter for further study.Was it a conversion of the
The Archaeology of Bethsaida and the Historical Jesus Quest 321
a house -
Fig. 6 Reconstruction inArea C the "Wine Makers House!*
of
322 Rami Arav
Makers House!*
Fig. 7 A wine cellar in the"Wine
population? At present this is unclear. Jewish population. Herod was granted back the ter
This picture did not last long. Two decades later, ritories of the Gaulanitis, Hauranitis and Batanea
the Romans under Pompey the Great invaded fromAugustus and resettled the Jewish population
Judea, captured Jerusalem in 63 b.c.e., and put therein.No change in habitation occurred until the
an end to the independence of the Hasmonean geological catastrophes of the mid-third century
wave
kingdom (Berlin 1997).The new settlement ce., which pushed the northern shores of the Sea
Pompey brought to the area, inwhich the Ithure of Galilee farther south and caused the fishermen
ans got back Gaulanitis, resulted in a short-term to desert their homes on the ancient mound and
populationofBethsaida.This
declineof theJewish tomove to a new location closer to the shoreline.
can be discerned from the absence of pottery and E-Tell - Bethsaida is thevillage intowhich the
Pompeys conquest
coinsfromtheperiod following apostles
were born and where Jesus visited and
until the accession to power of Herod the Great performed his "mighty works."
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF BETHSAIDA AND THE HISTORICAL JESUS QUEST 323
53
50
40
30
20 20
107 14 1
17 16
10
9 10008
f = 1. ---0-1mmAm
0 --2=-=== 1=-===
Persian Ptolemaic Seleucid Hasmonean Herodian
Roman
Analysis of the historical, archaeological, and only in Pergamon). The celebrations took place at
numismatic accounts leads to the conclusion that institutions and installations built for this purpose.
Bethsaida was elevated to the status of a Greek city Well-to-do benefactors and local rulers (who could
state, a "polis" during the year 29/30 C.E., just a few afford it) erected temples and facilities that were
months after hearing the news that Julia-Livia had used in the gathering of worshippers to celebrate
died (January 29). Analogy with other foundations musical, drama, and athletic competitions. Such
thatbore the emperor's name, or that ofmembers of constructions were theaters, amphitheaters, stadia,
his family, indicates that the naming or renaming and hippodromes. This is how we should interpret
of a citywas only one of the things done by client the lavish institutions Herod the Great erected in
an effort to participate
kings and local rulers in Sebaste and Caesarea Maritima. Lesser benefactors
in the Roman imperial cult. This interesting cult were happy with one or two installations, or, at least,
developed, from its inception, features very similar with an altar in an existing temple. The temples
to traditional religion. Lacking only a mythologi would vary from lavishly decorated huge temples,
cal past, itwas developed almost instantly into a clad inmarble and adorned with statues, to amod
large-scale project from the time when Octavian est distyle temple built of local materials.5
was given the title Augustus (27 B.C.E.). Within While his father was able to erect magnificent
time the cult was observed as a means to demon edifices to facilitate the imperial cult, Philip Herod
strate loyalty to the emperor. The cult developed was perhaps more
financially limited and could not
a special calendar, in which a series of practices afford such lavish establishments. The temple that
and annual festivals were celebrated. The most Philip built at Bethsaida was so modest, so small,
important event was New Year's Eve, which was and so severely destroyed in the Byzantine period
the birthday of the Emperor, on September 23rd. thatwithout the testimony of Josephus regarding
The last celebration of the year was Livia-Julia's the elevationof the village to a "polis" and the
adopted birthday, September 21 (she was not born renaming of the place, itwould have been almost
324 Rami Arav
impossible to reconstruct it.6The physical evidence of a column base were discerned between the
of the temple is very scarce and circumstantial antae. The threshold to the building was re
were found and even from its original location. The "naos"
(fig. io).7 No inscriptions moved
thegroundplan of thebuilding isbadlypreserved. was an empty rectangular room. An opening
excava in the west wall led to another porch, which
However, through evidence retrieved from
tion, along with the of we may was interpreted as an adyton. The walls of this
testimony Josephus,
likelyconclude thatthebuilding excavatedat the building are of unusual width and construc
summit of themound is the temple, although we tion. They average m inwidth and are of good
are still in the process of study.The main arguments masonry, as opposed to 0.7 m-wide walls for a
and the initial results of this research are briefly regular house from this period.
presented as follows: 3. No dressed stones were found in the walls of
. A
rectangular building
was discovered on the thisbuilding,althoughtheonlydressed stones
highestplace of themound on topofa shallow found at Bethsaida were found around this
mound, which covered the ruins of the Iron building, mostly reused in Bedouin tombs.
Age monumental city gate. There was no po 4. Four decorated stones were the only remains
dium to this temple, but a retaining wall, which of thisbuilding, and theywere all found in
was built in the Iron Age, served to create a a secondary context. One was a lintel block
large elevated infrastructure for the temple. decorated with a meander flanked by two ro
2. The temple presents an oblong building (20 settes. Two other fragments show floral motifs
6 m), which is oriented east-west. Two antae in scrolls, and another large slab also depicts a
in the east create a porch. Foundation remains floral motif (figs. 11-12).
THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF BETHSAIDA AND THE HISTORICAL JESUS QUEST 325
5. The floor of the building was completely looted, the other figurine is a woman wearing a dia
but remnants of the infrastructurewere discov dem over a tiara covered with a veil. Although
ered. They consist of beaten earth embedded these types of figurines are common in the
with small shards of pottery and small pebbles Hellenistic-Roman world, they clearly indicate
(fig.13). cultic practices and may be associated with the
6. The finds inside and in close vicinity of the cult of Livia-Julia.
were also remarkable and indicate io. Several basalt pumice stones in the shape of
building
special religious purposes. Among these were a pyramid were found near the temple. These
two bronze incense shovels of a type associated small objects recall large stone anchors and
with religious ceremonies (fig. 14). A similar are usually interpreted as votive anchors. They
shovel was found by Yadin in the Cave of the could have been either given to the fishermen
Letters in 1960. It is particularly important to as a talisman or given to the
by the temple
notice that theCave of Letters shovel was found temple by the fishermen as a gift (fig. 16).
ii. was
together with eighteen bronze vessels, which Similarly, a clay stamp, pyramidal in shape
most likely formed a collection of religious also recovered; itdepicts a somewhat illegible
as "Instrumenta Sacra".8 scene that has no parallel in ancient art: the
objects, known also
The objects included a patera, two bowls, and stamp shows one or two persons on a boat of
a number of jugs. the "hippos" type. A round object flanked by
7. Several pits were discovered in the vicinity of a semicircular object is at the top of the scene,
the temple. In these pits, jugs similar to the and a reed plant is in front of the boat. Possibly
jugs of the "Instrumenta Sacra" deposit in the this seal served as an amulet either given by
Cave of Letters were found. It is possible that the temple or given to the temple. The pyra
the jugs at Bethsaida were used in the service midal shape associates itwith the other votive
of thetemple(fig.15). anchors and indicates a similar purpose.
8. Five coins of Philip Herod were found in the vi 12. The Mishnah preserves a tradition that "foreign
cinity of the temple. Three of themwere minted worship/idolatry" was practiced at Bethsaida
in commemoration of the renaming of Beth (Mishna, Aboda Zara 3:7). Might this be the
saida: perhaps not a coincidental discovery. Roman imperial cult?
one
9. Female figurines were also discovered. One 13. Although the evidence is circumstantial,
depicts a woman wearing curls and a veil, and may add the reconstructed pediment that
326 Rami Arav
were found across the site, indicating that large number of flax pollen that dominated the
weights
fishing was shared by all. Other implements found round structure inArea A. A wool industry could
include a few basalt anchors, basalt and limestone be identified by the large number of spindle whorls
line sinkers, and bronze and iron fish hooks. The thatwere discovered. Most were made of hard, dark
an extremely rare fishhook that had stone and some were glass. Small pyramidal loom
discovery of
not yet been curved and made ready for use indi were found, as well, inArea A, close to the
weights
cates that therewas also a small fishhook industry structure identified as a temple.
at the site,which supported the local fishermen. In Olives were themain planting crops at Bethsaida,
addition, therewere long bronze and iron needles as testified by the large amount of olive pollen dis
to sew and repair the sails of boats. An interesting covered all over the examined area.With the excep
find was an anchor incised on a jar handle, which tion of one threshing stone,which could be used for
may indicate fishing activities. grapes and olives alike, no remains of olive presses
Faunal remains do not indicate amaritime focus were discovered at the site.Usually, these jobs were
for obvious reasons. Fish bones are much more earned out in the fields or in the groves. The groves
difficult to detect than those of large mammals. and cultivated fields were evidently towards the east
However, about eight percent of the entire corpus and the north side of the city,because of the pres
of bones discovered at the site was fish. Among ence of the remains of ancient agricultural terraces
the fish, it is interesting to note the presence of a and lanes winding between the terraces.
catfish that are Evidence of the growing of grain was also found
large number of the non-Kosher
abundant in this area. Pollen research shows that barley was
at Bethsaida.
Animal husbandry was practiced at Bethsaida more prevalent than wheat in all areas examined.
as well. Most of the livestock were bovines, horses, Remains of flour mills were found in the private
was water
donkeys, and mules. Herding of sheep and goat houses, and public flour mills, powered by
common, but to a lesser degree. About five percent from the Jordan River, were at a short distance
just
of the bones collected were those of pigs. However, northwest of themound. Such mills are still seen
a water mill was
due to stratigraphical difficulties in most of the toda): A segment of round grinding
loci excavated, it seems that the pig bones belong a
discovered in secondary use on themound.
at
to the pre-Hasmonean occupation, and the final Tannery was another occupation practiced
site report will certainly reflect a critical analysis the site. This was evidenced by tannery imple
of the evidence. ments found inArea A. A large amount of cows,
Another versus sheep and goats, were observed in the zoo
occupation attested by archaeological
remains is viticulture. A private house in Area C, archaeological record and probably provided the
the only one excavated entirely, yielded, in addi raw material for this craft.
tion to fishing implements such as lead fishing net The landscape of Bethsaida in the first century
hooks for b.c.e. and the first century ce. was different from
weights and boat anchors, three pruning
grape harvesting and an unusual corbel roof cellar, that of today. Pollen analysis indicates that the trees
which contained four jars and a casserole possibly around the sitewere oak and tamarisk. High grass,
a wine cellar. Shards of Rhodian wine was also abundant.
indicating good for grazing animals,
amphorae were discovered in almost all areas.
However, only a single complete wine amphora was BETHSAIDA AND HELLENISM
found on a fragmentary floor of a house in Area
B.Whether theRhodian wine amphorae arrived at The finds at Bethsaida do not support the conclu
Bethsaida with their original contents is uncertain, sion of a thoroughly Hellenistic presence at the site
and their presence is still the subject of debate. all through the Hellenistic and Roman periods.
Another profession found at Bethsaida was There are no remains ofHellenism reflected in the
textile manufacture. Garments were produced at architecture of the houses, not one single Greek
Bethsaida from flax and wool, as indicated by a capital or any Hellenistic fashion, in the way it
The Archaeology of Bethsaida and the Historical Jesus Quest 329
is present at the nearby site of Tel Anafa, and no population. It is reasonable to expect a correlation
mosaic floors. Hellenistic imports from the Phoeni between the capabilities of the local community
cian coast, the Greek islands
(especially Rhodes) and thepublicbuildingsthatare erected.Certainly,
and mainland Greece are numerous and appear up a wealthy community can support elaborate pub
a poor community would
to theHasmonean conquest, which may indicate a lic structures whereas
Jewish population. Among the fewHellenistic im have difficultydoing so. At Bethsaida it seems
ports, most telling is an iron
strigli normally used that the discrepancy between the temple with its
in baths and gymnasia, Rhodian wine amphorae decorations and the rest of the rural settlement is
and oil lamps, a small number of vases known was most probably
great. The temple at Bethsaida
as "Megarian" vessels, and fine-ware pottery. An endowed and imposed by the Herodians and was
architectural feature is the building proposed as a not erected by the local inhabitants.
NOTES
Kindler was first to notice this after a long debate 5 Iwould like to thankM. Bernett for discussing this
on the dating of this transition. Previously Schuerer matter with me. See more detailed research on this
proposed that the renaming took place between 4 topic in Bernett 2007.
b.c.e., the accession of Philip to power, and 2 b.c.e., 6 The templewas first reported inArav 1999a: 18-24.
the date when Julia, the daughter of Augustus, was 7 Kuhn has studied the temple remains and the arti
banished. See detailed treatment on this issue in facts, and has concluded that the temple was built
Kindler 1989 [Hebrew]. This idea was presented by already in the Hellenistic period. This conclusion
Kindler in a conference on Herod atHaifa University ignores the stratigraphyof the structure,which sug
on 9-10 April 1989. Kindler 1999: 245-49. See also gests that the temple utilized secondary earlierwalls.
Kuhn and Arav 1991; Strickert 1995. See Kuhn 2000: 222-29.
2 The problem of the identification of the sitewas re 8 See Siebert 1999. Incense shovels are only rarely
one depiction
solved in a series of probes in 1986-78 and the finds depicted inRoman art. There is only
were published inKuhn and Arav 1991. I know of fromNorth Africa (I would like to thank
3 The GPR testswere carried out byDr. Harry Jolof the M. Bernett for bringing this tomy attention). This
is perhaps the reason why Siebert does not present
University ofWisconsin at Eau Claire. The resultswill
be published in the forthcomingBethsaida volumes. an incense shovel inher study.
4 For general descriptions of the excavations see Arav
1999a: 45-56.
REFERENCES
byVassilios Tzaferis
The establishment of the city Caesarea sought to subdue and control, incorporating them
Philippi-Paneasby theTetrarchPhilip, the into theHellenistic political regime and gathering
son of Herod the Great, in the year 3 b.c.e. them under the aegis of Greek culture by creating
was undoubtedly an historical event of great signifi urban centers and sedentary settlements. These
on were also
cance for the regions ofGaulanitis (Golan), Ituraea approaches, which later employed
(northern Golan Heights), and Ulatha (northern the Romans, were very effective. In the course
by
Hula and southern Bekaa valleys). The region of of the first century b.c.e., the nomadic way of life
was a
Ituraea in the north also included the district of Pa replaced with permanent settlements and by
neas, firstmentioned as Paneion political and social organization under the frame
by Polybius (Poly
bius, Hist?ri??, XVI, 18.2). During Hellenistic and kingship(Sch?rer1973:564).That
work of tributary
areas had been in the was the prevailing political and cultural situation
early Roman times, all these
process of Hellenization for almost two centuries, in Ituraea, when the Romans, for their own reasons
newly conquered
areas an intense and consistent Geog. XVI, 2, 18.775), related mainly to external
policy of Hellenization. forms, such as architectural patterns, artistic mod
The district of Ituraea attracted special attention els, use of the goods and chattels of the Hellenistic
due to itsdemographics. Already from the Persian culture, or use of theGreek language and names of
period
on and throughout the third century b.c.e., deities. Under the cultural, linguistic, and artistic
the region of the present Golan Heights, notably layers of assimilation existed the traditional attitude
its northern areas as well as the northern parts of of the indigenous population, who were, for the
theHula Valley, was ravaged by hordes of nomadic most part, not Greeks. The significance, therefore,
tribes, mostly Arabs, whom the Seleucid regime underlying the foundation of Caesarea by Philip
333
334 Vassilios Tzaferis
consists in the fact that an urban center, based on ship, that of the god Pan, from whom it attained
main principlesofa realGreekpoliswith almost
the itsname Paneion, and of an ulterior worship, that
all of its civic and cultural institutes,was created in ofAugustus establishedby Philips father,
Herod
the frame of which the expectancies of Greek life the Great (Josephus, War 1,404-5).
could be practiced and be accomplished. testimonyinhisAntiquities(XVIII, ii,
Josephus'
"
1,28), a ea a a a
CAESAREA PHILIPPI, a a a e a a a e a a ea ,"
CAPITAL OF THE KINGDOM is brief and ambiguous. The English translation of
theparagraphby Feldman in theLoeb Classical
Literary Sources
Library, "Philip toomade improvements at Paneas,
Philips decision to found his capital near the the city near the sources of the Jordan, and called
springs of the Jordan in the Paneion region was itCaesarea," does not convey correctly the original
not without good reasons. The location was endued Greek text. The verb a a e a in Greek has
with topographical and strategic virtues, which, different meanings; one of them is to erect or to
along with its congenial natural landscape, ren which veryprobablyhas tobe applied in the
buildy
dered itpeculiar importance(fig.1). In addition, above Josephus version. Consequently, the transla
it possessed an abundance of fertile lands ? the tion should be: "Philip too built Paneas, near the
whole northern part of Hula valley?and affluent springs of Jordan, and called itCaesarea." On" the
water. It also controlled one of the main routes other hand, Josephus' statement in his War, a
'
connecting the coast of Phoenicia in thewest with a a a
Damascus and other important towns in the east. a ea e a a e a ? Philip built
But above all, itwas affined with an age-long wor Caesarea near the sources of the Jordan in the
Caesarea Philippi (Paneas) in the Roman and Byzantine Periods 335
*
district of Paneas (War II, ix, 1,168), ismuch more Byzantine tombs.1 In addition to the salvage exca
explicit,leavingno doubtsat all thathe (Philip)was vations, several intensive surveys were carried out
the founder of the city.
by various scholars, which established the limits of
Equally brief are Josephus' references on Paneas, Caesarea Philippi at theheightof itsexpansion in
the city, under Agrippa II (54-96 ce.). the late Roman and Early Byzantine periods.
Josephus
says almost nothing about the city itself, how it In 1988, when the sitewas
officially designated
looked, what public or cultural
buildings were as a nature reserve, the Israel
Department of
there or what was its layout inAgrippas reign. He
Antiquities, now the Israel Antiquities Authority,
mentions, however, thatAgrippa "embellished itat decided to initiatemethodical excavations in order
great expense" (War III, 514), and that he changed to expose Banias'
archaeological treasures and put
the name from Caesarea toNeronias (Ant,XX, 211). the site on the
archaeological map of the country.
The above statements of Josephus, and
especially in Three large-scale excavations were organized. The
his War, may conceal serious structural activities, first, headed by M. Hartal, explored the ancient
both in buildings and in town
planning, carried aqueduct that supplied water to the northwestern
out at Paneas under Agrippa II. It is, therefore, residential quarters in the Roman and
very Byzantine
probablyduringAgrippas reignthatPaneas took city. The second, placed under the direction of
on its final urban form, similar to contemporary Zvi Maoz, excavated the sanctuary of Pan above
Greco-Roman cities in the east. Paneas, in the the springs and near the cave. The third, the Joint
half-century-long reign of king Agrippa II, was Archaeological Expedition, directed by thewriter,
theacknowledgedcapitalof thekingdomand the explored the central area of the site, from the cave
officialabode of theking, thoughhe himselfused and the springs in the north to the stream Saar in
to stay for
long intervals elsewhere. Itwas in the the south and the stream Hermon in the west.
royal courts that he built at Paneas where he hosted On the basis of the results of all
archaeological
Vespasian during the years of the great Jewish re excavations, soundings, and surveys carried out
volt (Jos.War III, 443-44). Itwas there, too,where on the sitewe can now delimit not
only the urban
Titus, after the conquest of Jerusalem, enjoyed of Caesarea
expanse Philippi throughout all its
which includedall
Agrippas generoushospitality, historical periods, but also mark out the
religious,
kinds of spectacles (War VII, 23-24). civic and residential districts within it.
organized
Josephus mentions Caesarea Philippi (Paneas) Thus, thefirst-century
townfoundedbyPhilip and
several other times, but in none of his statements II
enlargedbyAgrippa extendedfromthe springs
are descriptions or allusions of the
visage of the city in the north to the streams Saar and Hermon in
or itsmonuments and structures given. the south and west, Within this
Similarly, respectively. area,
other contemporaneous
literary sources, such as occupying almost 200 dunams, were found the
the New Testament books (Matthew 16:13-16; religious, cultural and administrative buildings
Mark 8:27-28), that refer to Caesarea Philippi do thatexistedduringthereignsofPhilipandAgrippa
not provide any II. So far,no remains of residential quarters have
description about the visual ap
pearance of the city during the first century ce. been discovered within the boundaries of this area.
What, however, the literary sources fail to provide, Until new evidence comes to we may assume
light,
research, though incomplete, can that this area wasthe civic and
archaeological religious center of
help complete and visualize. Caesarea Philippi during theRoman and
Byzantine
Evidence periods. Moreover, since absolutely no remnants of
Archaeological
private houses dated to the first century ce. have
Since 1967, several salvage excavations, sound been discovered so far
anywhere in the archaeo
and surveys have been conducted in different we
ings, logical site areas, conclude that the Caesarea
at
places the site of Banias, exposing remains of
Philippi of Philip and Agrippa II contained only
several monumental constructions, the T?menos, i.e., the
Roman-Byz Sanctuary of Pan with all its
antine villas, medieval fortifications, and Roman ceremonial and praying spaces, and the admin
336 Vassilios Tzaferis
istration center, where all the public buildings of topography at hand, the city planners included all
the capital were found (fig. 2). Private housing was the essential elements of a standard Greco-Roman
or limited to theminimum areas
virtually non-existent town, which generally possessed dedicated
necessary for public service and themaintenance for temples, a forum, colonnaded streets, cultural
of the buildings. and entertainment centers, such as theaters and
Private dwellings in the town start appearing bathhouses, public monuments, such as nymphaea
from the second century ce. onwards and only and administration buildings. Paneas, which from
in areas extended beyond the above mentioned the beginning was designed as the capital of the
streams (Saar and Hermon). Very likely the initial kingdom, in addition to the abovementioned
or a respectable
intention of the founder, Philip the Tetrarch, was complexes also included a palace
not to build a populous city,but rather to create an residence to accommodate the royal family and a
effective administrative center, a capital fromwhich royal court.
he could administer the affairs of his kingdom. Hitherto, the archaeological excavations of all
Agrippa II, too,by embellishingand enlargingthe three expeditions have detected the sacred area
street
capital by new monumental buildings, continued (t?menos) of the city, themain colonnaded
thepolicyofPhilip.The populationlivednotwithin (cardo; fig. 3), the ruins of a monumental structure,
the urban limits of the city,but in the neighboring very probably a nymphaeum, the aqueducts, which
? "in
villages, the
a a a a supplied sufficient quantities of water to the city
the villages of Caesarea Philippi," as they are men from the nearby springs, and an impressive monu
tioned inMark 8:27-28. Extensive habitation within mental structure, undoubtedly the royal residence
the urban boundaries of Caesarea Philippi began ofkingAgrippa II (fig.4).
onlyafterthedeathofKingAgrippa,when thecity The colonnaded street (cardo), a twenty-meter
ceased to function as the capital of the kingdom. long section of which was discovered in area K,
With regardto the townplan, applied firstby bisected the center of the city from the stream Saar
Philip andlater on by Agrippa II, the archaeo in the south as far as close to the sacred area and the
an outline. springs in the north (fig. 3). The two colonnades,
logical evidence provides Utilizing the
Caesarea Philippi (Paneas) in the Roman and Byzantine Periods 337
probably a nymphaeum, located within the space only parts of its southern wing, which extends for
of the forum. The total length of the colonnaded more than 40,000 square meters. The length of
streetwas about 300 meters. The east-west colon the exposed portion, from east to west, exceeds
naded street, the decumanus, as yet undiscovered, 100 m, while itswidth measures more than
forty
m. The structures northern sections are as yet un
probably began at theHermon stream in thewest
and, like the cardo, terminated at the forum. The excavated. However, based on probes conducted
remains of the so-called "Roman Bridge" preserved in a number of places, we may estimate that the
above the stream of Hermon may indicate the dimensions of the northern wing were as large as
western starting point of the street. the southern wing. Ifour suppositions are correct,
The wide area that extended from the "colon the structure consists of four wings flanking an
naded building" in the forum as far as the sanctu open courtyard set at the center. Such an arrange
aryofPan in thenorthwas probablya public open ment would make the royal palace of Paneas the
space, serving both as a place for cult celebrations largest and most magnificent Roman edifice
ever
and for pleasant walks. The beautiful landscape, constructed in Palestine and one of the largest in
the springs, and the temples comprising the the eastern part of the Roman Empire.
Sanctuary of Pan crested by the white and elegant The structure is impressive not only because of
Augustaeum, all framed by the dramatic cliff side its grand dimensions, but also for its sophisticated
in thebackground,undoubtedlymade this the building style, unique plan, and creative
use of
most pleasant and impressive quarter of the city. was built.
the natural topography upon which it
In the southwest corner of the city in areas D and Its spacious courtyards are arranged in wonder
I, the excavations of the JointExpedition brought ful symmetry. The apsidal halls, the magnificent
to light one of the most interesting structures of basilica,the vaulted passageways (fig. 6), and the
Caesarea Philippi, apparently the royal palace impressive interior entrances and exits all suggest
338 Vassilios Tzaferis
^^^^^^^^^^^^^
Pamas ^^^?^^^PS
palate ^^^^^^^^^
gentlyslopes down towards the east side of the Greece, Syria and Phoenicia, and veteran mer
340 Vassilios Tzaferis
cenaries. Although numerous, the Jewish com walls that Herod the Great apparently set up the
hangingover thesprings(fig.2) had been dedicated as far as the springs and the high cliffabove them.
to Pan and had become a well-accepted cult site as This space, totaling less than 200 dunams (200,000
early as the late third or early second century b.ce. square meters), seems to have been the area that
18-19). Later on, probably was delimited
(Polybius, HistoriaeXVl, by walls. It is quite certain that the
in 19 b.ce., Herod the Great erected a architects and engineers employed by Philip and
magnificent
temple ofwhite marble toAugustus, known as the Agrippa II were able to build these walls in an aes
Augustaeum (Jos.War I, 404; Ant. XV, 364). The thetically pleasing way. The southern and western
cults of Pan and Augustus continued to function walls were thus constructed, the first along the
well after the foundation of Caesarea northern bank of the Saar, and the second along
Philippi.
Moreover, there are good reasons to believe that the eastern bank of the Hermon. In the east, the
the heathen inhabitants accepted both cults as the wall could have run from the bend in the Saar up
official worship in the newly founded city. The city to the foot of themountainside. The northern wall,
was filled with statues and
many pagan deities were if therewas one, remains problematic. However, it
worshipped there in addition to Pan and Augustus. is evident that the springs and the cliffsmark the
One can even suggest that, at least up to the years northern boundary of the city.
ofkingAgrippa Ifs reign(end of thefirstcentury Apparently threemain gates served the city; two
ce.), these two cults remained the principal forms were situated at the eastern and western termina
of worship practiced in the city. tions of the decumanuSy and one was at the south
The sanctuary of Pan, ern terminal of the cardo. Access to the cardo was
thoroughly excavated by
Zvi Maoz, the entire terrace across the means of a
occupied gained by bridge built across the Saar,
cliffsabove the springs (Maoz, a pattern that continued frommedieval Banias up
forthcoming; Berlin
1999). The Augustaeum, on the other hand, must to the nineteenth century. A similar
bridge, which
be located on another terrace found to the south survives to this day and is known as the "Roman
of the springs and not, as Maoz
suggested, at the Bridge," was built above theHermon stream to give
very entrance of the cave. Ehud Netzers excava access to the western gate. The northern gate was
tions in 1977 on that terrace exposed sections of very probably located close to the forum where
retaining walls built in opus reticulatum pattern, both the cardo and the decumanus met. The ar
characteristic toHerodian times. It iswithin these rangement of the city gates as described above
Caesarea Philippi (Paneas) in the Roman and Byzantine Periods 341
corresponds to the roads approaching the city Roman town. Paneas was shortly annexed to the
from west, south, and north. The main west-east province of Syria and soon after that permanently
road, which crossed the northern Huleh valley and to the province of Phoenicia. The transition from
climbedup to theGolan Heights,divided intotwo capital to common town did not result in any seri
distinct routes west of Banias. The southern route ous s
change to the city outward appearance. Itdid,
however, necessitate modifications in the functions
traversed theHuleh along the northern edge of its
marshes and entered the city through the cardo. of some of thepublic buildingsand perhaps even
The northern route entered the city through the the partial destruction of some of them.
western gate of the decumanus. The two routes
met in the center of Paneas at the intersection of Modifications in theCity
the cardo and the decumanus, and exited the city The "colonnaded building" discovered in area
was
through itsnortheastern gate. From there the road partially or totally demolished following the
began its relatively easy climb toward thewestern construction of an aqueduct, built to bring fresh
approaches of the Golan Heights. water from the springs to the center of the city.
The aqueduct, however, was probably constructed
CAESAREA PHILIPPI to supply adequate quantities of water to the area
IN THE LATE ROMAN PERIOD of the palace, which now was converted to bath
house (fig.7).
After the death of Agrippa II in 96 ce., Caesarea We may assume that the cardo remained un
as did other public buildings of the town.
Philippi was converted from a capital to a common changed,
town/polis, maintaining all the juristic and social The "palace" in the southwest corner of the city
privileges acknowledged by the Roman regime. As (Areas D and I) was preserved in its entirety, but
before, the city continued to issue its own coins its function changed. Extensive remodeling, ac
and run its internal affairs like any standard Greco cessions and blockings were done in all the halls
342 Vassilios Tzaferis
and the courts of the palace. The entire southern En Kanta, located at a higher altitude than Paneas.
seems
wing with all its halls, rooms, and courts From there, a ca. three-kilometer-long aqueduct
to have been converted to caldaria; inmost areas was constructed, which brought water to the new
we excavated we found hypocausts. During our suburbs of the town (Hartal, forthcoming; 1998).
excavations, structural adaptations were observed The prosperity characterizing most cities of the
nu second and third centuries in the eastern Roman
everywhere. Judging by the ceramic and the
mismatic evidence found in one of the vaulted Empire did not bypass Paneas. The completion of
passages blocked intentionally and subsequently the new and relatively long aqueduct demanded
filled up with debris, the conversion of the palace formidable financial resources. Similarly, the
to a bath took place sometime in the second half of conversion of the huge palace complex into a
the second century or the first half of the third. bath requiredboth considerablefundsand skilled
The most which oc
significant development, personnel.
curred during the Late Roman period, concerns the The significant financial base of the town dur
urban layout and demographic apportionment of ing the Late Roman Period was displayed not only
the city.Whereas in the first century the city limits through impressive building activities, but also
were confined to the area bounded by the springs by various artistic accomplishments. The secular
and the Saar and Hermon, now, for the first time, basilica, originally part of the royal palace, was
the habitable areas were extended far beyond. In now remodeled for the new needs of the bath;
tensive archaeological surveys, salvage excavations the interior of the basilicas apse was covered with
and soundings done in the past twenty years byM. colorful wall mosaics (fig. 8). Beautiful marble
Hartal and others have proved beyond doubt that statues representing various deities of the Greco
dense residential quarters were erected beyond the Roman pantheon enriched the sanctuary of Pan
aforementioned streams. The expansion of the city (Friedland1999).
limits into new areas located on a level higher than The sanctuary itself was enlarged by addi
the springsmeant that new sources ofwater needed tional cult installations, worship spaces and small
to be located. The city exploited one of the water temples dedicated to different deities, including
sources found near the modern Druze village of Pan, Hermes, Echo, Maia, and Nemesis. These
Caesarea Philippi (Paneas) in the Roman and Byzantine Periods 343
onlyduring the second or at thebeginningof the in the same manner. In none of the areas of our ex
third century. The numismatic evidence for this cavation were houses for private habitation found.
is conclusive. Coins issued at Paneas during the We may only assume that some of the buildings,
time of Agrippa II represent Tyche without any such as temples or monuments of pagan character,
architectural element, whereas on those issued were
intentionally demolished or replaced by oth
in thefirsthalfof the thirdcenturythegoddess is ers that accommodated the Byzantine administra
a tion and the new
shown within tetrastyle temple and sometimes religious needs of the citizens.
withina distyle one. The different structures ac The colonnaded street (cardo) remained essentially
on the coins may even indicate
companying Tyche unchanged with only minor modifications. To the
the existence of more than one temple dedicated west of the cardo and parallel to it another street
to her in Caesarea Philippi. Finally, Zeus-Jupiter, was constructed, the "Byzantine Street," which
men alike, was pres
god and father of gods and contained commercial activities, according to the
ent in Paneas. Greek and Roman cities competed archaeological evidence. The suburbs beyond the
for the honor of erecting the most magnificent streams continued to be attractive for private habi
temple
or
earning the favor of the supreme god, tationat leastup to thefirsthalfof thefifthcentury.
and Caesarea Philippi was no exception. During Sometime in the course of the fourth century or
the second half of the second century, probably the beginning of the fifth, a new enclosure wall was
under the reign ofMarcus Aurelius (161-180 ce.), erected to protect the city from unexpected raids
the first temple to Zeus was erected in the city, a and bandits. Remains of the enclosure wall were
fact positively attested by the numismatic evidence detected in the surveys done byM. Hartal beyond
(Meshorer 1984). the stream Saar.
The territorial expansion of the city and the great Serious alterations, however, were executed
structural projects accomplished in the sanctuary within the civic center on the monuments and
of Pan and of the palace to a
in the conversion some of thepublic buildings.The bathhouse that
bath leave no doubt that Paneas in the Late Roman had been installed within the rooms and courtyards
period enjoyed prosperity and peace. Its location of the "palace" in the late second century continued
on the main road to function and to serve the city s Byzantine resi
connecting the two provincial
capitals Damascus and Tyre enhanced the fame and dents, but not without internal structural interven
importance of the city and increased its economy. tions and functional modifications. The Byzantines
An abundance of financial resources was directed demolished the magnificent basilica, which had
to the welfare of the citizens and to activities em served the city formore than two hundred years,
bellishing the town with statues and works of art, first as an essential part of the palace and then in
and the constitution of new cults. There isno doubt the bathhouse. Its architectural elements, pedestals,
at all that the second and third centuries were the and columns were recycled in another basilica,
golden age of Caesarea Philippi. erected for the newly established Christian cult.
The pagan temples probably met a similar fate,
triumph of Christianity. There, the "colonnaded northern outer wall. The rest of the structure was
As alreadynoted, theonly survivingparts of the of less than 150m from the sanctuary of Pan is also
church were its northeastern corner and a section
worthy of note. No doubt the Christians of Paneas
of itsnorthern outer wall; yet, there is no doubt that chose such a prominent place for their church de
itwas an ordinary timber-roofed Christian basilica.
liberately. Its location, size, and magnificence sym
Like most Christian basilicas, it included all the es bolized both the decline of the old pagan sanctuary
sential elements: an apse with bema and chancel, two and the triumph of the new faith? developments
rectangular rooms flanking the apse (pastophoria), that occurred during the fourth century. In addi
a central nave, aisles and a western court (atrium) tion, the enormous Christian basilica was probably
or some sort of inner court (narthex). constructed at the springs of Paneas specifically
The width of the basilica measured 21m, while to house and exhibit the famous "Statue of Jesus"
its length, if the common average ratios of 4:5, mentioned and other church fathers.
by Eusebius
3:4, 2:3, or 1:2were kept, was about 35 to 40 m in Eusebiuswas thefirstof thechurchfathersto tell
the interior (Orlandos 1992: 202-6; Ovadia 1970: the story of the statue at Banias. His description
203-4). The width of the aisles, based on what has is an eyewitness report. "I saw it (the statue) with
been preserved in the northeastern corner, was 5.50 my own eyes," he says, "when I resided in the city"
m and that of the nave about 10m, i.e., a ratio of 1:2, (Eusebius. Eccl Hist. VI: xviii). Originally, the
the normal average ratio in Christian basili monument consisted of two one
early figures, standing
cas. No signs of a
stylobate were preserved, though and the other kneeling, believed by the Christians
several pedestals of local white stone and several to be Jesus and the woman whom he healed of
columns of granite were scattered in the area as (Luke 8:43-48). Christian tradition
hemorrhaging
building materials reused in various later struc made her a citizen of Banias and claimed that she
tures. Assuming that the builders of the church had placed themonument in front of her house as
arranged the columns at the maximum amark of
possible gratitude and respect to Jesus.When Eu
distance of 4 m, each of the two rows contained sebius visited Paneas, sometime in the first half of
between eight to ten columns. the fourth century, he saw the statue
standing in its
The mosaic found in the northern ?
pavements original place "at the gates of her house." A cen
pastophorium (prothesis), and a fragment ofmosaic tury later another church father,
Philostorgius, who
preserved in the northeastern corner of the north wrote his Ecclesiastical
History between 425 and 433,
ern aisle (both at +350.80 m) are sufficient evidence tells another version of the same story (Philostor
that all parts of the basilica, apart from the area of
gius, Hist Eccl. VII.3). According to him, the statue
the apse, were paved with mosaics. The pavement
originally stood in a most prominent place in the
of the semicircular apse, which was about 20 cm
city of Paneas and only much later, after the reign
higher than those of thepastophoria and the aisles, of Julian theApostate, itwas moved into the diaco
used square, 20 20 cm, marble or stone slabs. The nicon of the church.
Actually, only fragments of it
slabs themselves were not preserved; only their were there, the resthaving been
displayed destroyed
negative impressions confirmed their existence. by order of Julian.After Juliansdeath (363), the
Thus, the church at Paneas was built in the shape Christians of the city rescued the remaining
frag
of a standard tripartite basilica with an inscribed ments of the statue and stored them in the church,
apse. The outside of the building may have ap Philostorgius says. The story of the "Statue of Jesus"
peared rather clumsy and unattractive. The interior, in Paneas appears
frequently in the writings of the
on the other hand, with its dark-colored church fathers and in early Christian itineraries
granite
columns, sitting on high white stone pedestals, during the following centuries (Sozomen, Eccl Hist.
with its colored mosaic pavements and rich wall V, XXII; Malalas John, 237-39; John of Damascus,
ornamentation must have been quite De Imaginibus Oratio
pleasing from II, PG [Migne], 94 cols.
an aesthetic point of view. 1369-74). The storymay have an historical kernel.
The location of the church,
directly in the line A statue was certainly
displayed in the city, and was
with the cardo, near the springs, and at a distance seen by Eusebius. Whatever its actual origin, the
346 Vassilios Tzaferis
NOTES
a
Salvage excavations and soundings at the archaeo discovering a colorfulmosaic pavement of private
logical site of Banias were first conducted in 1973 house (1999). In 1977,E. Netzer conducted a sounding
on a terrace to the south of the springs, cleaning and
by D. Amir in the area west of stream Hermon,
where he uncovered mosaic floors and remnants of exposing the remains of the so called opus reticulatus
a magnificent residence (1974). Additional salvage terraces (1978). The site of ancient Banias was also
excavations were conducted by M. Hartal to the systematically surveyed, firstby the lateD. Olami in
south of the same stream, uncovering another Ro theyears 1967-68, and later in 1989 byM. Hartal and
man-Byzantine villa (1985), and Idan Saked in 1999* Z. Maoz.
Caesarea Philippi (Paneas) in the Roman and Byzantine Periods
REFERENCES
D. Orlandos, A. .
Amir,
1974 Banias. Hadashot Arkheologiyot 51-52: 24, nos. 1992 e a a a a
48-49 (Hebrew). e ea e a
(The Wood-Roofed Early
A. M. Christian Basilica in theMediterranean Basin),
Berlin,
1999 The Archaeology of Ritual: The Sanctuary of inGreek. Athens: The Archaeological Society at
Athens.
Pan at Banias/Caesarea Philippi. Bulletin of
theAmerican Schools ofOriental Research 315: Ovadia, A.
Philippi (Banias). Pp. 7-22 in The Roman and 1973 TheHistory of theJewishPeople in theAge ofJesus
Byzantine Near East, vol. 2, ed. J.H. Humphrey. Christ (175 BC-AD 135), vol. 1, revised by G.
Journalof Roman Archaeology Supplementary Vermes and E Millar. Edinburgh: & Clark.
Series 31. Portsmouth, RI: Journal of Roman
Segal, A.
Archaeology. 1995 Monumental Architecture in Roman Palestine
Hartal, M. and theEastern Provinces of theRoman Empire,
1985 Banias. Hadashot Arkheologiyot 86-87: 2, no. 76 inHebrew. Haifa: Haifa University.
(Hebrew). 1996 City Landscape in Roman Palestine. Eretz
1998 The Aqueduct toBanias. Qadmoniot 31, no. 115: Israel 25:456-62 (inHebrew with English sum
26-29 (in Hebrew), mary).
forthcoming Bantus I: The Aqueduct and theNorthern Tzaferis, V.
Cemetery. IsraelAntiquities Authority Reports. 1992 Cults and Deities Worshipped at Caesarea
Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority. 190-201 inPriests,
Philippi-Banias. Pp. Proph
Maoz, Z. ets and Scribes: Essays on the Formation and
forthcoming Paneton I: Excavations at the Sanctuary Heritage ofSecond Temple Jerusalem inHonor of
of Pan at Caesarea Philippi 1988-1993. Israel JosephBlenkinsopp, eds. E. C. Ulrich, J.Wright,
Antiquities Authority Reports. Jerusalem: Israel R. P. Carroll and P. R. Davies. Journal for the
Antiquities Authority. Study of theOld Testament Supplemental Series
Y. 149. Sheffield: SheffieldAcademic.
Meshorer,
1984 The Coins ofCaesarea Paneas. IsraelNumismatic Von Matt, L.
This chapter is a studyof the talmudictexts is an acute viral infection of the central nervous
on the etiology, transmission, symptoms, system. It is characterized by a variable incuba
and treatment of rabies in the compara tion period, typically one to threemonths, which,
tive context of the roughly contemporary Greek however, can range from seven days to as long as
and Latin texts that address the same subjects.1 a year. The virus is found in the saliva of infected
The questions posed by these texts require the animals and is transmitted to humans by the bite of
examination of rabies as a cultural artifact in the a rabid animal, a ?
usually dog the focus ofmost of
rabbinic constructions of reality, as reflected in the the ancient sources on rabies. A standard medical
Mishnah and in the Palestinian and Babylonian textbook summarizes:
Talmuds, which were completed in approximately
The onset of the disease [in humans] is usu
200,400, and 550ce., respectively. The passages on
or numbness in the
rabies reflect a constellation of rabbinic views on ally signalized by pain
of the bite, soon followed
sickness and healing, including the ill-defined and region by apathy,
drowsiness, headache and anorexia. This pe
interconnected relationships among what would
riod of lethargy passes rapidly into a state of
as medicine, magic and
today be loosely described
excitability inwhich all external stimuli are
religion. They are also yet another illustration of
the ways in which the rabbinic apt to produce localized twitchings or gen
systems of belief eralized convulsions. There maybe delirium
were both and differed from, the larger
shaped by, with hallucinations. There is a profuse flow
environments inwhich the canon of rabbinic lit
of saliva and spasmodic contractions of the
erature evolved.
An overview of the modern of pharynx and larynx occur. The latter are
understanding
rabies may be helpful. The disease, which is invari precipitated by any attempt to take liquid or
solid food. As a result the patient violently
ably fatal following the onset of clinical symptoms,
349
350 Barbara Geller
year a growing number of people in Israel seek the rabbinic authors' awareness of the presence of
treatment forpossible exposure to rabies, primarily and connections among a group of canids which,
from dog bites. In 1991-92, the incidence of rabies modern science informs us, could serve as both
among dogs increased. Veterinary and public reservoirs and vectors for the introduction of ra
health authorities speculated that this may have bies to human populations. It isworth noting that
been a result of the Gulf War, as people sought modern Hebrew uses the term klbt, a derivative of
temporary refuge from urban centers such as Tel klb (dog), to designate rabies. The mishnaic and
Aviv, with a subsequent increase in the stray and talmudic term for a rabid or "mad" dog is klb sth.
unvaccinated dog population. This was an excep Swth and related forms of the root, sth, are used
tion to the patternof a declining percentageof in other contexts to designate madness, wildness,
rabies among dogs, following the introduction and insanity (Jastrow 1950:1531-32). For example,
of mandatory vaccination of owned dogs in 1957 the Babylonian Talmud comments that "no man
(Awerbuch et al. 1998; Shimshony 1997). sins unless the spirit of madness, rwh sth, enters
shony 1997). The close linkage between rabies in and the development of an elaborate road system.
dogs and jackals is suggested by epidemiological However, it is almost certainly the case that suf
studies, such as those carried out on the spread of ficient habitat remained for the maintenance of
rabies in Zimbabwe or
(Cumming 1982). Elsewhere, sizable sylvatic canid populations. Domestic
foxes serve as important reservoirs and vectors for quasi-domestic dogs would have had ample oppor
thedisease (Irvin1976:336). tunities to interactwith their sylvatic relatives at the
Returning to the ancient world, although it is margins where towns and cultivated land met the
not possible to definitively determine the epidemi less densely inhabited and uncultivated hilly and
ology of rabies in Roman and Byzantine Palestine low-grade mountainous terrains characteristic of
or in neighboring Persia, it seems likely that the Upper and Lower Galilee, the latter serving as the
complex relationships and interactions among heartland of the Palestinian Jewish population in
352 Barbara Geller
a
the aftermath of theWar of Bar-Kochba (132-135 century figure who is described as neither physi
c.e.), and the locale of the rabbinic academies in cian nor a healer, disagrees. Curiously, according to
which theMishnah and Palestinian Talmud took a talmudic bar aita. Mattiah moved from Palestine
to Rome and there established a rabbinic academy,
shape.
The earliest extant rabbinic reference to a rabid the
conferring with other sages when they visited
animal, Mishnah Yoma 8.5, forms part of a chapter city (TB Sanh?drin 32b;Yoma 53b).Unlike the
on the laws of the fast for the Day of Atonement. rabbis behind themishnaicruling, physicians and
The chapter cites instances inwhich these laws can medical authorities from Rome and elsewhere in
be overridden, as in the cases of pregnant women the Empire advocated the consumption of the liver
and those suffering from an illness who crave food. of a mad (Latin rabidus, from rubere, to rage) dog
The passage reads as follows: for the treatment of rabies. Thus, Pliny the Elder,
who wrote his Natural History in the first century
Whoever is seized by a ravenous hunger,
ce., commented:
even unclean things until his
they feed him
eyes are enlightened. Whoever was bitten by Under the tongue of a mad dog is a slimy
a mad dog, theydo not feedhim the lobe saliva, which given in drink prevents hydro
most useful remedy is
of its liver; but Rabbi Mattiah ben Harash phobia, but much the
permits it.Moreover Rabbi Mattiah ben the liverof thedog thatbit inhismadness
Harash said: The one who has a pain in his to be eaten raw, if that can be done, if itcan
throat, they drop medicine into his mouth not, cooked in any way, or a broth must be
on the Sabbath, because there is doubt con made fromtheboiled flesh(Natural
History
cerning danger to life, and every matter of 29.32.99, trans. Jones, p. 247).
doubt concerning danger to life overrides
s who
Similarly, Pliny contemporary, Dioscorides,
the Sabbath.
an of plant and animal
compiled encyclopedia
The above, consistent with the rest of the chapter, medicaments, stated, "The liver of a mad dog,
bitten
is illustrative of a rabbinic dictum that allows the being roasted by those which have been
prohibitionsof theSabbath tobe suspended inall by him, is thought to keep them safe from fear
cases where there is a question concerning danger of water" (Greek Herbal 2.49, trans. Gunther, p.
to life. By analogy, this applies also to the Day of 103). Dioscorides' work was highly valued by
Atonement (Yom Kippur, Yoma), described in Galen a century later and was also cited by many
Leviticus 23:32 as a "sabbath of complete rest." later Byzantine physicians (Scarborough 1969:
Moreover, the text goes even further in allow 128; Th?orid?s 1985). In the mid-fourth century,
inga presumablyhealthy individual"seized by a Oribasios, physician to Emperor Julian (361-363
ravenous hunger (blmws, derived from the Greek ce.), recommended the consumption of the liver
boulimos), but lacking understanding, to break of the rabid dog as part of a larger regimen for the
themandated fast forYom Kippur and even to eat treatment of rabies (fr.Synopsis, cited inTh?orid?s
foods that violate the rabbinic dietary laws. The 1985:152), as did Aetios of Amida, a sixth-century
is, perhaps, like a a text on the diseases of
man whois "unenlightened" physician who composed
child who also is not compelled to fast (M. Yoma thehead and brain (Th?orid?s1985:155).
8.4). Thus, the ruling that a victim of a rabid dog At first glance, the belief in the value of the
a rabid dog for the
is not to be given the lobe of the animals liver is consumption of the liver of
not a function of the "unclean" status of the dog treatment of its victims seems out of place with
or the commandment to fast on Yom Kippur, for the overall understanding of rabies among Ro
both laws of diet and fasting can be overridden man and Byzantine authors. They typically liken
where life is in danger. Rather, this probably reflects the "mad" dog to the venomous serpent, both
a of which transmit lethal poison to their victims,
prevailing belief that such treatment would be
ineffective. Rabbi Mattiah ben Harash, a second a bite. Indeed, rabies was often
typically through
Rabbis, Romans, and Rabies 353
muscles, itmust be cauterized; if it cannot dog (Natural History 29.32.98-99). Pliny also noted
that, "Dogs run away from one who carries a dog s
be cauterized, it is not amiss to bleed the
heart, and indeed do not bark if a dog s tongue is
man. After
cauterizing, applications are to
be put on as for other burns; if thewound placed in the shoe under the big toe" (Natural His
is not cauterized, such medicaments as are tory 29.32.99, trans. Jones, p. 247).
The role of the liver, rather than some other
powerful corrosives. After this the wound
shouldbe filled in and broughttohealing, organ, was probably connected to thewidely held
belief that itwas the body s source of blood, a view
not by any new method, but as
already de
scribed above. After the bite of a mad dog expressed also in the Babylonian Talmud (TB Be
rachoth 55a; see also Preuss 1983: 95-98). The in
some send the patients at once to the bath,
and there let them sweat as much as their gestion of the blood-laden liver, according to some
and hot and cold (Kottek1985:16).The meaning phenomena loathsome to the rabbis, including
of rwh in this passage remains unclear. However, canine "madness"
the parallels between this text and the Yoma texts Samuels admonition concerning the necessity
on rabies are
striking. In the latter,Rav attributes ofkillinga rabiddog by throwinga stone at it in
rabies to the activities of witches, a concept of order to avoid physical contact with the animal
disease similar to the belief in the evil eye, which may reflect a belief in the contagious character of
he expresses in Baba Mezia. Samuel, on the other the disease, a contagion which could possibly be
s a inflicted, even indirectly, through clothing. Itmay
hand, attributes the "mad" dog ailment to rwh
in Y. Yoma, and, in TB Yoma, to an evil rwh, just also indicate that the talmudic authors shared the
as he attributes disease to rwh in TB Baba Mezia. view, common to Byzantine medical authorities,
To be sure, the passages on rabies state also that that the bite of the "mad" dog, like that of a serpent,
the rwh rests or is seen upon the dog, an image transmitted a lethal poison to its victim. Some
that ismore suggestive of demons than ofwinds or Byzantine physicians held that the poison could
miasmas. Nevertheless, it is possible that Rav and also be transmitted in other ways. Thus, Caelius
Samuel are over quite different concepts Aurelianus, the Byzantine era authority who wrote
disputing
of disease in their discussion of the "mad" dog: a most extensively and carefully on
"hydrophobia,"
"demonological" theory of sickness versus a belief commented:
in the climatic and contagious origin of illness.
The antecedent cause of the disease is the
However, it seems more likely that they are debating
bite of a mad But some cases of
two variations ? witches and demons ? of the "de dog....
hydrophobiaarisemerely fromthewafting
monological" theory of disease, which, in this in of an odor from a mad
stance, may have been connected with the frenzied dog, when normal
a chance emana
behavior of some rabid breathing is vitiated by
(seemingly "possessed")
tion; poisonous air is then breathed in and
dogs. Both concepts of disease are found elsewhere distributed to the vital parts.... And once
in the Talmuds, as are other theories on the etiology
when a seamstress was preparing to patch a
of sickness, including its origin in bile, secretions,
cloak rent by the bites of a rabid animal, she
blood, fever, and obsession (see especially TB Baba
Mezia 107b; Baba Batra 58b; Y. Shabbat 14.3;Kottek adjusted the threads along the end, using
her tongue, and then as she sewed she licked
1985:16-21; Preuss 1983:139-50).
were being joined, inorder to
theedges that
It is interesting to note that both Yoma passages
make the passage of the needle easier. It is
depict Rav as stating that the doing of witchcraft/
reported that two days later she was stricken
sorcery by women caused "madness" in dogs. The
women and witchcraft is common by rabies (Acute Diseases 3.9.99-100, trans.
linkage between
Drabkin, p. 363).
in the canon of rabbinic literature and is illustrated
as M. Avot 2.7, "more women,
by such passages Caelius Aurelianus probably lived in the fifth
more witches," and the story of Simeon b. Shetahs century. However, his Treatise on Acute Diseases
execution of eighty female witches inAshkelon Y ( is a Latin translation of a lostwork of the second
in TB Hullin, which states that itwas taught that The incantation against rabies follows this dictum
itwas forbidden to eat themeat of an animal who and then continues with thewriting of the "magi
was bitten by a "mad"
dog
or a snake, not because cal" words, "kanti, kanti, klyros." Although it is not
the animal was rendered unfit, but because itwas clear in the above translation, the text repeats the
amatter ofdanger to life(TBHullin 55a). efficacious words, with the slight variation, "kandi,
After presenting Samuels statement on the lethal kandi, kloros," followed by the name of God, "Yah,
character of the bite of a "mad" dog, the Yoma text Yah, Lord of Hosts" (TB Yoma 84a).
follows with a remedy attributed toAbaye, a third/ Justas the use of incantations for the remedying
fourth-century Babylonian sage. As described of disease was common, so, too, apparently, was
above, Abayes cure
begins with the writing of the use of hyena skin and meat in the treatment of
an incantation on the skin of a male rabies. Thus Caelius Aurelianus wrote:
hyena. Not
withstandingBiblical and talmudicprohibitions thinkthepatientshould
Others [physicians]
canon of rabbinic literature
against "magic," the drink from a cup covered with a linen cloth
depicts prominent rabbis engaged inmagical prac or the skin of a hyena; [in the lattercase] they
tices, and, indeed, demonstrating their authority
are obviously led astray by a superstition
through their ability tomaster and manipulate it.
that the natural power of hyenas, opposed
These practices included incantations to heal the
as it is to dogs, will dispel the patient s fear.
sick, several ofwhich, including another attributed
But these notions, which are popularly
to Abaye, are found in TB Shabbat 66b~jjd.. Of
thought to have been proved sound in actual
course, the use of incantations was widespread both
in Babylonia and in the Roman world practice, are obviously quite out of keeping
throughout with themedical art (Acute Diseases 3.16.137,
the Roman and Early Byzantine periods, the era of
trans. Drabkin, pp. 387-388).
the formation of theMishnah and Talmuds. Even
Galen concluded that: Timotheus of Gaza, who also lived in the fifth
scorpion bites, and also for bones which milk from its stomach with water (fr.On
remained stuck in the throat, and which Animals, trans. F. S. Bodenheimer and A.
became immediatelydislodged following Rabinowitz, quoted in Th?orid?s 1985:153;
the enunciation of an incantation.... The see also Wellmann 1927).
incantation formulas fulfill their purpose
Approximately four hundred years earlier, Pliny
(fr.Alexander of Tralles, quoted in Preuss had remarked that theMagi say that eating themeat
1983:145-46).
of the hyena, especially the liver, counteracts the
Curiously,
one of the incantations mentioned in effectsof thebitesof rabiddogs (NaturalHistory
TB Shabbatwas tobe used todislodge bones that 28.27.104, cited in Th?orid?s 1985:153).
were stuck in the throat. Abaye s incantation against As described above, according to Abaye, the
rabies begins with the victim writing his name and patient, after committing the incantation to the
that of his mother on the skin of a male was to remove his clothes, bury them
hyena. hyena skin,
Elsewhere, Abaye, in a general comment on incan in a grave for a year, and then burn them in an
tations, states thathis mother told him that incanta oven and scatter the ashes. Here, Abayes remedy is
tions which are to be repeated should contain the linked with Samuels statement that an individual
name of the patients mother (TB Shabbat 66b). should remove his clothes ifhe rubs against a rabid
Rabbis, Romans, and Rabies 357
prevent the communication of the rabid animals the employment of such devices to aid or compel
contagion that is embedded in his garments. This the patient with rabies to take water, following the
act may also be a form of sympathetic magic. The onset of difficulty in swallowing. Such tubes are
patient does not die. He is not buried; rather his described by Caelius Aurelianus (Acute Diseases
clothes are laid to rest in a grave for a year, the pe 3.16.137). Again, Abayes treatment is reminiscent
riod afterwhich, for example, the flesh was to have of Timotheus of Gazas observations on victims
turned to dust and the bones could be removed if of rabid dogs. The latter commented that if an
theywere to be transported for secondary burial. individual who was bitten by a "mad" dog saw in
a mirror the image of the
The clothing is removed, heated, and destroyed; dog, then he would die
the ashes are scattered. The disease, transferred to (Th?orid?s1985:153).
the clothing, has disappeared. The gmara concludes with a discussion of the
This interpretation finds support in additional diseases and associated remedies for which the
examples of sympathetic healing in the Babylonian rules of the Sabbath, and, by analogy, the Day of
Talmud. Indeed, again inTB Shabbat 66b, in a pas Atonement can be overridden. The text follows the
sage attributed toAbaye, he states that his mother Mishnahs ruling in noting that whereas Mattiah
toldhim thatfora daily fever ben Harash advocated the suspension of the rules
of the Sabbath to give the lobe of the rabiddog s
One must take a white zuz, go to a salt de
liver to itsvictims, the sages forbid it.They explain
posit, take itsweight in salt, and tie itup in theirdecisionby adding thattheydo not regardthe
the nape of the neck with a white twisted
consumption of the liver to be a cure for the bite
cord.But ifthis isnot [possible],letone sit
of a "mad" dog.
at the cross-roads, and when he sees a large
re
ant carrying something, let him take and Finally, the danger posed by the "mad" dog is
flected in yet another talmudic text on the Sabbath.
throwit intoa [copper] tube and close it
The sage, Joshua ben Levi, argued that all animals
with lead, and seal itwith sixty seals. Let him
that cause injury can be killed on the Sabbath.
shake it, lift itup and say to it, 'Thy burden
Rabbi Josephdisagreed,statingthatitispermitted
be upon me and my burden be upon thee
to kill only five: an Egyptian fly, a Ninevah hornet,
(trans. Freedman). an Adiabene a snake in Palestine, and a
scorpion,
In theYoma text,Abaye tells the victim that during "mad" dog anywhere (TB Shabbat 121b, cited in
the twelve months inwhich his clothes are buried Rosner 1977: 52).
in the grave he is to drink only through a copper
tube, lest he see the shadow of the demon and be CONCLUSION
endangered. Shyd\ theword used here for demon,
differs from rwh, discussed above, in that it is un In the introductionto his study of the Graeco-Ro
man context of the phenomena of healing in the
ambiguous. Shyd* and itsvariants always designate
demons. A "demonological" etiology for rabies is New Testament, Kee defined medicine, miracle,
consistent with the Yoma material attributed to and magic as follows:
mingling ofmedicine and magic, two intertwined binic understandings of disease and healing and the
and often indistinguishable facets of "thewhole art reality of the presence of rabies inRoman and Early
of healing" (Dioscorides, Greek Herbal, Introduc Byzantine Palestine, together with its treatment.5
tion to Book One, Gunther pp. 2-3). Thus, while the It is likely that the apparent rabbinic familiarity
rabbis of theMishnah and Talmud, the physicians with theGraeco-Roman understanding and treat
of the Roman and Byzantineperiods, and such ment of rabies was rooted in the opportunities for
chroniclers of healing practices as Celsus and Pliny contact between Palestinian Jewry and Graeco
generally disavowed magicians and magical prac Roman medical and veterinary practitioners.
tices, their understandings of disease and recom This would have been facilitated not only by the
mended remedies often included aspects ofmagic increasing possibilities of travel between Pales
and suggest how very fluid and interdependent tine and other regions of the Roman Empire, but,
were the categories ofmedicine and magic. more
importantly, by the presence ofmulti-ethnic
Interestingly,Galen and other Roman physicians as Caesarea,
populations both in coastal cities, such
complained in their writings that some patients and also in such centers of rabbinic learning as
would more readily follow the advice of the priest Sepphoris/Diocaesarea and Tiberias. Ongoing
at the Asklepieion than theywould the physicians excavations and regional studies
archaeological
prescriptions. At the same time,Galen, for of Roman and Byzantine Palestine have provided
example,
acknowledged the importance of dream-visions further evidence of the following:
from Asklepios for diagnosis and treatment. In
deed, Asklepios was both the patron of physicians
Many a Hellenisticpolis [inPalestine]had
a well-established Jewish community (Cae
and the focus of amethod of healing inwhich phy
sarea, Scythopolis, Ptolemais, Gadara, Hip
sicians and medicine were not necessarily involved
pos, Gerasa, and others), while in Roman
(Jackson 1988:138-69; Kee 1986: 34-60).
times, most predominantly Jewish towns
However, at least one recorded Byzantine prac
included Gentiles among their inhabitants
tice for the treatment of the bite of the "mad" dog
(Tiberias, Diocaesarea, Diospolis and oth
entailed a clear blending of the "medical" with the
ers). In the Roman-Byzantine period there
"miraculous." Beginning in the eighth century,
was a a mixed
were built in France in honor of Saint Hu growing tendency toward
chapels to
urban population due economic and
an
bert, eighth-century French bishop, who, many other factors (Maoz 1985: 64).
believed, could cure rabies by placing his stole on
the forehead of the victim of the "mad" dog. Many So, too, the Roman army may have been a conduit
shrines of Saint Hubert included his statue as well as of medical and veterinary information. Literary,
that of a dog. In his hand, he held a cauterizing ring and sources provide ample evi
legal, epigraphic
thatwas often shaped in a cross. Those who sought dence of the presence, and, indeed, importance of
his aid would offer prayers for his intervention a range ofmedical and
veterinary specialists who
Rabbis, Romans, and Rabies 359
were
responsible for thewell-being of the soldiers, very interested in medicine. The Mishnah and
and, in the case of the latter, the cavalry horses and Talmuds reflect the interests and worldviews of a
draught and other animals that were essential to male scholar class of holy men forwhom medicine
the functioning of the army.6 was an incidental interest on those occa
largely
Of course, the Mishnah and Talmuds, the sions when it served to address an issue that was
sources inwhich the rabbinic texts on rabies are of concern to them ? as it pertained
for example,
embedded, differ greatly in content and purpose to questions concerning themenstruant, circumci
from the types of literature in which the Greek sion, the proper slaughtering of animals who were
and Latin texts on rabies are found.7 The latter are deemed fit for consumption, and, in the case of
located primarily in treatises on diseases, medica the texts on rabies, Sabbath observances. As Kass
ments, poisons, and animals, and were written by remarked, medical matters that are raised in the
physicians or such Roman aristocratic "gentlemen Talmud are "a handmaiden to the study of the law"
scholars" as Celsus and Pliny, both ofwhom were (Kass 1987:494).
NOTES
It isa delight tohave this study included ina volume in describe rabies indogs and other animals. Again, the
honor of ProfessorEricMeyers, mentor, colleague, and texts are ambiguous, and may well refer to "vicious"
friend. Imet ProfessorMeyers more than thirtyyears animals or to ailments other than rabies. However,
ago. His erudition, intellectual passion, work ethic, it is clear that Old Babylonian texts assume the
warmth, and generosity remain an inspiration. domestication of the dog. For example, Adamson
2 One must note also that the
epidemiology of sylvatic cites four tablets from theUr III period thatmen
rabies isnot well understood. Indeed, zoologists and tion rations fordogs: BM 15149,15170,15185,14562,
veterinarians increasingly believe that rabies may and 13495 (Adamson 1977: 143). For an overview
occur in "silent epidemics" among bats, mustelidae of themajor recorded episodes of rabies epidem
(weasels, martens, etc.) and viverridae (mongooses, ics in Europe and in theAmericas, see Steele 1975:
etc.), thereby contributing to themaintenance of 5-19 and Ackerknecht 1966: 746-47. On eighteenth
the disease. It is likely that the disease is transmitted and nineteenth-century theories concerning the
among maintenance hosts by methods other than etiology and treatment of rabies, many of which,
or in addition to biting, such as airborne transmis
prior to Pasteur s landmark research, were similar
sion to animals in caves that are densely inhabited to and no more accurate than those advanced, for
by infected bats (Kaplan and Koprowski 1980: 128; example, by Celsus (De Medicina 5.27.2) and Pliny
Irvin 1976: 333> 344)? (Natural History 29.32.97-103; 32.17.45-48) in the
3 It is interesting to note thatAristotle confounded first century ce., see Th?orid?s 1976; Carter 1982:
latercommentators (Wilkinson 1977:17) in asserting 68-77; Th?orid?s 1974: 1253-56; Wilkinson 1977:
that all animals, with the exception of humans, were 19-22. To illustrate the preceding, one need only
susceptible to rabies (Historia Animalium 8.22). The note the practice, stillwidespread in the late nine
Greek term for rabies, lussa,means ragingmadness teenth century,of "worming" the tongue of the
dog
or frenzy and is used not only of rabid animals but, to prevent rabies. The "worm" is, in fact, a normal
for example, is also employed in texts that describe anatomical structure of the dog (Modern Veterinary
martial or Bacchic events. References to rabiesmay Practice 1981: 962). Pliny had written, "There is a
not antedate thefifthcentury b.c.e. The Code of Esh littleworm [vermiculus] on the tongue of the
dog
nunna, which is dated to ca. 2000 b.c.e., describes which theGreeks call lytta,and ifthis is taken away
the penalties to the owner of a vicious dog whose when theyare baby puppies theyneither go mad nor
bite results in the death of an individual. However, lose their appetite" (Natural History 29.31.100, trans.
the text, sometimes cited as the earliest reference Jones,p. 247). On Pasteur s breakthrough discovery
to rabies, may describe only ill-tempered canines of an anti-rabies vaccine and its subsequent refine
(Laws ofEshnunna 1958:138). Adamson has gathered ments for the treatment of rabies, see Kaplan and
severalOld Babylonian textswhich, he suggests,may Koprowski 1980:122-31 and Malkin 1986: 40-45.
360 Barbara Geller
4 The renowned Jewish physician, philosopher, and thirdand seventh centuries (Rosner 1977:119). It in
rabbinic commentator Maimonides discussed the cludes Hebrew translations of portions of theworks
symptoms of, and treatment for,rabies in thisTrea ofDioscorides and Galen. It is also important tonote
tise on Poisons, which was composed in 1198.He that the authors of theMishnah and the Talmuds
stated: were not particularly interested in dogs, the animal
The early physicians already noted the varied that ismost closely associated with rabies inRoman
character of a mad The and Byzantine sources. The canon of rabbinic litera
dog's symptoms....
mad dog always wanders about by himself, in turementions dogs infrequentlyand only inpassing.
? in
a roundabout way,
leaning on walls and never They are depicted in close proximity to people
and homes. this
barking.... Everythingmentioned in the litera
towns, marketplaces, However,
ture against the bites of a mad dog is useful, if literature does not include lengthydiscussions on
at all, only when applied before rabies sets in. the breeding and care of dogs and how they can be
When such is the case Ihave as yet seen nobody utilized best in agriculture and hunting? topics that
who escaped with his life.... The dangerous were addressed bymany Greek and Roman authors.
For example,Varr? and Columella discuss thebreed
symptoms indicating rabies appear as a rule
only after eight days, sometimes even much ingand care of dogs in theirworks on farming (Varr?,
later. It therefore follows that anybody bitten On Agriculture 2.9.1-15; Columella, On Agriculture
The latter mentions rabies a section
by a stray dog should adhere to the general 7.12.1-13.3). atop
on canine diseases (OnAgriculture 7.12.14).Other Ro
rules, that is,bandaging, incision, sucking out,
man authors in the traditionofXenophon (OnHunt
copious blood-letting from the affected spot
by means of cupping glasses, vomiting, and ing)wrote books on hunting inwhich theydiscussed
treatment by theriac (quoted in Rosner 1977: both thebreeding and the care of dogs, and theways
inwhich dogs thatwere properly raised and trained
52; see also Shoshan 1967: 285).
could aid the hunter. Ovid's friend Grattius com
On the treatmentof rabies inmedieval Arab medical
texts, see Th?orid?s 1980a. posed one such book inwhich he mentioned rabies
as part of a section on canine diseases (Cynegticon
5 Kottek summarizes his study of the concepts of dis
ease in theTalmuds with a helpful chart (1997: 23): 408-66, cited inAnderson 1985: 44). Grattius and
others wrote for an audience that regarded hunting
I. Magical Aspects: Evil Eye both as ameans to acquire food and as a sport? one
II. Humors: Blood, Bile (Secretions) inwhich dogs played an important role. In contrast
III. Climate: Air (wind), Sharav, 'Cold to the preceding, references to hunting in rabbinic
and Warm'
literature suggest that itwas regarded as acceptable
IV. Fever,Obsession,
Specific Agents: only as ameans of food acquisition. For some of the
Carelessness
important literary,artistic,and epigraphic sources on
A. Popular Beliefs: Evil Eye, Carelessness, the roles of the dog inRoman society, see Toynbee
'Cold andWarm' 1973: 102-24. These roles included not only aids to
B. Empirical Bile, Fevers, Secretions, hunting, farming,and shepherding, but also roles as
Medicine: Obsession draught animals, circus performers,watchdogs, and
C. Theoretical beloved pets. Dogs were also seemingly linkedwith
Medicine: Blood, Bile, Climate some healing deities (Toynbee 1973:122-24; Jackson
6 On themedical service of theRoman army, see, for 988: 142-48). This studywas completed before the
Davies 1989: 209-36. On medi publication of Joshua Schwartz's article, "Dogs in
example, veterinary
cine in Greek and Latin sources, for both civilian JewishSociety in the Second Temple Period and in
theTime of theMishnah and Talmud," JournalofJew
and military contexts, see, forexample, Scarborough
ishStudies 55,no. 2 (2004): 246-77, a very thoughtful
1969: 171-73, and R. E. Walker, Roman
"Appendix
and informative examination of the varied roles of,
Veterinary Medicine" inToynbee 1973: 301-43.
and attitudes toward dogs. On "mad" dogs, see pp.
7 The earliest Jewishmedical book, theBook ofAsaph,
270-72.
is of uncertain date. Rosner dates it to between the
Rabbis, Romans, and Rabies
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Celsus of Pergamum:
a Critic of
Locating Early Christianity
by StephenGoranson
highly improbable. Finally, the converging evi in some times and locations Jews did, as shown,
dence points to Pergamum. for instance, by an inscription in the theatre in
363
364 Stephen Goranson
Miletus in Asia Minor, designating certain seats "He was, as it seems, a Roman lawyer," whose
for the Jews.The inscription, located on good fifth residence in the city of Rome is "almost certain"
row seats, dates from the late second or for Rome:
early third (Williams 1935: 79; further arguments
?
century (Sch?rer 1986: III, 167-68) that is, a time Keim 1873; Chadwick 1953: xxviii; Borret 1976: V,
between Celsus and Origen. Another inscription !37~39; Patrick 1892: 3-9). According to Bauer,
in the odeum at Aphrodisias in Caria identifies because Celsus wrote of "the great church" (Cels.
the seats of certain Jews (Seager and Kraabel 1983: V, 59) and "those of the multitude" (Cels. V, 61),
181). The question whether Jewswould know such Celsus could not have learned about the orthodox
a
play as Euripides' Bacchae was also a matter of Christian church "anywhere but in Rome" (Bauer
discussion among various excavators of Sepphoris, 1971:50, nn. 30 and 148). However, Bauer offers no
where a mosaic of Dionysius was uncovered near other supporting evidence for Rome (Burke 1981:
the theatre. For instance, Batey (1991) suggested 15-16). Rome may have been a convenient place
that Jesus ofNazareth saw in Sepphoris a produc to learn of such groups as Marcellians, Valentin
tionof The TrojanWomen byEuripides; but I am ians, and Mithraists, but this provides only a weak
skeptical of his claim (Goranson 1992). argument, as these groups are all found elsewhere
In another instance, Origen also criticized Cel as well.
sus for
failing to note that some Christians still There were some Roman officials named Celsus,
observe Jewish law, and, in a manner of speaking, e.g., Celsus Iulius Aquilla, another Asia Minor na
informed the deceased Celsus, as ifhe should have tive (Friesen 1993), who became governor of Asia
known, that they are called Ebionites; again, what Minor, and forwhom the Library of Celsus inEphe
Origen assumed as common knowledge may not sus is named. But our Celsus,
unusually, provides
have applied in the time and location of Celsus no fuller name nor title; so this provides no help. If
(Cels. II, 1). Though the term gradually evolved Celsus were an employee of the emperor, he surely
from a generic Hebrew usage, Irenaeus of Lyon would have named his benefactor. Below, we will
is the first Greek writer known to use the term consider the hypothesis that our Celsus can be iden
as a ?
"Ebionite" heresy name (e.g., in Adver. Haer. tifiedwith another contemporary Celsus who is
V, 13),writing in ca. 190, that is, between the time also known only by that single name.
of Celsus and Origen. The main argument for Rome seems to be the
A recent study makes an
interesting case for a patriotism of Celsus. Celsus did appeal to Chris
later date (circa 200) for the book by Celsus (Hargis tians to "help the emperor...and cooperate with
1999:20-24). Imention ithere not because I found him..." (Cels. VIII, 73). Yet Celsus demonstrates
that argument persuasive (I did not), but because, no firsthand
knowledge of Roman realia. Though
though this study stresses the possible importance highly literate, he
never quotes any Latin authors
of dating the work, it ignores the geography of nor shows any interest in Latin culture. In fact,
Celsus, hence missing the possible importance of Celsus is a Hellenist to a chauvinist degree. He
? a
regionalism concept explored in theGalilee by asked Christians to cooperate with the Romans
Eric Meyers. Itmay be worth noting that Origen and "their"? note, not "our" ? "customary honors"
himself, though he tried to place Celsus philosophi (Cels.VIII, 69).Celsus did notbothertodistinguish
cally and theologically, also ignored the geographic or Roman
between "the Persian emperor" in his
location of Celsus, offering no explicit speculation explanation of the importance of the hierarchy of
about thismatter which might have been helpful daemons who help maintain civilization if they are
to historians. not "insulted" (Cels. VIII, 35). Christians, Celsus
recommended, "ought to pay formal acknowledge
CELSUS OF ROME? ment to them, in so far as this is expedient" (Cels.
VIII, 62). Itbecomes apparent thatCelsus regarded
Rome has been presented in several studies as the theRomans as useful inpreventing barbarians from
?
home of Celsus. For instance, Williams declared, destroying "true" that is,Hellenistic ? culture.
Celsus of Pergamum 365
Europe and Libya, both Greeks [Hellenes] and Celsus in the reference work, Der Kleine Pauly:
barbarians even at the furthest limits" (Cels. VIII, Lexikon der Antike (D?rrie 1969; additional argu
72). Celsus isno enthusiast forRome; Hellenes, not ments forAlexandria, Chadwick 1953: xxix; Borret
Romans, serve as the antithesis to the barbarians. 1967-76:139-40). Though
no ancient writer refers
In his geographic list, the priority ofAsia, I suggest, to him thisway, many modern scholars have
sought
is not without significance. It is not Europe, with his home there. He could have learned of Gnostic
Rome ?
(and Greece itself!), that Celsus regarded groups in Alexandria though, again, not only
as the source of this there.He shows some interest in Egyptian religion,
imagined spread of Hellenic
civility, nor is itLibya (i.e., Africa), including Al but what he described was available from histo
exandria. Rather, his pleasant dream began inAsia. rians, and Herodotus in particular. Celsus never
That this dream did not begin in Greece accords claimed that he visited Egypt, and he provides no
with Glucker s conclusion that Celsus was "most eyewitness accounts of Egypt. In fact, in the extant
unlikely to have been an Athenian" (Glucker 1978: text of Celsus, he nowhere claims to have traveled
144). For a parallel case where the order of terms at all and may have been disinclined or unable to
appears to be significant, compare Hippolytus of travel; in any case, nothing requires his presence
Rome, writing ca. 225: outside Pergamum. Celsus is aware of Jewish Lo
Such is the true doctrine [al?th?s logos] gos theology(Cels. II, 31),which may suggestthe
name to modern
of Philo of Alexandria readers,
I regard to the divine nature. O ye men,
but Celsus shows no acquaintance with Philo or
Greeks and Barbarians, Chaldeans and
Aristobolus, as Origen noticed (Cels. IV, 51). Celsus
Assyrians, Egyptians and Libyans, Indians
had read Aristo of Pella, who could be his source
and Ethiopians, Celts and ye Latins who
in this case (Cels. IV, 52). Celsus mentioned an
lead armies, and all ye that inhabit Europe
Egyptian musician named Dionysius, who tells him
and Asia and Libya (Refutation
ofAllHer
esies X, 30; trans. Roberts and Donaldson philosophers are immune to effects ofmagic (Cels.
IV, 41). That Celsus identified this acquaintance as
1886: V, 152; Greek text, numbered X.34.1,
an Egyptian suggests that he was not his
inMarcovich 1986). neighbor
in Egypt.
Hippolytus, writing in Rome, placed Europe first; Williams remarked that Celsus book must have
Celsus, of whose location we inquire, placed Asia been well known, since he imagined the text travel
first. ing from Rome toAlexandria, where Origen would
Keim argued that Celsus lived in Rome. Chad encounter it (Williams 1935: 80). In fact,
Origen
wick argued against Keims presentation that our did not encounter it there. Origen did not know
Celsus was the same individual as the Celsus men of Al?th?s Logos until he had moved to Caesarea,
tioned by Lucian, dismissively writing, ".. .cannot where his patron Ambrose sent it to him (Cels. Pref
one picture
Origens opponent arm in arm with ace, 1and VIII, 76, the latter asking ifAmbrose will
[Lucian] the Samosatene? They lived at the same "search out and send" an additional treatise of Cel
time, and even in the same place." (Chadwick 1953: sus; on Ambrose, see Trigg 1983 and Nautin 1977).
xxv). Though Chadwick does not explicitly name Apparently, neither had Clement of Alexandria
this proposed place, it isnot the one Keim intended. heard of it,whichwould be difficultto conceive if
As we shall see, our Celsus may, indeed, have Celsus had attackedChristianityinhis city.
Origen
walked together with Lucian, not in Rome, but in had already written Exhortation toMartyrdom at
Pergamum. Celsus was not a resident of Rome. Ambrose s request when Ambrose ? who Origen
had converted from Valentinian Gnosticism ? was
still in Alexandria. But itwas only after Ambrose
366 Stephen Goranson
moved to Nicomedia in Bithynia in Asia that he 183-85). Even though Burke correctly perceived the
wrote to Origen that Celsus' book was a threat to literary nature of this description, he then reverted
the faith of his Christian neighbors. Celsus book to thewidely-held but misconceived view that the
is first attested not inAlexandria, but inAsia. passage indicated Celsus was familiar with the area.
In this case, Origens protest of ignorance of Celsus
CELSUS OF CAESAREA? most likely is valid. Furthermore, Celsus certainly
demonstrates no knowledge of Semitic languages,
According to Frend, during the reign ofMarcus which would make long-term residence in Pales
Aurelius "the Christians were being challenged on tine, or any lands eastward, unlikely. In any case,
their own ground, by Celsus, probably inCaesarea no other evidence supports Caesarea.
in Palestine.. "(Frend 1965:268). Again, it isneces
appeared to
some as especially opaque). But Celsus Ill, 3); these cities are in Greece and Asia Minor,
a
rhetorically linked these prophets with the earlier e.g., Pergamum. Angel worship plays prominent
role in Celsus' condemnation of Jews and Chris
prophets in Judaea (Cels. VII, 8). Origen questioned
whether Celsus really had first-hand knowledge of tians; this practice is attested inAsia Minor (Cels.
these prophets, especially because Celsus claimed 1,26 and V, 6; see Burke 1981:139-40; Johnson 1975;
that, upon examining them, the prophets suppos Kraabel 1968). Celsus is the only source for a group
were frauds, and thereafter of Sibyllists (Cels. V, 61); since such a group isother
edly admitted that they
Celsus gave no details elaborating on such a coup wise unattested, they cannot be surely located, but
was home
(Cels. VII, 11). According to Burke, "all [Celsus] Phrygia (thebirthplaceofMontanism)
is trying to do is characterize the OT prophets by tomany "wandering prophets," who expected, and
? the sort of
contemporary examples from the
same
geographic hoped for, an end to theworld people
area. This becomes clear ifone follows his argument thatworried Celsus.
from the beginning of book VII..." (Burke 1981:
Celsus of Pergamum 367
Celsus knew of Christianmartyrdoms (Cels. In favor of the identification is the fact that the two
VIII, 6 and 52; Frend 1965: 268-302). During are contemporary writers named Celsus, whose
his time Polycarp was martyred in Smyrna. In interests included oracles, magic, and Christianity.
Many of the synagogue donor inscriptions proudly argued for identification (e.g., Keim 1873: 275-93;
refer to their status as citizens of Sardis, along with Hoffmann 1987: 30-32; Schwartz 1973; for further
other titles indicating various government offices. bibliography, see Pichler 1980).
Melito spoke quite harshlyof the Jews,and he Schwartz to the possibility (in a note,
alluded
clearlyfoughtan uphill battle in his attemptto within parentheses, and with a question mark)
show his minority community of Christians as thatCelsus could have lived in the province of Asia
or
good citizens. This is the sort of conflict between Syria (Schwartz i960: 144, n. 2). Stern made a
Jews and Christians thatCelsus reflects (Seager and similar brief observation (Stern 1980: 2, 224-5). If
Kraabel 1983;Wilken 1976). Though Celsus shows the two contemporary authors named Celsus are
no great affection for Judaism, he
apparently was identical, this would provide additional indica
familiar with a society inwhich Jews played a role tion of the residence of our Celsus in Pergamum.
?
he found acceptable unlike the Jews in Palestine Though he spent years in Rome, Galen was born
(and North Africa and Cyprus), who seemingly and died in Pergamum and had served as physician
had not given up revolution. Celsus view of Chris in the Pergamene Asclepius temple. And Lucian
tianity makes sense in Asia Minor.
Pergamum, shows interest in the Asclepius cult inAlexander,
in particular, a the book dedicated to Celsus.
presents highly plausible home
for Celsus; itwas a cultured city and seaport that Pergamum was dedicated to Asclepius, which
once had a famous
library. As noted by Josephus Celsus notes; in fact, his most favorable comments
(Antiquities XVI.10.22 [247-55]), the Jewish com concerning any cult pertain to Asclepius (Cels.
munity there had good relations with Rome since Ill, 3; III, 24; III, 43; VII, 53). In accordwith the
Hasmonean times. hypothesis mentioned above, our Celsus may have
An important question is whether our Celsus been acquainted with Galen of Pergamum, who
is identical with the Celsus towhom Lucian dedi had served at the Asclepius temple. The book that
cated Alexander the False Prophet, a story about a Lucian dedicated toCelsus ? our Celsus ? was pre
false oracle inAbonoteichus inAsia. Alexander is cisely about the abuse of an Asclepius cult inAsia,
presented as abusing the honorable Asclepius cult. and this type of abuse by soothsayers was what our
368 Stephen Goranson
Celsus had written about in his book on magic ? a is practically the opposite of thatfound in the
book by Origen and Lucian. Like anti-Roman
acknowledged Apocalypse of John, which is starkly
both Galen and Lucian, Celsus berated Christians so
disapproving of the mainstream Pergamene
for privileging faith over reason (Wilken 1984). so
ciety. Much more than Rome, Alexandria, or
Pergamum experienced a cultural renaissance Caesarea, Pergamum is the plausible setting for
and rebuilding, financed by Hadrian, in the second Celsus. On the geographic location of Celsus, the
century. Besides the above-mentioned martyr evidence presented here certainly suggests we can
doms, Pergamum had a theatre, a Panathenaea better understand the concerns of Celsus, given
... is seen
observance when the "robe of Athena recognition of his place in the society of Asia
by every spectator" (Cels. VI, 42), numerous Cy Minor. Surely, Celsus provides one of the most
bele statues (Cels. I, 9), and many other features important sources on second-century Christianity.
reflected inCelsus attack on Christianity (Koester The realization that he encountered Christianity in
1998). Celsus' patriotic viewpoint on Pergamum Asia Minor will help clarifythathistory.
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Keim. T. 1986 TheHistory of theJewishPeople in theAge ofJesus
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Seager,
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Marcovich, M. (ed.) Pp. 168-90 in Sardis from Prehistoric toRoman
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Patrick, J.
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Williams, A. L.
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Lang.
on
It is generally impossible to determine the re the Nativity) occur clay lamps belonging to
ligious affiliation of the manufacturer, trader, select classes, primarily the Samaritan and slipper
and owner of an ancient clay oil lamp. Ar "candlestick" forms, respectively. Yet, despite the
Inscriptions quoting either Samaritan scriptures diverse motifs and/or inscriptions found on select
or Greek passages associated with the liturgies Syro-Palestinian lamps reflect the different reli
of specific Christian holy sites (e.g., Church of gious communities in society, differences thatwere
371
372 Eric G. Lapp
The impressive quantity of locally manufactured By choosing lampmoulds thatwould produce clay
clay lamps portraying moulded images of crosses lamps depicting thisChristian motif, the lamp
found during the "metro" excavations in Greece's maker was knowingly targeting a select group of
a
capital city indicates that local production center customers.
Similarly, lamps portraying
a seven
had supplied lamps to a sizable, urban Christian branchedmenorah flankedby additional Jewish
community. A number of these Christian lamps motifs (e.g., shofar, lulav, etrog, and incense shovel)3
have been published recently(Stampolidis and would certainly have appealed
more to a Jewish cli
Palarma 2000: 86, no. 63; 195, pi. 6, lower left and entele. Thus, the lamp maker who manufactured oil
upper right; Karivieri 1996: pi. 7:82; pi. 8:83-86,88, lamps with menorah images had made a deliberate
90; pi. 9:89,91,104-5). In Cyprus, a fourth-century and conscious decision to narrow lamp sales to Jew
lampclass of localproduction (VessbergType 18) ish customers. Granted, I am not arguing that Jews
attests to a Jewish and Christian clientele on the onlybought lampswith Jewish
motifs,Christians
island; select lamps of thisCypriot group bear only lamps with Christian images, and Samaritans
images of crosses or menorahs (for examples with only lamps with Samaritan inscriptions; one must
crosses, see Bailey 1988: pi. 71:317-18, Q2608 MLA, not rule out the possibility that an occasional
lamp
Q2609, Q2610, and Q2613; and with menorahs, see customer, regardless of religious affiliation,may not
Hachlili 2001:456-57, L6.25-29, Corpus pi. p. 89*). have cared at all about the kind ofmotifs thatwere
Thewidespread distributionof theAfricanred slip represented on the lamps purchased.
ware lamps (also referred to as "Carthaginian") In Syria-Palestine, local workshops manufac
decorated with crosses or menorahs indicates that turedclayoil lampsportrayingpagan imagesuntil
were manufactured and marketed as late as the third century ce. A
they aggressively proliferation of
to satisfy the high consumer demand of a local and Jewish, Christian, and Samaritan
lamps depicting
an international Christian and Jewish clientele (for motifs began roughly in the fourth century ce. The
examples, see Knowles 1994:38-39, nos. 111-13,fig most common lamps with Jewish and non-Jewish
2.4; Hachlili 2001:458-63, L7.1-33, pi 11:88,Corpus images generally belong to the Syro-Palestinian
pl. p. 89*). discus, the Beit Nattif, Caesarea round, slipper
With the introduction ofmotifs and/or inscrip "candlestick", and Samaritan classes. That motifs
tions closely associated with specific religious and/or inscriptions linked to specific religious
groups to lampdesign beginning in the latethird groups occur on lamps belonging to these classes is
century ce., the Syro-Palestinian lamp maker itself evidence for religious difference in Syria-Pal
intended to persuade members of one or more estine, and for targetmarketing whereby the lamp
to his or her lamps. For
religious groups buy maker produced lamps to appeal to one or more
example, the artisan who had carved a cross into distinct bodies of customers. Thus, depending on
a lampmould did sowith theknowledge that it the types of motifs (e.g., the menorah, the cross,
would be sold to a lamp maker who, in turn, by the Torah shrine, and the Gospel
aedicula) and
a deliberate choice
selecting themould, had made inscriptions (e.g., Greek, Hebrew, and Samaritan)
towhich targetmarket he or she intended to sell the
portrayed on examples of these locally manufac
? tomembers
cross-bearing lamp of the Christian turedclasses (Lapp 2001a: 294), the lampshelp us
The maker made a conscious
community. lamp identify the lamp makers' intended clientele (i.e.,
decision to direct the lamp sale to amore restricted targetmarket): members of the Jewish, Christian,
market of a specific group of customers. Samaritan, and pagan communities.
I doubt the fourth-century lamp maker who The geographicdistribution
of thelampsbelong
manufactured lamps with images of the cross had ing to the classes under discussion indicates that
intended tomarket them tomembers of the local they
were not traded on an international scale, but
Samaritan or Jewish community: lamps depicting rather on a local and regional level generally con
? an
the cross indisputable Christian motif?would fined to areas in Syria-Palestine and Transjordan,
have appealed exclusively to a Christian clientele. where pagan, Jewish, Christian, and/or Samaritan
374 Eric G. Lapp
communities existed (Lapp 1997: Caesarea round on synagogue mosaics at Beth Alpha, Naaran,
type, 47-49, fig. 28; Beit Nattif type, 66-70, fig. 49; Hammath Tiberias and Sepphoris (Hachlili 1988:
and Samaritan type, 60-66, fig. 46; Magness 1993: pis. 76- 78; Weiss and Netzer 1996: 26-29). A
large slipper "candlestick" type, 173-77, fig. 12). further image of Helios in carved relief decorates
The examples that do occur at find spots outside a synagogue lintel at Chorazim (Hachlili 1988:
of Syria-Palestine are too few to suggest trade, and pi. 46).
Jewishmagical texts also allude to Helios
may instead represent souvenirs brought home by Since a close Jewish association
(Morgan 1983:71).
tourists, traders, and other visitors. For example, with Helios is substantiated in the archaeological
only two Syro-Palestinian discus lamps and a and literary record, it is reasonable to presume that
Northern Stamped lamp have been found atAthens Jews did not take offense to lamps bearing depic
(see Perlzweig 1961: 84, pl. 5:132-33, of Syro-Pales tions of Helios. Thus, it should not be considered
tinian discus type; 103, no. 376, pi. 11,a version of an
surprising that a discus lamp decorated with
Sussman Northern Stamped Type 6a). of Helios was recovered from a synagogue
image
context at Nabratein no. 115).
Discus Class (Lapp 1996: 221,
Syro-Palestinian The discovery of a Syro-Palestinian discus lamp
an erotic scene in Catacomb
A diverse repertoire of pagan images occurs on fragment depicting
20 of the Jewish necropolis at Beit Shearim in
Syro-Palestinian discus lamps (a version of Broneer
Type 25, not to be confused with discus lamps of Lower Galilee (Avigad 1976: 185, pi. 70:3) further
the Beit Nattif type)manufactured from the second indicates that Jewswere not necessarily offended
halfof thefirstcenturythroughthe thirdcentury by such "pagan" imagery. That the second-
to third
ce. (Rosenthal and Sivan 1978: 85). By the fourth century-c.e. was found among a group of
lamp
century, the depiction of a single menorah became lamps dating to the "burial phase" of the catacomb
more common on the later versions of this lamp suggests that itcould very well have been deposited
of a discus a or pagan member of the funeral party
type. A fourth-century version lamp by Jewish
portraying a seven-branched menorah was found (Lapp 2001c: 66). Discus lamps with erotic im
at Sepphoris no. 117; for additional ages have been recovered from additional Jewish
(Lapp 1996:222,
examples of discus lamps with menorah images, archaeological contexts, including the residential
see Hachlili 2001: 448-51, L4.2-16, pi. 11:82-84). quarter at Sepphoris and in the Akeldama Tomb
By the fourth century, the Beit Nattif with bow in the Kidron Valley (see Lapp 1997: 94, n. 34, figs.
shaped nozzle, Caesarea round, and slipper lamp 74 and 77; sample DS9, 238-39, 257, fig. 98, table
classes surpassed the discus lamp as the types par 2; Lapp 1996: 220-21, no. 114). It is possible that
excellence for depicting Jewish and Christian ico ancient lamp owners in Syria-Palestine were indif
nography. With the broader nozzles and shoulders ferent to the erotic scenes depicted on oil lamps and
of theBeitNattifand slipperforms,and thewide other media; perhaps they viewed erotic imagery
central discus of the Caesarea round class, these no more differently than the depiction of an acan
morphological improvements enabled lamps to thus leaf, gladiator, or rosette (Lapp 2001c: 66).
carry more sophisticated motifs and/or inscrip All said, thewidely popular discus lamp class
tions. For example, not only was the slipper lamps appealed to both pagans and Jews, especially in the
nozzle wide enough to accommodate an image of a second and third centuries ce. The introduction
cross ormenorah, the shoulder, too,was sufficiently of themenorah on late third- and fourth-century
Although the predominant pagan motifs oc lamp makers were refining theirmarketing prac
curring on discus lamps of the second and third tices by designing products to appeal tomembers
centuries would have appealed to pagan customers, of a specific religious group or targetmarket: Jews
archaeological evidence indicates that such lamps and Samaritans. Similarly, Egyptian workshops
bearing images of Helios also attracted a Jewish of the Loeschcke Type VIII discus lamps target
clientele. Pictorial representations ofHelios occur marketed their products with menorah images (see
Marketing Religious Difference in Late Antique Syria-Palestine 375
(for examples, see Rosenthal and Sivan 1978: in Lower Galilee (Lapp 1997: 202-3, 416, fig. 144;
105-10, nos. 423-47). This suggests that the lamp for additional Beit Nattif examples with menorah
maker intended to sell products to a wide market: images, see Hachlili 2001:442-48, L2.3-26, L3.1-5,
the non-religious decoration would have appealed Corpus pis. pp. 86*-88*, pis. II:8o-8i).
to any customer, regardless of religious affiliation.
Caesarea Round Class
Several such Beit Nattif lamps were recovered from
the sacellum in the amphitheater at Beth Guvrin In i960, Negev conducted excavations at Caesarea
(Kloner and H?bsch 1996:101-3, %? 25:1-6,10-12). Maritima on the coast of northern Israel, where he
The shoulderdecorationofa BeitNattif lampwith recovered several limestone moulds for lamp and
a bow-shaped nozzle belonging to theArchaeologi manufacture. The moulds were found in
figurine
Hopkins Universityis
cal Collection of the Johns a deposit above the apse of a
fourth-century-c.E.
reminiscent of set stones inmetal jewelry.4 building located south of the city wall (Sussman
Beit Nattif ovoid lamps, too, are covered in geo 1980: 76-79). Similar to the lamps belonging
metric patterns that would have appealed to any to the Beit Nattif class, the lamp makers of the
clientele (see, for example, an ovoid lamp unearthed Caesarea round type intended to market their
in theAhinoam Cave Cemetery at Beth Guvrin in product to both a Jewish and Christian clientele.
Magness and Avni 1998:98, fig. 6, lower right), and Until recently, Caesarea round lamps ?known
mass mar for their rich repertoire of Christian
thereby represent further evidence for images (e.g.,
a
keting. One example is the shoulder of Beit Nattif the cross, a Gospel aedicula, a fisherman, and a
ovoid lamp, found in the collection of the Royal peacock) fashioned in a freehand linear style on
Museum of Art and History in Brussels, decorated the lamps wide central discs ?were considered
with an ornate geometric pattern of circles posi to be made a
exclusively for Christian population
tioned between consecutive radial lines inmoulded (Sussman 1980: 77, n. 4; 78). Most Caesarea round
relief (Skinkel-Taupin 1980:10,35b; compare with lamps recovered from archaeological sites in Israel
Israeli and Avida 1988:129, no. 371). bear Christian motifs, thereby suggesting that their
Select Beit Nattif lamps with religious motifs also chief targetmarket was the Christian community.
indicate the existence of two targetmarkets: Jewish But the recent discovery of a Caesarea round lamp
and Christian. For example, cross images found on fragment portraying a menorah flanked by a lulav
the bow-shaped nozzles of select Beit Nattif lamps (palm frond) in the residential quarter at Sepphoris
376 Eric e. Lapp
(Lapp 1996:222, no. 118), and the recovery of a lamp types strong Christian association (e.g.,Macalister
belonging to the same class depicting an image of 1912: Tomb 124, Pl. CI). The abundant images of
a Torah shrine with a drawn
parochet from a tomb the cross found on church mosaics, architectural
near Caesarea Maritima features, and thematerial culture of the Jerusalem
(Siegelmann 1992: 65, fig.
4:11; Fine 1996:171, cat. no. 69X5indicates that select area and
throughout Byzantine Palestine (e.g.,
lamps belonging to this class were also manufac Tsafrir 1993:45, lower left,51,upper left, 195, upper
tured with Jewish customers inmind (Lapp 2001b: left,237,upper right)provideda richrepertoire
of
297). Other Caesarea round lamps decorated with examples of this exclusively Christian motif for the
or
geometric floral designs were manufactured to mould makers and the lamp makers of the slipper
appeal to a wider market (for examples, see Israeli class to copy.
and Avida 1988: 112,nos. 322-23). For example, a There is no reason to assume,however, that
Caesarea round lamp decorated with a non-reli slipper lamps only appealed to Christians. Repre
gious floral pattern was found in the synagogue at sentations of multiple-branched menorahs with
En-Gedi (Lapp 1997:205 and 419, figs. 148-49), in either bi- or tripod bases occur on select slipper
dicating that itsmass-market appeal also included lamps (see, for example, Sellers 1951: 42, 44, no. 1;
members of the En-Gedi Jewish community. Rosenthal and Sivan 1978:118, nos. 484-86; Mag
ness 1998: 42, lower right; Hachlili 2001: 468-69,
Slipper ("Candlestick")Class thus suggesting that
Lio.11-13, pis. VII:4-6),
The slipper lamp class (also referred to as the lamps of this class were also manufactured with a
"candlestick" type) is closely associated with early second targetmarket inmind ? a Jewish clientele.
Christianity. Christian motifs, such as the cross or Although missing a base, the multiple-branched
peacock, decorate the nozzles of select Magness lampstand image depicted on the nozzle-top of
Form 2 small slipper lamps (for examples with a
slipper lamp closely resembles a menorah with
cross
images, see Rosenthal and Sivan 1978: 113, a cross-bar (Loffreda 1993: 427,
fig. 58). However,
nos. 453-62; as far as I am aware, no examples of slipper lamps
Bailey 1988: 288-89, Q2337 PRB, pi.
60). At Tel el-Ful, two types of crosses appear on with representations of a menorah flanked by
several slipper lamps recovered from a burial cave a etrog have been found.
shofar, lulav, and/or
at the site: (1) a Greek cross
roughly square in shape Additional slipper lamps bearing depictions of
with bifurcated ends (Lapp, in press: nos. 20,83,88, multiple-branched menorahs were unearthed in
and 93), and (2) a rectilinear cross with bifurcated Cave 44 at Tel el-Ful (Lapp, in press: nos. 5,9, and
ends and an elongated central shaft (Lapp, in press: 108). Their occurrence in this Christian burial
no. 137). The Magness Form 2 lamps date from the suggests Christian borrowing of Jewish
complex
second half of the fourth to themid-sixth century iconography, and thus underscores the complexi
c.e. (Magness and Avni 1998: 99, n. 24). Greek ties involved with the interpretation of motifs in
"Mary;" Sailer 1957:178-79, n. 97; Magness 1993: 243). The Samaritan lamps belonging to Sussman
1
176-77). The Magness Form 3 lamps range in date Types and 2 found at Apollonia-Arsuf exhibit the
from themid-sixth century to the late seventh or rich variety of patterns made available to the lamp
early eighth century c.e. (Magness and Avni 1998: customer (Sussman 1983: 77, 87-95, %? 3> also pis.
99). The consistent recovery of slipper lamps from 2:1-10, pi. 3:11-18, and pi. 4:19-26; for additional
Christian burial contexts further substantiates this see Israeli and Avida 1988:137-41, nos.
examples,
Marketing Religious Difference in Late Antique Syria-Palestine 377
389-406). That geometric designs on these ex to sell their product. The various religious motifs
amples dating to the early third to fourth century, and/or inscriptions depicted on lamps belonging
and on Sussman Type 3 and 4 lamps ranging from to these classes reflect this difference in religious
the fifth to seventh century (Sussman 1983: 73-74 belief, practice, and custom.
and 85), are abundant suggest that the lamp mak Clay lampdecorationwas not inspiredsolelyby
ers of this class had the artistic tastes of the lamp mould carver: one
generally intended to sell their
a more diverse clientele and must not ignore both the mould carvers and the
products to wider,
not strictly to Samaritan customers. As is the case lamp maker s need to sell their respective products.
with other lamp typeswith simplegeometricpat Thus, lamp decoration, too, offered the lamp maker
terns (e.g., Beit Nattif), the non-religiously specific an additional means by which to entice custom
decoration would have appealed tomembers of any ers to the product. Plain lamps or examples
buy
religious group, and therefore suggests manufac decorated with simple geometric and/or floral
ture intended for a mass market. patterns (e.g., select Beit Nattif, Samaritan, and
Samaritan lamps that incorporate amenorah into Syro-Palestinian lamps) would have appealed to
their design, however, are less common and would a wide,
general clientele regardless of the custom
have appealed more to a workshop s Samaritan and ers
religious affiliation. By appealing to a broad
Jewish customers (for examples, see Hachlili 2001: customer base, such varied decoration would have
470-76, L.11.1-27, pis. VII:2-3, Corpus pi. p. 91*). A aided in the sale of the lamp makers products in
a a competitive
significant example of Samaritan lamp (Sussman lamp market.
a menorah
Type 1), portraying both and Torah Lamps bearing motifs and/or inscriptions linked
shrine, was uncovered at Samra (Magen 1992: 88, to a specific religious group indicate that the lamp
lower right). Additional examples of Samaritan maker had a specific targetmarket inmind for the
lamps decorated with menorah images were found sale of his or her product, and had manufactured
at Apollonia-Arsuf (Sussman 1983: 78, 90, pl.5, lamps to appeal to that market. By doing so, the
lamp no. 29, fig. 4:4) and at Caesarea Maritima lamp maker was restricting lamp sales to a nar
rare rower body of customers. Thus,
(Holum et al. 1988:197, fig. 144). The Samaritan bymanufacturing a
class lamp with a Samaritan inscription (see, for slipper lamp replete with a cross and an inscription
n.
example, Naveh 1988: 38, pi. 8:g; Lapp 1997: 61, associated with, for example, the Church of the
94) may represent evidence that the lamp maker Holy Sepulchre (Magness 1998: 43; forexamples
had intended to restrict the sale of this inscribed of slipper lamps associated with this sacred site,
Archaeological, epigraphic, and literary evidence possible, and purchased moulds with which lamps
indicates religiously diverse populations in several could be made with a variety of patterns, motifs,
major Syro-Palestinian cities, such as Caesarea and inscriptions thatwould best attract customers.
Maritima, Beth Shean, and Sepphoris (Tsafrir et al. Syro-Palestinian lamp makers knew their audience
1994:94-96,223-25, and 227-28). Lamp workshops and catered to their customers varied aesthetic
operating in these cities manufactured lamps to tastes and religious differences in order to sell their
appeal to that diversity. The lamp makers of the product. The choice ofmanufacturing lamps with
Beit Nattif, Caesarea round, slipper, Samaritan, and any given religious motif or inscription was as
fourth-century-c.e. versions of the Syro-Palestin much market-driven as itwas influenced by diverse
ian discus classes exploited religious difference religious beliefs and artistic expression.
Eric e. Lapp
NOTES
A second lamp fragment recovered atMasada be Nattif, and Beth Guvrin in Lapp 1996: 222, no. 118;
longs to themoulded floral class; the
name "Joseph" Baramki 1936: 7,pi. X:24; Kloner and H?bsch 1996:
stamped on the lower portion of itsnozzle suggests 101-2; fig. 25:9.
themanufacturer was Jewish (Barag and Hershkovitz 4 E. C. Lapp, Clay Lamps of theAncient Near East in
1994: 66, no. 111). theArchaeological Collection of the JohnsHopkins
2 With the use of "her," I consider the possibility that no. 646; similar to
University,forthcoming, inventory
in Late Antique Syria-Palestine, women, too,were nos. 349-51 in Israeli and Avida 1988.1 thank Eunice
involved in the craftsof carving lampmoulds and of Dauterman Maguire forher astute identificationof
REFERENCES
Al-Khouly, M. Baramki, D. C.
2001 Nouvelles lampes inscrites de la p?riode 1936 Two Roman Cisterns at Beit Nattif. Quarterly
inPalestine 5:
omeyyade. Pp. 193-95 in La C?ramique By of theDepartment ofAntiquities
zantine et Proto-Islamique en Syrie-Jordanie 3-10.
Barag, D., and Hershkovitz, M. 2001 Menorah, The Ancient Seven-Armed Candela
1994 Lamps. Pp. 107-24 inMasada IV: The Yigael brum; Origin, Form and Significance. Leiden:
Yadin Excavations 1963-1965. Final Reports, eds. Brill.
J.Aviram, G. Foerster and E. Netzer. Jerusalem: Holum, . Hohlfelder, R. L; Bull, R. J.;and Raban, A.
G;
Israel Exploration Society. 1988 King Herod's Dream: Caesarea on theSea. New
York, NY: Norton.
Marketing Religious Difference in Late Antique Syria-Palestine 379
Karivieri, A. Macalister, R. A. S.
1996 The Athenian Lamp Industry inLate Antiquity. 1912 The Excavation of Gezer, vols. I?III. London:
Papers andMonographs of the Finnish Institute Murray.
at Athens 5. Helsinki: Finnish Institute at Ath Y.
Magen,
ens. 1992 25: 66-90
Samaritan Synagogues. Qadmoniot
Kloner, A., and H?bsch, A. (Hebrew).
1996 The Roman Amphitheater of Bet Guvrin: A
Magness, J.
Preliminary Report on the 1992,1993, and 1994 1993 Jerusalem Ceramic Chronology: Circa 200-800
Seasons. Atiqot (English Series) 30: 85 106. ce. JSOT/ASOR Monograph Series 9. Sheffield:
Knowles, K. SheffieldAcademic.
1994 The Lamps. Pp. 23-41 in Excavations at Car 1998 Illuminating Byzantine Jerusalem: Oil Lamps
thage, vol. II, 2: The Circular Harbor, North Shed Light on Early Christian Worship. Biblical
Side: The Pottery, eds.M. G. Fulford and D. P. S. Archaeology Review 24, no. 2: 41-47, 70-71.
Peacock. BritishMonographs inArchaeology 5.
Magness, J.,and Avni, G.
Oxford: Oxford University. 1998 Jewsand Christians in a Late Roman Cemetery
Kondoleon, S. E. at Beth Guvrin. Pp. 87-114 in Religious and
2000 80. Barrel-Shaped Cup Signed by Neikais. Pp. Ethnic Communities in Later Roman Palestine,
193-94 inAntioch: The Lost Ancient City, ed. C. ed.H. Lapin. Studies and Texts in JewishHistory
Kondoleon. Princeton,NJ: Princeton University. and Culture V. College Park,MD: University of
Lapp, E. C. Maryland.
1991 Zwei sp?tantike j?dische Tonlampen aus Klein McNicoll, A.; Smith, R. H.; and Hennessy, J.B.
asien. Jahrbuchf?r Antike und Christentum 35: 1982 Pella inJordan 1:An InterimReport on theJoint
156-58. University of Sydney and The College ofWooster
1996 Clay Oil Lamps. Pp. 217-24 in Sepphoris in Excavations at Pella 1979-1981, vol. 2. Canberra:
Galilee: Crosscurrents of Culture, eds. R. Nagy, Australian National Gallery.
C. Meyers, E. Meyers and Z.Weiss. Raleigh, NC: M. A. (trans.)
Morgan,
North Carolina Museum ofArt. 1983 Sepher Ha-Razim. The Book of theMysteries.
1997 The Archaeology of Light: The Cultural Signifi
Society of Biblical Literature Pseudepigrapha
canee of theOil Lamp from Roman Palestine. Series 11. Chico, CA: Scholars.
Unpublished Ph.D. diss., Duke University.
Naveh, J.
2001a Lamps. Pp. 292-94 inArchaeological Encyclo
1988 Lamp Inscriptions and InvertedWriting. Israel
pedia of theHoly Land, eds. A. Negev and S.
Gibson. New York, NY: Continuum. Exploration Journal 38: 36-43.
- Perlzweig, J.
2001b Lamps Israel/Palestine. Pp. 295-97 in Ar
the 1961 TheAthenian Agora, VII: Lamps from theRoman
chaeological Encyclopedia of Holy Land,
eds. A. Negev and S. Gibson. New York, NY: Period. Princeton, NJ: American School ofClas
Continuum.
sical Studies atAthens.
2001c Les lampes ? huile ?rotiques en Terre Sainte. Peskowitz, M. B.
Arch?ologia 377: 62-66. 1997 Spinning Fantasies: Rabbis, Gender, and History.
in press The Late Roman and Byzantine Clay Lamps Berkeley, CA: University of California.
from a Christian Burial Cave at Tel el-Ful. Rosenthal, R., and Sivan, R.
1978 Samaritan Lamps of theThird-Fourth Centuries 1996 Promise and Redemption: A SynagogueMosaic
A.D. Israel Exploration Journal 28: 238-50. from Sepphoris. Jerusalem: IsraelMuseum.
1980 Moulds for Lamps and Figurines from a Cae
sarea
Workshop. 'Atiqot (English Series) 14:
76-79.
Chapter 32
byZeev Weiss
Several showbread tables were made in the archetype mentioned twice in Exodus (25:23-30;
course of history for theWilderness Taber 37:10-16) was a source of inspiration and imitation
nacle and for the First and Second Temples for all. In both passages, a rectangular table built of
in Jerusalem. Moses built a table for the Tabernacle wood and overlaidwith gold isdescribed;
shittim
built one for on top was a were placed in
(Exodus 25:23-30; 37:10-16), Solomon gold border, and rings
theFirstTemple in Jerusalem(IKings 7:48), those its four corners to hold staves that bore the table.
381
382 Zeev Weiss
D?a
/spi
fragment from the Herodian period found ex situ byYarden (Yarden1991:81).Theborderof thetable
in the JewishQuarter excavations in Jerusalem (fig. is decorated with a simple relief, and its legs are
2; Avigad 1980:147-49; Narkiss 1974: 6-14; Habas shaped like lions' feet. Two small vessels, identi
2003: 335-36). The showbread table is depicted fied as the censers of frankincense, are placed on
there beside representations of themenorah and the its surface, and between its legs are two trumpets.
altar of incense. According toNarkiss, their relative According to Barag, the table reappears on coins of
location on the plaster reflects their original posi Bar-Kokhba minted during the years 132-135ce.; on
tions within the Tabernacle and Temple. The table the large coin, the tetradrachm, it is seen from the
has raised borders at either narrow end and four side, whereas on the smaller didrachm, the longer
short legs. It is possible that the two raised borders front of the table is depicted (Barag 2000:272-76).
represent the senifim, or props, which, according If the proposed identification is correct, then this
to theMishnah, supported the loaves of bread on is a rectangular table with raised borders, similar to
thetable (M.Menabt 11,6), but it isprobable that the engraving from the Jewish Quarter, except for
they are only a schematic representation of the its borders, which are rounded at the top.
"Set the Showbread on the Table Before Me Always" (Exodus 25:30) 383
Fig. 4 TheTabernacle,TheChristianTopographyofConstan
tine of Antioch. Sinai, St. Catherines Monastery, MS 1186,
Fig. 3 Close-up of theShowbreadTable depictedon theArch .The ShowbreadTable with the loaves bread on the
of four
ofTitus inRome (afterFfanner 1983:plate 59:3). cornersisdepictedon theupperrightsideof theminiature(after
Weitzmann and Galavaris 1990:1,56, pl. LXVI).
placed on the table in groups of three at its four Another artistic tradition describes the show
corners, in a manner reminiscent of the twelve bread table as being round. A round three-legged
months and the four seasons. table already appears on coins of King Herod, but
In the depiction of the rectangular showbread Meshorer s opinion that it isnot intended to depict
table, one may point to several iconographie tradi the showbread table, but rather represent one of
tions that are not particularly dependent on each the other tables in the Temple mentioned in the
other, but seem to have the common desideratum Mishna (Sheqalim6:4), seemsplausible (Meshorer
to depict it in accordance with the literary sources 1982b: 23-24; 2001: 66-67).
and as it existed in the Tabernacle or Temple. The A depiction of a round showbread table first
table isdescribed in earlydepictions in frontalor appears in the synagogue at Dura Europus, in the
even three-dimensional view, at least in one case mid-third century ce., on a panel depicting the
including the loaves of showbread placed upon it. miraculous well of Beer (fig.5)/ The yellowish
This trend is repeated in Byzantine illuminated table with three curved legs stands in front of the
manuscripts, but there, for the first time, we have Tabernacle, before themenorah.
a different type of round table appears in a mosaic found
depiction, symbolic and general, Another
includingonly enough details to clearly identify in a synagogue at Sepphoris, dated to the early fifth
it as the showbread table.6 Some of the details in century ce. (fig. 6;Weiss 2005:95-96). This depic
384 Zeev Weiss
fourth-century mosaic discovered in the Samari with three legs, on which round objects are placed.
tan synagogue at el-Khirb? (fig. 7; Magen 1993: Dufrenne identifies this as the altar of incense, but
198-200; 2002: 404-8, 438). There, it is shown at it is unclear on what this identification is based, es
the front of the Tabernacle together with other pecially in lightof thefactthatthealtarwas square
as a metal tripod, on and not round, and that ithad horns in each of its
holy vessels. It is presented
which various vessels are laid, including three corners, evidently absent from the representation
round loaves of bread. The shape of the table, the before us. The similarity to the Sepphoris mosaic,
assortment of vessels on itand the number of loaves as in the case of the depiction from Dura Europus,
are different from those represented at Sepphoris, suggests that the round table from theMarginal
but it seems nevertheless to belong to a similar Psalter of Mt. Athos represents the showbread
iconographie tradition, common to Jewish and table. In both cases we have a three-legged round
Samaritan art,which presents the showbread table table bearing the loaves of bread, but whereas at
as round, rather than rectangular, as described in Sepphoris the correct number of loaves appears,
the Bible and other written sources. here it is difficult to determine their number, ow
A roundshowbreadtableisapparentlydepicted ing to the minute size of the illustration in the
also in the ninth-century Marginal Psalter ofMt. manuscript.
"SET THE SHOWBREAD ON THE TABLE BEFORE ME ALWAYS" (EXODus 25:30) 385
Ch. AAN
YXH'
--- ---
--
/HCOC&
C LI
The examples above indicate a new, separate Fig. 8 Marginal Psalter ofMount Athos,
Pantocrator 61,fol. 165r. The round Showbread
artistic tradition for the description of the show
Table isdepicted above the curtained entrance,
bread table in the Tabernacle and the
Temple. It is between the menorah and the manna vessel
difficult to determine precisely where and when (courtesy ofH. L. Kessler).
this tradition originated, but itwould seem, in
light of the available data, that this occurred after
the destruction of the Temple, possibly as late as
frequently appears in ancient Jewish art (Barag
the third century C.E. One cannot argue that this 1999: 71-75; Levine 2000: 144-53). We also can
iconographic tradition, completely different from not accept the possibility
suggested recently, that
the previous examples, aims to give another version the round form of the tables in the mosaics at
ofwhat the table in the Tabernacle or Temple actu
Sepphoris and in the Samaritan synagogue was
allywas, since it contradicts descriptions from the chosen in order to distinguish it from the church
written sources. It is also difficult to prove that the altar on which the Eucharist was offered
(Talgam
artist intentionally depicted a table different from 2000:104). This iconographic tradition developed,
the one at the Temple, following the ruling that as
suggested above, at a time when the Christian
A man may not make a house in the form of community stillplayed aminor role in the area, and
the Temple, or an exedra in the form of the long before the shape of the church altar crystal
lized into its traditional form. Furthermore, even
Temple hall, or a courtyard corresponding
if the rectangular altar was more widespread in the
to the Temple court, or a table
correspond
church, there are still a fair number of instances
ing to the [sacred] table, or a menorah cor
inwhich itwasround or semicircular; this claim,
responding to the [sacred] menorah, but he
therefore, does not resolve the problem (Trombley
may make one (amenorah) with five or six
and Bouras 1991: 71).
or
eight lamps, but with seven he should
Itwould seem, then, that the round shape of the
not make.9
table did not result from either a lack of informa
Why should the artist have gone so far, depicting tion or a consistent mistake, but rather a conscious
a table so different from the actual
reality and choice of familiar themes, through which the artists
the textual evidence? Itwould have been enough wished to illustrate the nature of the showbread
to change one or two details in the shape of the table, even if its shape contradicted the accepted
original table in order to abide by the law, as was written sources. Certain details were sometimes
the custom in depictions of the menorah, which represented according to written tradition; how
386 Zeev Weiss
ever, the entire depiction was intended only to sym The Tosefta further explains:
bolize the table, rather than precisely describe its
How is the showbread to be arranged? Six
actual appearance in the Tabernacle or Temple. It
loaves are placed in this setting and six
should also be borne inmind that neither the artists
loaves in this setting.... How are the censers
nor their audience were acquainted with the holy
on this set
vessels of the Temple and had no visual memory arranged? One censer is placed
one censer on this setting.14
of their actual appearance. Therefore, the artist or ting and
his iconographie sources used a simple language The loaves depicted on the coin of Mattathias
of symbols thatwas familiar to all, and by means on the table as
Antigonus were laid in two rows
of which they intended to illustrate the Temple described, and their roundish shape possibly al
implements that neither they, nor themembers of ludes to the shape described in the Mishna. All
their community had ever seen.10 the other depictions, however, show the loaves
The round table, termed a mensa delphica, was spread out on the table. At Sepphoris and in the
a well-knownpiece of furniture in Roman times, are laid out on
Marginal Psalter ofMt. Athos they
often represented in Roman and early Byzantine the table, whereas in the Christian topography of
art.11The diners sat around this table, on which Constantine of Antioch and in the Octateuchs,
vessels with food were laid. A three-legged table they appear in groups of three, in the corners of
is called a delphica in talmudic literature, and was the table. It should be noted that in all, the loaves
probably a familiar piece of furniture to the Jew are round rather than
rectangular,
as described in
ish community as well.12 Placing a round table of theMishna.
this type beside the menorah, or combining itwith The depiction of the bread as a round object
other themes, such as the loaves of showbread or is not intended to contradict the written sources;
the censers of frankincense, formed the necessary loaves of bread were round in antiquity (Gusman
impression. This use of familiar symbols with the 1900: 242-43; Ziehr 1984: 86-87). In Talmudic
addition of unique attributes stressed the fact that sources, bread is sometimes called an iggul, a circle
the object described was no commonplace piece or rounded loaf,15and inRoman and Byzantine art
of furniture, but the showbread table, which had bread is often depicted as being round.16Moreover,
been in the Tabernacle or in the Temple. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan to Exod. 40:4 ("Bring in
A similar trend is apparent in pictorial repre the table and lay out itsdue setting....") elaborates
sentations of the loaves of bread and their arrange upon the description of the showbread table in
ment on the table. The loaves of showbread in the the Tabernacle, referring explicitly to the loaves of
Temple were rectangular and of a uniform size, as bread thatwere laidon thetableas iggulim(round
stipulated in theMishnah: loaves):
equal piles, and above them the frankincense, as Apparently, the translator adopted this term, since
described in Lev. 24:6-7: itwas commonly used forbread at the time. Artists
used the same method, choosing to present the
Place them on the pure table before the Lord
bread in a shape familiar to all, although represent
in two rows, six to a row.With each row you
shall place pure frankincense, which is to be ing the showbread. The exact number of loaves
a token originally placed in the Tabernacle and the Temple
offering for the bread, as an offering was
to emphasized, rather than their original shape. If
by fire the Lord.
he had represented the loaf of bread as a rectangular
stood by everyone. For the same reason, the artist the other depicted it as round. The earlier tradition
scattered the loaves of bread over the table ? not
originated in the days of the Temple, whereas the
because itwas difficult to create the correct perspec later one only appeared
following its destruction.
tive for the two piles on the table, but because the Both traditions developed within Jewish circles,
number of loaves, he believed, served as another and were later borrowed or imitated
by Christian
indicator for interpreting the entire motif. art.Whereas the first tradition aimed to present
The censers at Sepphoris, also appearing on the table as it actually was, the second did not
theTitusArch and, probably,in thedepiction at attempt to do so at all. A lack of
correspondence
el-Khirb?, are another detail that aids the decipher between the table s pictorial representations and its
ment of the picture. Here, too, artists used vessels
description inwritten sources is common to both
well known to their audience, although
they did not traditions; nevertheless, the artists in each case
necessarily correspond to the reality in the Taber took care to emphasize some details that
identify
nacle or the Temple. The number of censers and the furnishing under discussion as the showbread
their position on the table are themarks table in the Tabernacle and Temple. Although the
whereby
the artists achieved their identification. final representations may differwidely, all symbol
To conclude, twomajor iconographie traditions ize the showbread table in the Tabernacle or the
describing the showbread table existed in antiquity. ?a
Temple symbol with deep meanings, which,
The firstpresented itas a rectangular table,whereas however, must be discussed elsewhere.
NOTES
M Hagigah 3,8; Hagigah 26b; see also JHagigah 3 8, II, nos. 763-765. On the shape of the Showbread
69<1,which notes that the Showbread Table, with the Table according to Constantine of Antioch and its
showbread on it,was displayed before the comparison to the depiction in theOctateuchs, see
pilgrims.
For details regarding such ceremonies held during Mouriki-Charalambous 1970: 101-7, 118-26; Hahn
festivals in the Second Temple period, see Knohl 1979:. 38-39; Brubaker 1981;Lowden 1992: 88-89.
1992: 601-9. 6 Unlike the four-legged table appearing in theTaber
2 Rectangular proportions recur in the detailed nacle in a number of depictions from the Byzantine
description of the table in the Letter of Aristeas period, where it actually represents the church altar
(56-72). They also emerge in a reconstruction of there and has no connection to the Showbread
the textmissing in theTemple Scroll describing the Table. See, for example, the panel in St.Maria Mag
Showbread Table; see Yadin 1983: II, 31;M Menaot giore presenting the stoning ofMoses; Karpp 1966,
11,5 and parallels; Baraita d'Melekhet Hamishkan 8 fig. 118.The depiction of the Temple in themosaic
(ed. Friedman, pp. 58-59). of the Theotokos Chapel on Mt. Nebo contains a
3 Narkiss 1974:11, and parallels there. rectangular object, which Piccirillo identifies as the
4 Florence Bibl. Laur. Codex Amiatinus I, fols. 2v-3r; "offeringtable;" see Piccirillo and Alliata 1998: 302.
see also Revel-Neher 1982: 6-8. Sailer, in contrast, opines that thiswas the entrance
5 Cosmas Indicopleust?s, Roma, Biblioteca Apostolica to theHoly ofHolies; see Sailer 1941:1, 236.
Vaticana, cod. gr. 699, fol. 46V, W. Wolska-Conus, La 7 Kraeling 1956:119.Weitzmann, in contrast, believes
Topographie Chr?tienne de Cosmas Indicopleust?s, that thiswas the incense altar,albeit not in itsoriginal
Paris 1968-73, II, 45. This depiction, which illus formbut "as a piece of elegant furnitureofGraeco-Ro
trates only the table next to themenorah, has been man tradition;" seeWeitzmann and Kessler 1990: 67.
preserved in a miniature in a manuscript from St. 8 Pantocrator 61, fol. 165 and see Dufrenne 1965.
Catherine smonastery; seeWeitzmann and Galavaris 9 Rosh Hashanah 24a-b; Avodah Zarah 43a;
1990:1,56, Pl. LXVI. The depiction in theOctateuchs Menant 28b.
appears in all manuscripts, but with slight differ 10 The similarity of the round showbread tables from
ences; see Weitzmann and Bernab? 1999: I, 177; Dura, Sepphoris, and el-Khirb? indicates, according
388 Zeev Weiss
toHachlili, that "most probably theywere all based shape of a "boat" with a triangular section?; see
on images appearing in a Jewishpattern book (see Menabt 94b.
Hachlili 1998: 345-46). The existence of a pattern 14 Menabt 11,14-15 (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 530). This
book is questionable and unverifiable, however, the description recurs in Josephus as well; see Ant.
?
appearance of depictions in the three locales may be 3.142-43,255-56 in contrast to the tradition found
reminiscent hints ofmodel(s) thatexistedwithin the in theTemple Scroll,wherein itmaybe assumed that
Jewish realmwhich were utilized differentlyby each the frankincensewas placed directlyon thebread and
artistwhile sharing similar perceptions. not in a vessel, as prescribed in the Bible; see Yadin
11 Richter 1926:139-40; 1966:111-12; Moss 1988:1,37-43. 1983: II, 30-38.
Similar tables are depicted inmosaics and wall paint 15 See Targum Pseudo-Jonathan to Exod. 29:22; JHa
ings; see Levi 1947: II, pl. 42b; F?vrier 1977: 29-45. A gigah 22, yyd;Genesis Rabbah 49,4 (ed.Theodor-Al
round three-legged table isdepicted in theOrpheus beck, p. 503), and elsewhere; see Sokoloff 1990:402, s.v.
mosaic discovered in Sepphoris; seeWeiss and Netzer ^iry; Krauss 1929:185.
1997: 9, PL 1. 16 Goodenough 1964: XI, fig. 247; Levi 1947: II, pl.
12M Kelim 25,1; Avodah Zarah 5, 5; JDemai 6 10, 25d. CLIIa-b. The round loaves of bread depicted in a
On the form of the table and itsparts in Talmudic Christian context are sometimes decorated with a
literature, see Krauss 1929:13-15; Tabory 1979. cross; see Schneider 1937:56-58; Deichmann 1958:fig.
13M Menabt 11,4.Two sages in theBabylonian Talmud 315.On theproduction of bread and bread stamps in
dispute the question regarding the form that the theRoman and Byzantine world, see Galavaris 1970:
rectangular showbread should take: did ithave the 3-39
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Dufrenne, S.
Hachlili, R.
1965 Une illustration 'historique inconnue du Psau 1998 Ancient JewishArt and Archaeology in theDias
tierduMont-Athos, Pantocrator No. 61. Cahiers
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"Set the Showbread on the Table Before Me Always" (Exodus 25:30) 389
Hahn, C. Meshorer, Y.
1979 The Creation of the Cosmos: Genesis Illustra 1982a Ancient JewishCoinage, vol. I. New York, NY:
tion in theOctateuchs. Cahiers Arch?ologiques Amphora.
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Karpp, H. Amphora.
1966 Die fr?hchristlichen und mittelalterlichenMo 2001 A Treasury of Jewish Coins from the Persian
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C. R
Knight,W.
Moss,
1896 The Arch of Titus and the Spoils of theTemple. 1988 Roman Marble Tables. Unpublished Ph.D. dis
London: The Religious Tract Society. sertation, Princeton University.
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1992 Post-Biblical Sectarianism and the Priestly 1970 The Octateuch Miniatures of theByzantineMan
Schools in the Pentateuch: The Issue of Popular uscripts ofCosmas Indicopleustes. Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University.
Participation in the Temple Cult on Festivals.
Pp. 601-9 in The Madrid Qumran Congress: Narkiss, B.
Proceedings of the International Congress on 1974 A Scheme of the Sanctuary from the Time of
theDead Sea Scrolls, eds. J.T. Barrera and L.V. Herod theGreat. Journal ofjewsih Art 1: 6-14.
Montaner. Leiden: Brill. M.
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Levine, L. I. G. .A.
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2000 The History and Significance of theMenorah 1926 Ancient Furniture: A History ofGreek, Etruscan
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Antiquity, eds. L. I. Levine and Z.Weiss. Journal mans. London: Phaidon.
of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series
Sailer, S. J.
40. Portsmouth, RI: JournalofRoman Archaeol 1941 TheMemorial ofMoses onMount Nebo I. Jeru
ogy salem: Franciscan Printing.
Lowden, J. Schneider, A. M.
1992 The Octateuchs: A Study inByzantineManuscript 1937 The Church of theMultiplying of theLoaves and
Illustration. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania Fishes at Tabgha on theLake ofGennesaret and
State University. ItsMosaics. London: Ouseley.
Y.
Magen, Sokoloff,M.
1993 Samaritan Synagogues. Pp. 193-230 in Early 1990 A Dictionary ofJewishPalestinian Aramaic of the
Christianity inContext:Monuments and Docu Byzantine Period. Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan Univer
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sity.
Franciscan Printing.
2002 Samaritan Synagogues. Pp. 382-443 in The Sa Tabory, J.
1979 The Household Table inRabbinic Palestine. As
maritans, eds. E. Stern and H. Eshel. Jerusalem:
sociation for Jewish Studies Review 4: 211-15.
Yad Yitshak Ben-Tsevi (inHebrew).
390 Zeev Weiss
byAnna de Vincenz
The church fathers Eusebius (early fourth clearly indicating Jewish presence. On the other
a
century) and Jerome (late fourth-early hand, the Byzantine-period village also yielded
fifth centuries) refer to En-Gedi as "a very number of artifacts that bore cross decorations.
'
large village of Jews (Onom. 86:16). Archaeologi These items include 'Candlestick1lamps (fig. 1)
cal excavations conducted in the 1970s at the site and Late Roman Fine Ware vessels (fig. 2), all of
revealed a large synagogue, with Hebrew and Ara which come from different locations in the village
maic inscriptions on its floors (Barag et al. 1981). and date to the fifth and sixth centuries ce. Two
cross decorations have to
The Byzantine-period village around the synagogue fragmentary lamps with
was excavated byHirschfeld, and dwellings dated to be added to this list, but are unique in their rep
the Roman period have been excavated by Hadas resentation of the cross. The first one (fig. 3) has
on the slope opposite the village. This essay argues a crux gemmata, or bejeweled cross, on its discus,
that, despite the statement that "En-Gedi was a while the second one is decorated with a cross
very large village of Jews," there was coexistence above an edicule (fig. 4).
of some kind between Jews and Christians in the The presence of these artifacts, both Jewish and
391
392 Anna de Vincenz
^^^^^^^^^^
^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^
Fig. Candlestick lamps
from En-Gedi.
from En-Gedi.
/
with an intertwining zigzag line. The area of the
discus is surroundedby a band filledwith dots.
This band continues towards thewick-hole, which
itprobablyoriginallysurrounded.The discus itself Fig. 4 Lamp with e?icule from
En-Gedi.
is decorated with a bejeweled cross standing on
an indeterminate structural feature. The
filling
hole forms the center of the cross. Four circles are
Flagellation(fig.11).The crosson top isbejeweled the cross stands on, which appears to represent a
crosses a column, or steps. There are numerous
(Bagatti and Testa 1978: fig. 7). Greek type pedestal,
also appear on ceramic vessels of the Late Roman examples in Byzantine art of crosses shown on
394 Anna de Vincenz
Fig. 13 Monza flask with edicule (after Fig. 14 Monza flask with edicule Fig. 15 Pewter medallion (afterBiddle
Biddle 1999:23,fig. 18). (afterGrabar1958:pl. 11,ampoule 1999'23,fig 19)'
5, re.).
gotha mound.
(Biddle 1999:23,fig.19).A ceramicampulla in the
SYMBOLISM AND THE EDICULE Franciscan Museum of the Flagellation shows an
edicule very similar to the one on our lamp (fig.
The second lamp has a cross above double columns 16). The edicule consists of two columns with an
and an arch (fig.4). Thesedouble columnswith the arch on top (Corbo 1988: 420-22, fig. 5). On the
arch on top look like an edicule. They can be found above-mentioned glass pilgrim flasks, the edicule
on the above-mentioned Monza Pilgrim Flasks is represented either by two columns surmounted
dated to thesixthcentury(figs.13-14;Biddle 1999: by
an arch (fig. 17), or by two columns surmounted
a In both cases a cross is
23, fig. 18; Grabar 1958: pl. 11, ampoule 5 revers). by pointed roof (fig. 18).
On a pewter medallion conserved in Stuttgart (fig. situated inside the edicule (Barag 1970: fig. A7,
the edicule is shown as a small roofed build first and third cross). Of particular interest is an
15),
a cross is positioned on the roof edicule in the mosaic from Umm al-Rasas
ing with doors; (fig.
Christians among Jews in En-Gedi 395
CONCLUSION
(primarily bowls and lamps) ornamented with tian presence at En-Gedi. Further support for this
common crosses were found at various locations comes from the array of other artifacts from the
in the village. While these common crosses could site bearing crosses. Does this, therefore, suggest
have been regarded as ornamental signs devoid of a mixed Jewish/Christian
village at the site and
any symbolical meaning by non-Christians, the what would have been the size of the Christian
same cannot be said for the with the component amongst its inhabitants? Mixed Jewish/
lamp bejew
eled cross and the lamp with the edicule. Christian villages have existed as Dauphin points
What does this imply in termsof the ethnic out (Dauphin 1998:320-30) and, thus, itwould not
makeup of thevillage ofEn-Gedi in thefifthand be surprising ifEn-Gedi was one of those mixed
sixth centuries and the religious beliefs thatwere villages. The fact that Eusebius and Jerome refer
held by itsinhabitants?
The presenceof thesetwo to itas "avery largevillageof Jews"(Onom. 86:16)
special lamps with a depiction of a bejeweled suggests that the proportion of Jewish inhabitants
cross and the edicule, with was
the strong Christian larger than that of Christians.
396 Anna de Vinc?n
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Iwish to thank the late Professor Yizhar Hirschfeld for Hadas for allowing me tomention the stone measur
allowing me to publish these lamps. A technical report ing cup. This cup is going to be published in the report
on the lamps will also appear in the chapter on the ce on ceramic and stone vessels from the En-Gedi Oasis
ramics in the Final Report of theEn-Gedi excavations. excavations prepared by the author. In addition, Iwish
The drawings are thework of Helena Bitan and Julia to thankmy friend and colleague Shimon Gibson for
Rudman, whom I thank. Iwish to thank also Gideon useful comments and long discussions on the subject.
REFERENCES
Bagatti,
., and Testa, E. Gibson, S., and Taylor, J.E.
1978 II Golgota e la Croce. Ricerche Storico-Archeo 1994 Beneath theChurch of theHoly Sepulchre, Je
logiche. Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing. rusalem: The Archaeology and Early History of
D. Traditional Golgotha. London: Palestine Explo
Barag,
ration Fund.
1970 Glass Pilgrim Vessels from Jerusalem: Part 1.
Journal ofGlass Studies 12: 35-63. Grabar, A.
Barag, D.; Porat, Y.; and Netzer, E. 1958 Ampoules de Terre Sainte (Monza, Bobbio). Paris:
1981 The Synagogue at En-Gedi. 116-19 in Klincksieck.
Pp.
Ancient Revealed, ed. L. I. Levine. W.
J.
Synagogues Hayes,
Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. 1972 Late Roman Pottery. London: British School at
M. Rome.
Biddle,
1999 The Tomb ofChrist. Stroud: Sutton. Hunt, E. D.
Types of settlement are one of themost con servative factors. In a period where there are no
servative and uniform components of any officialguidelines, it is difficultforan individual
society. Societies designed the types of set to initiate changes in settlement types, and human
tlement appropriate to them and continued them societyhas difficultyin "inventing"(developing)
for long periods, even after basic circumstances new types.
had changed. Settlement type is a compromise be A change in settlement type often occurs during
tween various constraints ? security needs, social a
period ofmigration and in the
area where there is
needs, privacy, connection with the group, family, ameeting between the new settlers, the veteran set
agricultural and other economic needs, among oth tlers, the conditions of the new land, and the coun
ers. The design of settlement types is influenced by try of origin as remembered by the new settlers.
the conjunction of "objective" physical conditions The new land presents the immigrants with new
and social structure. All these components should challenges and new conditions. The new settlers
have led to frequent changes in settlement types, re-form their society in accordance with the condi
since we would have thought that every significant tions of the country and the society. Research on
social change would find expression in the type of migration movements has found that immigrants
settlement. In fact, this did not happen. Thus, for as one of their strategies in
design settlement types
example, the penetration of Christianity into the adjusting to the conditions of a new world. Some
East did not cause a drastic change in the character immigrants are partially released from the bonds
of settlements. Even the rise of Islam did not cause of the past, which leads to open re-examination
a change in settlements, although changes did of settlement types. Other immigrants typically
take place as a result of the conditions of the new choose from two basic options:
era. This is because the structure of settlements is . To continue the
type of settlement familiar to
influenced, first and foremost, by traditional-con them from their country of origin.
397
398 Ze'ev Safrai and Ofer Sion
2. To adopt the type of settlement existing in the of Arab origin lived in the settlement. In addition,
new
country.
we hear of tribes encamped or living in the area.
Between these two extremes there are many in The domestication of the nomads was apparently
termediate In this chapter, we focus
solutions. one of the main components of the flowering of
on a little-treated historical episode, i.e., the theNegev from the fourth to the seventh centuries,
penetration of nomadic tribes (of Arab or perhaps even themain motivation for civilian
origin)
into Palestine during the late Byzantine and early settlement in this region.2
Islamic periods.1 A similar phenomenon took place in the Tra
The years 637-640 c.e. are considered the years of chon and the Hauran, but there it began earlier.
"The Arab Conquest." Modern research casts doubt Already in the first century we hear of nomadic
on the
degree
towhich thiswas amilitary campaign tribes that settled permanently in the Hauran.
of conquest, rather than a largely "peaceful" wave Beginning in the second and third centuries, there
of settlement, accompanied by military conflicts, is increased evidence of this process of settlement.
which were of secondary importance (Whitcomb These nomadic settlers built traditional villages (see
1988; 1995;Magness 2003). In either case, the desert below), but numerous inscriptions disclose their
nomad tribeswere apparently greatly strengthened Semitic and Arabic origins. This area developed
in the lateByzantineperiod (the sixthand early a unique pagan religion, which had a mixture of
seventh centuries). On the borders of the settled gods of differentethnic origins (Dar 1993),and
areas of the country, the nomads
gradually turned later, in the Byzantine period, there was a special
into permanent residents ? in the northern Negev, brand of Christianity present in this area. This
inTrachon, and in northern Trans-Jordan (Bower phenomenon of Christianity differs from that in
sock 1983, esp. 123-47; Shahid 1995, esp. xxv-xxx). areas of established settlement, and is a recurring
Of course, this process was only one component of one that deserves separate study. There is far less
a mosaic of settlement thatwe do not understand evidence of the penetration of nomadic tribes into
a process of domestica the settled parts of the country.
completely. For instance,
tion, or permanent settlement, took place in the Cyril of Scythopolis,who wrote biographies
of monastic in the Judean Desert,
leaders tells
territory of theNabatean kingdom during the first
century c.e. and in the territory or the kingdom of of one tribe of Saracens that emigrated to Judea.
the Itureans in the Byzantine period. This process The tribe was transferred to the land by the
will be discussed brieflybelow. Byzantine procurator in the aftermath of wars
in the Syrian desert. This tribe was a "Khamula"
PENETRATION OF NOMADS INTO THE (extendedfamily)thataided theByzantinesin the
AREA OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT war against the Persians and
was
pushed out of
- HISTORICAL EVIDENCE its area of settlement.3 The tribe was transferred
to the Judean
Desert in thefifthcenturyand here
The many inscriptions from the Byzantine period was aided by St. Euthymius (Vita Euthemii, 10).
found in the Negev reveal a mixed society, con As a result, the tribe led by Asuebtus converted to
taining a mixture of names of Greek and Semit Christianity, and themonk even helped the tribe
ic? mainly Arab ? origin. (It is not always easy to to build a church and a cistern (VitaEuthemiu
names ofAramaic origin and 51). Two possible sites have been suggested for
distinguish between
those of Arab origin.). We may assume thatmany the encampment of the tribe, both in the plain of
of the bearers of Greek names are of Arab origin. Adum im. In both sites (Bir az-Zaraa and Khirbet
Evidence of this phenomenon is seen inmembers Hinma), a cistern and a church were found. At Bir
of "mixed" families, in which the father had an az-Zaraa, piles of stones were also found, which
Arabic name and the son a Greek one, and vice are apparently remains of the encampments that
versa. The papyri inNessana reveal this aspect of were scattered around the structures (see below;
settlement. According to the inscriptions, settlers Federlin 1907; Sion 1992; 1997a; Hirschfeld 1984:
Nomad Settlement in Palestine 399
80-82). Itwas suggested that the tribewas located Sozomenos states thatArabs participated in the
at one of these sites. fair of Terebinthos(in Alonei Mamre, north ofHe
One generation later,Thalabas, one of the leaders bron; Sozomenos, Church History II, 4, 6) already
of the tribe, is described as a resident of Lazarium in the time of the Emperor Constantine (in the
a
(present-day Azariyah, village in the suburbs of middle of the fourth century), but thismay reflect
Jerusalem). The tribe, in full or in part, moved from commercial ties and cultural influences, rather than
the desert, ceased to be nomadic, and settled in a the settlement of Arabic tribes. The fair attracted
village on the desert fringe. In the time of Justinian, traders from remote areas, and those Arabs could
another Christian tribe, headed by one Arethas, have been traders rather than immigrants.
moved to Palestine (Vita Euthemiu 52). Talmudic evidence of Arab settlement is only
Another group of Christian Saracens built the relevant. The Talmudic material re
moderately
Martyrium of St. Salome on the Judean plain flects the situation up to the end of
in Palestine
(Kloner 1990). According to the Inscriptions and the fourth century, whereas we are discussing later
theArabic names, it is clear that the holy cave was phenomena. Arabs are, of course, mentioned in
built in the sixthcenturyby a Christiangroup of but usually it isdifficultto
theRabbinic literature,
Arabic origin. We cannot find other archaeologi determine whether theywere permanent residents,
cal evidence for the settlement of those Christian merchants who happened to come to the settlement
Arabs in the area of the Judean plain. It is important (e.g., T. Berachot 4:16; M. Shabat 6:6; Y. Kilayim
to note the special character of the group, which 6:30c), or, perhaps, nomads who operated outside
sanctified "Salome," a Christian martyr who is al the boundaries of the permanent settlement. This is
most unknown in established Christian tradition the extent of our discussion regarding the image of
(Kloner 1990). theArab inRabbinic literature; suffice it to say that
In the Golan lived another Christian Saracen we have no evidence of contact with them inside
tribe between "Mount Harib" s of the permanent settlement.
(today Kefar Haruv) the boundaries
and Jabiye(Shahid 1989: 258-62). The Golan is The situation is somewhat different towards the
located at themargins of the Hauran area, which end of the Talmudic period. One source reports
was, as we have stated,
undoubtedly
an area of that a fire broke out in R. Yonahs neighborhood
nomadic settlement. Migrations into the area took (Tiberias,in themiddle of thefourthcentury)and
one "Naptai" wanted to put it out (Y. Yoma 8:45b;
place mainly in the sixth and seventh centuries.
In an imperial edict included in the Beersheba Y. Shabbat i5:i5d). This "Nabatean" is apparently a
inscriptions, a tribal chief ismentioned, appar nickname for an Arab, who is a resident of Tiberias.
in connection with the Gerar area (Alt 1921: In contrast, themention of theNabateans (Naptai)
ently
12). Corroborating evidence for the claim forArab or the "Arabs" in other sources are likely descrip
penetration into this area can be found in the in tions of foreigners who live far away, or even a
term
scription in the church in Kissufin, in which the describing Jews living inArabia (e.g., Y. Baba
name of a Christian church official named Abba Batra 8:16b; Sanh?drin 9:27b; Shabbat 14:14b). After
ismentioned; the name is certain evidence of his the Arab conquest, there is increased evidence of
Semitic origin (Meimris 1986, no. 869). Units of Arabic settlement; but this is beyond the scope of
Limes soldiers camped in this area, some ofwhom the present study.
were of Arabic origin (Avi Yonah 1977:162-64). It Shahid found some other evidence ofGhassanid
that these soldiers are the ones responsible settlements in Palestine Prima (the Ghassanids
maybe
for the appearance of an Arabic tribe in the area. were one of the Arab tribes beyond the border of
The name of another donor of Arabic origin ap Palestine), and even two villages that preserve this
pears in the inscription of the church in Bet Loya, traditional Arabic name until today. In neither case
further north in the area of Eleutheropolis (Patrick do we know when this name was given(Shahid
and Zafrir 1985). 1995: 652-56)
400 Ze'ev Safrai and Ofpr Sion
~"'""" '
x?k %r
3o\iCm^t > ??
I ^r'Vra-? 5i ?T730
f-. ^k?50
301 Xl U ,Il,"
55j
i ='3
82 '''1.59
1 -58 i
?57 . .64
63
I .62
0 30 r.
.
_^_
Urn Rihan et al 2 an
Fig. (after Dar 1986:10-11 ). Fig. Khirbet Qerumit, ordinary
centralizedvillageintheJudeanplain (after
Safrai 1997:13).
In summary, there is little direct evidence sup
during the Byzantine period and at the beginning (Hirschfeld 1996:3-18; Appelbaum 1987; Safrai
of the Islamic period. These types of settlement 1994a: 82-99).
have been common in the East for generations and In the border areas, we have evidence of three
continue be so to this day. additional settlement types, which are the main
. A nucleated ? this our
densely populated village subject of discussion:
is the traditional Eastern village, familiar until 3. Small scattered villages ?a concentration of
today (figs. 1-2). The village varies in size from a few dozen meters apart.
buildings Usually
a few tomany dozens of dunams; sometimes there is only a small number of up to six build
it is preferable to call the village a rural town ings (figs.3-6).
ship in order to express its size. The nucleated 4. A small number of buildings ? they are sepa
village is the dominant model inmost parts rated from each other by a distance of a few
of the country, including the northern Judean dozen or even a few hundred meters. In fact,
Desert ,where seven such sites have been found this is an area of simple farm homes. These are
(Sion 1994a: 138-41). not buildings surrounding a nucleated village,
2. ?
Single structures surrounding the village, or but rather a series of farms and the farms are
?
placed far away from it these houses were the the focal point of the distribution of the local
cause of a debate in the past years. settlement (see Avni 1996:62-63 fornumerous
Appelbaum
claimed that these were villas in the imperial examples).
Nomad Settlement in Palestine 401
Oo
lo
3 ?
I_20
period were found as well (Gazit 1996). For this dividualism in the crowded "Khamula," the need
study, sites were chosen that lacked signs of build for a place to keep the sheep around the house,
ing and could stretch over a broad area, sometimes and the small number of community services. The
hundreds of dunams; it is difficult to assume that scattering of houses also reflects, of course, the
there was a
large permanent settlement there.4 In self-confidence of the settlers who have no need
addition, scattered hamlets were identified by the of a wall.
Nomad Settlement in Palestine 403
Guvrin identified another hamlet containing five Another area where there is evidence of nomadic
structures in an area of approximately twenty-five penetration is the northern Judean Desert. In
Khirbat Abu Sion excavated a
dunams (fig. 15;Guvrin 1992:101-3), surrounded by Suwwana, village,
and in the eastern part he excavated four scattered
agricultural cultivation. Each of the five structures
was composed of living rooms and open pens. residential structures and associated installations
was built in the sev
More important is the evidence of agricultural (fig.17; Sion 1997b). The site
cultivation. The wadis were dammed by a series of enth century and was apparently a small Moslem
dams that allowed limited use of floodwaters and village of 5 dunams with a population of about 200.
also prevented the erosion of the soil. On the slopes The village is further evidence of the settlement of
a system of was built, allowing "Khamulot" who became domesticated in thewake
agricultural terraces
some agricultural activity around the houses (fig. of Arab immigrants.
16). Two sizable nucleated villages were also found In the area between Jerusalem and the western
in the region. border of the northern Judean Desert, there are
In light of the above, one can assume that no another seven sites where early Islamic ceramics
were
mads coming from the area of the northern Negev found (Sion 1994b; Finkelstein 1993: 78-80,
settled in the Yatir region. These nomads became sites 76, 79, 81; Feldstein et al. 1993: 164-67, sites
406 Ze'ev Safrai and Ofer Sion
ut_s?
Tariq "Abu Hindi" and Tariq "Abu George." An are border areas next to the desert, although the
other concentration of scattered encampments Judean Desert is also very near to the center of
was found south of the Jerusalem-Jericho road. the settled part of the province of Palaestina. In
These are sites that "penetrate" deep into the desert, the Yatir region, the settlements date from the
almost up to the eastern desert border. Altogether, Byzantine period, whereas the Judean Desert sites
were found; eleven of them were date only from the beginning of theArabic period.
twenty-four sites
a factor that does not The latter represent nomadic settlement after the
protected from the wind,
seem to have been important to their location. expulsion of the Byzantine government. In addi
Water sources and partial terraces that were not tion, in the area of the northern Judean Desert a
used for agriculture were found in three of them. quantitatively marginal phenomenon is present.
Sheepfolds (sometimes
more than one) were found Other than these examples, scattered hamlets or
in seventeen sites. Inmost cases, the encampments encampments (types 3-5) are a rare phenomenon
stretched over an area of two dunams, although, in in Palestine.
408 Ze'ev Safrai and Ofer Sion
17-7-\-\
/ X?\ /\
/ / * \ \ \
? N
// \\
* ? \
/ \
s \ \
5 ?
?? \ \
? \ \ o
\
?~Y^*J
Fig. 22 Iraq ?l-Kamra,siteplan (afterZertal 1996:fig. 336). Fig. 23 Khirbet Ghadbane, siteplan (afterZertal 1996:fig.
CONCLUSION
period was very limited in scope or that the nomads
In the desert areas a process of partial and com adopted the types of settlement existing in the
plete domestication of the nomads took place settled areas (the above-mentioned option 2). Only
during several periods, although this study in the desert areas did they continue to build settle
deals with only the Byzantine-early Moslem ment types that they were familiar with from the
periods. desert, whereas in the settled areas they adopted a
During the process of domestication, nomads centralized type of settlement. Additional research
created new types of settlement that suited may reveal more small scattered villages and there
their nature and the kinds of agricultural prob may be increased evidence of nomad villages.7 It
lems they faced. is also possible that nomads penetrated existing
even if a
Nomads penetrated the borders of the settled villages, and they populated them in scat
areas of the country and there continued their teredmanner, itmay not be possible to document
familiar settlement tradition (the above-men presented here are
this. Therefore, the conclusions
tioned option 1). preliminary and merit further investigation.
Historical evidence indicates sparse nomadic If, in fact, nomadic settlement in the settled
settlement on themargins of the settled area of areas of the country was limited in its scope, this
the country and nomadic types of settlement has implications for the debate as to whether
have been found only in such places (the Yatir there was an Arab conquest or a peaceful process
region and the northern desert in Judea and of settlement in the settled regions. At this point,
Samaria). there isnot enough evidence for themassive settle
With the available evidence, one can conclude ment of Arabic tribes in Palestine before theArab
either that nomadic settlement in the Byzantine "conquest." Even after the conquest, there is no
Nomad Settlement in Palestine 409
evidence of a wave of settlement ofArabic tribes in the Hauran, and eastern Syria were flooded with
the country. Of course, this does not end the debate Arabic tribes already towards the end of the Byz
about theArab4 conquest" or theArab "settlement." antine period; here the kingdoms of Arabic tribes
There is simply too little evidence of a conquest in were also established. Although this study does not
the historical literature and in the archaeological answer how the Byzantine government
completely
as a was expelled from the East, the facts presented do
findings. One might define the phenomenon
"trickle" of settlers, but there is no evidence of a contribute to the important debate about the end
massive wave of settlement. In contrast, theNegev, of Byzantine rule in theMiddle East.
NOTES
The term "Palestine" in this context is imprecise and 5 For example, the church inKhirbat Shellal and the
an anachronism; we refer to the area of permanent one in Beikatt Abu-Radi near Kissufim (Gazit 1986:
settlement inwhat theRomans called Syria Palaes 144). An additional site that is perhaps connected
tina. to a nomadic settlement is site 190 in the Urim
2 The flowering of theNegev is evident from archaeo Map survey (Gazit 1986). Located nearby is a large
a
logical surveys in theNegev hills. For summary
see cemetery from theMoslem period with no link to a
Haiman 1989; 1992. defined settlement.The adjacent site (128) is a small,
3 A similar historical storyfrom thefirstcentury is the one-dunam "campsite."About half a kilometer from
transferenceof the tribeofZamaris fromBabylon to the cemetery there is another site (189), which is a
theborder of Judea and their settlement in theGolan campsite or an agricultural plot of 2000 dunams; it
and in theHauran (Jos.Ant. 17:29). certainlywas not a regular settlement.
4 They include the following: 6 Only one example from Transjordan is provided:
Site Number Area of site in dunams the famous town ofUmm al-Jimal, northeast of the
161 500 River Jordan,where comprehensive research isbeing
Broad carried out; although as yet unpublished, it is already
163
50 clear that thiswas a military settlement consisting
164
100 ofmany units,many ofwhose soldiers were ofArab
165
was built as a set of closely
167 200 origin. The settlement
Broad built blocks of houses with wide open areas between
169
170 Broad them. Large pools were built in the open area and
174 100 these areas may have served as sheep pens as well
196 100
205 50
211 40
220 100
234 50
255 40
Safrai and Ofer Sion
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Index
Subject Index D
chambers 85-93, 236,257-64
4QMMT 181,189,191,195 .67 loculi (kokhitn) 160 . 13,236-37* 239> Day ofAtonement (YomKippur) 171,
248,253,258-64 174, 216,352,357
A
shafts 85,258-64 Death ritual 235-40
Abd el-Malik 163 Byblos 26,96 Defixiones (katadesmoi); see Curse
22 formulae
AbuHureya c
AinGhazal 26,30-31 Diocaesarea; see
Sepphoris
Al?th?sLogos 363,365-66 Caelius Aurelianus 355-57 Dioscorides 352-53,358,360 n. 7
Alexandria 145, 223,314,363,365-66, Caesarea Maritima 158, 203,323,358, Divine Warrior 109-14
413
414 Index
297, 314, 319-20, 322, 329, 333-34, nomadic 397-411 Tosefta 172,188, 215-16,386
340- 41, 366 patterns 31,53-59,156 Kippurim 170
Piacenza Yoma 172,174
Pilgrim 283,394 types 53-59, 70, 72, 333, 397, 400, 408
von Bordeaux of Bor ShaarHaGolan 31 Toubias 141,144-45
Pilger (Pilgrim
165-66 Shevnatomb 98 Trajan 282
deaux)
Royal inscriptions, Israelite 95-99 chronologically sorted 205-10 Varus, legate of Syria 282, 292, 297
domestic Vatican
setting 201-10,216-18,222, 169-70,177
S
224-25, 281 Vespasian 173-74,176-77, 257, 282,335,
Samaria 54, 74, 95~96, 99,143~45, Quarter of Jerusalem
in the Jewish 339
151-52, 297, 407-9 209 Vitruvius 174, 296
Samnium 156 invicinityof Jerusalem
Temple 209 Y
Sanballat 143-44 typology205-9
Sanh?drin 262, 280, 282,352,355,399 Stone vessels 157,185,293,297,320,391 Yahwism 56
Saracens 398 Sultanian 21, 23-24, 26-27 Yatir Region 404-5, 407-8
Christian 399 Synagogue
Sardis 367 at En-Gedi 376