Women in Professions in India

THE TRISHANKUS : WOMEN IN THE PROFESSIONS IN INDIA
Author(s): Karuna Ahmad

Source: Sociological Bulletin, Vol. 33, No. 1/2 (March, September 1984), pp. 75-90
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
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THE TRISHANKUS : WOMEN IN
THE PROFESSIONS IN INDIA
Karuna Ahmad
Even though there has been a spate of research on women in India

during the last decade, the studies available on women in the professions
are still few and far between. Moreover, as a result of certain methodo
logical and theoretical pitfalls they have also been unable to focus on
substantive questions which are critical to an assessment of professional
women in the context of the contemporary debate about their problems
and prospects. Given these constraints, this paper should be seen essen
tially as an exploratory exercise. First, we shall present in this paper
a brief occupational profile of educated Indian working women, parti
cularly their position in the professions. Second, tve shall mention some
of the outstanding problems faced by women in the professions, namely,
that of discrimination, low professional commitment and role conflict.
Third, we suggest some pointers to researchers. Finally, we suggest some
solutions to the dilemma of educated professional women.
We argue that the problem of discrimination which is supposedly

linked to women's low professional commitment and low occupational
status has to be studied from an entirely different perspective. We con
tend that discrimination is rooted in socialization and determines the
outlook and role perceptions of men as well as women. Women will fail
to perceive discrimination even if it is practised against them so long
as they are constrained by their socialization. Likewise, men will continue
to view discrimination as natural and fair. Therefore, we must ask a
different set of questions. Conventional studies on discrimination may
otherwise harm the cause of women.
Again, studies on Indian working women assume that their problems

are universal and that solutions to those problems will also be universal.
We argue that, since their particular manifestations are culturally deter
mined, the researchers must view the problems of Indian women within
the specific socio-cultural context of Indian society. In other words, even
though the problems of Indian women in the professions may be common
to professional women elsewhere, their solutions need not be universal.
These should be the twin foci of the researchers.
As regards the twin problems of low professional commitment and

role conflict faced by working women, we argue in favour of a flexible
Sociological Bulletin
Vol. 33, Nos, 1 and 2, Mar. Sept. 1984

Published in March 1986 i
76 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN
masculine and feminine role restructuring, an

'profession' and 'professional commitment'. Ag
of women's representation in most occupation
restoring the status quo ante but also diversifi
ment. We suggest that since the capacity of
constrained by slow economic growth, self-emplo
their best bet in the near future. This will b
since lifetime work by women is beginning to be
by men and women, particularly in our metro
II
Let us begin by briefly outlining the occupational profile of educated

women in India. If one were to closely look at the statistics regarding
educated employed women, a number of tendencies or patterns emerge
clearly (see Ahmad, 1979a and India, 1975 : 201-15, for details). Firstly,
they tend to be concentrated or segregated in a few selected occupations
and professions rather than be distributed over several occupations or
throughout the broad spectrum of occupations and professions. More
often than not, they tend to become school teachers, nurses and clerks
and sometimes doctors. For example, of the degree holder employed
women and women technical personnel in 1971, as many as 51 per cent
were school teachers and another 28 per cent were working in govern
ment organizations (India, 1978 : 257). Presumably, these latter women
were holding clerical and related jobs Medicine was the only presti
geous profession where they were found in some sizeable proportion.
Secondly, women are not only clustered in what are regarded as
low status occupations, they also tend to be concentrated in the lowest
rungs of what would be considered prestigeous or respectable occupations.
For example, while women are concentrated heavily in teaching, their
proportion at the school level is far greater than at higher levels. IFewer
women are working as teachers in colleges and fewer still are employed
in the universities (Ahmad, 1979b). Again, their representation vis-a-vis
men is very low in medicine, while it is extremely low in the administra
tive and managerial jobs in the organized sector.
Thirdly, women tend to earn less than men even though they possess
similar qualifications (see Jaiswal, 1979 : 100). This is particularly the
case where concentration of women happens to be heaviest and the
employee is open to exploitation at the hand of the employer. As evi
dence goes, a proportionately larger number of women than men are
primary and middle school teachers and are employed in the private
sector where malpractices in disbursement of salaries, low salaries etc.,
are too well-known and have been reported widely.
THE TRISHANKUS 77
Fourthly, over the years the proportion of women in all occupations,

including the so-called female dominated professions such as teaching
and medicine, has been declining (see Ahmad, 1979a and 1979b). The
Report of the Committee on the Status of Women appointed by the
Government of India (1975 : 203) recorded a decline in the number of
women in managerial and administrative services in the public sector
in the late sixties.
Finally, a substantially large proportion of highly educated and
professionally trained women continue to remain unemployed. Presuma
bly, a large number of them are what may be called voluntarily un
employed. Even so, the phenomenon is sociologically significant, one that
has a direct relevance to the status and problems of professional women.
The conclusions that emerge from these trends are clear. Notwith
standing better educational attainment (Ahmad, 1979b) and perform
ance, women have not succeeded in making inroads into valuable market
occupations. This is not to say that women have not over the years
entered new occupations. This they have certainly done. Nonetheless,
their concentration in low-paid occupations continues to stand out.
Thus, women have come to be stereotyped in the employment market
just as they have been stereotyped in the domestic sphere. No radical
shifts in the occupational placement pattern of Indian women have
taken place during the last three decades.
Ill
One obvious question that arises in this connection is : how are

we to explain these conclusions? How do we interpret the trends and
tendencies outlined above? Are they a reflection of broader social pro
cesses or are they to be accounted for in terms of discrimination alone
which may be said to operate against women as the weaker sex? Discri
mination is a standard explanation for the disadvantages, occupational
and otherwise, suffered by women. However, such limited evidence as
we have available through a few studies that have focussed on this
question shows that working women do not perceive themselves to be
particularly discriminated against (see Krishnaraj, 1979)2. Quite to the
contrary, they feel that they are quite satisfied with their placement
and position in their jobs. As more studies on this theme multiply and
confirm the findings of earlier ones, this may turn out to be particularly
discouraging to those women who are seriously concerned about women s
position and plight both in the sphere of employment and otherwise
These findings may be greatly harmful to the women's cause and may
be used by those who do not want to see a change in women's traditiona
role and position. These findings are likely to be used as evidence that
78 SOCIOLOGICAL, BULLETIN"
there is in fact no discrimination against wome

ceive it. Women's self-image may, therefore,
change. Hence, the question as to how we ar
indicated above in the employment of women
cance and academic urgency.
One way to work towards an explanation of

to see the dominant characteristics which are c
working women. There may be many reasons f
status of women in India but a reading of avai
at least two such characteristics have been freq
assumed that women lack or have a lower profe
men. Most stud'es on working women in othe
working women are not willing to devote the nec
to their career. They do not want to drive sing
This is true of even highly educated professional
university professors and attorneys. As a matte
are reluctant to describe themselves in career
look upon themselves primarily as housewives
one of the resons why they are reluctont to ta
bilities which require investment of time
time-limits defined by heir jobs (see Polonia a
presence of young and growing children at home
the involvement of women in their professions
where, which ought to be replicated here, show
home did not affect the careers of men, at le
Moreover, a woman's career path is considerably
her husband's since it is affected by her husban
While a man's career follows a steady curve, fa
a woman may drop out or slow down during c
She may also have to give up a job because the
a different job (Poloma and Garland, 1971). Th
paths of men and women is likely to remain d
change takes place in their respective roles and
Of course, we should note here that working w

lith. They can be broadly divided into two gro
socio-ecoomic status and their occupations. Fu
under different compulsions and are motivated by
Wadhera, 1975; Ranade and Ramachandran, 19
ment and professonal commitment, therefore,
and their motivations. For instance, those wh
THE TRISHAN'KTJS yg
low paid jobs (clerks, nurses and school t

working because of financial necessity an
ved in their jobs. On the other hand, w
neers and university teachers are more like
fulfilment and may also be more involve
Another important variable along whi

be differentiated for purposes of analys
ment is marriage. In fact, an unmarried
to be closer to men in terms of her care
although her motivations may not be v
married working women in the same occ
up this point later. Suffice it to say here
women must take care of these variables.
IV
The second observation commonly made about working and profes
sional women is that they face acute role conflict while trying to com
bine the two roles, that of a working woman on the one hand, and that
of a housekeeper on the other (see Ahmad, 1978, Kala Rani, 1976 and
Kapur, 1970). Most studies also report that these women do not get help
from their husbands in housework. This assumes greater significance for
married women with young children.
Although all working women faee the prospect of increased work

load, studies of professional women conducted in some other countries
point out that these women face more conflict than do other working
women.5 As has already been mentioned, these women work because
they like to, they are less likely to be easily absent and more likely to
continue work at home. They are also more likely to be in jobs which
call for continuous and cumulative experience and s'rong commitment.
Thus, these women have strong commitment to both roles and take their
work as well as their roles as housewives and mothers seriously. There
fore, the role conflict becomes acute." In this context the universal
problem of lack of help from husbands assumes increased significance
in the case of married professional women. How does a working woman,
professional or otherwise, married or unmarried meet the dual demands
of home and career? This aspect has hardly been researched upon in
India. Perhaps in our specific socio-oultural context the support of the
joint family and the availability of domestic hèlp is assumed to be given.
Therefore, it is not considered necessary for the husband to extend help
in housework and thus the dimension is not explored at all.
1 This is an area which should he inve

interesting to venture some generalizatio
adjusted to the new demands made by a
metropolitan cities.7 Among the lower-m
in-law lives with the young working couple
and supervision to part-time domestic h
voung grand children, if any, while she r
security through such an arrangement wh
contingency. On the other hand, the avai
space in the house and of domestic help a
encourages a joint set up. In these cases, t
overall supervision while retaining her i
nomy.8 Therefore, one observes that the
the needs of the changing role of women.. I
family which is more likely to be nuclear
observation and ought to be substantiate
meantime, one may hypothesize that the
become more common in the near futur
domestic help becomes scarce and unrelia
Upon it. Or they may become less comm
educated working woman may not be ab
support to her children in the role of eith
mother. She is likely to be working when
law need help or else may be too preoccu
have to share 'women's work' which will
point we discuss later.
V .. .
Our argument is that low professional co

tion; flow from role perceptions and self-
process of socialization. Therefore, the cru
in the socialization process which begins at
are brought up to perceive themselves in the
w.ves and mothers -On the other hand, b
bread-winners and status givers.10 These r
and girls as much as by the kin group, the fa
teachers. Again, these self-images and stereot
through text-books (see Kalia, 1979; Barna
India, 1966, 1975; Dundes, 1975; Abraham,
mination of stereotypes and traditional rol
strengthens the attitude and outlook of gi
polarity of masculine and feminine roles.
TIIE TMSIIANKUS 81
school or the educational system act in unison, as it were, to inculcate

and reinforce the unequal role images and related prejudices.
When women work they are mostly satisfied with their jobs because
they are not very ambitious and look upon work only as an addition to
their traditional role. Moreover, they also do not perceive any discrimi
nation and do not set their career targets very high. The process of
socialization which draws a strict dichotomy between a man's and a
woman's role thus determines the outlook of working women as much
as of others (Wolpe, 1978). Most women find it extremely difficult to
transcend the constraints put by socialization though they may be
employed. Even when they work, they do so with the understanding
that they will continue to perform the traditional role, perhaps with
some modifications. They expect to combine the new role with their
traditional role without a fundamental restructuring of roles and changes
in associated attitudes, role perceptions and expectations. And, even if
they are willing to change, women around them, i.e. their mothers,
mothers-in-law, neighbours, friends and colleagues make a negative im
pact by reminding them of the supreme importance of their traditional
responsibilities and of how they should not be neglected at any cost.
These very women censure, if not condemn, a woman who dares make
a departure from her expected role while praising men for the most
insignificant contributions they may make in housekeeping and child
care. This happens because women, as much as men, are socialized to
perceive certain tasks as 'women's tasks' and certain others as 'men's
tasks'.
Given this socialization pattern, the low career involvement and

weak self-image as well as the role-conflict often noted in the case of
working women begins to make sense and explains why women have
low professional commitment. Any study of discrimination must account
for discrimination in socialization. Since discrimination begins at home,
boys and girls internalize the values inculcated from childhood. Thus
discrimination or social differentiation is viewed as natural differentia
tion by by men as well as by women themselves (see Mason, 1978;
Goldstein, 1972 : 53). Such traditional role perceptions and expectations
are likely to be perpetuated by most educated working women through
their children, particularly their daughters, so long as they continue to
pass these on to them (Naik, 1970; Wasi, 1971).
Equally, it makes sense why many employers see the reluctance to

hire women, give them top jobs or pay them well, as perfectly rational
on that count. As a matter of fact, most men an

this as natural and fair rather than as just. Thu
crimination may be non-discrimination.13 Perha
their social role will have to change before they
discrimination in the accepted sense of the te
needs to be done is to ask a different set of ques
to socialization patterns. This may help us redefi
way men and women perceive it. The pertinent qu
are : Assuming that women have lesser profession
are the reasons for it? Why are women not as a
regard to their careers? Assuming that women ar
in employment, what are the reasons thereof? U
discrimination? Tf not, why not? What, accordin
nation?
VI
If what we have been saying is correct, certain concrete conclusions

emerge from it. First, it seems clear that studies of working women in this
country stand in need of a fundamental questioning of the assumption
that has dominated most research so far. It is that the problems faced
by women are universal and so would be their solutions. It is clear that
even if these problems are universal, or near universal, they are rooted
in the specific socio-cultural context of the Indian society and one
would understand them only partially unless they are read against the
specific context within which they are manifested (Dube, 1980 : 1).
This has a crucial significance for the study of women. As a gene
ral rule, studies on working women in India have focussed upon women
alone. Perhaps, the methodology of survey and the use of questionnaire
is responsible for this. However, this methodology itself is open to ques
tion. Perhaps, what we need are in-depth studies using anthropological
techniques. Existing studies have tended to ignore the social context
within which women live and operate. This has important implications
for the study of working women, or for that matter anyone else. For
instance, the adjustments made by the Indian family and its different
members in response to the changing role of woman could be an im
portant contextual aspect. Another factor that is specific to the Indian
context is the identity of women with other women although this opera
tes, by and large, within the family and kin group. However, alliances
along sex play a significant role in the emotional make-up and social
role of girls (as well as of boys) right from childhood. This alliance
may help women survive many a difficult situation while at the same
THE TKISHANKUS 83
time working to the detriment of a

However, such an identity along sex
lacking or was very weak in Western
woman's movement has contributed
identity, particularly in the U.S.
Second, this discussion suggests th

professions and the problems they
between a masculine and a feminin
traditional role expectations, that th
role and career. Therefore, when wom
new dimension to their existing role
Women's movement in the USA and
problems. The time has now come w
(líese role definitions and work towar
view of professional women's lives.
A pertinent question is : why shou

be expected to devote the major part
and career to the exclusion of every ot
In fact, when and how did work assu
in men's lives?13 Why should 'profe
supreme place to work in a man's lif
counter-productive. It is being argue
movements that career or prof
interest pursued by men. What we a
'profession' and 'professional commit
contingent upon the dichotomous m
should be broadened to allow for var
not likely to happen so long as work
long as the polarity between mascul
Therefore, one has to attack the root
a restructuring of social roles.
In fact, the rigid separation of th
family and home may no longer be
future. The change in the role of wo
which will be reflected in other are
relationships. This calls for and neces
defined male and female roles.18 The
varied patterns of husband-wife mo
relationships. It should be possible t
able pattern from a wide range. This can

increasing number of men wish to move tow
approach to career and non-career objectiv
emphasis on their jobs.
We suggest that, instead of replacing the o
tionships by a new and uniform one, a flexible
turing may be desirable (see Fogarty et. al,
lead to a multipattern of masculine and femi
not necessarily be the provider and status-give
to stay away from home during the best part of
of his time and energy to his career to prove
other hand, why should women spend most o
in looking after the house and the children to
One's aptitude and ability, while holding socialization cons
tant, should be more crucial. We should try to clear the ambivalence
in the minds of women and in public opinion about the extent to which
women should work outside the home and the way they should look at
their work. Again, many educated and even professionally trained
women may continue to opt out of the world of work. This choice
should be given equal weightage in the flexible approach to role percep
tions and self-images. While this choice need not necessarily be looked
down upon, an understanding of the reasons for it should lead one to
work out action plans for a rectification of this.
Yn
The need for working towards a heterogeneous pattern of relation
ships and flexible roles assumes increased significance because today's
young men and women, particularly in our methopolitan cities, are
beginning to take lifetime work by women for granted. This may be
due to the rising cost of living or to higher expectations in standards of
living. Whatever the reason, quite a sizeable number of girls now join
work, not as a temporary arrangement, but to continue to work.
While more women are entering the labour market and are ex
pecting to stay till retirement, their occupational status continues
to be low. At the same time, the wave of liberalism that we inherited
in 1947 seems to be wearing off. Combined with this are slow economic
growth and rapid population growth. Slow economic growth so far limits
the capacity of the organized sector which has absorbed a large majority
of educated Indian women to expand. On the other hand,
demographic factors in the form of sheer increase in population will
result in increase in the number of educated persons. Hence, women
because of traditional role steroetypes and the associated perception that
THE TkiSHANKuS 85
will have to compete with men and

because of traditional role stereotype
women are after all secondary earner
Thus, we are going to face a situation where more and more

educated women would expect to get jobs while at the same time the
economic, demographic and social factors will play an inhibiting role.
What could be the solution in such a situation? We think that self-em
ployment opportunities will provide the necessary outlet to these women
and may also enable them to combine the two roles of work and family
without the constraints of defined time- limits.19 If women can be
trained for junior posts in the electronic industry, why cannot they
be trained for self-employment, particularly in skilled trades. This Will
enable them to prove their management skills, enjoy the job because
of a possible flexible time schedule and also to work as much as they
need to.
This occupational diversification will help meet the demand for

more work for women and may also eventually help to improve their
occupational and professional status. Until role restructuring takes place,
this may also provide a partial solution to low professional commitment
and role conflict. At the risk of oversimplification, we would like to
hypothesize that creative and challenging self-employment opportunities,
with a flexible time-schedule, ease of re-entry, and portability of their
skills, are likely to provide a partial answer to the twin problems faced
by educated working women in India.
Notes
*In the Ramayana, Trishanku represents a king who wanted to ascend to

heaven. Though in terms of piety he was found fit by Viswamitra to entire
heaven he was forbidden to do so by the Gods as he was a mortal and could
not enter heaven with his body. Yet since he was imbided with special power,
he was also unable to come back to the earth because that would also have
been a vindication of the powers of the sage. Hence a new heaven called
Trishanku Swarga' was created by the sage Viswamitra. It was thus agreed that
he should hang with his head downwards and become a star — thus paying
the price of aspiring for a world to which he did not belong and leaving the
world (i.e. earth) where he belonged.
The position of the working woman who has stepped out of the traditional
confines of the home into the world of work is also similar — for she can never
be fully accepted in the world of work nor can she come back to the world
she has stepped out of. (
86 sociological bulletin
1. This paper was presented at a Seminar o

Employment's held at the Indian Institut
ary 1-5, 1981 under the joint auspices of th
and HE, Pune.
2. R. P. Jaiswal's ongoing doctoral research on Men and Women Scientists and

Engineers, Zakir Husain Centre for Educational Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi, also provides some confirmation of this observation.
3. This is also borne out by the preliminary findings of R. P. Jaiswal's ongoing

study (mentioned earlier) on Indian women scientists and engineers.
4. Ibid.
5. We are referring here to the broad division of working women info two
groups mentioned earlier. This dimension has not yet been explored in depth
in India and ought to be explored.
6. Poloma and Garland (1971 : 27) point out that these women are particular
about high standards in child care and the intensity of family relationships.
They do not like indifferent or half-baked arrangements.
7. These observations are based on our personal experience in Delhi and are
confined to the middle and upper classes.
8. This may be so even though the young daughters-in-law may not be working
but spends a lot of time outside the home for social reasons.
9. The problem of professional working women is basically that of urban

middle class women. Women in rural India and tribal women perform manv
occupational tasks which are considered male occupations in the urban con
text.
10. These are universal problems. For relevant details, see. Chafe (1977); Aronoff
(1975); David (1976); Dube (1978); Dundes (1978); Kit hier (1975) : Glazer
Malbin (1972); Stoll (1974); and Marini (1978).
11. Several studies conducted in the U. S. also refer to sex bias in text-books
and school curriculae, see for instance, Pottker and Fishel (1977), Saunders
(1979), Lee and Gropper (1974), Oakley (1972), and Wesley (1977).
12. For the role of teachers and teacher education in maintaining inequality
between men and women, see Dev (1979).
THE TRISHANKUS 87
13. This is not to discount the fact hat m

women. The idea is to focus on the role
Women. Perhaps, 'consciousness raising'
provide the answer since Indian women need to Ire made aware of the
social and bilogical differences in their responsibilities.
14. In this context, one should note the role of the mother-in-law in most
cases of dowry deaths reported in newspapers. Again, the case of an un
claimed baby girl born in a Delhi hospital is quite interesting. It as reported
that two women with identical names were admitted to the hospital for deli
very. One of them delivered a boy and the other a girl. After a few days,
the boy died but the hospital authorities handed over the body to the girl's
parents saying that the girl had died. The parents cremated the body with
out varifying whether it was that of a girl or a boy. Subsequently, the hospital
discovered that the girl was alive while the boy had died. It wanted to
handover the baby girl to her parents but they refused to accept her. What
ever the compulsions under which the two families, and that includes the
mothers and perhaps the grandmothers, are refusing to accept the girl, the
question arises : would they do so if it were a boy?
13. Studies on professional women in the US have pointed out that this is a
characteristic of industrial societies which separated the world of work from
the family. This reduced the involvement of women in work since they could
not leave home and children to go to place of work, thereby increasing the
burden of men.
16. A discussion of the definition of 'profession' and the indicators of 'profes

sional commitment' will show that these have been formulated from a male
view point, keeping in view the role- stereotypes of men and women which
have emerged in the industrializing societies. We are excluding it from our
paper since this could well be the subject of another paper.
17. Some have argued that the sheer force of numbers or the entry of wome
in large numbers will force a redefinition of roles and of 'professional com
mitment' etc. We are doubtful since the job expectations etc. relating to
clerical jobs have neither changed nor been modified in spite of the entry
of large numbers of women.
18. A radical change in the occupational placement of women and their roles
has not taken place in any society except where demographic factors, with
or without basic socio-economic changes, have compelled a restructuring of
roles of men and women and a resultant blurring of the two. In other words,
this has happened in societies characterized by under-population such as
Sweden. Otherwise, except for minor variations and modifications, men and
women are continuing to perform the traditionallv defined masculine and
feminine roles.
19. These are not suggested as alternatives, but as additions to the existing oppor
tunities in the organized sector which ought to be strengthened.
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THE TRISHANKUS : WOMEN IN THE PROFESSIONS IN INDIA

Author(s): Karuna Ahmad

Even though there has been a spate of research on women in India

We argue that the problem of discrimination which is supposedly

Again, studies on Indian working women assume that their problems

As regards the twin problems of low professional commitment and

Vol. 33, Nos, 1 and 2, Mar. Sept. 1984

masculine and feminine role restructuring, an

Let us begin by briefly outlining the occupational profile of educated

Fourthly, over the years the proportion of women in all occupations,

One obvious question that arises in this connection is : how are

there is in fact no discrimination against wome

One way to work towards an explanation of

Of course, we should note here that working w

low paid jobs (clerks, nurses and school t

Another important variable along whi

Although all working women faee the prospect of increased work

1 This is an area which should he inve

Our argument is that low professional co

school or the educational system act in unison, as it were, to inculcate

Given this socialization pattern, the low career involvement and

Equally, it makes sense why many employers see the reluctance to

on that count. As a matter of fact, most men an

If what we have been saying is correct, certain concrete conclusions

time working to the detriment of a

Second, this discussion suggests th

A pertinent question is : why shou

able pattern from a wide range. This can

will have to compete with men and

Thus, we are going to face a situation where more and more

This occupational diversification will help meet the demand for

*In the Ramayana, Trishanku represents a king who wanted to ascend to

1. This paper was presented at a Seminar o

2. R. P. Jaiswal's ongoing doctoral research on Men and Women Scientists and

3. This is also borne out by the preliminary findings of R. P. Jaiswal's ongoing

9. The problem of professional working women is basically that of urban

13. This is not to discount the fact hat m

16. A discussion of the definition of 'profession' and the indicators of 'profes

Abraham, A. S. 1976 "Education of Women : Instrument of Liberation

Atonoff, Joel and 1975 'A Re-examination o£ the Cross-Cultural Princi

Barnabas, 1978 'Designing Education for Tomorrow's Woman

Blumberg, R. L. and 1980 India's Educated Women : Options and Restraints,

Boserup, Esther, 1970 Women's Role in Economic Development, Lo

Chafe, William H., 1977 lVomen and Equality : Changing Pattern

1976 The Forty-Nine Percent Majority : The Male Sex

Dey. Chhaya 1979 "A Review of Literature on the Relationsh

Dubc. Lccla 1978 'Sex Roles in Contrasting Family Systems', Papet

Dubc. Léela, 1980 Studies on Women in South East Asia : A Status

Glazcr-Malbin, Nona1972 Wornan in a Man-Made Worldt Chicago, Rand

Goldstein, Rhoda 1972 Indian Women in Transition : A Bangalore Case

Government of India 1974 Towards Equality : Report of the Committee on

1978 Women in India : A Statistical Profile, New Delhi,

Jaiswal, R. P. 1979 Women in Selected Professions : A Trend Analysis

Kala Rani 1976 Role Conflict in Working Women, New Delhi,

Kalia, N. N. 1979 Sexism in Indian Education — The Lies We

Krishnaraj, M. 1979 Working Women Science Degree Holders in

Lee. 1\ and N. 1974 'Sex Role Culture", Harvard Edurational Revine,

M.iiini. M. M. 1978 "Sex Differences in the Determination of Adole

blason, Nandita 1978 "Women and •Development in 'third World Writ

Naik, China 1970 "Social Transformation and Kqual educational

Oakley, Ann 1972 Sex, Gender and Society, New York. H

Ranade, S. N. and 1970 Women and Employment, Bombay, lata Institute

Saunders, Fay ]979 "Discrimination and Inequalities Between the