GEISTESKULTUR INDIENS. TEXTE UND STUDIEN. HERAUSGEGEBEN VON WALTER SLAJE UNTER MiTwikKUNG VON JORGEN HANNEDER UND ANDREAS PoHLUS BAND 7 SHAKER VERLAG AACHEN 2005THE Moxsopaya, YOGAVASISTHA AND RELATED TEXTS EDITED BY JORGEN HANNEDER SHAKER VERLAG AACHEN 2005Locating the Moksopaya WALTER SLAJE Since the early days of Yogavasistha studies many features have become known, which closely connect this text with the Himalayan region, more pre- cisely with the Valley of Kashmir, and with one of the country’s medieval tulers.! It was obviously there that the text must have been composed and been given its earliest shape that can be reconstructed at present. By ‘re- construction’ I mean to say, by way of preparing a critical edition based on manuscript evidence of direct or indirect Kashmirian provenance. Interest- ingly, local Kashmirian texts that refer to the work under consideration here do so by the title of Moksopiya or Moksopiya-Sastra, not by Yogavisistha? This title of Moksopiya fully agrees with the self-referential usage in the oldest lay- ers of the text. The arguments brought forward so far in favour of a Kashmirian origin were based on scattered statements in the Moksopaya. They are mostly of botanic and climatic facts quite typical of Kashmir. Further testimony dis- plays unambiguous geographic and historical knowledge of the region. Nu- merous quotes from the Raméyana (in the Vairdgyaprakaraya) and from the Bha- gavadgita (in the Arjunopakhyana), which clearly reflect readings characteristic of the Kashmir recensions of both these works, also point to such a local ori- gin? In summary, it may be said that frequent mention is made of birch-bark (bhirjatvac), of snow and snowflakes (himakana), and that many similes refer to freezing water and excruciating icy cold. Shared experiences of that sort were therefore clearly presupposed as common on the part of his audience by the author of the Moksopitya. In one passage, the author shows his acquaintance with the outward ap- pearance and the interior of a Buddhist monastery in Central Asia. From 1 See, e.g., DIVAN! (1935); SCHRADER (1934), p. 643; HACKER (1951), p-162. 2 Except for Sadananda Yati (17th century) in his Advaitabrahmasiddhi (Ed.: Bibliotheca Indica. ‘New Series, Calcutta 1890). He seems to be the first author from, not necessarily in, Kashmir ((Kasmiraka’) quoting passages under the title of ‘Vasistha’ and "Yogauasistha’, which however, re- flect the author's acquaintance with the LYV abridgement. See S. STINNER’s contribution, below, p.91ff., for more details. > Collected evidence of that sort will be found treated more elaborately elsewhere, see SLAJE (1990), p. 151, fn. 32; SLAE (1994), p. 172fF.22 Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopiiya his position, it was situated in “the northern direction” (uttaraSa), in the “big Country, called Cina”: ham (...] uttaraéantaram yato[...] (6.70.7bc $1, ~ YV 6.66,7bc) “1 betook myself to another direction, situated in the north [...]” cinandmiatha tatrasti Srimafi janapado mahan (6.70.8ab $1, ~ YV 6.6.8ab) “Now, in this [northern direction] there is the big [and] splendid Country, going by the name of Cina!” . A Central Asian itinerary drawn up during king Abhimanyu’s rule (22"4 December 958 until 13th October 972) and thus almost contemporary with the composition of the Moksopaya (during or soon after YaSaskaradeva’s reign, AD 939-948), contains an interesting description of the way from the ‘Coun- try’ (janapada) in Central Asia to Srinagar (Adhisthana), and of Srinagar in Pelee” The information contained in this itinerary explains the route con- necting Srinagar with Central Asia as used in the 10" century.8 4 ‘Cina’ is the reading of the Kashmirian recension only. The two occurrences of cina in the Moksopaya have suffered corruption in the vulgate to the extent that they are no longer dis- cemnible as a geographical reference (~ Nyzq 6.66.8ab and 6.67.1 / $; 6.70.8ab; 71.14). ‘Cina’ was used not only for ‘China’, but also for Central Asia in a more general way. For further references cp. SLAJE (1994), p.174ff. 5 SKIARVO (2002), p. 524-526 (text and translation). * Calculated by K.-H. GOLZIO. 7 Skj@RV@ (2002), p.524-526, Il. 30-35. Itmentions ADhimanyu (‘Abimanyagaupta’), Srinagar (‘Adistam’) and the Vitasta river (‘Vittasa’) by name. J am very grateful to Professor VON HINODER for having drawn my attention to this contemporary witness of the area and for having kindly provided me with an analysis, from which ("Nr. 36: Das sakische Itinerar") the following quote is taken: "Die Beschreibung des Weges aus "dem Lande" (janivi: janapada) in Zentralasien nach Srinagara entstand zur Zeit des Kénigs Abhimanyugupta (t 972). Sie hat sich in einer einzi- gen Handschrift erhalten, die in Dun Huang in der Bibliothek in Chien Fo Tung gefunden wurde. [...] Verlauf des Weges etwa aus dem Gebiet von Kashgar (?) tiber Sarikol [...], durch den Wachan tiber Passe in das Ishkoman-Tal und schlietieh entlang Ishkoman(?)- und Gilgit-FluS [...] nach Gilgit [...] Yon dort nach Siiden fiihrt der Weg nach Indien. Der niichste [...] Ort ist Chilas [...] am Ufer des "Goldenen Flusses" [...] also des Indus.” (HINOBER (2004), p. 74ff). 8 It should perhaps be recalled here that DIVANjI (1935), p. 28, fn.2 has made the following observation with reference to the Moksopaya; “The descriptions of some of the places occurring in some of these episodes, particularly those relating to Kashmir and those near Mt. Kailasa in Tibet are so minute and elaborate that they can reasonably be inferred to have been written onlyby one residing at a place from where he could easily have gone to any of them and from where he could easily have gathered the necessary information. Such a place is none other than the province of Kashmir.”Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopaya 23 That the detailed descriptions of the author of the Moksopiya cannot be explained but by visual perceptions made by himself, will become clear also from the following examples. In particular, he speaks of a monastery (viltdra) there, built on the upper side of a ‘termites’ nest’ (valmikopari), giving shelter to many people: valmikopari tatrasti vihdro janasasrayah (6.70.8cd $1, ~ YV 6.66.8cd) “In this [country] there is a Buddhist monastery on a termites’ nest, with many people living in.” Since the term valniika stands also for ‘mountain’ and ‘stiipa’,? the word may quite well connote architectural components of a rock monastery carved out of the sandy rocks of Eastern Turkestan (modern Sinkiang), resembling a termites’ nest both in colour and in form.!° An ‘upright’ Buddhist monk (subhiksuka), who used to meditate there in a cell locked up by a wooden bolt (argala), is depicted by the author of the Moksopaya as red-haired (kapilanirdhaja'): tasmin vihare soakutikose kapilamitrdhajah | bhiksur [...] (6.70.9a-c $1, YV 6.66.99a-c) “In this monastery, inside his own cell [...] the red-haired monk [.. ° Cp, KONIG (1984), p. 19ff; 89. 10 “Some [termites’ nests] have chimneys and pinnacles. Longitudinal and horizontal chambers and galleries comprise the interior. Generally the outer wall is constructed of hard soil material, L...] three to four metres [...] high, 2.5 metres [...] wide, and one metre [...] thick at the base.” (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2001 CD-ROM Edition, s.v. Termites). See DURKIN-MEISTERERNST ET AL. (2004) (pl. 10 [Yarkhoto] and pl. 14 [Subashil) for illustrations of remains of monasteries and Stiipas, which clearly resemble termites’ nests. Although Iam ready to admit a methodologi- cal flaw in comparing the appearance of contemporary termites’ nests to dilapidated monasteries, the general impression the architectural structure and sandy colour of a Turfan Vihara may have made on a Sanskritic visitor coutld quite reasonably have resulted in a designation as ‘valraiia’. 11 Jtis not likely that mere use of Henna could have induced the author to qualify the monk as “red-haired”, In such a case, we would expect a reference to dyed (e.g. Y/Faj) hair. In its absence, it is rather an emphatic hint at a rare, though natural colour, which the author has put to the fore. Redheads are testified to also elsewhere, as Professor VON HiNOBER pointed out to me ina letter dt. October 8, 2004: "Denn ich glaube nicht, da man tief in Zentralasien suchen muf. Auch in ‘meinem’ Nordwesten gibt es gelegentlich rote Haare und sogar Bana sagt in seiner Kadambari von einem Asketen: uttaptalohinmam [...] jatanam, Kad 785 (NSP 91948 = RIDDING p.35 "matted locks [...] red as heated iron’)." Cp. also Mahabharata 1.100.5ab, the kapild jald of Vyasa.24 Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopiya drdhargalam grham dhyanabharigabhita visanti no Dirty, pray Kila tat sa tigthati subhsukaly (6:70:10¢-116 $s, ~ YV 6.66.10-~11b) “Being afraid of interrupting [his] contemplation, the servants would never enter the [monk's] cell, [locked] with a firm wooden bolt.” Indeed, this virtuous monk remains mainly in such a condition [of contempla- tion].” Mural paintings with portraitures of red-haired and green- or blue-eyed persons were found in Turfan by LE CoQ, who has published facsimile plates prepared from them.?? In this connection, let it be noted that until today Kash- mir seems to be one of the few regions of India where blue-eyed natives can be met with, and not infrequently at that.4 Apart from that, it has not escaped the attention of scholars that the Moksopaya mentions the Kashmirian king YaSaskaradeva,5 who was a Brah- min and reigned the country for 9 years and one month in the first half of the tenth century, precisely from June 26, AD 939 to July 27, AD 948.18 P.C. DIVANJI was the first to point out the textual reference to YaSaskaradeva and to draw some conclusions that would follow from it.!7 DIVANJI was thus lead to the opinion that “the work under consideration must have been composed by a poet and philosopher living in Kashmir for a long time, whether born or settled there.”!® This, however, is certainly not the place to discuss a closely related ques- tion, namely whether the YaSaskaradeva-passage” under consideration might have been interpolated only later. From the contextual point of view, if we just consider the complex parabolic episode, where YaSaskaradeva is connected 12 On the nature and the use of keys and wooden bolts in Buddhist monasteries, cp. HINOBER (1992), p.18f; 22ff 30-34, 18 LE Coo (1913). p.4; ep. plate 17 (Bizaklik) and note 9; Lz Cog (1928), plate 20A (comment on p.84). 14 In September 2003, I myself chanced upon at least three light blue-eyed persons in Srinagar. Allof them identified themselves as of Kashinirian stock. One was the keeper of Zayn a Abidin’s tomb and its surrounding graveyard, the second was a member of the security staff in the Srinagar airport, and of the last, I failed to note down his profession. 15 Cp, Rajatararigint 5.469-6.114 (see STEIN (1900). 6 Calculated by K.-H. Gotzio. 7 Divanji (1935), p.21f; DIVANJI (1938), p. 29; 386; 44. 38 DIVANHI (1935), p. 28. 19 MU 4.32.16.Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopaya 25 with a prophecy, in its entirety,” it becomes difficult to advance objective reasons in support of such an assumption. In fact, today we not only have access to the Kashmirian recension of this lengthy episode, but we are also in a favourable position to take on such an investigation, since we can avail ourselves of a commentary on the Moksopiya written by a Kashmiri author (Bhaskarakantha’s Tika). Incidentally, this passage contains unique traces of also the authorship of the Moksopaya and therefore deserves a thorough anal- ysis and evaluation in a future publication. For the time being, however, I shall content myself with a few observations on only some topographical references made in this chapter, which prove be- yond doubt its author’s intimate knowledge of Kashmir and in particular his familiarity with the locality of ancient Srinagar. With the exception of those in DIVANjt's articles as mentioned above, the toponymic references to be dealt with here have never been recognized as local names by scholars concerned with Yogavasistha studies, and still less have those scholars made any attempts at identifying or localizing them. Although they are not many in number, they are decisive enough for narrowing the Moksopaya's place of origin — or at least of its early recitation — down to Srinagar. For achieving the present aim, it will - and, because of the space reserved for it, must — suffice to consider the place names as such, without making them the subject of an investigation of the context of the entire parable they appear in. In short, the fate of three demons (Dama, Vyala, Kata)*!_ is placed in the narrator’s contemporary (adya), and in the local context of a lake north of Kashmir (4.30.14; 17). Thereupon their fate is transferred to a future envi- ronment, which coincides with king Yasaskaradeva of Srinagar: So, “today” (adya), the three demons live reborn as fish “in a marsh in the wilderness of Kashmir.” The exact locality is specified elsewhere in two passages as “in a marsh on the bank of the Mahapadmasaras, in Kashmir.”* Now, the Mahapadmasaras is the largest lake of Kashmir and goes today by the name of Vular/Volur, probably derived from skt. ullola (‘waving’). It has always 20 MU 4.25.4-32.31. Passages of importance in terms of prosopographic and topographic facts of Kashmir have left Anandabodhendra Sarasvati, the commentator on the vulgate, virtually “speech-less”, see VIP on YV 4.32.5; 16f; 21; 25f. He finished his commentary on (AD) March 7, 1710 (Goiz10 (*2005)). 21 Vasistha refers to the whole situation (4.32.2) as one having been determined in advance by Yama (4.30.4-9). 22 kaSmiraranyapalvale (MU 4.30.14d). 23 kaSmiresu mahapadmasarasitirapatoale (MU 4.31.10ab = 32.5ab).26 Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopaya been very famous in Kashmir, and a number of local texts refer to it by its ancient Sanskrit name of Mahapadmasaras, such as the Nilamatapurina, the Rajataratiginis, the Srikanthacarita, and many Mahdtmyas. Its verbatim mean- ing is “lake of Mahapadma”. Mahapadma is the name of a Naga, traditionally believed as residing there as the tutelary deity.” The interesting point is that Al-Birini, in his account (AD 1030) based on local informants, also refers to the marshy banks of the Mahapadmasaras by saying that “the people have their plantations on the borders of this swamp, and on such parts of it as they manage to reclaim.’””> AUREL STEIN made a similar comment: “The marshes and peaty meadows merge almost impercep- tibly into its area.””° If we compare the thr¢e statements made on the lake’s swamps and marshes in the Moksopaya (X'), by Al-Birdini (XI!) and by AU- REL STEIN (XL%?), to each other, it becomes clear that they all must have been based on independent direct perception. The demons’ future forms of existence and their places of residence are specified by way of a description of certain sites, which can be located in present-day Srinagar. Thus, the demon Vyila (4.32.15) is said to experience his final rebirth as a sparrow (kalavirika), Dama (4.32.17) as a gnat (masaka),?” and Kata (4.32.20) as a young partridge (krakara). For achieving final libera- tion, they have to live separated from each other and must each get a chance to listen to the narrative of their previous existences, by which their true na- ture would reveal itself. The topographic references are as follows: kasniiramandalasyantar nagarare [...] ndmnddhisthanam [...] (4.32.11) “A town in the country of Kashmir bearing the name of Adhisthana.” Adhisthana, meaning ‘residence’ or ‘capital’, is one among different des- ignations used for ancient Srinagar since it had become the new capital.?? It was founded by Pravarasena II by the end of the sixth century (Rajatararigin? 3.336-349),° and is therefore referred to as Pravarapura or Pravarasenapura 4 For more details, see STEIN (1900) (1), note on Rajatararigini 4.593. 25 STEIN (1900) (Il), p.363. 26 SrEIN (1900) (1), p.423. 7 Spelt ‘masaka’ (4.2.17b etc.). 2 Consisting in a total lack of any latent psychic impressions, which had previously caused inadequate notions of possessing an individual identity (akavikaravasanz). 2 STEIN (1900) (II), p.362. See also above, n. 7. % According to WITZEL (1994a), p.253, “Pravarasena II is to be dated around 580 A.D.”Walter Siaje: Locating the Moksopaya 27 as well. Pravarasena’s foundation, first described by the Chinese pilgrim Xu- anzang who visited the city and stayed there in a monastery from 631 to 633 during Durlabhavardhana’s reign (ca. 625-661), must be distinguished from the ‘old capital’ in the south-east (Puranadhisthana, the modern village of Pandrethan), a few miles away only from present-day Srinagar. It is impor- tant to note that the new city remained for long confined to the right bank of the Vitasta (modern Jhelum), since Pravarapura was originally built round the foot of the Sarika hill. The site of the royal palace also remained unchanged until king Ananta (r. AD 1028-1063) abandoned it in the eleventh century and transferred it to the left bank.** Thus, Yasaskaradeva’s residence, as he had been reigning in the tenth century, must still have been located on the right bank, in close vicinity to the Sarika hill. From the evidence of various other sources, STEIN has clearly determined the location of the old city of Srinagar between the sixth and eleventh centuries as “round the foot of the Sarika’” hill? In the words of the Moksopaya, then unknown to STEIN: pradyumnasikharam nama tasya madhye {...] Srigam [...] (4.32.12ab) “In the middle of this [town] [...] a lofty peak called Pradyum- naSikhara.” Pradyumnagikhara is another name for Sarikaparvata. In the tenth cen- tury, during YaSaskaradeva’s reign, the relative position of the hill was there- fore precisely the centre of the city. In the Moksopaya, the hill’s position is explicitly depicted as such, namely central to the town (lasya madhye). This means, the author must have made his observations at a time when the city did not yet extend to the left bank of the Jhelum, an extension that was achieved only later, under Ananta’s reign in the eleventh century. From such a later perspective — and this resembles much that of today — the Pradyum- nagsikhara would haye clearly risen to the northeast. The mountain peak is referred to by a variety of names, such as Pradyumnasrmga (4.32.25), Pradyumnagiri (30), or ArsyaSmnga (31). Kalhana connects the site fundamentally with Pravarasena’s II foundation of Srinagar, 31 Cp. also FUNAYAMA (1994), p.370ff. 32 STELN (1900) (II), p.439-451. 33 STEIN (1900) (II), p.445.28 Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopaya in about AD 580. He gives a legendary account (RT 3.339-349), accord- ing to which the place had been pointed to by a demon, who encouraged Pravarasena to build his new capital there at its southern slope, where a vil- lage called Saritaka once existed™ (RT 3.3486), which is no longer extant. Thus, the hill initially constituted also the historic — not only the topographic — cen- tre of Srinagar. The area walled in around its foot still bears the name of Nagarnagar. Different legends handed down elsewhere™ have it that the god- dess Durga once took on the shape of a Sarika bird and carried the hill in her beak from Mount Meru to its present position. She is believed having taken her abode on the hill and has ever since received worship there. The peak is therefore found referred to also by the name of Sarika in many a textual source from Kashmir,?” the most ancient of which was considered to be So- madeva’s Kathdsaritsagara (12.6.105ff) so far. Since, however, the Moksopaya can be assigned more precisely to the middle of the tenth century, it has be- come our earliest source for toponymic and topographic details of the sort just pointed out. The Moksopaya predates Somadeva (1063/1081) by c. one hundred, and Kalhana (1149/50) by c. two hundred years. Somadeva clearly identifies the location called Pradyumnasikhara and Sarikaparvata as identi- cal (na@madvaya, 111ab) and gives a slightly different reason as to just why the goddess was dwelling exactly there. It was, according to Somadeva, with a % STEIN (1900) (LI), p.442F. t 35 Sarikamahatmya, KSS 12.6.105ff; see STEIN (1900) (I), p.99-103; note on Rajataratigini 3.339- 349) for a detailed representation of what is giverthere in a summarized form only. % Cp. also: [...] Sarikarapadharint [...) pradyurnnasikhare sthita (Sarikasahasranama (SSN) 1, edited as part of the Sdrikipaficiriga as an appendix to the Devirahasya, ed. RAMCHANDRA KAK and HARABHATTA SHASTRI, Delhi 1993 [reprint]); Sildyae Sarikakhydyal [...] (SSN 3a); |...) Silérapasti Sarika (SSN 5d); [...] silaripasti Sarika [...] pradyumnapttham asrita (SPA 4); etc. I am grateful to Dr JORGEN HANNEDER for having drawn my attention to this collection of texts on the local Sariké tradition. Cp., moreover, Somadeva, Kathdsaritsdgara (ed. PANDIT JAGADISA LALA SASTRI, New Delhi 1970) 12.6.116 (tatra [...] santpiijya Sarikim devim [...]) and the (modern) inscriptions ‘on the archway leading to the Pradyumnasikhara:' pradyumnasikhariisindm matrcakropasobhitaim | pithesvarim Sildriipam Sdrikim pranamamy aham. There is another line in Persian characters be- low the Sanskrit. The language (‘Persian’), which contains elements of Sanskrit and Urda, is somewhat doubtful in terms of grammar, and therefore not fully intelligible. Anyhow, it omits the Sakta connotation inherent in the Sanskrit! I am grateful to Dr ADVAITAVADINI KAUL (New Delhi) and Dr HEIKE FRANKE (alle) for their help in transliterating the line and for a paraphrase of its probable meaning: CakreSwarat hagat rawa sazé geda-ra badsah | wah wah ée lakSrat thapand 5ri Sarika dewi namah, “Slave and king are made (supposed?) to require (haat rawa) Cakresvar. Oh, oh, what a place of Laksmi! Homage to $ri Sarika Devi.” 57 See, eg., STEIN (1900) (1), p.113; note on Rajatararigin? 3.460.Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopaya 29 view to having the hill guarded, as it was considered an important entrance gate to the underworld (patdla), that Pradyumna asked Durga to reside per- manently there. Today, the hill goes by the name of Hariparbat. Contrary to the popular etymology, which sometimes tends to connect the present name with Visnu (Hari), hara represents the regular Kashmiri phonetic derivative of skt. $arika.* STEIN has given the following description of the site of the Devi worship: “The goddess $arika, which has given to the hill its name, has been worshipped since ancient times on the north-west side of the hill. Certain natural markings on a large perpendicular rock are taken by the pious as rep- resenting that kind of mystical diagram, which in the Tantrasastra is known as Sricakra”.? The red colour of the stone may be linked with the garments of the Devi, the colour of which is described — and accordingly found painted - as red: [...] raktavastriim raktabharanabhiisitam [...] sarikim bhaje" “This [...] is still a much-frequented pilgrimage-place for the Brahmans of the City, and has been so probably since early times”, wrote STEIN in 1900.*1 Today, offici- ating Pandits (Kauls and Dhars) are still present at this shrine. The Pradyum- nasikhara, praised by Kalhana (RT 3.361) as “the pleasure-hill from which the splendour of all the houses is visible as if from the sky”,? was not fortified in pre-Mogul times and seems to have been a quite built-up area. To quote again from STEIN: “The eastern slopes [...] are now occupied by extensive build- ings [...]. It is probable that Muhammadan shrines have taken here the place of Hindu religious buildings [...]’.? Kalhana speaks of one Matha that was built for PaSupatas on the hill under king Ranaditya (d. c. 6237), and — most probably on the same site there - of also two temples.“ In the Moksopaya, the existence of a Vihara and of royal palaces is referred to, directly or indirectly related to YaSaskaradeva. In this connection, it should perhaps be mentioned 38 See STEIN (1900) (1), p.102; note on RajataraiginT 3.339-349; SreIN (1900) ({1), p.443 and note 20. % It is therefore that the temple goes today by the name of "[Sri] Chakreshwari Temple’, too. A Cakresvari temple is mentioned also in the Nilamatapurana (1015), see TOKUNAGA (1994), p. 404. For local texts dealing with the present Yantra, of which an inscription on the wall represents an abridged description, cp. Devirahasya 12.32f and Sarikapaficariga 19ff (appendix to the Devirahasya, p.408). 40 Sarikasahasrandma, p.425, v.2. 41 STEIN (1900) (II), p.446. #2 rein (1900) (II), p.444. sretN (1900) (I), p. 446. 4 Rajatararigint 3.460. On Ranaditya’s date, see WITZEL (1990), p.35 (probable misprint 523 AD, for 623 A.D.).30 Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopaya that YaSaskara was the son of one influential Brahmin named Prabhakaradeva, treasurer and minister of a previous ruler, Gopalavarman (902-904). An as- sembly of Brahmans elected YaSaskara, who was renowned for his learning (vidvain) and his eloquence (odgmin), as Brahman king on June 26, AD 939. His election had been under debate for several days.*® The buildings on the Pradyumnasikhara testified to in the Moksopaya are the following: tasya miirdhni giter geham ko 'pi raja karigyati abhiraitkasamahasilam Sriige Srrigam iodparamt (4.32.13) “On top of this mountain, a certain king will erect a mansion, a sky scraping, gigantic building (/sky scraping, with a gigantic rampart), as if it were another peak piled up on [this mountain’s] peak.” This cannot but refer to a royal palace, clearly visible from below as over- towering everything else on the hill. The simile of a skyscraper (abhtrarikasa), also used by Kalhana (abhramliha, Rajatararigin7, 3.359a), has to be taken in its verbatim meaning. It is well known and is found referred to by many chroniclers from Kalhana to Muslim and Mogul writers that the mansions in Srinagar were lofty, “at least five stories high, and each storey contains apart- ments, halls, galleries, and towers.” Were it not for the position of the palace mentioned, which seems to have been rather in the north-eastern direction, and were it not for the building material, which invariantly was pine wood, the sight of the palace from below may have presented itself to the viewer from the west or the south similar to that of the fort on its top at present. The text locates Vyala, the sparrow, “in a nest of ‘that mansion, [which is] inside a wall fissure of the north-eastern mountain peak”.*” Elsewhere, the sparrow is said to have dwelled “on the far edge of the Pradyumna peak”. From this, we may conclude that the palace on top of the Pradyumna, erected by an un- named king, was directly attached to a rockface in the northeast. Furthermore, it may be assumed that at the time of Yasaskara this one had already been de- serted, since Yasaskara himself dwelled in a palace different from the mansion 45 STEIN (1900) (1), p. 103. See Rajatararigint 5.473-477. 46 STEIN (1900) (M1), p.444, note 26. . 7 grhasyesanakonadrisirobhittivranodare (4.32.14ab); cp. also 4.32.30cd: [...] pradyumnagirau gehe dhittivranaviharigata. 48 pradyummasikharaprantavastavyah [...] (4-32.23ab).Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopitya 31 just referred to, and also because the nest in the wall fissure of Yasaskara’s palace is described as “of straw, ruffled by incessantly blowing winds”. The three demons occupied different, however nearby locations.°° tasminn eva tada kale tatra raja bhavisyati Sriyasaskaradevakhyalt Sakrah svarga ioaparahs (4.32.16) “Then, at the same time, a king of royal dignity (6ri), Yasaskaradeva by name, will reside there [on the hill], as another Indra in [his] heaven, as it were.” YaSaskaradeva, we know from Kalhana, apart from his royal residence (mandira, rajadhant) owned also a college (matha), which he had built else- where for having students from Aryadesa (Uttar Pradesh) educated there, and whereto he resorted in vain when his violent death was imminent.>! His palace was equipped with a “hall of eight columns” (astastambhamandapa).> It was most likely with reference to this very hall that Dama is said to dwell as. a mosquito “in the king’s palace (sadman), softly humming inside a crack on the surface of a mighty column (byhatstambha)" ® In a subsequent passage, the building material of the palace and its columns is even specified as “consisting of wood, in a fissure of which” the mosquito would have been living. This statement in particular justifies the assumption that we are indeed concerned here with an eyewitness’ account of topographical facts, reported in detail by this contemporary of Yagaskaradeva. Apart from the two buildings on the hill just dealt with, one on the north- eastern peak and presumably already deserted at the time, and the other being YaSaskaradeva’s palace without any detailed indication of landmark particu- lars, there is yet another topographic description made in the text, related to one of Yagaskara’s ministers and his place of residence: # |...| avisrantavatoddhutatrnarikite (4.32.14ed). 5 4.32.3; the three locations are 1) Pradyumnasriga, 2) king Yasaskaradeva’s palace, 3) the Ratnavali-Vihara (4.32.25). 51 See Rajatarangini 6.87£; 99; 104ff. 2 Rajatararigint 6.96b. 53 danavo dimandma tu masakas tasya sadmani bhavisyati bhatstambhaprsthacchidre mrdudhvaniht (4.32.17), rajamandiradérvantar vranavastavyatin: gatah (4.32.24ab). Cp. also 4.32.29ed: [...] rajagrlia- darvantar vrane masakarapata.32 Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopaya adhisthinabhidhe tasminn evogranagare tada ratnavaliviharakhyo viharo ‘pi bhavisyati (4.32.18) “Then, in the same mighty town called Adhisthana, there will be a monastery also, going by the name of Ratnavalivihara.” Kalhana, too, mentions the Ratnavali-Vihara of Srinagar (Rajatararigint 3.476). It had been constructed by Galina, who named it after his wife. He had been a minister of king Vikramaditya, the great-grandson of Pravarasena II, founder of Srinagar, and son of Ranaditya, who had built a PaSupata-Matha on the Pradyumnasikhara (Rajatararigini 3.460). We may therefore safely as- sume that the Vihara under consideration, too, must have been confined to the city. Kalhana informs us about another monastery there, called after its founder Jayendra, an uncle of Pravarasena II, the ‘Jayendra-Vihara’. Xuan- zang, who stayed in Srinagar for two years (AD 631-633), living and studying in this latter Vihara, confirms its existence at that time.> In the case of the Ratnavalivihara, however, the Moksopiya clearly specifies its position as on the Pradyumna hill: tasmims tadbhiimipamatyo narasimiha iti Srutah [...] bhavisyati (4.32.19) “In this [Vihara] there will live a companion (/councillor)® of that king [YaSaskaradeva], known as Narasimha.” by The mansion (as part of the Vihara)”” owned by him® is explicitly located on the Pradyumnagikhara: [...] arsyasrrige nrsimhasya gehe [...] (432.310), “In Nrsimha’s house on the Pradyumana hill [...]” 55 Cp. STEIN (1900) (1), p.103, note on Rajatararigint II 355; 1900, 2: 439; cp. also Rajatarangint 5.428. The Khotanese Itinerary (10" century, see above, note 7) contains the following reference to Vihdras in Srinagar at the time: "[...] there is a large monastery with a dharmardja (stupa) (and) 500 rock cells. Smaller monasteries are countless.” SKJRV@ (2002), p. 526, Il. 33-34. 56 Characterised as Amatya also in 4.32.21a: sa nrsimtho nrpamatyah. 57 It is perhaps worthy of note that the names of particular religious buildings such as Viharas or Mathas would also designate the surrounding city quarters. See STEIN (1900) (II), p.339. 58 [...] grite tasya |...] (4.32.20a). 9 arsyasriige [=] pradyumnasriige (Moksopiiya-Tikt ad 4.32.31).ST Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopatya 33 As a result, we now have come to know of altogether four medieval ed- ifices on the Sarika hill, which are testified to as historical by the Moksopaya (©) and by Kalhana (XIE): Two royal palaces, one of them Yasaskaradeva’s, the other a deserted one, furthermore the Ratnavali Vihara, as also a Pasupata Matha. From this collective evidence for the existence of palaces, Mathas and Viharas on the hill — not to forget the Sarika- and other shrines -, it may be imagined as a busy area, quite comparable to the Palatino crowning the Forum Romanum in Rome. Kings, ministers, philosophers and poets — some- times holding more than only one office — had chosen the Pradyumnasikhara as their residence, living there in close neighbourhood. Exactly this, then, brings us to no one else than to Narasimha, who is likely to have been involved some way or other in the Moksopaya’s authorship.*! There are at least three learned and approximately contemporaneous individ- uals of Kashmir known to have borne the name of Narasimha or Nrsimha. One is the Narasimha under consideration here (X! century), the second was the father of Abhinavagupta (X?/XI! century), called Narasimhagupta or Cukhala,® and the third was a certain Acarya Narasimha, an exponent of a particular “non-difference from perception” doctrine (pratyaksddvaya), again referred to by Abhinavagupta.“ Now it may be argued that Narasimha of the Moksopaya was no historical figure since Kalhana has not enumer- ated him among YaSaskaradeva’s ministers. Kalhana, it is true, mentions only one “out of five ministers” (mantrin) by name, and this is Parvagupta (Rajatararigint 6.103ab). However, the latter was a politically important figure. An exceptionally ill-disposed and deceitful person, he had risen to an influ- ential position already under king Unmattavanti (Avanti, the maniac), cruelly © Srein describes also another place of worship “close to the foot of the southern extremity of the hill”, a “rock which has from ancient times received worship as an embodiment of Ganesa, under the name of Bhimasvamin.” This, as well as the fort on the summit of the hill, I had not been able to visit on account of the fact that these areas were closed to the public due to military restrictions. The fort was built only after Akbar, whereas the wall enclosing the hill was built by the order of the latter. STEIN (1900) (II), p. 447. 81 Cp. 4.32.21. ® Ca, AD 950-1020 according to KANE (1987), p. 243. 6 Cp, HANNEDER (1998a), p. 58f; 127f; 131f. S See Malintvarttika (ed. MADHUSUDAN KAUL SHASTRI, Srinagar 1921 [KSTS 31}) 1.762c-764b: ittham pratyaksam evedam nihsapatnarn vijr ane pratyaksddvaitam idrsam | idant sandhinakalikipa im ucyate. 1 owe this reference to Dr SOMDEV VASUDEY (letter to Dr Hanneder, May7, 2002).34 Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopaya murdered the crippled successor of Yaaskara, and thereupon usurped the throne. Furthermore, we must not expect Kalhana to have recorded every official of the royal court by name. Thus, basing himself on the evidence pro- vided by Abhinavagupta in his Paratrimsikivivarana, KANE pointed out that YaSakara must also have had a minister called Vallabha.© Next, Jayaratha in his Tantrdlokaviveka has handed down the name of yet another of Yasaskara’s ministers, Parnamanoratha.” So, from among altogether four names we dispose of evidence for, Narasimha (MU), Parvagupta (Rajatararigin?), Vallabha (PTV), and Parna- manoratha (TAV), only one (Parvagupta) has been mentioned explicitly by name by Kalhana. An objection against Narasimha as being historical, by way of argumentum e silentio Kalhanae, would thus obviously miss the mark.® Furthermore, it is not entirely clear whether the designation of mantrin (Par- vagupta), saciva (Pirnamanoratha) or amitya (Narasimha, Vallabha) might point to different areas of responsibility or to different executive posts at the court. Over a period of almost ten years of Yagaskaradeva’s continuous reign, it is plausible that the refilling of councillor or court Pandit positions may have occurred repeatedly. In conclusion, the historicity of the local sites and personal names pre- served in the Moksopdya passages as treated here may safely be considered © See Rajatararigini 5.420ff; 6.115-149. © KANE (1987), p.237. Cp. Parittrisikdvivarana (ed. in: GNOL (1985), p. 284, vs. Sab: kaSmniresu yaSaskarasya nrpater dsid améatyagranih Sriman vellabha ity |...] dvijal, I am grateful to Dr HANNEDER for having drawn my attention to this passage as also to the one quoted in note 67. 87 srimitn yasaskaranrpah sacioam samastadharmyasthitisv akrta parnamanorathakhyam. See Tantra- lokaviveka, concluding verse 8cd. In: The Tantraloka of Abhinavagupta with the Commentary of Jayaratha. [Reprint] Ed. by R. C. DviveDiand NAVJIVAN RASTOGI, Delhi 1987, vol.8, p. 3720. 8 Cp. also DIVANJI (1935), p.23, according to whom “in the familiarity which he shows in describing the places situated [. ..] there is sufficient warrant for the inference that he must either be writing this account at the time when Yasaskara was ruling [...] and Nrsimha was one of his ministers or at a time when any successor of that king [...] had been ruling there. I therefore conclude that such was really the case.” © On the functional difference between a mantrin and an amiltya according to the Arthasisira cp. KANGLE (2000), p.133ff. Let it be noted that Bhatta Jayanta, writer and philosopher, does not seem to differentiate between these denotations. Thus, he speaks of himself as an amdtya or as a mantrin in the service of king Safikaravarman (883-902): dalune Kim Ide Sarikalaoamme. tado visame Se banane tassa amacce dulddlajayamte. Agamadambara (Agamadambara otherwise called Sanmatandtaka of Jayanta Bhatta. Ed. V. RAGHAVAN and ANANTALAL THAKUR. i Mithila Institute 1964) 3% Anka, p.46, line 18f. mantrr sastramahataviviharanasranto jayanto [... Agamadambara 3" Aitka, 8b, p.54, line 20.Walter Slaje: Locating the Moksopaya 35 as established. The origin of its composition must be searched for inside the | city limits of ancient (10" century) Srinagar, on the slopes or at the top of the | Pradyumna hill. | | |The Moksopaya Project (Ill): Manuscripts from the Delhi and Srinagar Collections WALTER SLAJE In continuation of two reports on ‘The Moksopaya Project’, published else- where! and, as far as that goes, preceding the present one, this is to deal briefly with some additional manuscripts. trarismitting the text of the Moksopaya. ; These manuscripts are kept in collections, which still are almost inaccessible to | the public.? During September and October 2003, by permission of the respec- tive authorities, it became possible to consult the materials on the spot and to take notes on them. Having lain behind closed doors for a considerable pe- | tiod, the manuscripts under consideration had increasingly become shrouded in mystery. The mystery surrounding them was further enhanced by various rumours and some title-lists put in circulation discreetly. That the hurdles were finally taken and that transparency could be achieved, goes above all to the credit of Professor G. C. TRIPATHI, Head of the KalakoSa Division in the IGNCA. He spared no efforts to this end, brought his influence to bear on wherever necessary and presided over the whole campaign as a vighnajit in the true sense of the word. National Archives, New Delhi The Manuscripts Department in the National Archives keeps a small collec- tion of 212 Sanskrit manuscripts? from Srinagar.‘ Their titles are enumerated in List No. 298: Gilgit Manuscripts and Sanskrit Manuscripts: “Manuscripts belonging to the Archaeology and Research Department, Jammu & Kashmir Government, Srinagar [...] consisting of 212 items [...] temporarily trans- ferred to the National Archives of India for safe custody and preservation on Oct., 19, 1948 [...]”. 1 SLAJE (1997), SLAJE (2000), 2 Cp. WirzEL (1994b), p.17, for an enumeration of collections keeping Kashmirian manuscripts. 3 Note that in the following all quotations from manuscripts strictly document the wording exactly as found. Scribal mistakes are not marked. 4 Cp. WirzEL (1994b), p. 17: “The first 212 numbers of this” [ie. of the Research Library of the University of Kashmir at Srinagar] “collection have been transported to Delhi and they have re- mained there ever since, in the National Archives of India where they are kept almost inaccessible, as they are classified with actual government documents.”38 Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project III Catalogue entry: “Moksopaya, 90 folios.” No. 178 Paper, cardboard cover, Sarada. , Varying colophons, e.g; moksopiye ...; Srimoksopayasire ...; moksopiya: samhitayam ...nama sargah. Title abbreviation: mo sa. Incomplete, 95 numbered folios. Page numbering in the margins on the top right in Roman numbers: 190. No Prakarana structure discernible, only Sargas are indicated. Moksopaya-Sara, incomplete. Begins: om | divi bhitmau .. 1]| (=MU 1.1.1) aharp baddho ... || 2{| (emu1.1.2) yavan nanugrahah siksaj jayate paramesvarat | tavan na sadgurum kagcit sacchastram vdpi no labhet || 3|| (= VS1.3, not in MU) Srivalmikih kathopayan vicaryadau moksopin iman atha | yo vicarayati prajfio na sa bhiiyo bhijayate | | 4 || (Mu 1.13) asmin ramayane... || 5|| (=MU 1.1.4) Sigyayasmai vinitaya bharadvajaya ... || 6] | (= MT () 1.5) Breaks off on folio 95°: jadam cittadi dubkhasya bhajanam dehatam gatam | nna caitasmin ksate ksine kificid evatmanah ksatam || 59|| (=Nea 6.54.10) This abridgement in its initial part (Vair@gya) appears to be de, epencen on, or, at any rate related to, manuscripts of the Vairdgyaprakarana (S;2and $43). As Sarga 1.1 of the vulgate is lacking there, they all doubtlessly transmit the characteristic beginning of the Moksopaya recension (MU), with the notable ex- ception of Sloka no. 3 of the manuscript described. This Sloka occurs normally only in the small Vasisthasara® consisting of ten Prakararias. The volume of the present version exceeds Saras of the latter kind. Closer investigation required. 5 Bd. by THOM (1999) by the title of Yogavisisthasara.Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project 111 39 National Museum, New Delhié Catalogue entry: “Yogavasistha-Sara-Vivaranam” lo. 57.106/44 Collective paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas. Contrary to the catalogue entry the manuscript contains no commentary; a few glosses are added in the margins. As clearly indicated in Mahidhara’s commentary (Vivrtti), written in A.D. 1597 on this abridgement,’ its original title must have been ‘Vasisthasara’.® Despite this, the text was re-edited in 1999 | as ‘Yogavasisthasara’.° For the sake of transparency, the very title ‘Vasisthasara’ (VS) will henceforth be consequently applied to all manuscripts of this ver- | sion, disregarding the various and often misleading designations occurring in | the colophons. Begins 33°: om namah sivaya | on dikkaladyanavacchinnanantacinmatramirttaye | svanubhiityekamanaya namah santaya tejase || 1|| (= VS 1.1) aham baddho vimuktah syam iti yasyasti nigcayah | natyantam ajfio no tajjflah so smifi chastre dhikaravan || 2|| yavan nanugrahah saksaj jayate paramesvarat | tavan na sadgurum kaScit sacchastram vapi no labhet || 3 || mahanubhavasamparkat samsararnavalatighane | yuktih samprapyate rama drdha naur iva navikat || 4|| 6 Cp. WITZEL (1994b), p.17: “Another larger collection is in the National Museum at New Delhi; of this, there exists a’card catalogue that equally remains unpublished.” I am grateful to my friend RAFFAELE TORELLA for having placed a digitized copy of a typewritten title-list at my disposal in November 2002. Access to the collection was granted in a most liberal manner by the Keeper of the Manuscripts Department, Dr NASIM AKHTAR. I should also like to thank the Deputy Keeper Dr Satya Vata TkiPAtii fr his friendly assistance on the spot. Calculation according to AUFRECHT, quoted in THOMI (1999), p.22. ® For a copy of Mahidhara’s Vivriti, with an excerpt of the passages dealing with the title, see below, Srinagar Ms No 4813/1968.05. 9 Cp. above, note 5.40 Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project 111 Ends 41": saumydmbhasi yathi vicir na casti nanu ndsti ca | tathd jagad brakmanidam SinyaSinyapadarn jana || 36 || (~ VS 10.34) iti Sriyogavasisthasaraviracite parandmni tatvaniripanam nama dagakam prakaranam || Catalogue entry: “Yogavasistha, Big Grantha, 704 folios” No. 57.106/100 [S16] Paper codex, Sarada. Moksopaya, Nirvanaprakarana (complete) and Khilas (incomplete, 1.1- 14.2a). Obvious affinities with Ms Nis and Nos (= Vigram I/24 and Visram 1/419 in the B.O.R.I collection) in extension and readings. Begins on folio 1”: Srivalmikir woaca | upasantiprakaranad anantaram imam Srau | foam nirodnaprakaranam jfiatam nirodnakari yat || kathayaty evam uddamavacanam muninayake | Sravanaikarase maunam sthite rajakumarake || munivagarthaniksiptamanasy astetarakriye | rajaloke gataspandam cittrarpita iva sthite || vasisthavacasdm arthain vickrayati sidaram | lasadarigulibharige ca munisarthe sphuradbhitvi || End of Nirvana on folio 670": Srutoaitac ciranirorttim bhaja bhrsam jroanvimuktaSayo laksmim jfianatapahkriyakramayutar bhuriksvaksayam aksayah || (~ Nea 7,215.17; MU 6.374.17) . ity arsoparacite Srimahdrimadyane devadittokte Satasahasryam samhitayam, balakande | moksopayesu niroanaprakaranam samaptam || samaptah moksopayah || 371 || End of Khilas on folio 696": 30 The numbers in square brackets correspond with the sigla now in use by the Moksopaya {f edition project. FWalter Slaje: Moksopaya Project II 41 celanidityatapane drSye smin vyomaripini | alokavedasastradi svarigam sadasadatimani || bhavin aham dySyam idam jagat kham ityadi sarvam sadasatsvariipam | yathasthitam sad vyavahary apittham brahmesthikaikopalakogatismin | | nandprasnesu parabralmasvariipavarnanam: nama sargakt || 13 vasisthal || sarvarthatmana evasya sarvarthabhigatatmanah | jagac cinnabhaso brithi karanaim kvopayujyate || (=Khila 14.1) Sasaspiigakhapuspanam va The Research and Publications Department, Jammu & Kashmir Government, Srinagar" Despite many applications directed to and numberless telephone conversa- tions held with the authorities of the “Public Libraries, Kashmir” and of the “State Libraries, J & K, no permission for digitizing the mss. on the spot could be achieved at the time. It is particularly in this regard that I feel very much indebted to Dr. ADVAITAVADINI KAUL (IGNCA, New Delhi) who through her good relations with the Srinagar authorities, by negotiating for weeks on end, advanced the process to the extent that all required mss. were eventu- ally put at my disposal for consulting them in Srinagar. One year and a half later, the IGNCA has now been entrusted with the task of digitizing the valu- able Srinagar mss. collection, and their work is admirably progressing with rapid strides. Back in 2003, the awaited decision was promised not to come up before a couple of weeks - or even months.” Therefore, by the shortage of time caused by not a few delays of that sort, all that could be done at the 1 Cp, WITZEL (1994b), p.17: “[...] the Research Library of the Department of Archaeology at Srinagar has collected some 8000 texts (contained in a lesser number of actual MSS). They are now housed in the Research Library of the University of Kashmir at Srinagar.” 2 Under the circumstances, one felt somewhat reminded of M. WITZEL's (loc.cit,) assess- ment that “fortunately he (scil. M. A. STEIN) sent most of them (scil. of the manuscripts he had bought in Kashmir) to the libraries of Vienna, Tiibingen, Berlin, Paris and especially to Oxford [...] where they are kept and are accessible in original and microfilm [...].” Elsewhere, WITZEL (WrrzeL. (1990), 54f, fn. 133) had stated, “libraries and archives in South Asia are notoriously dif- ficult of access, due to bureaucratic and other restraints. Instead of complaining about the “theft” of mss. during the colonial period, action should be taken to save the many private collections42 Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project IIT time was consulting the mss. quite hastily by taking rough notes only. The remaining time had to be used for quickly identifying all of those manuscripts that might belong to the Moksopiya recension. Testing the Prakaranas against certain formal criteria allows in general for a quick identification as follows:! ~ Vairagya beginning with Nga 12. — Utpatti extending to Na IV 18. ~ Sthiti beginning with Nea IV 19. ~ Nirvina undivided into two halves of a Pairon-and an Uttarardha, — Khilas (nanaprasnalt) appended to the Nirvanaprakaraya. It should be noted, however, that the following identifications as “Yo- gavisistha recension (Nza)” are frequently based on such superficial criteria as are e.g. the presence of Ngg 1.1 (= frame-story E) or of the commentary of Anandabodhendra (Vasisthatatparyaprakasa [VTP]), both doubtlessly char- acteristic of the vulgate Yogavdsistha (Nua) only. From this, however, it does not follow with any necessity that the Srinagar manuscripts under considera- tion would not have retained particular Moksopaya readings. It may generally be stated that in quite a number of cases the conflation with VIP seems to be restricted predominantly to the Vairigyaprakarana, in the case of which VTP was copied out in full. Influence of that sort. decreases sometimes perceptibly in the subsequent Prakaranas, where excerpts from VTP occur rather occasion- ally, in the margins only. : The following presents a complete overview of Moksopaya/ Yogavasistha re- Jated manuscripts kept in the Research and Publications Department, arranged according to their catalogue entries.!4 Catalogue entries: “Yogavasistha” No 4787/361 Papercodex, leather binding, Kasmir-Devanagari. Yogavasistha recension (Nga), Vairagyaprakarana. Sanskrit and vernacular translation (bhdsa) of manuscripts and documents in the subcontinent from destruction by the forces of nature and their all too often ignorant proprietors. Those mss. that had been brought to European and other non-Indian libraries have survived just because of this fact and are easily accessible to research.” 1 Cp, also SLAJE (1997), p.211ff. 14 See "The Research and Publication Department, Jammu and Kashmir Government, Srinagar (Kmr): A Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts. Srinagar 1989."Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project 111 43 No 4788/827 [$14] Old birch-bark codex, leather binding, Sarada. Moksopaya, Vairigya- to Upasamaprakarana. Beginning and end totally crumbled. The bark has become fragile to the extent that turning over the folios would damage the bark and cause its layers | to coming off. Professional restoration urgently required. Judging from my faint memory of the handwriting of an otherwise in- | complete birch-bark ms (8s, Oxford), which contains the latter half (Nirvana- prakarana) only of the complete work, the present manuscript could originally have made up the former part. $14 abounds throughout in glosses written interlinear or in the margins by different hands. First consultable folio: mahdramayane visodmitravakyart nama sargah | vilmikir uvvica | tac chruta rajaSardiilo viscamitrasya bhasitam | (= MU 1.7.1ab) 1* legible colophon of the Utpattiprakarana: utpattiprakarane ddyasrstivarnanam nama sargah | (= MU 3.2) ramalt | evam etan manas Suddham prthoyadirahitam nablah | mune brahmeti kathitam sabhyam prthvyadivarjitam | (~ MU 3.3.1) The Utpattiprakarana contains the Bhargavopakhyana. No intercalary Sthiti- colophon. Last Sarga preceding the Bhargavopakhyana: tayor doayor manasi nirantaram ksate satam jagan na tu jagati ksate mana || (= MU 4.4.16cd) sthityankurakathanam ndma sargah | | Beginning of Bhargavopakhyana within Utpatti: rama | bhagavan sarvadharmajiia pitreaparavidant vara | ayam manasi samsaras spharah katham iva sthitals || (= MU 3.127.1 Nea 45.1) The above quoted colophon preceding the actual beginning of the Bhargavopakhydna and containing the element ‘sthiti’ could - through the im- pact of also the immediately following first Sloka with ‘sthitah’ in Pada d) — have led some redactor or scribe to assume that this should indeed form part :44 Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project III of the ‘Sthitiprakarana’. It would have contributed to an uncertainty about the Prakarana boundaries and eventually resulted in shifting the conclusion of Ut- patti to exactly before this Akhyana, which, by way of an intervention of that sort, became itself part of the Sthitiprakarana."> Colophon of Utpatti: samaptan cedant utpattiprakaranam (2°4 hand: rtiyam | vasisthals | athotpattiprakaranad ...Srnu... || (@MU4.1.1.) jfoabijam param brahma saroatra kham iva sthiram | (= MU 4.19.1ab) Final legible colophon: tpasanaprataraye samsrtibijaniraharanakramopadeso nama sargah | (~ Nea 5.9: The following Sarga begins: manag api vicarena ceta — | mang api ksato yena— || (~ Nea 5.93.1) Final legible fragment: . jivanmuktamatir mauni nigrhitendriya ~ | —mudamatsarya dryas tisthati vijoarah || (~ Nea 5.93.95) No 4789/1149 3 independent manuscripts registered under one entry. 1 Paper, Pothi, Sarada. Folios in a mess. Yogavasistha recension (Nzu), Vairaigya- and Mumuksuprakarana. VTP glosses in the margins. 2 Paper, Pothi, KaSmir-Nagari and Sarada (glosses). Yogavdsistha recension (Nea), Upasantiprakarana. VTP glosses (Sarada) in the margins. 3 Paper, Pothi, Sarada. Yogavasistha recension (Nz), incomplete Nirvina- prakarana. VTP glosses in the margins. 15 Compare P. STEPHAN’s contribution below, p.85.Walter Slaje: Moksopdya Project ITT 45 \ : No 4790/1155 [S21] Paper codex, leather binding, Sarada. Yogavasistha recen- sion (Nga), Vairaigya- to Sthitiprakarana. (Frame story E plus VTP introduction : | to the Vairagyaprakarana, VTP glosses in the margins). Bhirgavopakhyana con- | tained in Utpatti. Yo 4791/1212.06 [$3] Collective paper codex, leather binding, Sarada. Moksopaya (2), Vairdgyaprakarana (incomplete in the beginning). Interlinear glosses and glosses in the margins. lo 4792/1238 [$19] Country paper, Pothi, Sarada. Folios arranged back to front. Moksopaya (2), Nirvanaprakarana (incomplete). Breaks off with: svatah citi ghane cittuac cidbhava— (~ Nga 7.188.16ab) Jo 4793/1274 [S29] Paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. ‘Two separate Prakaranas bound in one: 1 Yogavasistha recension (Nea), Vairagyaprakarana (complete, frame story E plus VTP introduction) 2 Moksopaya (?), Nirvanaprakarana (incomplete, different hand) Final colophon of the Nirvana: moksopayesu wirvinaprakarane bhiksusamsarodaharanam nama sargah | (= Nea 6.62) Srivasisthah | KE sa kadacid dadargatha rudram .... | (= Nga 6.63.1; MU 6.67.1) Breaks off with: kuipi jioatasamisdram cidakaSaikakonagam || 41|| (= Nee 6.63.41; MU 6.67.40) Yo 4794/1311.04 Collective paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. * Yogavasistha recension (Nea), parts from the Nirvanaprakarana, uttarardha (VIP).46 Walter Slaje: Moksopya Project IIT No 4795/1562 [$15] Old paper codex, leather binding, Sarada. Moksopaya, Vairagya- to the beginning of Niroanaprakarana (incomplete, a few folios only). ' Folio no 1 of Vairdgya has been lost. Folio no 1 is preceded by a substi- tute enclosed in the form of an unbound quire of several folios containing Anandabodhendra’s VTP-introduction together with a beginning correspond- ing to the Yogavisistha recension. Cp. also below, "Conclusion". End of Utpatti: iti Srimahtiramayane moksopdyesu utpattiprakarane jteasandakavatarah nama sargah | [= MU 4.18] utpattiprakaranam samiptah sampiirnam Sthiti begins with: jtvabijart ...(= MU 4.19.1) No intercalary Sthiti-colophon. No 4796/1821.10 [S13] Collective paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. Moksopaya, Vairdgyaprakarana. Final Sloka: phalati no tad ime vayam eva hi . sphutarars munayo hatabuddhayak || (= MU 1.32.43cd) iti Srimaharamayane moksopaye oairagyaprakaranam sampirnam samaptam iti sivam ie No 4797/2281 [$7] Paper codex, Pothi, cardboard cover, Sarada, 4 volumes. |! Dated Vikramasamvat 1991-1995 [by digits and chronograms, e.g. for the|! year 1995: prana-nidhana-graha-bhitmi virdjamane srivikramankasubhavatsara ...]. >, Neatly and meticulously written over a period of four years (= A.D. 1934/35-|, 1938/39) by KAULA THAKURA (lipir iyam kaulathakurasya), giving the impres- sion of a ‘collector’s edition’. A table of contents indicates the respective page numbers. The number of Sargas and Slokas are also given in a chart for each Prakarana. Appears as being a Sarada transcript from the printed vulgate f; (Nea), with the notable exception of the Khilas which are separately appended to the end. Yogavasistha recension (Nga), Vairagya- to Niroanaprakarana (uttarardha, Sarga \ 218) with excerpts from VTP. Incomplete, the Parvardha-volumes are missing. F Complete number of Slokas indicated as: 29.365.Walter Slaje: Moksopitya Project 11 47 Moksopaya, Kitilas (complete). Number of Slokas indicated as: 624. Volume 1 contains Vairigya to Utpatti. Utpatti ends: jivasandakavataro nama catvarimsadadhikasatatanal: sargai || 140|| sampidruam utpatti- prakaranam. The table of contents gives 140 Sargas for Utpatti, calculating 9123 (cor- rected from 9035) Slokas. Volume 2 contains Sthiti to Upasanti. Sthiti begins: jtvabijam ...(= MU 4.19.1) : Volume 3 contains Nirvina, Uttardrdha (Sarga 1-107). Volume 4 contains Nirvina, Uttarirdha (Sargas 108-218). Colophon of the above: sampiirnam ca Srimanmoksopayasastram | | End of excerpts from the VIP: rturasaturagamabatt (1766) sakavikarisubhavatsarasya sisirortuh |... || (= A.D. March 7, 1710)'6 iti fakakarakrtah Slokah | | 1o 4798/2305 [S22] Paper codex, leather binding, Sarada. | Yogavasistha recension (Nga), Vairagya- (complete, frame story E plus VTP { introduction) to Upasamaprakarana. | Utpatti contains Bhrgu, no intercalary colophon, Sthiti begins with jroabijam: (= } MU 4.19.1) ; Colophon (in a different handwriting): panditacandrikena bhedharagramavasakena” ayam pustakam moksopayam ndma mumukstinam vicdranartham dtmana moksaphalapraptyartham krtah «+ -kaulardmahastena nikhydtavin. lo. 4799/1073 Country paper, Pothi, Devanagari. Gigantic bundle. Yogavasistha recension (Nga) with VTP. 16 Calculated from the printed edition (Ng) by Dr KARL-HEINZ GOLZIO (GOLZIO (*2005)). TANGASVAMISARMAN (TANGASVAMISARMAN (1980), s.v. Anandabodhendra) calculated the date wrongly, converted it into A.D. 1842 and established an untenable floruit of Ananda- bodhendra as 1780-1850 A.D. 1” This is Bhedara of Kalhana in the southern district. For references, see [KARI (1994), p. 436; for the exact location, see p. 443, No. 12.48 Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project III Catalogue entries: “Yogavasistha-Tika” No 4827/1633 , No 4828/2306 Paper, Pothi, Sarada. Yogavasistha recension (Nga) with Vasisthatatparyaprakasa (VTP), parts of the Nirvanaprakarana. Catalogue entry: “Yogavasistha-Samgraha” No 4800/954 Paper, Pothi, cardboard cover, Devanagari, spidery handwriting 26 foll. Moksopayasangraha (complete). Condensed version, unknown so far. Although complete in itself, it represent: nothing more than a very small excerpt from the Niroanaprakarana. Begins: Srivasistha uvica | rama samyak prabuddho si svatmanam asi labdhavin | etam evabalabyatas tistha meha madam krthah | (~ Nea 6.29.4c-5b; MU 6.30.10) Ends: aham eva jagan naikadese me paramiyukaly || (unidentified) iti nirvanarapatma Samto vyaharann api yathgoaram asadrtipo jtvanmukto vatisthate | iti Sriniroinaprakarane mahdrdmdyane moksopiye sadehodahamuktavarnanant ndma sargal 29 || moksopayasamgraha saptarta samront 1864 [= A.D. 1806/07] Catalogue entries: “Yogavasistha-Sara” No 4801/1095.02 Collective paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. Minia- ture paintings, one painting illustrating the Vasisthasara by depicting Vasistha and Rama. Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas (incomplete, up to VS 10.1). See No 57.106/44 of the National Museum, above, and No 4813/1968.05, below, for the reason of using the title as indicated here. Breaks off: ...grahyam grhiteti mrs vikalpah || 28|| (= VS 9.32d) iti Srlyogavasisthasare atmanirpanan nama navanam prakaranam |9 | svapnendrajalavat pasya dindni trini pamca va | mittraksettradhana— (unidentified)Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project II 49 No 4802/1192.05 Collective paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. | Vasisthasdra in 10 Prakaranas (complete). I No 4803/1261 Paper codex, Sarada. » | Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas (incomplete, up to Prakaraya 9), glosses in the margins. paintings. Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas (complete). 4804/1272.04 Collective paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. Miniature I t ' No 4805/1291.24 Collective paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. Miniature : paintings. | Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas (complete). lo 4806/1311.01 Collective paper manuscript, Pothi format, bound, Sarada. Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas (complete, foll. 20r-35v). Numerous interlinear ft glosses in red ink. No 4807/1583.06 Collective paper codex, leather binding, Sarada. Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas (complete). lo 4808/1740.04 Collective paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas (complete). Isolated glosses. lo 4809/1742.11 Collective paper codex, leather binding, Sarada. Vasigthasara in 10 Prakaranas (complete). No 4810/1752.12 Collective paper codex, leather binding, Sarada. Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas (complete). Jo 4811/1803.02 Collective paper manuscript, Pothi format, bound, Sarada. Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas (complete). rae50 Walter Slaje: Moksopitya Project Ul No 4812/1821.08 [$12] Collective paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. 128 foll. Title abbreviation in the margins: mo vai. * Moksopaya, Vairagyaprakarana (complete). Begins: -.-om divi bhimau... || 1] (=MU 1.1.1) aha baddho ... || 2] valmitkir vaca kathopayan vicaryadau moksopayan iman atha |... || 3|| Ends: phalati no tad ime vayam eva hi sphutataram munayo hatabuddhayah || (= MU 1.32.43cd) iti Srimaharamayane moksopaye vairagyaprakaranam sampirnam samaptam iti sivam | No 4813/1968.05 Collective paper codex, cardboard cover, Sarada. Miniature paintings. Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas with the commentary Vasisthasdravivrtti of Mahidhara,’* 54 foll. Comm.: om laksmikintant namaskytya yathdmati viracyate | visisthasdravivrttit paropakrtaye maya || || yatas saroani bhitani... || 2|| ..- tatradau vasisthasarakhyarm grantham dripsus tatpratipadyestadevatdnatirapam mariga- lam acarati | om Text: dikkiladyanavacchinnanantacinmatramarttaye | ...(= VS 1.1) Comm.: evamvidhaya Santaya gunatitaya tejase brahmasvaripaya namah | tejassabdenatra brah- F maiva na bhautike tejas tasya vaksaménalaksananupapatteh | kimbhiitaya | tejase ... Colophon on folio 8°: iti Sriyogavisisthasaravivarane vairagyaprakaranam | Text ends: 18 Cp, THOM! (1999), p. 226.Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project II 51 saumyambhasi yatha vicir asti na casti na ca nastica | ...gatam || (= VS 10.34) Comm.: saumye sthire jale yatha vicir asti nasti ca tahedam ... , Colophon: iti srivdsisthasdre brahmasvariipam nama dasamam prakaranam | | | Catalogue entries; “Mahidhara” i 4823/1140 Collective paper manuscript; Pothi format, Sarada. Vasisthasara in 10 Prakaranas with vernacular translation (Bhasayogavisistha- | sara). "Colophon: .» bhdsdyogavasisthasare jfanasire tattvanirapanam nama dasamam prakaranam samaptam | ‘The remaining 12 catalogue entries registered under ‘Yogavasisthasara’ and un- der “Mahidhara’ (Ser. Nos 4814-4822; 4824-4826) could not be consulted due to lack of time. Judging from the comparatively few folios each of these ' manuscripts contains it is extremely unlikely that they would substantially i differ from the Saras already referred to. Preliminary Results From the above, a list of additional Moksopdya manuscripts may be drawn up, which, however, must not be regarded as a finalized one. Second, a few pre- liminary conclusions may also be drawn, although likewise with due reserva- tion only. Assorted list of manuscripts Moksopaya recension (certain) S12 Vairdgyaprakarana. Srinagar, No 4812/1821.08. $13 Vairdgyaprakarana. Srinagar, No 4796/1821.10. Sia Vairdigya- to Upasamaprakarana. Srinagar, No 4788/827. $15 Vairdgya- to Nirvanaprakarana (incomplete). Srinagar, No 4795/1562. Sig Nirvdnaprakarana and Khilas. National Museum New Delhi, No. 57.106/100. $17 Khilaprakarana. Srinagar, No 4797/2281 (Volume 4).52 Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project I Moksopaya recension (likely) Sis Vairagyaprakarana (incomplete in’ the beginning). Srinagar, No 4791/1212.06. $19 Nirvanaprakarana (incomplete). Srinagar, No 4792/1238. $29 Nirvanaprakarana (incomplete). Srinagar, No 4793/1274 (2™4 part). So, Utpatti- and Sthitiprakarana. Srinagar, No 4790/1155 (2" half). S22 Utpatti- to Upasamaprakarana. Srinagar, No 4798/2305 (2"4 half). Moksopaya recension (VTP-conflated) — Vairagya- to Mumuksuprakarana Srinagar, No 4790/1155 (1% half, see Sai). — Vairagya- to Mumuksuvyavaharaprakaraya Srinagar, No 4798/2305 (1* half, see $22). — Vairigya- and Mumuksuprakarana Srinagar, No 4789/1149 [bundle 1]. — Upasantiprakarana Srinagar, No 4789/1149 [bundle 2]. — Nirvinaprakaraya (incomplete) Srinagar, No 4789/1149 [bundle 3]. Yogavasistha recension — Vairdgyaprakarana in Sanskrit and vernacular (basa) Srinagar, No 4787/361. , — Vairagyaprakarana Srinagar, No 4793/1274, (1* part, see $20). - Nirvinaprakarana, uttardrdha Srinagar, No 4794/1311.04 - Vairagya- to Nirvtnaprakarana (uttarardha, Sarga 218) Srinagar, No 4797/2281, (see $17, Khilaprakarana). - Yogavasistha (Nga) with VTP Srinagar, No 4799/1073. - Nirvinaprakarana (incomplete) with VTP Srinagar, No 4827/1633. — _Niroinaprakarana (incomplete) with VIP Srinagar, No 4828/2306. Abridgements: Moksopitya-Sara — Moksopityasira, incomplete. National Archives New Delhi, No. 178. Moksopiya-Sangraha ~ Moksopayesarigraha, Nirodyaprakaraya (complete). Srinagar, No 4800/954.}Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project UI 53 4) Vasistha-Sara | - Vasisthasara (10 Prakaranas). National Museum New Delhi, No i 57.106/44. i — Vasisthasara (10 Prakaranas). Srinagar, 11 manuscripts, Nos 4801-4811. — Vasisthasara (10 Prakaranas) with Bhasa translation. No 4823/1140 Vasisthas@ravivrtti of Mahidhara. — Vasisthasaravivrtti (10 Prakaranas). Srinagar, No 4813/1968.05. Conclusion With reference to the complete versions, it is clear that the vulgate Yogavdsistha recension (Ng) as commented upon by Anandabodhendra in A.D. 1710 had made its way into the valley. In this regard, the incorporation of the Kash- mir territory into the Mogul Empire (until 1752), and in particular the Sikh (1818-1846) and Hindu rules (1846-1947) subsequent to Afghan domination, must not be underestimated in terms of widening the political borders for cultural and intellectual exchange. Thus, apart from copies transmitting only } the vulgate Yogavisistha- or the Moksopaya recension respectively, quite a num- | ber of the preserved manuscripts are doubtlessly the result of a conflation of | : the Moksopiya with the vulgate. The process by which the Vairdgyaprakarana f may have received its various shapes, ranging from a ‘pure’ Moksopdya- to | the vulgate recension can perhaps best be reconstructed from $15: There, the | original folio No 1 of the Vairagyaprakarana got lost some time. Today, folio no 1 is preceded by a substitute enclosed in the form of an unbound quire of several folios containing Anandabodhendra’s VTP-introduction together with I the first Sarga characteristic of the Yogavasistha recension. This is an absolutely interesting find since it physically displays the way by which the conflation ‘with the VIP-introduction so frequently met with might originally have hap- : pened. Worn off by their rough leather binding the first and last folios of Kashmir manuscripts are quite often missing. This applies in particular to old | manuscripts. For completing his old manuscript the owner would have sup- . plemented it by a number of folios taken from the VTP, which after its impor- tation into the valley and its subsequent spread in comparatively recent times, had obviously become easily accessible. A complete transcript made from : such a compilation would exhibit exactly the features as observed in many a manuscript of the conflated Moksopaya recension: The Vairdgya contains the VIP-introduction (frame-story E) in its beginning, but in the later parts the54 Walter Slaje: Moksopaya Project III tendency to copy out the readings characteristic of the vulgate decreases sig- nificantly. Excerpts from Anandabodhendra’s commentary are only occasion- ally found in these parts, written interlinear or in the margins, not rarely by a different scribe’s hand. With reference to the abridgements, the most strik- ing fact is that there is not even a trace of the so-called Laghuyogavasistha ver- sion among the Kashmir-related mss. The picture that now emerges points to mainly a regional distribution of the various abridged versions. From my present perspective,!? a hypothetical outline would result in the following: The Jfidnavasistha version, still to be closer investigated, has clearly prevailed only in the south. The Laghuyogavisistha, the most reliable manuscripts of which - according to our present state of knowledge — also hail from the south, has reached, and was frequently copied in, the region where Nagari writ- ing prevailed, probably as far as the Hindi belt from Delhi to Benares. The Vasisthasara, composed by Mahidhara in Benares in 1597 A.D.,?? may eventu- ally have spread from this place as far as Kashmir, after its annexation in 1589 by Akbar. Peculiar local Kashmirian abridgements have been preserved as unique manuscripts, such as two Moksopayasarigrahas,?! or the Moksopayasara, all of them in need of closer investigation. Manuscripts of the Chandra Shum } Shere Collection in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, could represent local Nepal abridgements.” 19 Again, attention is to be drawn to S. STINNER’s contribution to this volume. 20 Cp, TANGASVAMISARMAN (1980), No. 145: Mahidhara; THOMI (1999), p.22f, and above, p-39. 21 1) Niederstichsische Staats- und Universititsbibliothek Géttingen (Cod. Ms. Sanscr Vish. 126). By its huge size and removal of the Akhyanas it totally differs from all other ab- stracts that have ever come to notice. It depends doubtlessly on the Kashmirian recension of the Yogavasistha. For details, see the article by J. HANNEDER below (p. 105ff.). 2) Srinagar, No 4800/954. Its size is a very small percentage only of the first Sazigraha. 2 Cp, SLAIE (1996), p.16, n.1, Also in their case, a thorough investigation is required.The Moksopaya Project (IV) Manuscripts from Pune, Wai, Baroda PETER STEPHAN and SUSANNE STINNER As part of the pursuit for mss. relating to the projects underway at the Insti- | tute of Indology, Martin-Luther-University Halle-Wittenberg' various manuscript “libraries were contacted for arranging the digitization of mss. from their col- : lections that belonged in some way or another to the Moksopaya (MU) liter- ‘ ature. Aided by funds of the DFG project (“Critical Edition of the Utpatti- prakarana of the Moksopaya”) and with kind permission from the respective authorities a number of mss. from libraries in Maharashtra and Gujarat could be checked and digitized during February and March 2005.2 | This report contains merely a listing, classification and brief description of = all the mss. that could be consulted and were considered relevant. Prefixed } to each are quotations of the entries from the printed manuscript catalogues i i ; in order to facilitate identification. Since these entries are often superficial, they are regularly contradicted by the subsequent description. Wherever the entries are correct, the description merely adds the extent of the text. All quo- tations are diplomatic transliterations. A more detailed description and eval- uation, especially of the mss. of the Laghuyogavasistha (LYV), will be part of ' future publications. For understanding the descriptions of Yogavasistha (YV) and MU mss. be- low one might recall that the distinction between the mss. of the Kashmirian MU-tradition and those of the pan-Indian YV recension is based on certain formal criteria.> Since the majority of mss. consulted do not contain the entire text, they cannot be tested on the basis of all of these criteria. Absolute cer- tainty about whether a fragmentary mss. that lacks those passages that allow a quick distinction between recensions belongs to one or the other can only be achieved by examining their readings. Mss. in Devanagari script accompanied by the Vasisthatatparyaprakasa (VTP) by Anandabodhendra Sarasvati as well as { } 1 See above, p. 3. 2 PETER STEPHAN is responsible for the selection and digitization of all the mss. described below and for the description of Yogavisistha and Moksopaya mss. SUSANNE STINNER undertook the task of describing all the remaining mss., i.e. those related to the Laghuyogavasistha and other abridged versions. 3 Compare, p.42 and p.75f.