Socialism HG

SOCIALISM
Author(s): H. G. Willink
Source: Charity Organisation Review, Vol. 5, No. 53 (MAY 1889), pp. 197-206
Published by: Oxford University Press
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No. 53. MAY 1889. Price U.
SOCIALISM.1
The great problem which before long must be the all-engrossing question
of the day is treated by each of the writers of these four books from a
different point of view, and with both clearness and ability. A study of the
four together leaves, as a result, an impression which in many respects,
like Mr. Francis Galton's superimposed photographs, partakes more of
common than of differing characteristics. What those characteristics are
will appear in due course. In the meantime, the general drift of each
work may be summed up as follows : -
' Christian Socialism,' while mainly historical and giving an account of
religious Socialism and Socialists both at home and on the Continent, is a
homogeneous, conciliatory treatise in general terms and from a rather
clerical standpoint. ť Practicable Socialism,' whose authors have had con-
siderable experience amongst the London poor, is a collection of essays,
written during the last ten years, chiefly upon the subject of the actual and
potential relations of rich and poor in London. "No man can hope for
much success in such work as that which Mr. and Mrs. Barnett have
taken in hand unless he has the gift of sympathy and of belief in other
men's capabilities. The influence which they have been able to attain
and the good which they have been able to do, are owing to their
possession of this great gift. Although, of course, Christian principle
are inculcated, thorough church reform is strongly advocated, and cleri-
calism is conspicuous by its absence. É An Inquiry into Socialism '
aims at being a statement of the cardinal principles of Socialism and a di
cussion of its fitness to serve as a new economic basis of society. It express
avoids any historical review of the subject, for which the reader is referr
to the article ť Socialism,' by the same writer, in the new edition of the
' Encyclopaedia Britannica.' It is written with moderation, and details of
the method of the system are purposely not indicated. ' The Quintessence/
on the other hand, beginning where Mr. Kirkup leaves off, is an impartial
and unimpassioned exposition of the logical outcome of the scheme of Demo
cratic Socialism, so impartial and so unimpassioned that it is quite possib
for anyone unacquainted with Dr. Schäffle's opinions to read some way int
the book before suspecting that it is, in reality, an adverse criticism of tha
which it expounds.
Let us begin by considering the two first-named books more in detail
The first point which stands out as common to both is, that true reform
not to be brought about by revolutionary methods, but can only be effecte
by raising the individual, and that this cannot be done except by means
religion. The writers are also substantially in agreement as to presen
1 'Christian Socialism/ by Rev. M. Kaufmann, M. A. (Kegan Paul, 1888.) 'Prac
ticable Socialism,' by Rev. and Mrs. Samuel A. Barnett. (Longmans, 1888.) 'A
Inquiry into Socialism,' by Thomas Kirkup. (Longmans, 1888.) ' The Quintessence
Socialism,' by Dr. A. Schaffte ; translated by Bernard Bosanquet, M.A. (Swan Sonne
schein & Co., 1889.)
O
198 SOCIALISM. [MAY
evils and future dangers. Three-q
devoted to a very interesting series
the Christian socialistic movement
represented practically by Kingsle
account is given. The types of the
Play, and De Mun. In Germany th
Moufang, Huber, Todt, Stöcker, and
are Perin and Laveleye. The general
of genuine unselfishness, sympathy
concerned, nothing can be done ; tha
the evils of the present economic sy
ised by co-operative and similar a
that no mention is made of the Fam
ancient systems of guilds, and by a
draw classes together ; but that in th
most is to be expected. In this co
hitherto the Church has, as a body,
done. It has not gained the confiden
while in the eyes of the Social Democ
The remedy is, he suggests, to be f
clergy as regards these questions,
more earnest, and impart Sympathetic
rich and poor.
Mr. and Mrs. Barnett similarly acc
the continuance of the present capi
vidual selfishness and the unchecke
bottom of nearly all that is amiss, a
come to be the life portion of the av
Like Mr. Kaufmann, they look to sy
great instrument for raising the mo
and, like him, they look to the Chur
ence should mainly flow. They ar
the most sweeping ecclesiastical ref
desirous, above all things, to see a p
a 6 right-making department' of
1 law-making department.' (It is, pe
what this means. So far as can be g
is that the ideal church ought to do
rich and poor together, especially by
ting classes. But the method is n
well as from individuals, but espe
assistance. They are no lovers of
motto is, 6 Society, not " societie
co-operation - one of the blots of t
effort is to make men better. For t
mere material improvement is us
useless, as their description of the
1885-6 clearly shows.
Generally it is assumed that the chi
habits of the poor. All sorts of missions
change. Perhaps it is more to the pur
the habits of the rich (p. 41).
ì One would think they had never heard o

Aid Association ; and thought nothing of
Societies with an annual turnover of mor
ductive Societies, doing a trade of over £1,
1889.] socialism. X99
By volunteer work of any kind
among the poor, by university settl
employés, by providing entertainm
tion, by giving 'at-homes to the
method of making use of his power
who have not , Mr. and Mrs. Barn
utmost for his poor neighbour. It
tions bring them on to rather d
way, Sir Wilfrid Lawson once t
elevate his pig by bringing it to l
the allegory is questionable, but th
sensible guidance than that of M
themselves, however, would proba
application by pointing to the exi
inhabitants might not relish th
another matter upon which thei
that, under present circumstanc
all that is required of it, when ou
and the bulk of the poor self-supp
life in London must still be joy
Thrift and even comparative re
elaborate series of tables they arg
man with a family - even supp
£1 to £2 per week - to live any
none of the comforts and bare
they are rightly indignant that so
within the reach of all. As has been
as the leaven by which human nat
why the surroundings amid which
should not be made such as to fav
preventing it. Why should there
In other words, they say that tho
for a poor man's wants , it is proba
Not the least interesting essay in
takes its name, and in which Mr. B
this matter up. His recommenda
proved dwellings; free libraries, g
ments, &c. ; extension of the co
secondary schools ; free medical re
pensions at the age of sixty to all
relief at any time during their liv
in these directions, and he points
being in the nature of them social
Act, the Established Church, The
and the Libraries Act. The cost of
might be met by graduated taxatio
a new assessment of the land tax,
public offices. It will, no doubt,
will be made upon such propositio
with those of Mr. Booth ; but tha
be done, for the poor of our large
people to consider whether, in v
of the Sibylline Books has not som
On the whole, and if too much s
legislative operations, these two
and, in spite of the fact that both
o 2
200 SOCIALISM. [MAY
witness to the increase of class a
it may be hoped that the increased
which they also speak) on the part
sense and by the well-founded belie
know what is right they may be tr
apparent interests, will pull us thro
Socialism ' is full of sentiment. So i
is genuine, is a real force, and not
is bad - action without feeling m
feeling and action combined : and a
well-to-do man who need not work
poor men who do work, and work c
of life while he gets so much, he is
thing useful. 4 Practicable Socialis
thousands of such awakenings going
were so many signs of healthy life
dangers. It is like a time of break u
appearance of blue sky makes evi
heaven cannot become all clear in a
lessons in 6 Practicable Socialism ' -
this Review - is the lesson of patien
who, if only they could be certain
would willingly give up a great d
see the mischief of pauperisation ;
which would be caused to dependen
mode of life ; they know that the on
helps a man to help himself ; and
with human nature, a man is sure to
done for him : they are convinced th
use freely the fruits of labour, man
being of a community, and that it
between those fruits and private pr
suggestions of Mr. and Mrs. Barnett,
and without demoralising results, w
It is now time to examine Mr. Kirk
ing evils and of some of the element
This part of the work is drawn wit
good many adjectives knocked out o
merates the various phases through
in the present phase of capitalism wi
with which Mr. Kaufmann or Mr. B
Kirkup seems to ignore the vast am
being done. He shows further that
and larger masses, individual capi
companies aggregating into syndica
power and habit of working in gigan
proportion as, by reason of co-oper
vidual control of the capitalist beco
economic existence (except on the g
becomes smaller also. Add to this
labour-saving machinery, and other
man tends ever more and more to b
even this unfavourable condition is liable to be changed fo

any moment by the operation of influences beyond his con
duction, new inventions, competition, or other causes - and
1889.] socialism. 201
not to see that if things do not
come to be in the hands of labou
selves able to indulge in the expr
the world to a standstill, and
doubt that labouring men in this
power if they choose to use it %
or later they will become aware
Mr. Kirkup and those who agr
Mr. Kirkup's own words (pp. 11
The essence of Socialism is this - i
associated labourers jointly owning
Whereas industry is at present c
served by wage-labour, it must in t
with a collective capital and with a
It is true that there are many p
applications of this principle. Th
down prematurely any hard and
redistribution or expropriation a
and over again that so long as th
capital be terminated the exact me
ment ; and that the burden of eff
upon any one central government,
A full recognition of the power
towards mitigating the evils is, m
seems to be valued by Socialists ch
reform). But, for all this, the wh
in the long run, nothing will an
of the control of all ' means of
(p. 67)
In any reasonable condition of things there should be but one avenue to
reward and honour - that of rendering useful service to society. Income should
depend on work. Enjoyment should rest on useful service. On all who are not
disabled by sickness, accident, or old age, useful work should be regarded as a
natural obligation ; and it should be the sole claim to remuneration, recognition,
and distinction.
Or again (p. 94) : -

Socialists maintain that there is only one economic system at once worthy of
free intelligent men and compatible with the present industrial conditions. No
1 At the close of his article in the * Enc. Britannica/ Mr. Kirkup sums up the pros-
pects of Socialism thus : - 'But the great social force which is destined to work out the
vast transformation consists of the human beings most directly interested in the colossal
struggle - the modern democracy. This democracy is marked by a combination of
characteristics which are new to history. It is being educated and enlightened in the
school and by the cheap press ; it is being drilled and organised in large factories, in the
national armies, by vast popular demonstrations, in the gigantic electoral struggles of
the time. Thus it is becoming conscious of its enormous power, and able to make use of
it. It. is becoming conscious also of its unsatisfactory social and economic position. The
democracy, which has become the masterforce of the civilised world, are economically a
mass of proletarians dependent on precarious wage-labour. Having transformed the
political condition of things, they are ready now for an economic transformation. But
the inevitable process of concentration of industrial operations already referred to is
entirely against the continuance or restoration of the small producer, whether workman
or peasant proprietor. Such efforts of continuance or restoration are reactionary ; they
aré economically unsound, and must fail. Production and distribution ever tend to
larger dimensions. The only issue out of the present economic condition is concentrated
collective industry, under the control of the new democracy and its chosen leaders. On
the irresistible momentum of these two inevitable and ever-growing forces- the concentra-
tion of industry and the growth of the new democracy - Socialism depends for the realisa-
tion of its scheme of transformation.'
202 SOCIALISM. [MAY
economic form can be satisfactory wh
workman from land and capital. But
to assume a large and concentrated fo
the mass of the people is no longer a
control of land and the large capital
industry is at present carried on by pr
must in the future be conducted by as
owning the means of production. . .
working people would themselves own th
monopoly of capital by a class, with al
The means and appliances of happines
the control of a privileged minority. A
and virtual monopoly of land and capi
by a system of joint ownership of the
of unlimited competition, by the pri
working for the general good.
The question really is, can such a s
be brought about, if at all, by anythin
he ventures expressly to recommend Ì
Mr. Kirkup prepared to approve wh
come of the application of his princ
place between a recognition of the ri
the denial of such rights in any prop
of production.' To take two more pa
Competition would not by any mea
profoundly rooted in human nature, an
be dispensed with. The aim of the fu
able emulation, a fair and friendly riv
eminent services to society ; the wides
and desirable thing. It would be a con
of the whole (p. 95).
A true aristocracy, in fact, and : -
The fruits of labour would be distr
according to some good and equitable p
share in it as he pleased. While land
or collective management, there would
consumption and enjoyment, in food,
sistent with the theory of Socialism t
land and capital, provided it be und
tendency of a rational Socialism is, in
ference with private interests and in
trial organisation with a view to the fre
and beauty (p. 96).
If it were not for Mr. Kirkup's evi
one would be tempted to exclaim, ť
is charming, and almost satisfies th
should be well off and happy and g
whether these principles can be app
and what their result is likely to be
One cannot help suspecting that if
kind be spared, the lawyers and h
up society again upon much the
any answer to say that human natu
one of the chief aims of Socialism is
to this, that Socialism is impossible
done by, and indeed this seems to b
Without a great moral advance Soci
(p. 159).
1 The italics are not Mr. Kirkup's.
Whereas it is obvious that if they
Socialism would be unnecessary ! H
in this review to treat Mr. Kirku
the ßincerest respect. The question
us all not to welcome any earnest
brings to their discussion. No dou
and socialistic tendency is no more
Bill of 1869 was a Tory measure.
must feel like M. Jourdain, and s
ans queje dis du Socialisme sans
plus obligé du monde de m'a voir a
The pith and marrow, however, o
of this denial of private ownership
recognition of private ownership o
At this stage of our inquiry Dr. S
instructive. The author is a ver
(though it is believed that he is
traitor, by thorough-going So
Schaffie, former Minister of F
eminent of German economists.'
self has great respect for his opin
Among living representatives [of
A. Schaffie, one of the greatest auth
tion of evolution to the study of socie
How, then,
does Dr. Schaffie reg
too, recognisesto the full that the
"What he says upon this subject is
books. And he describes with equa
ing of the great underlying influ
Marx as his principal authority, h
Kirkup : -
The economic quintessence of the socialistic programme, the real aim of the
international movement, is as follows : - To replace the system of private capital
(i.e., the speculative method of production, regulated on behalf of society only by
the free competition of private enterprises) by a system of collective capital - that
is, by a method of production which would introduce a unified (social or collec-
tive) organisation of national labour, on the basis of collective or common owner-
ship of the means of production by all the members of the society. This collective
method of production would remove the present competitive system by placing
under official administration such departments of production as can be managed
collectively (socially or co-operatively), as well as the distribution among all of
the common produce of all, according to the amount and social utility of the
productive labour of each. This represents in the shortest possible formula the
aim of the Socialism of to-day, however variously expressed, and in some cases
obscurely conceived, may be the proposed methods for attaining it (p. 3).
These views are, Dr. Schaffie holds, entertained by a large and increas-
ing class of persons,1 and the remainder of his book is devoted to showing
their logical consequences. It may be said that all this goes further than
Mr. Kirkup means to go, and most people would be glad to be able to
1 Figures as to Progress of Socialism in Germany: -
North German Diet Elections, 1871. - Votes, 120,000 ; members, 2.
Do. do. 1877. - Votes, nearly 500,000 ; members, 12.
Berlin Elections, 1871. - Votes, 6,695.
Do. 1878.- Votes, 57,511.
Do. 1884. - Votes, 68,000. This after the anti-Socialistic laws,
Eeichstag Elections, 1884. - Votes, about 600,000 ; members, 24.
The progress is said to be continued. ('Enc. Brit.')
204 SOCIALISM. [MAY
agree with him, but how is he go
down precisely how his principles a
one thing is certain - i.e., that the
different times in different places. B
to some compulsory system, under w
the means of production will be abso
is certain to hold or to regain the fiel
bility of preventing the energetic, t
and once capital has begun to grow i
What, then, are the reasons which
does, that even the thoroughgoing co
unworkable ? A German of the Germ
in the regulation of ' distribution.'
A complete and officially organised
undoubtedly include at least as thoroug
or yearly statistical registration of the
as under the present system these effe
upon the market ; and the national p
quantity and of quality, adapt itself to
He declares that no robbery would
ously supposed, for the purpose of
could all be brought out by terminab
such period as might be thought fa
and even necessary, that there shoul
leases, debts, or trade in any for
respects would be replaced by publi
cheques/ the standard of value bein
time.' Such cheques, long ago sugges
the currency in which labour of a
exchangeable against products alone
tion, this being, apparently, the only
forms of currency. These ť labour
with them, would be the absolute p
accumulated or transmitted by w
which, in his opinion, the ship wou
86, 123) : (1) the impossibility of as
profit of his individual work (even
sidering that ť a man's capacity for w
merit, but is to a large extent an
measuring this profit according to
social quantity of labour time :
Since the ' value ' of commodities cle
but also on the value hi use - i.e., the u
the socialistic citizen demands bread af
not able to offer him stones, or clot
demands the much desired bread must
as to make him cut his coat according
least the needful amount of the deficie
and (3), while admitting that the
he points out (pp. 55-57) that Soc
absolutely not attempted to establis
such an enormous mass of collective
minutiae to the pitch of profitable
nounces to be impossible of accomp
dual interest. In short, he declares e
As soon as you put a premium on ec
the use- value of the contribut

assurance of a firm authoritati
production - as soon as you do
of Democracy ; nothing more
individual in the control, or
which shall be equally just to
and exploitation can break in
would be sawing off the branc
itself from its critical blots an
probably never do this openly.
To these objections may, pe
4 means of production ' ? Th
from cattle (suggestive in its
a cake of cobalt, which will h
otherwise, just as their owne
laying golden eggs would cle
•eggs which may be turned a
egg-layers ] (2) How can all t
human nature be disposed of
third objection, but there
question - whether childre
whether their parents are to
greatest checks on populatio
parental responsibility has b
upon the possibility of mai
will there be against all kind
of excessive Bureaucracy ì
(3) Interference with indiv
all external trade, until the
aggression - Will the mainte
the necessary order and disc
is to be a really efficient a
against history repeating
employing the instrument
while to say anything about
the consequent probable effe
Utopia, or else will prove a c
Some of these points are,
p. 140 he summarises under
objections grounded on con
account of the unwieldiness
tions on account of interfere
succeeding pages are devoted
only fair to give the substan
1 reply.' He urges that social
gradually ; and that if it com
theoretical controversy and
dominant forces of existing
of Socialism with State act
quantity, as any traveller or
1 At p. 121, he says : ' In its most

according to which society, in its
own the means of production, and
new type of social and economic or
the existing society, the State in
beyond and behind the existing st
«pon it for its realisation.'
206 SOCIALISM. [MAY
exactly true of self-interest, yet eve
under higher ethical guidance : th
economics were properly organised,
idlers, undutiful parents, and such
starvation being plainly hinted at
that it is not fair to expect an absolu
culty, especially as things can hardl
The 6 central authority ' objection he
ad misericordia ,m on the ground t
world-wide relations, is abnormally
which have produced our elaborate so
it isto be hoped (!) that in future the
less diplomacy, less war, conquests, a
and that attention will be chiefly
central authority will be in fact lar
the hands of better and specially ed
managed. On the point of ' individ
freedom is at present merely nomina
means of subsistence, while the real
the necessary restraint would be re
know that it was imposed only fo
that while without a great moral ad
will be regarded as its strength, or i
view and the hopefulness of the inqu
The whole matter forcibly recalls
members ; and Englishmen must be
body politic the experiment is to be
apparently less useful organ the tria
the last century, upon some continen
Seriously, however, it cannot be d
indeed probable, that we are upon t
system. Evils are being recognised,
it is to be feared, not subsiding,1 in
Power is changing hands. The lab
becoming more and more able and
of tremendous forces, national and s
quarter of a century may expect to
tion is one which is likely to grow m
It is next in importance to the qu
danger is lest it be settled by passion
The more, in fact, it is discussed,
sometimes forgotten, that men (eve
virtuous by Act of Parliament. By
the heavens fall : but let us be caref
is, for if the sky is once down ther
which to resume the search.
H. Gr. WlLLINK.
1 Barnett, p. 182, and ' Christian Socialism,' chap. ix.

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SOCIALISM

ì One would think they had never heard o

even this unfavourable condition is liable to be changed fo

Or again (p. 94) : -

the use- value of the contribut

1 At p. 121, he says : ' In its most

1 Barnett, p. 182, and ' Christian Socialism,' chap. ix.

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