Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Location: Romania
Author(s): Andrei Muraru
Title: Political Justice in Budapest after World War II (Ildiko Barna, Andrea Peto)
Political Justice in Budapest after World War II (Ildiko Barna, Andrea Peto)
Issue: 11/2018
Citation Andrei Muraru. "Political Justice in Budapest after World War II (Ildiko Barna, Andrea Peto)".
style: Holocaust. Studii şi cercetări 11:397-403.
https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=729517
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principle was not the only problem of the legal system. As in other states
under Soviet occupation, as Romania for instance, the political justice had
broader objectives, one of them being to sanction the members of the former
regime for ”political criminal act” (p. 21). The change, Andrea Pető and
Ildikó Barna underline, “fundamentally altered the public view of wartime
crimes and the entire justice process” (p. 17). The formation of the judging
body, the powers of political prosecutors, the limited rights of the defence,
the interpretable terminology of the crimes, the alternation of the criminal
liability of minors, the restrictions for appeal were just few of the ground
problems raised by the indicted persons.
The authors and their team made important investigative work for,
directly or indirectly, gathering the colossal amount of information from the
files. In order to dig into the 500 selected cases (100 cases per year, 1945-
1949), they elaborated a questionnaire containing many lines about the
trials. The questionnaire tried to cover various aspects of the cases: socio-
demographic data of the defendant, the lawyer, the indictment, the hearings,
the sentence and the witnesses. In spite of the very poor precision of the data
from the documents, as the authors mentioned (p. 80-1), some of
conclusions they reached are really spectacular. The analysis of the files
shows that the cases could be split into five types of trials.
Ildikó Barna and Andrea Pető emphasized the ethnical feature of the
trials: 43 percent of the cases were wartime crimes against Jews, higher
numbers in the trials launched in 1945 (55 percent), and only in 12 percent
of the cases the aggrieved parties were not Jews. In the first type of cases,
the average length of the case files are longer than for the other type of
cases. It could be surprising for a literature that abounds in examples and
theories about how political were the trials organised under the soviet
399
umbrella, that only 12 percent of the cases taken into consideration by the
two researchers could be considered entirely ideological; 18 percent of them
were launched started 1948 and have a big percentage of the defendants as
dependents. Useful data could also be found for the ones interested in the
legal details of the files. For instance, denunciation was found in almost 25
percent of the case files. An interesting particular fact is that in the case files
related to wartime acts against Jews or involving women as perpetrators
denunciations were higher than average.
Analysing the defendants, the authors concluded that 18 percent
were women. From the whole amount of 500 cases, in 90 percent of the case
files there is only one defendant. From the age1 point of view, middle-aged
defendants are overrepresented in the trials (54 percent). According to the
place of birth, the defendants came mostly from rural areas (60 percent),
which is not surprising as around half of the general population came from
villages. A consistent part of controversies or food for interpretation is the
education level of the defendants. From the general group of defendants
most were part of the working class and middle class. One of the
conclusions is that the better educated and with relatively higher social
status are overrepresented among defendants. Political affiliation of the
defendants is also an important fact investigated by the authors. Their
analysis shows that up to 50 percent were members of pro Nazi
organizations.
From over 3,600 witnesses in all 500 analysed cases, 26 percent
were women, a large number as we could see, with an average age of 41
years old. Most of the testifiers in the cases were from Budapest. At the
1
For comparison, the authors took into consideration the structure of the general population
in the interwar Hungarian society.
400
402
In the end, I would conclude that the book in discussion is one of the
most innovative surveys in the field and it is the authors’s merit that they
succed to build up a book which is mandatory for the researchers of political
justice. Not the figures are the highest virtue of the book, but the applied
quantitative methodology, usulay unfamiliar to mainstream historians. From
the moment it was printed, Political Justice in Budapest after World War
II should be used not as a Bible, but as a tool in trying to decompose the
complex and still unexplored stories of the trials. Given the fact that
statistics is just an instrument in such investigations, I have to add that such
a tool should not avoid the literature of the subject, the use of other sources
(diaries, letters, archival material, press from the period etc.) and, most
importantly, the broad analyses made by researchers in the last decades.
Andrei Muraru
403
404