‘THE RE-ORIENTATION OF BUDDHISM IN NORTH ‘AMERICA' ‘Euzn Gouonero ‘Ths paper applies Eckard Seis hss on the ieaagy of ‘intalion’” toon nabs ofthe explanation of Buddhism in Noir America. Todo this, he tle exaines Marta Bauman’ rect model of ransplantaton a sate adaptation model forthe transplantation of Buddhism to North Ameria. In don ois, he pape ks the wep in whch a reoioued Norh Ameicn ‘Buddhism has ihe the Latest nations of retain. I's perfely naturl forthe human mind to resist the assault oni of unrated suangeness therefore cultures have always been inclined fo Immpote complnte warwormatons on other cultures, receiving thae other cultures not as they ae but as, forthe benefit ofthe receiver, they fought to be. Sid 1998 (1978) In this paper I wil apply Edward Sai’s thesis of the ideology of ‘Orientalism’ to an analysis of the transplantation process of Bud ddhism in North Americs. There have been to date no sustained studies of this subject. Here I intend only to offer preliminary obser- vations on this complex stucy, outlining Sai’s set of structures which comprise Orientalism and how an application of these structures might proceed. Donald Lopez maintains that Said’s study of Orientalism emanates from the particular relationship between Islam. ‘and the Western world, and is not immediately applicable to Bud- dhism since Said’s study “oes not consider the past and present cultures of Asa” (1995: 11). This it can be shown, i a limited read- ing of Said.? Not only does Said provide evidence of widespread Orientalism throughout Asa, he also shows how the U.S. in its rela- tions with Asian cultures isthe heir to the Orientalist legacy (1994: 47-9, 107-9, 285-298) ‘This paper alo draws upon a recent model of transplantation offered by Martin Baumann (1994; for a more recent study see 7 Toul ke o thank Ann Rasanowall, Without her ele thi paper would not aye been posable. ine more rceat sudy, Loper (1986: 5) acknowledges the legaey of coli Jan” fn the intent and eaitwenets cetry contractions of Tibetan Bud ian” {© Keine Beil NV, Leiden, 1889 Mt & Thay in Say of Ragin Th 94086‘TIE RE-ORIENTATION OF BUDDHISM IN NORTH AuERICA 341 Baumann 1997). The term ‘transplantation’ was first wed by van der ‘Leeuw (1964: 609) in his theory of the dynamic of religions. By this ‘erm he meant a complex interplay between interpretation and tradi tion, and this is how I will use the term in this paper. The term, hhowever, has been the subject of debate. Eva K. Neumaier Dargyay (1995) contests Martin Baumann’s (1994) use of the term. According to Neumaier-Dargyay (1995: 18) the “imported religion is already in tn altered state before it ever gets appropriated by the host culture.” ‘Thus, for her the metaphor used by Baumann does not work. Baumann (1996) responds by saying Neumaier-Dargyay offers a lim- ited reading of the term. Baumann, it might be noted, follows van der ‘Leeuw's use of the term as discussed by Michael Pye (1969). While ‘Baumann’ insights into a strategic adaptation model for the trans- plantation of Buddhism to Germany are important and clarifying, Baumann docs fail to note that Germany has inherited the deeply ‘embedded structures of Orientalism and that these structures shaped the entire transplantation process he describes?* Briefly, Baumann, ‘outlines a five stage adaptation process that inchudes; ) contact; (i) confrontation and conflict; (ii) ambiguity and adaptation; (Gv) recoupment (reorientation), and (v) innovative self-development. In this essay I will extend this model to an analysis of Buddhism in ‘North America (It is important to add that this model may very well desribe the broader strategies of adaptation of Buddhism beyond its Ihomeland in India to other Asian countries) Since recoupment and innovative self-development are, for my purposes, overlapping cat- ‘egories wil simply use the single phrase “reorientation and innovac tion” and reduce the five stages to four stages. For each of these stages in the adaptation process I will show how specific structures of Orientalism articulate more thoroughly the dynamics involved in transplantation. The stages, it might be added, do not necessarily proceed sequentially or chronologically. Rather, the categories are uid and the actual transplantation process is complex. Said’s structures of Orientalism can be suramarized briefly as fol lows: mystiication, essentialization, textualization, polarization of false geo-political categories, marginalization, and generalization. (Although it is well beyond the scope of this paper, one could also apply these categories as broadly defined by Said to a discussion of | 2 Ba K. NeumaierDargyay (1985) touches upon the pot fm er reponse 10 ‘Baumann (198) altbough it other major focus42 sa1EN compu the constructions of Buddhism outside of India, in particular to ‘China, Japan, Southeast Ada, and Tibet) To this lst I would add feminization, an idea implicit in Said’s analysis, but not explicitly drawn out. Each of these categories will be explained as they are integrated into the four stages of transplantation mentioned above. ‘Furthermore, this paper focuses on non-Asians drawn by the pros- cytizing impulse within Buddhism, rather than ethnic Buddhist tra- ditions that were transplanted to North America beginning in the late 18th and early 19th centuris as a result of immigration. Iti evident in North America that there has been a bifurcation of the tradition into two distinct Buddhisms which may be broadly designated 2s: 1) Asian immigrant, North American Buddhism, and 2) Non-Asian, North American Buddhism. It is the latter tradition, what Victor Hori (1995) has called “sweet and sour Buddhism,” that I wall be addressing in this paper (see Tamney, 1992 for demographic data on this matter 1. Grace The frst stage inthe proces of transplantation involves contact be- tween the foreign and host cultures through, for example, the media of Buddhist teachers and text. The 1898 mestng of the Work!’s Parliament of Religions in Chicago is often cited asthe date of Sst contact between Buddhism (and Hinduism too, for tht matter) and North American culure. According to Rick Fields, however, this moment of contact can be seen “as the culmination of a movement that had begun much eater” (198: xii). Indian themes deriving from the writings of Orieatalists such as Willam Jones, Charles Wilkin, and Brian Hodgson are evident as early as the 1880s and 1840s inthe teary works ofthe American Transcendental such as Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, and. Walt ‘Whitman—though a conflation of Hinds and Buddhist themes are also evident in ther wring, Walt Whitman was cilled “an American Budah” after the publication of Zaans of Gra,” and Thoreau was described “like a priest of Bucdh” (1981: 645). The popularity of their writings, says Fckls, made Buddhism “a howehold word” nearly fity years before the arival ofthe fist Buddhist teachers at the Worle's Paliament of Religions in 1893 (1961: 6, “The more important matter, however, is that Orientalism is al- ready present in the selFidenifcation of Buddhism in North“TIE RE-ORIENTATION OF BUDDHIIM IN NORTE AMERICA — 343 ‘America. Walt Whitman, for example, may have Buddhist themes Leas of Grass, but the origins and antecedents of these themes re- ‘quire analysis In other words, North American contact with Bude chim is derived frst from European source. ‘These sources of “Eastem Wisdom” are a product of Orientalism in the sense that they are text-based. As Said (1994: 52) puts it, “the (vient studied was a textual univer by and large; the impact ofthe Orient was made through boaks and manuscrips.” Said shows how Western scholars made the “Orient” a more "real thing” through essentaizng it in texts, He writes (1994 21-22) Jn ay insane of a east writen language, there no sch thing as daivered pramce, bit epee ort erection The wl et ‘acy, arengh, apparent very ofa writen saement about the OF. ‘ent therefore relies very litle, and cannot instrumentally depend, on the (Orient as sch. On the contary, the wetensatement is ¢ presence the reader by vue of iu having excluded, dplced, made super: rogaory any such ra dg a "the Onlens” Thur all of Oriental ‘ands forth nd away from the Orient that Orientation males sense at fll depends more ‘on the Wes than on the Orient, and this seme is Greedy indebed to various Wester techniques of representation that make the Onent vl, clear, "ere in dco about i ‘Thus contact between Buddhism and North America was intially ‘through a process of transation and retransation of texts. This i equally true in the contact stage in China, Tibet and so forth, Fur- thermore, the condaton or absorption of ideas from Hinduism and ‘Buddhism is evident, for example, in the constructions of Southeast ‘Asian and Tibetan Buddhism. The representation ofthe Eas, then, through thse translated texts is seen as the “eal thing” and 2s such, accorting to Said, represents a resistance to realty (Said 1994: 116) My point is that North Americans did not contact Buddhism as such, bt Buddhism as represented and esentalized in hese textual ‘The same is tue of Buddhist teachers who arrived in North ‘Anerica in 1898 forthe Worlds Parkament of Religions. Buddhist teachers such as Soyen Shaku, a Rinaai Zen master from Japan, and ‘Anagarika Dharmapala (bom Don David Hewavitame), « Geylonese Chustan convert who revered to Buddhism, came fom Aa to propagate Buddhism to non-Asian North Americans. To this end, Shaku brought “many thousand copies" elds 1961: 128) of Buc. dist works translated into Englsh—thereby making Buddhist textsa mam coxpaene readily availble to North Americans. Three years later Shaku sent D. T. Sumi, his most promising disciple, to North America to pro- ‘mote Rinzai Zen Buddhism. Suzuki later became one of the mort Significant figures in the emerging North American Zen presence ‘What is significant here, a8 Iwill show, is that this initial lineage of Zen propagators in North America transmited the structures of an Orientalized Buddhism. ‘This same Orientaliced ideology can be observed in the work of Dharmapala. It is interesting to note that Dharmapala converted ‘GhariesT. Straus to Buddhism during this vst to Chicago. Straus, a Jewish-born American, was the frst non-Asian North American ‘convert Brvdhiem ithe 118. This ie sgniiant in ight of recent discussions of the prevalence of Jewish converts to Buddhism. (Kamenctz 1994). Charles Halisey points out that Said aswimes Orientalism is embedded only in European culture. Orientalism, however, in Hallsey’s view, may be rooted in the foreign culture's self-representation (1995: 49-50). This isthe case not only with Bud- hist revival movements in Sri Lanka, but also, for example, Brahmanical reform movements in 18th and 190) century India, Revival and reform intatives inspired in part by Orientaliza sur faced in indigenous Asian cultures in protest to hundreds of years of colonial domination. Daarmapala, and Henry Stel Oleot, represent two significant spokespersons for the so-called “protestant Bud- ddhism™ movement in Sri Lanka. They became influential propaga- tors of Sri Lankan Buddhism in the West, and their home-spun no- tions of Buddhism which emphasized the de-rtualized, and scientific and rational origins of Buddhism, provide evidence not only of con- tact between Buddhism and North America, but a particular kind of Buddhism; that isto say, Orientalzed Buddhism. Socially engaged Bucdhism, which is an emergent discourse in Asia today, is a derivative form of the revivals’ Buddhism of Dharmapala and Olcot. This movement has an inticate history. In Sri Lanka in the 1900s it can be seen asa protest movement against © Gana bcc cine te ter Protea Bohan” i 1572 a say wat abe emma of Bud 8 Can er he deste rot Si sont sd erst See Oto (57) Ao mea "Shir to GAC motes ef md wich inp the Sanodays Tn en wo Gas notes is ini he Sandan monet i Lan ons rr dca aps: Tas ene ‘teat flows ere Lankan evi weds pel by Dharmapala ‘ie See Chen ed ing (98)‘THE RE-ORENTATION OF MUDDIEM IN NORTH saceRICA 345 the Christian and colonial presence in this county, and is a precur- sor to the more contemporary formulations of social engagement. In India, the Dalit social protest movement against untouchability un- der the leadership of Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891-1956) is another distinet example of socially engaged Buddhism in modem ‘Asia (See Ambedkar 1989). Other Asian Buddhist reformers and po- litical activists such as Thich Nhat Hanh in Vietnam, Aung San Sun Kyi in Myanmar, and Tenzin Gyatso the 14th Dalai Lama, are examples of modem peace activists who seck within their own par- ticular schools of Buddhism the impetus for change and reform, There is question and debate among Buddhists today as to whether ‘his engagement is heresy or orhiodaxy (See Queen and King 1993). ‘The popular “engaged Buddhism,” then, that is 0 characteristic of, ‘and necessary to, the reorientation of Buddhism in the Wes, is not ‘exclusive to North America only, both is Asian and North American ‘pressions believe their applied Buddhism to be the true and origi ral diama Likewise, bth Asian and North American “engaged Bud- dhism” exhibit what Said identifed as the structures of Orientalism. For example, they both are text-based and their tendency toward scientife/rational thought proceeds from this text-dependency much like the European Protestant word from which it emerged. Queen (1995) shows new reliance in Sri Lankan Buddhism on “the authority of scriptures.” Dharmapala and Olcott composed Gihi Viuya based on Christan missionary manuals and Buddhit Caechiom respectively. ‘The latter has seen 40 editions in 20 languages and is stl in use in ‘Buddhist communities. Ths is equally tue of B. R. Ambedkar and his The Buddha and his Dhamma. As Queen wites (1995: 26) “each sentence is versfed, and the style imitates that of the English Orien- talst T. W. Rhys Davids, whose renderings of the Pali sripeures ‘were featured in Max Muller's Sared Boots ofthe Ea.” Specially, however, this Protestant influence can be most clearly seen in ts struggle for social justice. As Christopher Queen (1995: 80) pus it, “The Buddhism that attracted Americans was not one of pesimism, resignation, and retreat, but a vigorous religion of optimism and activism." 7 Seanie Kana (1958: 64.65, however, argues that the emphasis on ivi ici iin Duke nice wil epee, Rae Merde ‘American Buddhism rave isin for soc tice from Cinian and Westra. ‘emit ethic.46 mien couparne ‘The story of DT. Suzuki and his importance to the contact stage of Zen Buddhism in the West and a whole generation of North ‘Americans refered to as the “Beat Generation” can be found, for ‘in Robert H. Sharf (1995), Stephen Bacheor (1994), Tho- ‘mas Tweed (1982), and Rick Fields (1981). For the purpose of this liscusion, however, Suzuki represents another example ofa “curator ofthe Buddha” to the West (Lopez 1995) whose teachings reflect an Orientaized understanding of Buddha dharma. Upen his arrival in the United Statss in 1897, Suzuki resided with Panl Caras (1852- 1918) in La Salle, Minois. Carus was a significant figure in Suzuki's life and influenced his undentanding of Buddhim. Carus’ Bud. ddhism, cleanly derived from the Orientalist impulse, was positivitc. Moreover, he saw the Buddha himself as the frst positivist. Like Olcott and Dharmapala, his Buddhism resounds with Protestant overtones, the lke of which are reflected inthe tide of his text, Gastel of te Budd (1915). This volume contains selected re-ransations of Scholarly sources of the time and was trandated into Japanese by Suzuki himselt Shar indicates that (1995: 121 Surul's excptcalagenda—his oategy for presenting Zen to lay au ence in Japan and the West—was influenced ss mugh by the Wester rent of thought to which he was expoted asa phbsopty student in ‘Tokyo and as anistant to Carus, as t was by his zcamaviy imited involvement in Zen taining «ay practioner at Eogaku ‘As a prolific witer, lecturer, and translator, Sumiti was a major figure in, if not singularly responsible for, the Zen explosion in North ‘America, The lit of those he influenced includes Alan Watts, Erich Fromm, Philip Kapleau, John Cage, Thomas Merton, Carl Jung, Jack Kerouac, Alan Ginsberg, Gary Snyder, to name just a few. "Through Suaiki and, for example, the writers of the Beat Genera- tion, Zen Buddhism became 2 popularized and re-riented form of Buddhism made accessible to non-Asian North Americans. ‘This Buddhism that North America inherited from Suzuki was thoroughly Orientals. For instance Suzuki's Buddhism harbours ‘characteristics of mystification. That is, he valrizes pure, non-dual iret experience over ritual and doctrine. Furthermore his general- zation of Buddhism can be found in a kindof perennials approach to Buddhism and world religions. Finally, Suauk’s preoccupation ‘with the categories ‘Orient’ and ‘Oecident” finds expression in a re- versal of the polarization of geo-political designations. Suzuki, ike ‘other Asian Orimtalists such as Indian poct Rabindranath Tagore, =‘THE RE-ORIENTATION OF BUDDHIN IN NORTH AMERICA 347 contrasts the essential spirituality of Asa with Occidental material fam, These structures of Orientalism, as defined by Said, came to ‘ypify the bohemianism of North American Zen Buddhism. By de- Picting Buddhism as exotic transcendental, and essentally mystica, ‘Buddhism was falsely characterized; and this misrepresentation st lingers on in North American forms of Zen Buddhism. By the time this hybrid form of Buddhism had reached North America, one characters of Said’s Orientalism is aleady implicit Within the amalgam, that is, feminization, All Orientals iteravure and scholaship developed the catgory of the Orient by means of false dualisms and the creation of otherness. Along with al other people vavoualy designated as baclvard,degener- ate, tncvized, and reurded, the Orientals were View ia 2 fame: ‘woth cansruced out of iol determinism and mort pois! ‘Mimonitiment. The Oriental was Enked this o cements in Wester society (linguens, the insane, women, the poor) ving in comenon ‘identity bes desibed ns amen ala ald 1994: 207) ‘Along with Said we must note that the privileged Occient not only establishes a polarized Bast and West, but cas these poaytes in gendered terms. This gendering is «requirement for te Orentalst project to succeed. The uneven exchange of power between men and ‘women in patarchal cultures provides the perfect metaphor for domination and subjugation. It allows the male crestor to control and manipulate for his owm purposes the female subject. Said hints at the feminization of the Orient throughout his study, but the fall articulation ofthe implications of this gendered discourse has yet to be put forth. Here I can only begin to show how this feminization is operative in the transplantation of Buddhism vo North America. While the Occident, according to Said, is perceivec as male, r= tional, liberal, logical, and holding eal vahis, the mectanism of false duals recasts the Oriental as female, pasive, non-autonomous, non-sovereign, alienated, silent, supine irrational, gullbl, deficient ‘in logic, devoid of energy, liars, and wanting in symmety Said 1994: 49, 56-57, 97, 198). This strategy of femininization i part of the inherited legacy deeply entrenched in the image of the Buddha, and Buddhism, in the West Stanley K. Abe, 1995: 75, for instance, ‘quotes Alited Foucher’s observations ofthe effeminate nature of the Ganchara Buddha images) As heirs to Brissh and French Orentalist scholarship, the United States assimilated these characteizations ‘without question since this was their primary avenue of contact withMa mex counsume the East. The feminization of Buddhism is not explicitly expressed in the US,, but i found implicitly in such themes as Buddhist pacifism snd non-violence. Here the received tradition limits the power and authority of the living tradition which is always more complex than the characterization. The Orientalistreifes the category of Buddhist non-violence as a characteristic dislocated from modem life. How- ever, living Buddhism disrupts this reified image, but iti the refed ‘mage that appeals to North Americans. For example, during the USS. involvement inthe Viemam war, many peace activists tamed to ‘Buddhism as a religious and ethical altemative because of is teach- ings of non-violence. Although the seifimmolation of Thich Quang Due in Saigon in 1963 contradicted this perception of the passive Buddhist monk, nonetheles, the orientalized perception sill doai- nates. Latent inthis received imagery of the feminine ‘other’ les the jistification for power and authority. Hence, this perception of Bud- ddhism is held onto tenaciously because its gendered dualism (Bud- ddhism = passive = female; whereas West = aggresive = male) guar- antees the sube ongoing marginalization of Buddhism in North America. Jn sum, itis very dificult to pinpoint the precise moment of con- tact between Buddhism and North America. Nevertheles its certain that the contact was initially textual followed by the teachings of cminent Buddhist individuals representing various forms of Asian Orientalist Buddhism. Thus the Buddhism that North America had initial contact with was Buddhism already reconsited for its Western audience. 2. Confined confit Baumann postulates that, duing the adaptive stage of confi and confontaion deficiencies inthe host culture become evden bythe presence ofthe foreign cule. In tar, the frcgn culture, beesuse of is ‘otherness, proposes srategic means to solve these cultural Aefciencies In adn, the host altar, according to Bauman, rout be tolerant of, and wing to admit, the foreign culture int its domain (19440). Baumano's mode! overlook, however the Orien- talst.soucures already present in the foreign cukur's “re- orientations,” and it is these very elements that offer @ corrective to the defences inthe hos cul, for they are preely what the Wextem imagination is loging for. The image of Buddhism, for"THE RE-ORENTATION OF BUDDININ IY NORTH AMERICA 949 instance, as exotic and my—tical was a panacea forthe social ills in the host cure. To illustrate, in the 1960s, there was enormous social and politcal protest in the United States (and, to lewer extent, in (Canad) because of the war in Vietnam. Racial and politcal unrest swept major American urban centers. The foreign idea of hina (oon-violence, the then “exotic” practice of vegetarianism, and 30 forth, atracted many non-Asian North Americans. Ir. a decade of wide-spread experimentation with psychedelcs, Buddhism also of: fered the alien practice of meditation as an alternative to érug-use. In addition, ths pacfed form of Buddhism seemed to provide options to the militaristic and aggressive socio-political problems that the US. faced.” Its by virtue ofits exotic othemess, expressed in these practice, that Buddhism offered a romanticized emancpatory vision of social reform to non-Asian North Americans. This can also be seen, as Lopez notes, in the Wes’ atitudes toward Tibetan Bud- dhism in the West, “Tibet is seen as the cure for an ever-ailing Wester civilization, a tonic to restore its spirit. And since the T= betan diaspora that began in 1959 there seems an especial urgency about taking this cure, before i is lost forever”(Lopez 1998: 10), ‘These examples point out how Buddhism provided solutions to eficiences in the host culture. The second phase of this stage of conflict and confrontation, as articulated by Baumana, is that the host culture willingly admits the foreign culture into its geographical space. The example that most poignantly expresses the openness and willingness of North American countries to admit Buddhism is the case of the Tibetan exiles." The 1960s marked the beginning of a significant interest in Tibetan Buddhism in North America. The in- vasion and occupation of Tibet by the Chinese Peopks Liberation 19505, and the fight of the 14th Dalai Lama from Tibet Asis well known, in 1959 approximately 70,000 Tibetan refugees followed the Dalai Lama into exile. Most of the exled Tibetans settled in India on land donated by the Indian goversment specif- cally for the Tibetan refugees. Numerous problems—such as dra- matic climate change, lack of food, and so forth—seriously threat- “7 Tn espans tothe socal dinonance inte U.S. course in Buhism at North ‘American universes nerfed and became very fiahianable. Por an exceptional ‘dy ofthe Orientals legay ia Badcclgy athe Weat ee Lope 1995) "For labora ee the recent sy by Lopes (1988)350 sum coxparno ened the survival of the Tibetan refugee community in India. The lineage of monks was in serious danger of extinction. In response to these critical conditions, the United States and Canada offered the ‘Tibetan Buddhists riage. Shorty after their arrival, Tibetan Bud- hist Centres took root in many North American locales. Perhaps Pacmasambhava’s well known visionary message foresaw this con- ‘temporary struggle and emigration of the Tibetan people; “When the ‘on bird flies, and horses run on wheels, the Tibetan people will be scattered like ants across the world, and the dharma will come to the land of the red man.” Without political and economie support for the plight of the Tibetan refigees, which is the second phase of conllict snd eonfnntation, Padmatambhava's heirs may have never reached the West. ‘Tibetan adaptation to North America represents not only the sec- ond phase of conflict and confrontation, as outlined by Baumann, but also a movement within Orientals ideology itself away from 2 ‘more Protestant rendering of its subject, to one that is decidedly ‘exotic. The Orientals occupation with the alien and exotic, mystical said atempora, and the retum tothe primive is seen in Non America. For exampl, Robert Thurman’s recent photographic ex- pose Inside Tibean Buidhio (1995) shows North American initiates performing sacred Buidhist rituals, prostrating before ‘Tibetan dei- tics, sitting in meditation, and making madala offerings alongside ‘Tibetan Buddhist practitioners and monks. It also documents in visual splendour the development of a distinctly North American Buddhist sangha composed of Tibetan monks, and non-Auian North ‘American women and men. Thus Thurman's photo-essay captures nicely North American fascination with Tibetan Buddhist exotica.” 3. Adaptation and ambigeisy ‘The adaptation ofa fereign religion to another geo-cultural context is an intricate process. Ambiguity seems unavoidable. Baumann ex- plains (1994: 41} “For members ofthe host culture it is only possible to interpret and undestand symbol, rituals or ideas ofthe imported religious tradition on the basis oftheir own conceptions.” Thus, the See alo recent Hollywood ls such at Te Zi Budi (199), Se Tan a Tite 1997 and Kanda (108) As Lopes notes (1998 7 “Tibetan Badd care has been portrayed asi twee elf another ara of Shang-La fom 0 cera clesial age se high in & Hinulayanleep cutie tne and try”foreign culture borrows jargon and terminology fom the host. ‘This pattem is already familiar to Buddhism in its adaptation to Asian countries ouside its Indian homeland such as China and Japan (for an excellent account ofthis proces see Maspero, 1981) Buddhism in China, for example, looked to the indigenous philosophy and religion of Taoism for adaptive terminology while in North America, Bud- diss tured, for example, to the language of Wester psychothera- pies and Christianity. This process of adaptation also involves the appropriation of concepts and terminology by the host culture from the foreign religious tradition. Examples ofthis appropriation can be seen in the work of Carl Jung and his influence on Norch American pychologiss sch as Erich Fromm, Abraham Maslow, Ken Wilbur, Roger Walsh, and Ron Kurtz. Jung's experimentation with “the wis dom of the East” is well-documented. However, his ambivalence toward Eastern philosophy and his ukimate rejection of Hindu and Buddhist psycho-spirtual methods such as yoga revels the implicit Orientalism in his writings on Easter spirituality. Gomez (1998) shows that Jung functions as an intermediary between East and West, ‘but i is an Orientalized rendering of the East that is communicated via Jung to the West. ‘Another strategic mechanism in the third stage of adaptation availble to Buddhism in North America is marketing, consumerism, and electronic media. The Sno Lin Fall 96 Newslete, for instance, sell Buddhist lama items such as an inflatable meditation cushion (caf) for $22. Under the caption, “Liberate your senses!” we find Baa: a threesome of Tibetan hot sauce, barbeque marinade and salsa, listed at $17.95." It abo adverties @ peace mandala computer sereen saver ($43.95) as well as a peace mandala jigsaw puzzle ($20.00), In addition, the catalogue highlights a limited edition de- Signer Kalachala watch for $120 endorsed by the Dalai Lara. Adap- tation through consumerism and marketing can also be seen in the ‘North American fascination with exotic practice such as taura, The Snow Lion book catalogue fers a variety of texts writen specifically ‘with the Westemer in mind inchiding tantric mamas, biographies of 7 The advertisement explains that tes saces ae “rom Dan Kyaings fi ‘her who was ale woleave Tibet alter 2 years ar polical rioner Thee sees axe aot nly auteate but they tate Gbuou—apicy bot nt too hot for most ‘eopl.. The ingredient are vegetarian and are packaged iam if box made rm ‘eee cardboard .This «great it ftem.” Taso aye that Khana i svable for busines in the fod industry (Su Lin Pall 196 News nd Gage 23)352 HLLEN GoLDRERO yori, a well as hoks on the ancient wisiom of dream yoga, Tibetan 2 of low" andthe secre of morality, Ending eatons for the books from scholars such ax Joe Cabcron and Jey Hopkins tre found throughout Sid is wel aware ofthe impact of decrone tna printed meta He wits that (994: 20 teen the kad al the meds rene hae fred informe {on iw ors and more eaointae! nl So ae Ort Concrnedysundaneon sad casa ercoyping have irae ‘iebeldof te sncteaecearyseaenic tnd fneintne dona ony ote sions Oren” Said does not hide his disappointment by the marketing of Oriental stereotypes and images in the West. But he also recognizes that using the known and firiliar to understand the unlmown is “natural” ‘Buddhism is wing the avenues available in a Wester democratic/ ‘capitalist society o adapt itself to its foreign context such as Western psychotherapy, consumerism, the media, and Christianity, and these avenues colour how Buddhism is depicted in the West. But Bud ddhism is also having an influence on its host seen in the proliferation of Buddhist centres, the popularization of Buddhist terms and con- cepts, the rise in enrolment in counes in Buddhism as well a the prominence given to Buddhist studies at major univenities, articles in ‘magazines such as Vanity Fair that feature celebrity Buddhiss (e., Richard Gere), Hollywood movies such as Kinden and Litle Buddha, and so forth. This reciprocity exemplifies the orientalist structures already embedded in the amalgam form of Buddhism. As such, it x an essentialized Buddhism, illustrated by such things as chocolate bars and the computer commercials which use images of sagacious ‘Tibetan monks to sell their products. Ths sort of representation only reifies Buddhism once again, and forties the polarization of the Occident and the Orient. 4, Reoretatio and ianoation ‘This final stage ofthe adaptation process of transplantation involves assertion of the foreign religious tradition’ ditinetve identity. In theory, the ambiguities that may bave arisen in the third stage of Te dept here reac “Toh At of Ln pee in eid end he ‘oar a by Sch nie weed of sal playset, Kae, aching and truching tng, ming to and ad pening ere ne re “eve and poston of wesg™[THE RE-ORIENTATION OF BUDDHIN mY NORTH AMIGA 853 adaptation are examined and eliminated. This cra stage brings about a reorientation in the foreign religous taiton’sseleidentsy within the host culture and defines teachings and practices with more precision, This isthe stage in which innovative selidevelop- ment occur, and the tage which wil likely contin t shape North ‘American Buddhism. Here I can only speculate about some of the discourses that will reorient Buddhism in Norh America. E ‘One ofthe most siguicant innovations in Duddhimn is just begin ; ning. tht is, the encounter between Buddhism and Werte Femi- finn. The sts of wornen in North American Baddhism requires ‘more analysis. In recent yeas this topic has developed momentum, ‘epecialy sen in the works of scholar such aa Anne C. Klein (1998), Diana ¥. Peal (979), Miranda Shaw (1994 and Rta Gros (1995) According to feminists within Buddhism, cieal examination of androcentrim in Buddhist hee and sags, which is predominandy ral, is neces. Furthermore, ein srg ines regarcing ordination and the sana of women in ay communities in North America. Their analyses are also impacting on international Buddhist communis ‘The urgency ofthe global environmental crs has made an im- act upon North American Buddhists and is already proving to be nother innovation in Budhistwefidenticaion in North Ametia. ‘his impetus evident in Ian Harris(1995) tem “ecoBuddhim®™ sed for those movements which promote «view of Buddhism as intinically environmental, a view of Buddhin Haris contests Other, however, sch as Stephanie Kaza (1998), Joanna Macy (1991), Jeremy Hayward (1960), and the Dalai Lama (1990: 1992) seck a congruence beween Buddhist and environmental ethics. The Aoctine of atiyasrapada dependent origination) provides the fare damental theoretical foundation forthe environmental movement ‘ Taking it with general etme Sea in Wester Sle iene, While i this Hax/West theoretical fision may be a sgn of innovaon in North American Buddhim, it may not be ultimately supportable in Budhist serprures. Nonetheless it scems Likely tha his conflation of Budahis doctrine and environmental ethics wil be another major force that will shape and rerent Buddhism in its North American context. Critical work is being done in the area of postcolonial and subal- tem stadcs by scholars soch as Gayat Spivak and Ashish Nandy, ‘Ther insight into the perverse and bewikering nature of colonial354 LEN GoLDAEKE domination provides «powerful citique of the entrenched structures of Orientals ieology in third world countries such as India. Perhaps its all to early to say what the effect of uch research will be on the practice of Buddhism ia North America, but recent studies sich 138 Gators of te Buda: Te Sy of Buddhism Under Colonia (1985), which attempts to uncover the legacy of Orientalian in Westen Buddhology, and Prion: of Shangri-La (1998), which chart the devel opment of Tibean Buddhism in North America, offer a beginning. By investigating the Orientalized forms of Buddhism in Wemem scholarship, the latent and inherited notions of a thorougaly Orientalized Buidhis practice can alo begin to surface. 5. Conlusion ‘One major purpove of Orentaliem isto make the Orient knowabl— bbut a living cultural realty continually contradicts what can be ‘known. Living Buddhism has proven this time and again init trans- plantation throughout Asia. What is clearly evident in the history and evelopment of Buddhism is that its mechanisms and strategies for adaptation and transplantation have proven successful. Living Bud- hist, it seems, is equipped to deal with projections, abstractions, rystfications, fase dualism, esentialism, and so forth which char- acterize the Oriental project to create a knowable sable subject. Bit, then, Buddhism itself is about bursting through such characteriza- tions since there is, according to Buddhist doctrine, no stable subject. Queen's University Referees ‘Abe, Staley K. (108). Tide the wonder howe: Buddhist at and the West. Donald S. Lope (ed) Gate of de Baits, 65107. Cheng: Universty of ‘Antal BH (1) Anahi of ae. nD, Ar Win nd ‘pec, 23.98, Volume | Bata: Basen Depry, Goverment of 004) The le Wat The Bacar of Bain nd ay Sn ( Aig | v LE te ti oe ten ae ieee 2 adaption, Theory i the Stay of Religion 6 (I). et en tenn fe eens ara aes Ome‘TE RE-ORIENTATION OF RUDDIINM BS NORTH AMERICA 855 0997, Can const ad vst: ty Gren Bin ad th ceson St Dols Prammanesape” M$ 20295. Seow, Gao 109, Garp Ta Benga he og aca In Desh & Laps oh, Goa oe i Te Say ei Ud Cain, 1616, Cnge Ute of Cag Pr ars ra 3) 91), Gael De sa Gp Coa Pag ei, Rk 0) nt at Gow 9 Lae Se iy of aon “ine Seki Shai Gane ©. (85) Oct wntam nd the cf: gah nan ie Dan an ey Sr fee Pn Uh aan, ag: Une fC Pro hn i 8, ui rR et yet, fein Boson: Beacon, Lens Gerad van der (1969). Rei t a nd Manin 2 vols. London: ‘G.Alen & Unwin ep Dl (6) nes I Dal S Le otf “Te Sndy of Badin Une Cristi, 1-81. Chicage Univer of Shape em — (900) Pas of Sh Lc Tian Blin and th Wat, Chicago: University of ‘Pree Macy, Fontan (1981) Mal Caliy in Babin ed Grete! Shen Thy: The "Dhoms of Newel Sm. Albany Say. Masper, Hest (1561), Torim ond Chor Rig, Arser: Univers of Masach- ee Poe, ‘Neamaer-Dargyay, Ben K. (1998) I Buddha ke a tomato? Thought abou the Traplaton of Baddhiem to Geman. A repone to Martin Basra. ‘Malo & Thay x Say of Rui. 7 (2 185.98 CObeyeetere, Gananath (197%) The Tae Wak of Dima: Easy! oe Trade Traits Tas end Coin. Pan: American Academy of RetinCoes, Crnaer 8. Sale B. King) (1980, Bap Baie Bis Tart lee ae tay SSCA Pe Grtopicr 6.190, fon: Toe saps and ore of ened Bi sere 8. Geran ae Rng ie ne alt lei iment Aa, Als, NY SUNY Pee Sac, Rober (195, The Zan of gue na. a Deal Lape J {eth Ga of te Boies Sp Ban Cs Cais, OTTO Galage Une of Chcage Prat Si Ewa (19% (98). Onan: Now York: Vinge. Sham Mian 190) Pst niga Wen Ta: adi. New Jere "Siceon Unenay Pee iivety ‘Soo Lin Fall 1996 Na nd Cato, 11 (8, bes, NY: Soow Lica Pubia- ‘Temney, Jone B. (195, Amin Si int Padi Mir. New Yok: Gavan ‘Tharp Rabe AF. (09, fh Tin Bete Rd Sr ead ‘Tweed Thomas A. (197) Tle Amaien Ext wih Dud 18441912 Vion “Guy and te La f Dist Blsosngton Indian Univer Pres ‘Whines, Wat. (1855) [1855]. Lae of Ga Brocka: The Autor