YESTERDAY Reminiscences of part of my life from 1940 to 1945 WW. S, Dashwood W/O RNZAF Service No: NZ 4013741am writing these reminiscences of Prisoner of War life in 1989 as | feel that if it is not put on paper now, my children and my grandchildren will never have the vaguest ‘thoughts of this important part of history and of my life. It is a period that should be recalled by everyone as a reminder the humanity can at the whim of one person, one political party, or one country turn into unhumanlike creatures as quickly as did Hitler, his Nazi Party and his country of Germany did in the mid ‘30's and continued until early 1945. The period is known as the holocaust’ The story that follows are reminiscences only except for one part covering the period of mid-January 1945 to early February of that year - this period is a true copy of a pencilled diary | kept over this time, a diary which is still in my hands. The story is written as | recall them today some 44 years after the event but often backed up by photographs ete. Nature is a peculiar jing as it has a tendency, in particular when it applies to the human memory - it tends to cloud, even obliterate, the hard parts of one’s life and recall in preference, the better side. This is reflected in my writing of these times, the really hard periods | went through in prison camp are now most difficult to remember in detail and have consequently mostly disappeared into the mists of time.MY LIFE AS A PRISONER OF WAR Winston Churchill who himself was a Prisoner of War during the Boer War 1899 had this to say:- “It is a melancholy state. You are in the power of the enemy. You owe your life to his humanity, your daily bread to his compassion, You must obey his orders, await his pleasure, possess your soul in patience. The hours are long, the days craw! like paralytic centipedes, Moreover, the whole atmosphere of a prison camp is odious. Companions grow! about trifles and get the least possible pleasure from each other's society. You feel a constant humiliation at being fenced in by railings and barbed wire, watched constantly by armed men and webbed in by a tangle of regulations and restrictions.” Generally we went hungry, we suffered tortures both physical and mental and saw the most shocking brutality. We saw men clubbed sometimes to death for the most trivial reasons. We experienced terrible sickness and had little or no medication to help, and at times we were even shot at to provide amusement for the guards. However all this taught most of us something very valuable indeed, for which all ex P.0.W's should be grateful. It humanised warfare for us all. {t showed us what war really meant in terms of man-to-man conflict and that war shouldn't happen, or be allowed to happen. If everybody involved in war, and | don't mean the military might alone, had to fight man-to-man, very few wars would ever happen. Ever since the end of the war in 1945, | have been reluctant to discuss my experiences as | was trying to forget the whole thing. As my family grew up 1 became concemed that the terrible slaughter was becoming in their minds like an exciting adventure - not a period of shocking suffering of millions of people, but rather something they were almost sorry that they had missed out. They had not absorbed any clear impression of what the struggle was about and consequently they could easily make mistakes which would involve them in another major war with far worse destruction to life and property than we had experienced (Viet Nam is a very close comparison).\ 4 I have over the past few years changed my outlook and feel that we who survived that turmoil of World War Il have a duty to discuss both the war and it's consequences in an attempt to counter the war glamour effects of films, videos, books and comics we see today. We must enlighten the growing generations to the horrors of war and the condition which caused so much suffering and needless death. If we don't, if we do not do this, who will? Let us look at some figures conceming New Zealanders as Prisoners of War. Statistics show that 9,140 New Zealanders were taken prisoner. Of these 8,348 were soldiers, §98 airmen, 194 sailors. They represent the staggering statistics that 1 in 200 of the total population of New Zealand at that time! The world average was 1 in 1000 (these facts were taken from part of the Official History of New Zealand in the 2nd World War). The more staggering part of these figures is that almost 90% of these prisoners (7897 in fact) were taken in Greece and Crete, the costly victory in Libya and the disastrous retreat into Egypt in 1942. The cruel fact of these figures is that most New Zealand Prisoners of War were soldiers captured with hardly a shot fired. They were stranded, left behind, told, yes told, to capitulatel! The Air Force represented 6% of all captures whilst the Navy and merchant seamen less than 1% with civilians alittle more. The first World War saw 25 New Zealanders taken at Gallipoli, 12 in Egypt, 464 in France and Belgium - all army. None of the several hundred New Zealanders who served in the Navy or Royal Flying Corps were captured. The mixed feelings of most returning ex-Prisoners of War included frustration and strangely enough a degree of shame or uncertainty about their camp experience. The feeling lingered on, even to today in some quarters, usually among men and women with little or no experience of war or camp conditions, that it was, for some unknown reason, cowardly to have been captured at all. A macho misunderstanding revealed largely by a very uncharitable ignorance.f\ The resilience and fortitude, the ingenuity and laconic humour of New Zealanders as a whole brought these Kiwis through @ very, very rough experience all the better for something they neither sought nor expected. New Zealanders of all ranks were reduced to one undignified level of prisoner, rising above the restrictions and dangers imposed upon them, drawing strength and humour from an identity partly British, partly colonial but rapidly becoming national My own experiences are wide and varied but started on the evening of the 15th January 1942 when | parachuted into the frozen countryside near Griinsted in Denmark. My navigator who “hit the deck" a brief period ahead of me saw me silhouetted against the flames of our crashed Hampden bomber and quickly made contact with me. We had 4 days and nights trying to make our way North Eastward through Denmark to the Baltic where we had vague plans of an attempt to reach Sweden. Moving at night, sleeping by day usually in the warmth of a stock filled bam. We were fed by the farmers but they were rather anxious to see us move off their property for very obvious reasons. Our bad luck hit us on the fourth night when the farmer concerned lost his nerve and advised the local German outpost. The first indication that “the war was over” for us was the weight of a bayonet resting on our throats when we were rudely awakened by rather scared German soldiers. A strange series of incidents occurred over the next few days. On capture we were returned to Griinsted and introduced to the local police cells. Firstly the police were very upset at retaining us but with the Germans well aware of our presence, the local police could not help us. However, much to our chagrin, they stated if we had come to them in the very beginning they could have got us back to the UK with the assistance of the focal fishing fleet. Apparently escapees were taken to sea by the fleet and contact made with a Royal Navy submarine. The escapees were handed over and the fisherman paid mostly in gold for their trouble. How lovely to learn of this when foo late to take advantage.‘A We were rather spoilt by the local population of Griinsted during the three days we were held there. The local police allowed anyone to visit us and bring special foodstuffs, cigarettes and other items even though they themselves were feeling the pinch of shortages. On the fourth day we were again moved and handed to a Coastal Command squadron of the Luftwaffe at Verde on the North Sea Coast. We were confined to the cells at night, but during daylight hours, under strict surveillance by guards, we were free to wander around the aerodrome and even climb into their special 110's. The Luftwaffe air crew were extremely good to us considering the circumstances - there seemed to be a sort of comradeship among airmen in relation to the Luftwaffe and the RAF and this, particularly in the earlier years of the war was mentioned by many captured aircrew. We also ate with them in their mess and toasted on the night before moving on into Germany and the interrogation at Dulag Luft, Frankfurt- on-Maine. Here we were put into solitary confinement and it depended on our interrogators how long we stayed this way. The average was about one week. A medical examination, a bogus Red Cross for to complete with rank, name, next of kin, but there were also other questions such as from what base were you operating, what type of plane - the thin edge of the wedge's investigation and luckily very few were caught out. The amazing thing to me was the file they had on me already completed / such as, date of arrival in UK, the date of my first operational trip (if had been in Frankfurt and that didn’t help) the number of trips | had done. They knew it alll! How, | wonder. We met up there with the other two members of our crew, my Wireless operator / Air Gunner and the Air Gunner. It was great to learn that they had also survived. And then we ran into trouble - winter in late January 1942 was o1 f the worst in Europe for many years and transport in any direction other than South was not operating. So to the South, 93 of us were sent to a French camp, Stalag VII A Mooseberg near Munich. About 26/27,000 French P.o.W's were either in or attached to the basecamp and a small group of English, New Zealand and 5Australian troops of all ranks were also there. This was the beginning of a long period of a small group of RAF personnel being lost in Army camps. In Vil A everybody worked irrespective of rank. Clearing snow, opening up and shifting back to the camp large dumps of potatoes and look out for reprimand from the guards if you didn't work. | would think that everyone of us were on the receiving end of a swung tifle butt more than once. Even so we had our moments. For example I had my 24st birthday in this camp and what a party that turned out to be. Unknown to me some of my friends did some trading with the guards and we finished up with about 4 extra loaves of bread plus 2 bottles of schnapps! Trading with the guards was part of our life. Red Cross parcels had items that had not been seen in Germany for years. Virginia cigarettes, scented toilet soap, Indian tea, American instant coffee, they all had their value in trade for more bread, occasional meat, photographic items on many things that may seem trivial but were sought after to help make our life just that little bit easier. September 1942 saw a change. Most officers were separated from the NCO’s and OR's and shunted off north to Oflag 79 at Queruw, the other ranks were moved on to Stalag VIII A near Gorlity, while 92 of the 93 aircrew were sent to an NCO Straffe Lager (punishment camp) known as both Oflag Ille and Stalag 383 at Hohenfels. The odd man out was my navigator a French/Canadian, he being retained at VII A as an interpreter. Stalag 383 During the two years our group was there was an unusual place for a prison camp. Up until the time we left in September 1944, there was a total of about 5,000 inmates, all of whom apart from our group, being senior NCO’s from every conceivable quarter of the British Empire, the bulk being English, Australian and Kiwi's. The English were caught in the Dunkirk debacle, the others in Greece, Crete and Lybia. The knowledge and expertise of this large number of NCO's was endless, You name it and an expert would be in the camp somewhere. Up to a point, the Germans left us to ourselves - at that stage they were more than a bit “cocky” as they were winning the war. Red Cross parcels soon caught up with us and, with their fairly regular delivery during the period up to late 1944, supplemented our more than trivial allowance from the Germans.Without the Red Cross parcels we would not be alive today. The organisation itself was venerated - it was our link with civilization and gave us the will not to just sit down and give up. They showed everybody just what they could and did do in a world mad with war. To a man, prisoners-of-war are emphatic that they would not have made it back without those Red Cross parcels. As a comparison, the appalling sight and plight of the Russian prisoners (always retained in completely separate compounds) and who did not enjoy Red Cross support because they were not party to the Geneva Convention, was one never to be forgotten. The Red Cross was our link with the outside world, the courler of mail to and from home, the provider of books, clothing, sports equipment, musical instruments etc, - whatever made camp life a little more bearable. Most important of all was it was the source of food parcels. and that made life survivable, These parcels originated from all over the Empire and even other countries, the bulk coming from different packing stations in the UK, also Canada, New Zealand, Australia, USA and of all places the Argentine, each packing station each country varying in contents but ali priceless. The German ration for non-working prisoners never did amount to much and in good times amounted to about 250 grams (1/2Ib) of potatoes (including the mud), one cup of swede or cabbage soup with about 20z of meat once a week, 150 grams (1/3Ib) of bread made from potato flour plus a lot of sawdust to stop it clogging, a very small dab of margarine and at times a tablespoon of jam usually made from swedes and sweetened with saccharine. Coffee made from roasted acoms and a purplish ) coloured, ersatz tea was also included. In other words just enough to enable you to survive to the next meal but to be always hungry. But you did not even try to eat on your own. You got into small groups or schools of about six and pooled your German and Red Cross rations. With six for example you could have six tins of bully beef, one per day for 6 days. On your own 4 tin would go bad in about 3 days.. Officer camps and some senior NCO camps such as 383 enjoyed much better housing and washing facilities compared to the conditions of other rank camps. Generally these Oflags and special Stalags provided rugby, soccer, netball, volleyball, ice skating and ice hockey and in 383 using their fire fighting pool also 7had swimming facilities. They also had libraries, orchestras, comic and serious theatres, dance bands of all types, even education classes up to degree standards (these latter were through the combined universities of Oxford, Cambridge and London). Wrestling, boxing, judo, athletics, cricket were not overlooked and neither was chess or duplicate bridge. Alcohol was made from sugar and dried fruit carefully saved from Red Cross parcels and bartering with anything for anything was an ongoing daily occurrence. Toward the end of 1942 most of those in 383 had got over the self imposed sense of shame of being a P.o.W and accepted they were going to be imprisoned for a long, long time. The illicit radios in the camp kept them reasonably up to date with what was happening “outside” but ? As in most camps, we also in 383 had our “ups and downs’, particularly physical clashes with the “SS" troops on the odd occasions when they conducted searches of the camp, a duty normally carried out by the more casual Wermacht guards. Of the many incidents one of the most serious, yet one of the most humorous was the German reaction to the incident at Dieppe where Canadian Commanders tied behind their backs the hands of German prisoners - the reaction by the Germans was that all non-working P.o.W's were themselves to be handcuffed. Our camp commandant did carry out the order but restricted the penalty to 60% only of the prisoners. The first day or two saw us unlocking the cuffs with a key from a sardine tin as soon as the Getmans left our respective huts but within a few days a much better arrangement was made with the guards. About 7.30am they would come into each hut, count the inmates and leave on a nail behind the door the required number of cuffs. They were later in the afternoon picked up for use the following day. The cost to us was one sometimes two cigarettes per day. For many, indeed the most, the order of the day was for escape. Within Germany as a whole, escape was a very highly organised enterprise with all escape plans having to be submitted and approved by the Camp's escape committee before being activated. These committees themselves had access to all manner of things - maps, forged trade papers, identity kits, money and many different types of clothing including feminine ware. Both sides accepted escape attempts as a part of prison 8life up to the time of the appalling Nazi reaction and execution of 50% of the travellers caught in the big attempted breakout at Sagan. Usually punishment for escaping was a matter of course and for a first time attempt resulted in seven days solitary confinement on bread and water. Second time caught usually was a 30 day confinement and in extreme cases the culprit was sent off to a punishment camp such as Oflag IVc at Colditz or one of the many concentration camps. Stalag Luft Vil - Bankau August 1944 the Lufiwaffe caught up with the small group of 92 RAF personnel at Stalag 383 most likely an aftermath of the attempted assassination of Hitler and the many decrees as followed. For example the SS took over greater control of the Vermacht guarded and administered Offags and Stalags whilst the Luftwaffe probably looking to the now obvious outcome of the war decided it had better take over control of all the RAF personnel it could find as @ probable insurance for the future. The result was a typical prisoner of war train ride to Bankau in Poland for our group. Instead of the usual 40 hommes / 10 chevaux, that is 2 carriage loads, at least they did provide 3 horse wagons. This Stalag Luft VII was basically a new camp with the bulk of its 1,500 odd inmates being prisoners for less than four months. To our group of old P.o.W’s. they were indeed a very strange, very different person to what we expected and no doubt we were to them, likewise. These so called youngsters were all still going through that traumatic period every P.o.W. goes through over the first few months of imprisonment. It was indeed very difficult to blend into and caused us to stop and think just how we in turn would be received when we retumed to civilization. Events quickly took place here created by the relentless advance westward by the Russians, and from early January 1945 out of the Polish camps including Stalag Luft VII the prisoners were required to march on empty stomachs away from this advance. As a whole most of us were in favour of this westward march, toward our ‘own troops but more in keeping ahead and away from our Russian so called allies. In the middle of an extremely harsh winter and in poor condition we had to march through hundreds of miles of a country devested by winter and by war, bombed and strafed by their own forces, relying on elderly guards as badly off as themselves toforage for enough food to keep alive, But despite this the prisoners knew that this was not only the grimmest experience they could expect but it was also the final hurdle to freedom. It was an experience that took a great toll in lives and as will be shown shortly in a copy of my diary of this march. From 1,550 airmen who left Stalag Luft VII only 720 finally arrived at Stalag IIIA, Luckenwalde. Apart from a small group of 12 who somehow reached Rostock on the Baltic Coast the other 830 just disappeared in the snow drifts or in the barns where we slept never to be heard of again, In January 17 1945, we, the 1550 inmates of Stalag Luft Vil, Bankau, received at 1100 hours one hour's notice to pack our kit and be ready to leave camp, marching. At the same time we were informed by Ober Feldwebel Frank that for every man who fell out of the column in the march five other men would be shot. This order was verbal, not given in writing, and as things turned out never carried out. The start was eventually postponed until 0330 January 18th during which interval 68 sick men were evacuated to the Civilian Slong in Kreuzherg and we believe being later moved to Stalag 344 ( also known as Stalag VIII B) at Lamsdorf. Each man was issued with 2 % days marching rations before leaving. When the march did start at 3.30 em on January 19th no transport was provided for any sick who may fall out en route and the only medical equipment carried was that carried by the MO and 3 sanitators on their backs. January 19th we left Bankau and marched to Winterfeldt a distance of 28kms. This was done under extremely trying conditions and severe cold including a 40mph blizzard, The only accommodation at Winterfeldt was small barns. Unfortunately our particular group lost a large bag of porridge at this stop, porridge we had hoarded for months against a rainy day. (On January 20th we marched from Winterfeldt to Karlsruhe arriving at 11.00am. We set off again at 5.00pm and marched a further 12kms. At Karlsruhe we were housed in an abandoned brick factory. These were supplied with two field kitchens with which to cook for 1850 men, Each kitchen was actually capable of cooking for 200 only. The M.O. was provided with a horse and cart for transport of the sick - the cart was capable of carrying 6 sitting up cases. Coffee, ersatz of course, was provided, After a rest period of 11 hours we were again ordered to move. The 10WO Camp leader and the M.O. protested strongly against further marching until the men were adequately fed and rested. We were told inno uncertain terms by the German Obwehz Officer that this was an order and must be complied with, or else....... That night we left Karlsruhe and marched on to Danwauld (also known as Schonfeld) arriving at 0900 on January 21st covering a distance of 42kms. The conditions during the night were extreme, the temperature being -13°C. The hospital wagon was filled after the first 5kms and from then on men were being picked up on the roadside in a collapsed and frozen condition and it was only be sheer will power that they were able to finish this part of the march. After crossing in River Oder a distance of 34kms from Karlsruhe we were told that We would be accommodated and no further movement would be made for 2 days. January 24st - At Danwould we were billeted in the cow sheds and barns of a farm and a room was provided for the sick at Lossen. Rations issued were about 100gms of biscuits per men and half a cup of ersatz coffee. january 22nd - At 0300 hours orders were given by the Germans to prepare to move off at once. It was dark and some delay in getting the men out of their sleeping quarters because they could not find their meagre baggage. The guards thereupon marched into the quarters and discharged quite a few shots from their firearms. No one was hit of injured. The column was marching again by 000. It was ascertained 23 men were lost that morning and their whereabouts is not known. They may have been left behind asleep, may have escaped or just lost in the snowdrifts. Also a further 31 were evacuated we believe to Lamsdorf but nothing further has been heard of them either. We marched on to Jenkwitz a distance of 31kms and again housed in barns at a farm. We were issued for the rest of us 44kgs of fat, 46 tins of meat, some barley and dried peas. Soup was issued, the ration being about % litre per person, No bread was issued. January 23rd - we left Jenkwitz at 0600 and marched 20kms to Wausen (or Wauzon). 11\ January 24th - we rested the day at Wausen sleeping in barns and a cow shed. 31 sick men were evacuated we understand to Sagan. 400 loaves of bread were issued. January 25th - left Wausen at 0400 for Heidersdorf and covered some 30kms. January 26th - spent the day at Heidersdorf. Issued with 600 loaves of bread to last at least 2 days. January 27th - left Heidersdorf and marched on to Pfeffendorf about 18 kms away where we arrived at night. Bams again. ) January 28th - left Pffeffendor for Standorf at 0500 and covered a further 31kms. Issued with 24 cartons of Knackerbrot, 150kgs of oats, 45kgs of margarine and 50kgs of sugar. A further 22 sick were evacuated to Schweidnitz to be later sent on to Sagan. An unknown number fell by the wayside and not heard of again. January 29th - left Standorf at 1800 and continued on to Peterwitz a distance of 22kms and arrived at 0400 the following day. This march was carried on in darkness again under very extreme conditions with a blizzard blowing the whole time. We arrived at Peterwitz in an utterly exhausted condition. Before leaving Standorf we had been promised that we would have to march no further as transport _~~ _)would be supplied from Peterwitz. 104kgs of meat was issued plus 1 sack of salt, 35 kgs of sugar and 100kgs of barley. January 30th - At Peterwitz 30 men from Stalag 344 who had been left without guards joined our column. 296 loaves of bread were issued, 50kgs of oats, and 35 5kg lots of margarine, February 1st - Marched from Peterwitz to Prausnitz a distance of 18kms. We remained at Prausnitz from the 1st to the 5th of February. On the 1st we were issued with 680 loaves of bread and 37 5kg lots of margarine, while on February 3rd we were issued with a further 112 5kg lots of margarine, 250 loaves, 100kgs of sugar 200kgs of flour (potato flour) and 150kgs of barley. On February 4th the issue 12was 250 loaves of bread. On the night of the 4th February. The Commandant visited the farm and read out an order from the OKW to the effect that five men were to be released and would be liberated at the very first opportunity. The purpose of this edict we were unable to understand. February 5th. Before we left we were issued with 500 loaves of bread, 95kgs of margarine and 520 small tins of meat. We were marched from Prausuitz to Goldberg a distance of 8kms. On arrival at Goldberg we were put into railway cattle trucks on average of 56 men to each truck - (these trucks were supposed to carry 10 cheveaux or 40 hommes - 10 horses or 40 men). By this time there were numerous cases of dysentery but fecilities for men to attend to personal hygiene did not exist. Most of us had no water whatsoever on the train journey for another two days. When we were let out of the trucks to relieve ourselves guards ordered and forced us back inside again and we had as a result to be continuously trying to get permission to get out for this purpose. We were on this train to the moming of the 8th of February. As a result of the march and the deplorable conditions meant the morale was extremely low indeed. We were all suffering from extreme degrees of malnutrition and a very vicious outbreak of dysentty. There were numerous cases of various degrees of frostbite and other ailments, As a whole we were alll quite unfit for any further moving - food and better conditions were very urgently required, We left Bankau with no Red Cross supplies and throughout the march all rations were very short issued. Itis interesting to note that a total of 2924 loaves of bread were issued for about 1500 men to last 24 days. After the first few days on the road most of us managed to make during the few spare hours at our disposal, crude but workable sieighs which served us well to carry the odd bit of spare kit whilst the roads stayed frozen. Others, unable to make sleighs were obliged owing to a combination of their steadily weakening condition coupled fo the weight of there own odds and ends, had to throw away much of their personal kit many even taking the drastic steps of throwing away their blankets. After the River Odir had been crossed and the shortage of food was really taking effect, keen bartering was the order of the day although prices were rather odd. For example my Rolex wrist watch fetched from a French P.o.W out on a Kommando, 4131-1500g loaf of bread, 5 French pain d’epice, 1 pkt of dried onions and a small packet of biscuits - shared between 6 of us this did not amount to much. Other watches, some much better than mine however were sold for as little as 1 loaf of bread yet others again managed much better deals. Along with the shortage of rations the shortage of cigarettes was also keenly felt. Oh the joy of a draw from a scrounged butt of a cigarette made of mint tea rolled in a bit of tissue paper. Itis interesting to note that approximately 1650 men left Bankau and we picked up a further 30 on January 30th from Stalag 344, Numerous were detached here and ) there for medical reasons and many, many more were just lost in the snow. On arrival at Luckenwalde the tally was 720 - there is no known record of the remainder except about 12 of our men who managed to join another camps evacuation march from Lamsdorf going northward to Rostock and survived, and a few, very few, who at Sagan were detached for medical reasons and attached to the Stalag in that town, Of the 91 long term prisoners (over three years in captivity) transferred to Bankau from Hohenfels in September 1944, only § were lost, Has this figure any relationship to the mental attitude of this group? To them the march was the beginning of the end, to the others the end of the beginning. (This part was written in Luckenwalde March / April 1945) Liberation came just in time for many of the men in the various camps. The German "population itself was starving and the prisoner came a poor second for any food supplies. Desperate men were squabbling and fighting amongst themselves, standards of washing and personal cleanliness were a long term low. They were close to breaking point, close to death. Then, the Russians, the Americans, the British depending where you were, came. Our lot had to be the Russians - the 711th Hussars a Ukrainian tank unit and not such a bad lot of men either. They were sympathetic, helpful as much as the circumstances let then but they too living off the land for food and none came our way from them, our liberators. The Yanks were only 30 odd miles west of us over the river Elbe but no movement by us in that westerly direction was permitted. 14Anyone going westward from Luckenwalde was shot on sight. In search of food we could go as far eastward as we liked using ex-German Army trucks, mainly Mercedes diesel, and what fuel we could find. There were still somewhere between 516000 men in Luckenwalde (the total was never counted) and food in quantity was essential. The Kiwis and country bred Australians formed the spearhead of the searchers, checking every building, farm shed and barn for live stock; cattle, pigs, horses and poultry. These were killed and cleaned on the spot. Other groups searched houses, shops and other buildings looking for hidden food or forgotten army food dumps, and finding all manner of foodstuffs to supplement the meat. We even got the civilian bakery in Luckenwalde, working, baking up a rather unique bread made from a mixture of potato and green pea flour but no yeast. A queer - bread but nevertheless eatable. And so we survived for the next 6/7 weeks. Unfortunately for us, the Hussars were moved northward on the final siege of Berlin after being with us for about 10 days - they were replaced to our ultimate dismay a unit of Mongolian backup troops. There are no words in the English language that could describe fully. They were just completely deplorable, not quite human, very savage pigs in all respects and this description is complimentary to them. Nothing for them to shoot anyone they saw, P.0.W or civilian, for no reason whatsoever, and laugh while doing it. God help anyone wearing a ring - they would chop off the finger concemed to s dup the effort of getting it and again shoot if any resistance. ‘They were worse than the worst Germans and that in itself is saying a lot. ) Toward the middle of May a group of American and British war correspondents were allowed to come to Luckenwalde to photograph and interview whoever they wished. What happened to their reports when they returned to the American sector is still a mystery - no one has seen or read any report from this group. Late May a very large convoy of US trucks driven by an all Negro unit arrived to uplift all US and Commonwealth personnel. They were allowed to contact us and even stay overnight after which they were escorted back to the Elbe with fully armed Russian troops both in each cab, and on each tray, It transpired that we were being held by the Russians as hostages to ensure that all Russian personnel, civilian and troops were returned to the Russian sector whether they wanted to go or not. in time both the British and the Americans agreed to this. 15The result was that on the 26th May the Russians themselves provided transport back to the Elbe where we were handed over fo the Americans and so back to England. The war was over at last but the last battle was yet to be fought. Yes, we were among the last of the larger groups to return from confinement on the continent but even so the English still had not accepted the problems associated patticutarly with long term prisoners-ofwar. The arrogance, the orass and thoughtless stupidity of some of the desk-ype English military personnel has to be experienced before it can be appreciated and much later in retrospect, laughed at. Even by time we got back to England and despite the many thousands who had ) preceded us, they still hadn't really make up their minds whether we should be treated as men with psychiatric problems or soldiers/aimen who had a soft time! A good example of thoughtless, stupid thinking was a medical check we were supposed to have at the Grand Hotel, Brighton. We were requested to strip down to underpants and enter the MO's room one at a time on request. The first in the queue entered as required - was these for about 10 seconds then came rushing out yelling, “The clots - the MO is a woman!” And here we were, all younger men most of whom had not even seen a woman for up to 3-4 years, sent fo line up for a complete physical check by a woman! How thoughtless can one get? Psychological and psychiatric problems certainly were apparent in fairly large —~ quantities and in widely varying degrees. They left disoriented, uncertain, perhaps ashamed, a bit bolshie, somewhat paranoid, awkward with strangers particularly women, fearful of impotency, restless, irritable, unable to sleep, resentful of civilians they saw had become self-centred and advantaged during their enforced absence. Many were paranoid to the extent they just could not fit back into the civilian life they had enjoyed before the war, maitiages collapsed, employers did not want to re-employ, there whole attitude was along these lines. For all that, many very positive aspects also came out of these years of confinement. Many, many P.o.W's emerged more tolerant, compassionate, understanding of the human psyche, of themselves, of others of other races, more caring, more sharing, more comradly. None came back from these encounters in 16favour of war - many entered the church or became peace activists and most certainly more returned with notions that war is fun. Many suffered over the after years, mentally and physically. ‘The anxiety of the time had its effects later in life in the form of gross medical problems and in many cases the premature death. War solves nothing. | was so anti-German in the years immediately after the war | think { could have willingly killed any | might have met, but now, years later, | feel shocked that | even felt that way. | wouldn’t go back to war again, my conscience would not let me. But now ! look with apprehension on how, even we, all spending millions of dollars on ornaments to try and kill our possible enemies quicker and | realise what a paradox is this world in which we live. | refer to that period in Bankau and exit therefrom. There were 28 New Zealanders in this camp and all of us came through that exodus march back to Luckenwalde. Those twenty eight | record now. Geoffrey Allen wid NZ404489 John Burgess FISgt NZ421003 James Boyd FiSgt NZ424966 David Carmichael Sat NZ420980 Kim Cemmetti wid NZ402225 Sydney Cohen FiSgt Nza21023 Ronald Clarke wid NZ422360 Thirlstone Komer Sat 1392729 Graham Dareant FI8gt NZ416243 William Dashwood wo NZ401374 Geoffrey Flay FiSgt Nza2 164 Robert Gundy FiSgt Colin Greig FiSat NZ422280 Leslie Hill Fisgt NZ426999 William Hayman wo NZ403448 7Frank Hitehcock FiSat NZ431072 ‘Arthur Kemp FiSgt NZ414638 Clive Ryell wid NZ473866 John Sanderson FISgt NZ434525 William Swinton FiSgt NZAT4698 Trevor League FiSgt Nz427082 Graham Scott Sat NZ401737 Jack Wilcox FiSat Nzazi244 Wiliam Rauder FISgt NZ424480 Robert Parkinson F/Sgt NZ425193 David De Rengy wo NzZ416781 James Davidson F/Sgt NZ426187 cae Dick Blackstop FiSgt Nza01a? | *Pages 10 - 18 of this narrative are an exact, unabridged copy of my diary, written in Luckenwalde immediately after the march from brief notes kept during the incident. AP.o.W's Thoughts on Sex Isn't it funny that sex always rears its presence no matter where you are, and, when applied to a prisoner of war, although peculiar, it still played a big part of their life. Between the Services, that is Army, Navy and Air Force it was quite different! The Army and Navy were indoctrinated by their long petiods in the field where they became more or less used to a detached life form compared with the Air Force, at least those operating from the UK. To the RAF they were used to, after each foray, to a life of clean sheets and pillows on good beds and of course had close contact with WAAFs and even local people living close by. The Army and Navy personnel were also an older age group with a far greater percentage married. The actual subject of sex very seldom came to the fore - the mere thought of it seemed to disappear in direct ratio to the lack of physical fitness for the first 9 to 12 months of confinement and even then we just did not talk about it very much - we just did not want to. 18Never the less our inward mail plus our various theatre shows kept us aware of that ‘other’ life. Talking of mail, the Army folk seemed to come off second best with their “Dear John “ letters. Of the married personnel in Stalag 383 alone, these would have been between 50 to 60% of marriage break ups! Staggering isn’t it. Of the Air Force personnel totalling 92 in this camp only 11 were married and none of these collapsed whilst they were in prison camp. Why? Memories were also revived by various theatre productions and their presentation. | was a theatrical make-up artist (hobby only) but our group of make-up artists did a tremendous job in converting men into very attractive and presentable females for these shows and even this had its humorous side. No one made up as a female, ‘were, for very obvious reasons, allowed to leave the theatre for any reason what so ever and that included even urgent calls to the toilet. Special provisions ware made behind stage for these “girls”. This comprised of a 44 gallon drum cut in half - can you imagine the laughter of the stage hands on seeing these impeccably attractive girls facing up to a % drum and lifting their dress up waist hight! It just did not seem right. 1940 - 50 YEARS AGO Jan 1990 REFLECTIONS There is an entry in that flight log book in front of me, Perhaps | had better give it, its full name - Form 414 - Royal New Zealand Air Force - PILOT'S FLYING LOG BOOK. That entry reads 1940 - July 2 - DH82 No706 - (1st Pilot) - Flo Lambert - (Pupil) Seif - (Exercise) Air Experience - (Time) 50 minutes, and then 54 hours 15 minutes later an Assessment being Pilot-Average, _ Navigator-Average, Instrument-Average. That was my time at Taeri E.F.T.S. A ghost in my past How old was I? 18, that's all, A little scared of aeroplanes but never the less completely enthralled by them. Yes, a bit fearful of flight but equally fearful that | might fail to be a pilot. That is not in itself a light load for a very young lad in wartime.A fellow came to talk to us. A Flight Lieutenant wearing RAF wings and with the ribbon of a DFC on his jacket below those wings. Limping and one arm utterly useless, bum marks on one side of his face - a survivor, about 24 years old. A living “fighter pilot’ although he might not fly again. A survivor, of relic if you like, of some air battle late 1939. Never the less, a God almost in our eyes. There he stood before us - miles above us - another kind of species - another kind of man. HE had flown hurricanes! That beautiful fighter. That fighter that held the Luftwaffe at arms length, one of the toughest and greatest aeroplanes ever built, and there he was, close enough to touch, talking to us. “Get onto fighters boys if you can. Its a special honour and one not all of you will adapt to - but if you can, get onto fighters. We were boys, young very young men. Not long out of short pants many of them. Some straight out of school into the Air Force. For some, that is all there was of life \ ) - some were dead before there was time for anything else. While others go on dying, even today, 50 years later, because of it. Of the 127 of us who entered the Air Force in May 1940 not all reached their goal of Pilot. | think if | remember correctly 97 actually reached that point and were all posted overseas. Some to Singapore, some to UK. Some were picked as single engine pilots (possible fighters) and others as multi-engine pilots. 1 was with the latter with an ATS assessment of MB Pilot - average; and Pilot - Navigator - above average. Through an operational training unit - Not6OTU - upper heyford - where for some ~- >) unknown reason | was held back as @ Pilot Instructor for a while and on to a real squadron - No 108. Coningsby where Hampdens - those old flying tadpoles - were the order of the day. When you start an operational tour it was very much indeed an emotional experience, People vary very widely, some feel pressures less than others, but your very own spirit was very private indeed, you never shared it nor ever talked about it. Not at anytime - not even to that most special girl you might have. Chivalry and bravado were not dead but the division of sexes was very clear. The boy-irl relationship was almost a game of set procedures and rules. Rarely was it honest in present day terms of honesty. It was a pose, a posturing if you like, not that these 20have gone out of fashion today, but the poses of that time would be loudly off key if young people tried to assume them today. Progress? I wonder. When a boy put on that uniform, when he identified himself as aircrew with that white flash, he seemed to grow a few inches and strutted just a little. It reflected off to the girl on his arm. His clean cut character, his grooming (did you even hear of the Bryloream boys), his bearing seemed to lift him - and her - above the crowd, Through him she was aircrew too, and through him she fought too. | am not making a moral judgement when | say this, but the boy and his girl were the products of their time, shaped by circumstances or need or propaganda of the centuries, in other words, tailored to the year and the day. It was just not done for a well bred boy to ) choose home oF life before war. To choose aircrew, to pass the necessary stringent physical tests, to meet the demanding Ievel of intelligence and aptitude, to volunteer for the high risk of death by violence and fire was to receive the communities seal of approval. What actually went on in your mind was neither proper to discuss nor reveal. So history wrote itself and everyone allowed it to happen. As aircrew it was expected of him to assume a mark of bravery and dash and calm. He was popularly believed to be fearless. Actually there was much confusion between bravery and fearlessness - too many people regarded the two qualities as the same. It was never made clear to him that bravery was over coming fear. Sometimes you would stay awake at night trying to assess if he was a coward or — ypot, stunned by what he had done, a little apprehensive of that what he may be called upon to do, can he do it? Can he cope with it? When it came to the pinch would he break? Some did break - some did not. That very first operational flight was @ hurdle. It stood before you a mile high and like @ cliff of stainless steel, Fellows who had done 10-16 trips you regarded as saints and with awe, with wonderment, What wisdom, what greatness were theirs. As one found out later they too ached for the future, the almost unattainable, the almost infinite. That 30 operational trip barrier, when the death sentence would expire and they would be set free until called up for their second round some six months later. 24G It was said that there were two trips when danger was the most extreme - the first and the last. There was little to choose the difference in the odds between them. But you had to start before this began. When | went to the squadron it was “one of those times” when losses were particularly high, about 20% of aircrew loss on each operation. You get on well with the bloke in the next bed, you know him well for a week but you woke one morning and he was gone. He was too young to die. So was |, So were all of us. You waited, numbed, for that first operation. In my case you waited to form a crew. Coming as | did from OTU as a pilot only | had to pick up other individuals trained in their particular trade to make up a crew. A navigator/observer, a Wireless operator/ air gunner, rear gunner - three critical boys, probably survivors of other, now passed on crews. Three chaps who had to virtually live together, fly together, do almost everything together for those 30 trips at least. Chaps you had not met before, probably completely different in education, upbringing, background, age - you name it- completely different in every way. Who would they be? Could you work together, fly together, play together? Meantime you prayed. Just to make certain God was on your side. You made sure you wore your Christopher medal at all times. Mine was around my ankle at all times (who said necklaces around one’s ankle was the moder in thing). Some made sure they had a highly polished steel mirror in a pocket over their heart! And you continued to pray. Young men of my background and upbringing did not require psychiatrists in those days - | think they hadn't even been invented. One's faith was simple, one’s trust was intact. Was that why we did not confide totally in each other? In retrospect | wonder. First thing in the moming the operations list would be pinned to the mess notice board. Each morning you checked it, waiting for that call, uncertain whether you wanted to face it now or not at all. Then it came and with it the appalling sense of Now. 221) Captains Name- Me 2) Navigator = - ~—-R Rousseau 3) WOP/AG = - — AHorseman 4) RiGunner =~ AAnderson 1) ANew Zealander now almost 20 years of age - Captain of an aircraft to fly from Cruingsby to Frankfurt-an-Maine, some 7 hours - about 950 miles there and back - at night. Once away from UK no visual help whatsoever. st operational flight. What faith these other three characters, completely unknown to each other must have in me. fall people. 2) R for Roger Rouseau, Royal Canadian Airforce, especially trained as a navigator/observer. English his 2nd language, like me, very new indeed to the “game”. Age 20. 3) Arthur Horseman, RAF, wireless operator/air gunner - has had one trip, so knows little of what is ahead. 32 years of age - the oldest aircrew member on the squadron. Married - 2 children. What motivates him? and why? Or is it just another incidence of the English hold over their own people. Do it, or... This is one aspect of the English way of things that no colonial could ever accept or even vaguely understand. Fairly broad accent of the “Black County’. Kingston near Birmingham his life long home. 4) Andy Anderson, Air Gunner, from the slums of Glasgow. Tough, unbending, uneducated, typical slum type Glaswegen. Very broad, scotch speech. What a mixed bag. At first glance probably the most silly mix of people that could be found, to make up @ crew. A bombing crew, that, in itself was completely dependable on the ability to trust each in all circumstances, to rely on each other in times of strife, to even play together when not flying but understanding each other to know when to keep together or go one’s own way for an hour or so. 23A reasonably mild, early summers night. Warm, clammy when all togged up awaiting transport. But so dark out there, so unsympathetic; a long way to go in full gear with a parachute strapped on and a Mae West to the transport when it called. We'd already had our pre-flight rations. Special stuff. Bacon and eggs but not much bacon. Sometimes if you were lucky and quick enough you might get a second helping. Lights were dim in the aircrew mess, small, intimate, private as if here only saints and angles sat. Every time | sat down to a pre-flight, | was a little uneasy almost as though it was in time borrowed and the loan was running out. Time has passed on and | cannot help but think of my crew members and what has happened to them. Arthur (Dob) Horseman - Wireless Operator/Air Gunner - RAF Arthur returned to his family at Kingston (about 10 miles north of Birmingham) where he took over his father's business in transport associated with coal mining in the district. Regrettably, he died of a severe heart attack early 1959 Emie Moore - Air Gunner - RAF Emie was a relief gunner on this last trip. He came from Birmingham itself. In 1964 he came to NZ on a holiday but on return to U.K., he too had a heart attack and died, a Roger Rousseau - Navigator - Canadian Air Force Roger had a most interesting life after the war. On return to Canada he passed a law degree at University and joined the Canadian Foreign Affairs Department and went on to various countries in Africa as the Canadian representative. He was recalled from this service to take on the job as Secretary/Manager/Organiser of the Montreal Olympics and was knighted in the peculiar Canadian manner as His Excellency Mr Roger Rousseau. In 1981 he was appointed as the Canadian Ambassador to NZ and of course we again met up at that time. Unfortunately he developed in 1983 a major cancer of the retina which caused his death shortly after. 24WHAT HAPPENED TO THEM? The main facts of this part have been compiled by an American James D Sanders who is a free lance writer and who has researched missing World War II P.o.W's for many years. Part of the information here was published on Page F4, Tuesday August 9th, 1988 in the Washington Times. Other information has been handed on to me over many years by investigators from USA - Canada - England - Wales - and the British Channel Islands in the form of letters and phone calls. They are all trying to find out what happened to some 20,000 American and 10,000 British P.o.W's who seem to have disappeared off the face of the earth, into Soviet hands and being very quietly abandoned by their respective governments. Stalin demanded from the West the return of Allied soldiers and airmen under his control the forced repatriation of tens of thousands Cossacks, Ukrainians, Russians and other nationalities even those who fought the Soviets as soldiers in the German army. He did not want these many visible, dedicated and often highly organised enemies to remain outside his control. Most of the American and British P.o.W hostages were in Austria (not all as quite a few were in Luckenwalde about 60 k's south of Berlin) and in the British occupied portion of Austria there were some 46,000 Cossacks renowned warriors and violently anti-Communist. Apparently one day after the Leipjig Agreement went into effect, a high ranking British official possibly Winston Churchill or Harold MacMillan gave oral orders that all officers attached to the Cossack formation were to be handed over to the Soviets ~ this was about May 24th, 1945 - this included even those who had left Russia when the communists took over more than two decades ago. Lord Bethel also reports that the British order stated and | quote "‘it is of the utmost importance that all officers and particularly senior commanders are rounded up and not allowed to escape. The Soviet forces consider this as being of the highest importance and will probably regard the safe delivery of the officers as a test of good 25faith.” The US State Department concurred with the British on the forced Cossack repatriation. In exchange for the Cossacks the Soviets returned 2,000 British P.o.W's according to Harold MacMillan memoirs - the R.A.F. contingent of which | was one of about 400 were released from Stalag IIIA at Luckenwalde. There were about 3,000 Americans in this camp - they were not released but more about this group later. It appears that there were 60,000 American prisoners in Poland and Eastern Germany under the control of the Red Army, but, according to archive documents only 28,662 of these Americans were returned from Red Army control. If the figures emerging from the archives are correct, thousands of American and British P.o.W's from World War Il were just abandoned never to be heard of again! Tens of thousands of Russian anti-Communists were betrayed as well. The devastating reality is that democracy let them all down, every one of them. | mentioned 3,000 Americans left behind in Stalag IA Luckenwalde when our smallish contingent of RAF prisoners were handed over to the Americans at a crossing over the River Elbe. These 3,000 also just disappeared, where, who or what happened to them is anybody's guess. It is this 3,000 that has caused over the years such a flow of queries from investigators, historians from all over the world. My answer is plain - have not idea. 26Extract from a book “Seize the Reckless Wind" written by John Gordon Davis The theme is actually based on and about Rhodesia before it left the Commonweatth, slightly modified. “Like empty vessels they make the most noise. At no time have we had the opportunity to hear one vista of pride from our own pakeha brothers about their achievements in spreading Christian civilization. No pride whatsoever that Great Britain sent her best sons out to the comers of the earth to bring science and civilization to people who had not yet discovered the wheell Medicine to people who \ >) perished from simple ailments. Law and order to people who slaughtered and enslaved each other in intercine tribal warfare! Agricultural science to people who only scratched a living from the soil and often suffered from malnutrition. Economics to people who only knew about barter. British justice to places that had no justice at all, where people settled their differences by spear, or at best had only primitive tribunals which admitted the vaguest hearsay evidence and at which the accused had to prove his innocence, We have heard no pride in these sons of England who brought all the values of the English public school and Oxford and Cambridge to create an efficient and incorruptible administration where before there was none, to build roads, railways, harbours and airports where before there was literally nothing, who brought the telegraph and radio to places where the only communication was ‘= *yby mouth and by drum - who brought democracy to places where the chiefs word was law What has happened? | ask you has the British European youth become such a bunch of longhaired lily livered, milk and water lefties that they feel apologetic for the deeds of their gutsy forefathers. We have heard not one word of acknowledgement of these benefits from our non-British brothers-In-law benefits which enable them to enjoy a freedom of speech they wouldn't dare employ in their own country without this background of British law ~ all we have heard is black ingratitude: if it wasn't for British colonial policy they wouldn't be here today - as they would still be running about in loin cloths. 2Soy? MAK OWES rego. aouenpe ueouawy-vug a4) Kome sxoyy <— aauvape ueissny oyanp piemsom ano > (ieydsou) naezey] + sopueunwoysyoqly wuabeag © FIO WS Sy eee ad py epueye Ink ovTMIS HOWZUNM S¥Ile BeyOQs0seeig = 2 6 Being ¥ wowu3eia vit Sb-PP6E‘ANVINSD NIuWM dO SHANOSIUd a. 7 sinogse. 4O SLNAINAAOW " : aON Syqovido om, Jam svIge¥ x ew tauamovwis SuaeznauH Ve Le Ls oe < Son Se se bie eee ZION OTIS 3S em qnvi1od MVSUYM woul vax OVIVIS Bingueyh Song XX SVTVIS, aaa Coney SN ea enn ate Ayam avs = a: wea Ste S bastuood WUZAF pow Yo 1 the ebveuie ae Hs see Esbjerds SSE Sh‘ itendean Fron Onte ies wren os op: Ranturs 710 Yo 1623 UiLdeuhait. Experienced engine Fatiure 15-16 Joa 19622 2-6 2 Set ‘over the target and en rotucn tho orev mot vary war Se Tounsend . Sat T Cousn . W pettow Ste HL Taylor ; ee Macon F/O M Yon Dadelezen MIRAE + Sut Coot P/O VL Behe Rea ‘ SEE ILE cantaner Set 46 Brastey 75 b Savage HOA : ertington 1 sos a copie : Beate, ‘Set TD Lowi Ser ing F/O Kumi | rovrwany 1946. 204 san 1 usar ere See 08 Adams $e (s50 detection aupden £ AES 0c Op: waubmee . cee e euatt ieee ieemeesstst-eactnciaaenests taeeeiaa “I tusnert OFC REAP in) 4/0 171 Valdecton. Ceashed 0260 at Balefoot, “ yo e'c wamseay-smeun tte B/S 0 4 Baneing * 13 nice Sit oF Coezericky Yorkshire. Soe R.8 U opeseing : See JR aypheny * nore NEAT vas nistttea to the NSLLESEY : Sec We tae : Skt H Sones 4 fogpttat at esteeriek * 19 ae Mornington Ye 21045 via Ops tosburs 204 Sa wotineto 210 7'C copeion feat + Jo 1810 Hildonbat2. Damaged by’ eneay.setion and i : See J ines Sue LG Fowoll NCAP + hile retuening to base beth engines fatled due Skt J U turner uenr : Sue k & Com 5} elt ingeon erashed 6210 ta " Spe DE Besciey REAP + "The two. Suevivors were in} ‘ t aa)A : : 20.1.1942, ) Z a it Stocteangohérigkeit-Neuseelander ang: Sgt. 7 Name: 7 - - Dashwoo 4, Willian, Storrier : . Jerconulbes Figurs mittel Sher 5,10 5 . ter: 20 cht: 12.10 dglforn: Lnglich tefarbe: blass~ - . Ropfbedeciung Strimpie : “Hend” é ; SchuheNr. gras DASHWOOD: =| oisitmats Sey ba if villian: oct ca vermine NS sg wnetson Resbyher |" Ewaweiie Grinpes. su : ant Gaining tad ort 6: 81921 Nad daaleanel aivitenuts Baukcbeaun aim 2 i Militivisde Ausbildung: < Vorname dés Vaters: He = Fuinilenname der Mutiéss” “03-28 U4 se eee 1 - f- ‘|. Beférderunge ‘Verheiratet pier KKM Fe ee eee Rinder:“* “Versetzungen: v : par ee ) : Matrikelounmes: NZ* Yola3us - Gofangeimahme (Wann? “Wo? Nuhere Umstinde): ~ - a 7 SpEviguz Danenark-~ Teibia = Wahere Personalbeschreibung AF Gréfe- | Baarlarbe: Gewicht rediien Zeigetiagers Becondere Rennzeicien: [7 ‘|7 Name und Ansdnift der Angebirigen: — | Matter, 1H Dashwoool [7] SRese St Marton NewSeclau [7] Brauk: Migs E,Wilgon Yosagh oll Rd Boston. Ewgl.cl is'[i?{1s [10 | 20 21 22 [25 | 2625] ‘Befifang bee Cctesbungsmacte G yes oe usm: Stalaa V i Beet Stoctsangehbrighit: BRITASH.LNEw.2éALAND.)." s{slalslels so [rofl [ss fra[s| Perfonalkarte [: perfonelle Mngaben 90.09 2 ‘Sriegsqefangenen-Gtamminger: .Stalag-VILA- MAME! en DASA IOD o g : 7 S| sGornamé: MA AMAM... STORRIER, Dienfiguad: ALERT. Henn.Ven ant 3 : ‘Beuppentels RMB Ae Love oon KOM. Uy E Pore} Gebutising und vort: 78-2. WANG ANUE, Saupe E i. a” = Qioilberufs ARAM BEMATER... Bet HBE contr x | Religion: ES BYTERIPN cue eet ern eee Mabite He. Gtansee bt SrnetRace: MZKOUS FL... 5 | Bomame bes Baiers: Wena cacy.Zaed..WEN RY! Grfangematne (Ot w8 Daten): LORIE ATA = | Gamilienname ber Mutter:...... ORRIAR 6 gefuunb, teant, vernmunbet eingeliefert 2”... BASED aun o bith Rahere Derfonaldefgreibung | > [esi | Sgarete | Setonbere Renmseiens 7 = nko | LE nt og 7 ingested © Ree und Sofie bre gu eoachelhiganben Deron i bee Senat| ee eechten! Relgeragees bes Seegagefaagenen GemE8 Schreiben des Headquarters’ R.N.2.A.F. London v.29.12.43 ist Dienstgrad: Warrant Officer. noBuyag, “24g aysmusbumuuayID Jag Bundles TauRnNg(lal ere Personalkarte I: Personelle Angaben Ee 25) 10 ua fre |s9 | [15] 16] 27| 28 [29 | 20 | a] | 23 | 26 ‘Boschung der Eekonnngemarks NB Leger: Stake VIL AA Staatsangehérigkeit: Wer - Seland. Dienstgrad: Lest»... W¥LO. : Truppenteil: NA E Kom, usw. Pe tet™ 2ivitberut, Baer ko$ la tBerufs.Ge Matrikel Nr. (sammie des Heinostnnes 2A OLE FY Gefangennahme (or unt Datny: WaME..AP A 46S Kriegsgefang. Lager Nr. 3 d, Lw. (Oflag Luft 3) Name: DAS HYV.0.0.0 Vorname: Wi Reaiaae Sb L Geburtsiag und -ort:..6s8 i. Whagneni Religion : ...Kare styl Ry oom, Vorname des Vaters: Willan defen. Hs Familignname der Mutter. SAPYIRES suse | Ob gesund, krank, verwundet elngelicfere geet ~Liehtbild Nahere Personalbeschreibung Gime | Haare Besondere Kennzeichen: Name und Anichrit der ne henachvichlgenden Person in der Helmet des Kregsgofangencn _TS Kriegsgefangenen Beschriftung der Erkennungsmarke Nr. Bemerkungen: ) : retsonalbeschréibung ae ie Figg: Ghbante : : Grae 7486 eer: 239, | Gesichisform: Lange Gesichtsfarbe: pw Schédelform: | grt, : Guaescaae Aligen: . fig fee gente: “Nase: i 2a dL, te : ; aH GebiBs oe Y pitas : - : : 7 Heare: . Abeta Bart: | — Gewicht: EEE ag: Besondere Merkmale: se = Deutsche Sprachkenntnisse: =i | a i PW 5 } i he | - SY Tape - | RING "G§p HO Goo! Vor H_NOWDS STL \fepatriated. : ae | MINISTRY _ OF FOOD "~~ RESO | ‘Name of Pat (i ‘And shout Date. J.2. Gr. n8e. “TAKE, THIS CERTIFICATE WITH YOUR RATION’ BOOK TO YOUR FOOD OFFICE,doom No: seeMoWEiL exoverstERe4OT —BcoRD omeIOM, Tekgarti kia RECORDS TELEX, GLOUCESTER. ROYAL AIR FORGE, Anycommuionins oe fublegt of this liter Shout De adireeet to GLOUCESTER. AIR OFFICER ife RECORDS, Saeed “Astiress as eppesit, Dote..285h January 1942 sed the following number usted ‘Your Ret: O7/NZ. 401374 Dear Medan, In confirmation of my cablegram of : the 18th January 1942, I regret to inform you thet your son, No. NZ. 401374 Sergeant William Storrier DASHWOOD, of No. 106 Squadron, Royal Air Force, is Bissing, the airereft of which he was the pilot - having felled to return to its bese on the 15th January 1942 after an operational flight. : This does not necessarily mean that ‘he is kilied or wounded. I will communicate with you again immediately I have any further news and would de i obliged 17 you, on your part, would write to me should you hear enything of your son from unofficial sources. = May I assure you of the sympathy of the Royel Air Force with you in your anxiety. T an, t Dear Madam, j Your obedient Servant, i 1 7) focbir Commodore, a 7 air Officer 1A Charge Air Ministry Records. irs. J.M, Dashwood, 8 Ross Street, Marton, NEW ZEALAND, !Ho. 106 Squadron, Royal Air Foree, Coningsby, Lincs. 21nt Jamary, 19h2. 1068/10/55- Dear Mrs. Dashwood, I om writing to express my sympathy at the anxiety you must be feeling upon receipt of the news that your son hag been reported missing. He was Pilot of an aircraft which left here on the night of the 15th Jamary to carry out a raid on an important target in- Hamburg, It is regretted ‘that he did not return. fo messages were received fron the aircraft after it had left its base, and it must be assumed thet it vas destroyed by enemy ground defences or by a night fighter, It 1s possible, of course, thet the aircrart forced-landed, or that the crew escaped by parachute and are safe, although prisoners of war, %e 211 hope thet this is the case, Any-news concerning him will come from the International Red Cross Society who are doing splendid work in keeping us informed of the fate of our flying crews. Should you desire to write direct, I az sure a letter to the following addrese will receive aympathetic conaideration :~ ‘The Wounded, iissing,and Relatives Departacnt, British Red Cross Society, 7, Belgreve Square, London, 8.46 Daring the months your son served in my squadron he made twenty-one operational flights with great succese and had won for himself a reputation.of 2 brilliant end daring Pilot. Ne all appreciate the motives which prompted hin to cone all the way from New Zesland to help the Nother country in the hour of need, and I can-assure you that we sre grateful for ‘the splendid service which he rendered, Personel effects will be forvarded as soon as possible to the Uentral Depository by whom they cannot be Peleased until compliance with the Zegimental Debts Act. Regarding this, the Comittee will commmicate direct with ~ you in due course. Once again, both personally, end on behalf of the whole squadron, I offer my deepest sympethy. Youre sincerely, wing Commander Commanding Mire. JH. Dashwood, Bo. 106 Sous: ReA.Pe 6 Ross Street, Harton, Hew zealand,‘Telephone No,: SPRINGWELL (GLOUCESTER)2497 — RECORD OFFICE, Telegraphic Adéress " RECORDS TELEX, GLOUCESTER, ROYAL ATR FORCE, “Any communications on the ‘gubjest of this lolier shou Bilin oe GLOUCESTER. AIR OFFICER ifo RECORDS. Adress as opposite, andthe following ouraber ‘quoted =~ 7 Your Ret C7 /NZ/ 401374 pear Medam, i i In confirmation of my cablegram of the 30th January 1942, according to information received from the International Red Gross Society your son, NZ/401374 Sergeant William Storrier DASHWOOD, of No, 106 Squadron, Royal Air Force, previously reported 'missing' is now reported a prisoner of war. ‘ The location of the prison camp is not yet known, but this information will be forwarded to you as soon as received.- Instructions for communicating with prisoners of war aré enclosed herewith. I an, Dear Madam, : Your obedient Servant, ‘air Commodore, ‘Air Officer in Charge Air Ministry Records.- Urs, Dashwood, 8 Ross Street, Marton, 7 New Zealand.Acts) if mens neren to [Sheen one ae er. Wo ee | 5/2/2008. In. AIR DEPARTMENT, WELLINGTON c.1 28th February, 1942, Dear Madam, I have to advise that official information has been received from the Internationel Red Cross, Geneva, stating that your son, Sergeant William Storrier Dashwood, R.NeZ.AsF., is now a prisoner of war at RAF, Dulag Luft, Germany. As yet no prisoner-of-war number has been received but this will be forwarded immediately on receipt. Yours faithfully, ABRs \ TP TAIR_SECRETARY, a AR SER Mrs, J.H, Dashwood, : 8 Ross Street, TONMy Crew - Emie Moore (Réar Gunner) - Arthur Horseman (WOP/AG) - Myself - Roger Rousseau (Navigator)A Guard Tower - Stalag 383 Hohenfels a A view of 383 from a tower ‘The Yanks overhead - July 1944 The spectators at a sports day at 383,Dinner time - Luckenwalde - March 1944 A Russian truck taking us to the handover to the Yanks ‘At Hallé/Leipzig on 26th Mayah. attached documents are a copy and translation from a Danish publication (dated 2001) as described below:- FRA RIBE AMT 2001 Bind XXV111-3 UDGIVET AF HISTORISK SAMFUND FOR RIBE AMT 2001 Pages 383 to 390 Flystyrtet ved Nordenskoy den 15, Janvar 1942 written by:- Soren Flensted (translated from Danish to English by Mrs. Helle R. Gilderdale of Auckland). ) There is one peculiar translation. In Danish, “sergeant” is the equivalent of a pilot officer (likewise in German “Feldwebel” appears to be the same rank). Alll four of the crew of Hampden P1341 were, at that night, all non-commissioned officers with the rank @ of sergeant. In the pipeline back in U.K., with the change of 106 squadron to a Lancaster squadron in the very near offing, both Sgt. Dashwood and Sgt. Rousseau were “on the list” to being Warrant Officers, This rank was given them late 1942.The Plane Crash at Nordenskov 15 January 1942 On Thursday 15 Jan, 1942, eleven Hampclen planes of the 106” squadron at Conningsby, Lincolnshire were planning to join 84 planes from other squadrons in an attack on Hamburg. Take-off was scheduled for between 16.35 and 17.30, but there were several complications. Technical problems prevented two planes from taking off, one crashed immediately after take-off, and two others returned within an hour because of engine problems. Pilot officer William Storrier Dashwood took off in the Hampden P 1341 at 17.10. Apart fiom Dashwood, from the New Zealand air force, the crew consisted of the navigator, pilot officer Roger O. R. Rousseau, from the Canadian air force, and the two Englishmen, the radio operator, pilot officer Arthur W. Hlorsemann, and the gunner, pilot officer Emest A. Moore from the RAF. This was the twenty-second operational expedition of the experienced crew - the ‘average number of expeditions for this squadron was only 4 to 5. This plane’s mission was to drop markers which other planes would then bomb. It ‘was operations such as these that later led to the setting up of the so-called Path Finder Squadrons, On 15 Jan. Dashwood’s plane was one of three that wore intended to drop markers 10 to 12 minutes before the bombers got there. The markers were made up of four 500 pound containers of fire bombs whick were in the bomb hold. There was a 250 pound bomb under each wing. The three planes were supposed to drop their markers in a triangle around the target so that the actual bombs could be dropped inside these. Problems Arise The planes were to fly into Germany/Hamburg just north of Wilheimshaven. They were then meant to cross the Weser estuary, keep/Rorth of Bremerhaven and south of Cuxhaven. Shortly before Wilhelmshaven, however, Dashwood’s Hampden was hit by anti-aircraft artillery in the right engine which burst into flame and had to be stopped. The plane started losing height, and the ctew realized that they wouldn't be able to get back across the North Sea to England. They therefore decided to head for Sweden, and they changed course to north towards Denmark. They threw out their cargo of bombs and anything else that could lighten the load, such as ammunition, machine guns and radios. The hope that they might reach Sweden quickly waned, and shortly after having crossed the Danish border the crew realized that they couldn’t stay airbome for much longer. Near Nordenskov they parachuted down. First was Moore, then Horseman, Rosseau and finally Dashwood, Horsemann landed in a field belonging to Villads Pedersen at Heager, Rosseau landed in another field belonging to Rasmus Rahbeek at Oved, and shortly afterwards he saw Dashwood descend into the same field, clearly illuminated by the burning plane. It is unclear where Moore landed, but on 20 Jan. the police found an emergency exit door from the plane at Plyhoj in Vester Aastrup in the parish of Aastrup, and it is therefore a reasonable assumption that being the first to jump, Moore would have landed nearby.At 21.50 the plane crashed on farmer Johannes Lauridsen’s property, Norregérd, at Hostrup, east of Nordenskov. The plane disintegrated completely on impact, and the wreck went up in flames. While this was happening, heavy anti-aircraft artillery was aimed at other planes, and the downing of the plane at Hostrup was mistakenly accredited to the Femhgje anti-aireraft battery in Sedding near Esbjerg, The Capture Horseman had injured his shoulder and sprained his foot when he landed in the frozen field, At around 11pm he knocked on the door at farmer Kristen Kristiansen’s place in Bolhede not far from where he landed. He came inside, and as no-one in the family spoke English, the daughter, Tora, was sent off to fetch the teachers, Valborg and Jorgen Bruun of Hostrup School. They were at a party, however, at Aage Laursen’'s whose property was next to the one where the plane had crashed. Tora biked to his house and told them about the British airman who was then arrested by the Danish police shortly afterwards, They apparently took him to Varde where he was handed over to the Germans. A few days later hhe was sent to Germany, and soon after he saw his fellow crew members again, When Dashwood and Rosseau had landed, they headed north, leaving the Parachutes in Rahbaek’s field. At around 22.30 they arrived at Jens Nielsen Tensen’s farm at Oved. They wanted to know where they were, and Jensen showed them on a map, which they later took with them. After about an hour Jensen went off to alert the police, and at the same time the airmen left the property and headed north-east. Sometime during Friday 16 Jan. they appear to have visited a property where they were given food which they still had when they arrived at Johannes Laursen’s, at Senderby, Grindsted, shortly before midnight. They were given a couple of blankets and were shown into the barn where they went to sleep. Later on iri the night, Laursen biked into Grindsted and woke up rural Constable Herluf Willer to report what had happened. As Willer didn’t speak English, he summoned Hans Lundsgaard, who spoke English as he had served in Canada during World War I, Laursen, Lundsgaard, and Willer returned to Senderby to pick up the two exhausted airmen who were then taken to Willer’s house at Vestergade 5, Grindsted. They were given a bath and a meal and placed in the detention in the basement. (Willer’s son, Heine, appears to have been quite taken with the two airmen and showed them his toy aeroplane the following morning.) The next moming Willer reported the arrest to the police in Varde, and he was ordered to bring the prisoners there immediately. Before leaving Grindsted the prisoners gave Willer some of the contingency money they had been given before they left England, ‘They were French bank notes which Dashwood and Rosseau signed. They were in prison in Varde for several days, and they were treated well by the citizens of Varde who gave them food and cigarettes, Especially Kristian Pedersen of the Hotel Varde just opposite the prison was very generous to them. While they were in prison the police continued to search in vain for the last member of the crew, Moore. On Wednesday 21 Jan. at 20.30 there was a knock at the door of Peter Petersen’s farm at Farup north of Ribe. When Petersen opened the door, he found an exhausted Moore lying on the ground outside, He was brought inside, undressed and had hot coffee and a meal.Word was sent to the sognefoged * who in turn contacted the police in Ribe. A car was dispatched immediately, and within the hour the Englishman was arrested in the kitehen of Petersen’s farm. Mrs. Petersen was daming Moore's socks at the time so he was arrested barefoot The police informed him that he was now a Danish prisoner, and he was soon subjected to questioning. He refused to give information about the other crew members, but said that he had crashed in a plane six days earlier. He had been sleeping in scrub and brushwood in the daytime and had been walking at night. He had lived off snow and a small emergency ration of Cadbury’s chocolate. He reckoned he might have walked about 150 kilometers, but he had no idea where he was. He was taken to Ribe jail, but when news of his arrest reached Varde police, they asked to have him sent there. Dashwood and Rosseau had already been transferred to the German airport at Esbjerg where they remained for 3 days and were treated well. They had their meals in the German airmen’s mess, and in the daytime they were allowed to move around freely on the airbase with their English-speaking guard. They were only locked up between 9 pm and 8 am. After Esbjerg they were sont for questioning to the transfer camp Dulag Luft in Oberursel near Frankfurt am Main in Germany. Not long after Moore made the same trip, first to Esbjerg then to Dulag Lufi. In the meantime Rasmus Rahback of Notdenskoy had run into trouble. He had found the two parachutes in his field. He hid one of them in a fox’s earth, but took the other one home and hid it behind a bed in a bedroom. Somehow or other the police got wind of this, and they came with a German lieutenant to see Rahbeek and demanded that he handed the parachutes over, At first he denied knowing anything about it, but he owned up in the end. The German lieutenant got the parachute, and Rahbak was sentenced to 40 days imprisonment in the summer of 1942 for having unlawfully kept German property. He served his sentence at Varde prison in the winter of 1942-43, ‘The second parachute which was hidden in the fox’s earth, stayed there till after the war. It was then sold to Mrs. Anne Margrethe Lauridsen of Nordenskov, who turned the material, which was in great demand at the time, into curtains and a child’s shirt - which is still in the family. In the Prison Camp On arrival at the Dulag Luft the airmen were put in isolation for about a week while they were being interrogated. Then the four of them all met up again and shortly afterwards _ they Were moved to a camp for French prisoners at Moosburg near Miinchen, At this camp which was called Stalag VIIA, there were 26-27,000 French soldiers and a smaller number of other nationalities. You had to work at the camp, and during the ‘winter months teams were sent off daily to clear snow outside the camp. This made it possible for them to obtain frozen potatoes and such like which was an important addition to the diet. If the guards discovered that you had been foraging instead of working, you'd receive a knock with the butt of a gun, Highlights in the everyday prison life would have to be the Red Cross parcels that strived every so often. In July of 1942 Moore took part in an escape attempt through thecamp's sewage system. After a very long crawl through 2 60 em wide sewage pipe, he was captured, with the help of some French informers. This cost him a severe beating with the guards’ riffle butts, plus 28 days isolation on bread and water, with the addition of some thin soup every three days. He was in isolation from 30 July till 27 August. When he emerged from his isolation, he leamed that the French informers had been killed by their fellow prisoners shortly after their betrayal. It was Dashwood’s 21“ birthday on 6 August. His mates at the camp celebrated the day with him. They took cigarettes from the Red Cross parcels to the German guards and traded them in for an extra couple of loaves of bread and two bottles of snaps. (Schnapps 2) The crew stayed at Stalag VIIA until 15 Sept. 1942, Dashwood, Moore, and Horseman were then transferred to the POW camp Stalag 383 at Hohenfels. Rosseau, a French Canadian with good language skills was kept at the first Stalag camp, where the Germans used him as an English, French and German interpreter: The Hohenfels camp had about 5000 prisoners from all comers of the British Empire. Around 100 of them were from the air force. ‘The food rations in this camp, f00, were very sparse and of very poor quality, and without the Red Cross parcels which arrived at regular intervals, many of the prisoners probably wouldn’t have been alive at the end of the war. To kill time in camp the prisoners took lessons in a wide range of subjects as well as participating in many kinds of sport. A lot of the prisoners were highly educated so they taught their fellow prisoners in their field of expertise. In July 1944, more than two years after the crash at Nordenskoy, the 92 RAF men ‘Were transported by train, in three carriages, to Stalag Luft VII at Bankaw near the Polish border. Such transports usually allowed about 40 prisoners per carriage so they had a reasonable amount of space. They arrived in Poland on 27 July 1944, Departure In January of 1945 the Russians had forced the Germans so far westward that the prison camp had to be evacuated. At 11 o’clock on 17 Jan. the Prisoners were told to pack all their belongings within an hour. A Feldwebel called Frank told them that for every person that tried to escape, five others would be shot. Things didn’t go according to plan, however, and the prisoners didn’t leave till 19 Jan at 3.30. Around 1550 prisoners were then forced to march westward in the harsh winter, without food or proper clothing, Only 720 made it to the prison camp Stalag Luft IIIA at Luckenwalde south of Berlin. 830 men died of fatigue, cold and starvation on the way. A unit of the 711" hussar regiment of the Russian tanker squad freed the prisoners at Luckenwalde around 24 April 1945, and in May the Americans brought them all back home to England. After the War During 1945 and 1946 the crew was demobilized. Moore ‘was demobilized on 14 April 1946, He married on 29 Sept. 1945: He died of a heart attack in 1969, Dashwood married Bileen in England with Horseman as his best man. Dashwood and Bileen moved to New Zealand where he got at job in a bank He retired from a position as a branch manager in 1981 and now lives in Mt. Maunganui.Horsemann died of a heart attack around 1960, Rosseau returned to Canada where he worked for the foreign office. After having been stationed in various parts of the world, he was assigned to organize the Montreal Olympics in 1976. He then returned to work for the foreign office, and in 1982 he was appointed Commissioner to New Zealand where he died of cancer in 1985. *“Sognefoged”: a now defunct position, a kind of civil servant who performed the duties of a city councillor and a JP ina particular parish (“sogn’” means parish). Picture texts: P. 384: The crew ftom the crashed plane, left to right: Moore, Horseman, Dashwood, and Rosseau, P. 385: A Hampden plane. It was this type of plane that crashed near Nordenskov in January 1942, P. 386: Rural constable Herluf Willer from Grindsted who looked after the British airmen before they were handed over to the Germans. P. 387: French bank note which Dashwood and Rosseau signed before giving it to Willer as a thank you for having treated them so well, P, 388: Henriette Laursen, Sonderskovvej 10, Nordenskov, with the shirt made of the parachute fabric when the war was over. P. 389: In the prison camp Stalag the English prisoners were very much aware of the American planes that flew over the camp regularly.