College of Asia and The Pacific, The Australian National University Australian National University

College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University
Australian National University
How China's Nationalism was Shanghaied

Author(s): Lucian W. Pye
Source: The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No. 29 (Jan., 1993), pp. 107-133
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HOW CHINA'S NATIONALISM WAS SHANGHAIED
LucianW. Pye
Whatkindofa nation-state aretheChinese peopleandtheir leadersshaping

forthemselves as theyenter thesecondcentury ofthe'Chinese revolution'?
Thequestfornational greatness andmodernization thatbeganwiththeearly
reformersas a questfor'wealthandpower'continues. Therelationship of
nationalismandmodernization a fundamental
is unquestionably problem in
thehistoryofmodem China.Indeed, onecanaskwhether is anytheme
there
aboutChinathatis morehackneyed andmodernization?'
than'nationalism
Whatcanpossibly besaidthat is newonthesubject?
Whatis newis theurgency ofthequestionbecausewearenowseeing, as
a partof theworldwide crisisof communism, theunrelenting erosionof
Marxism-Leninism-Mao ZedongThought as thebasisofstatelegitimacy in
China.Theexpectation is thatnationalismwillhavetofillthevoidcreated by
the'crisisofconfidence' andbythecollapseof themyth of socialismas
magic.Ifthefuture ofChinalieswithnationalism, we hadbetter geta clear
understandingofprecisely ofChinese
whatarethecharacteristics nationalism.
Whatarelikely tobethedistinctive ofChinese
features nationalismina post-
Marxist-Leninistera? Moreimportantly, how will the configurationsof
Chinesenationalism the
affect prospects for the modemization of Chinese
andpolitics?
society
Itis myintentiontoargue, first, between
thattherelationship nationalism
andmodernization has takena formin Chinathatis different fromwhat
occurredanywhere else. I wantto argue,secondly, thatin spiteof the
ofChinesehistory,
greatness in spiteofthemanifest ofeveryday
durability
Chineseculture - thatis, in spiteof theweight of manyof thestandard
buildingblocks of nationalism - the historicalpatternof China's
*
An earlierversionof thisarticlewas deliveredas a Wei Lun Lectureat theChinese
Universityof Hong Kong. That earlierversionhas appeared,in translation,in the
Chinese-languagemagazineErshlysShiji [21stCentury] (Hong Kong),no.9 (February
1992),pp.13-26.
THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS,NO.29,JANUARY1993

108 THEAUSTRALIAN
JOURNAL
OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
modernization hasleftChinawitha relativelyinchoateandincoherent formof

nationalism.Statedanotherway,theprimordial buildingblocksof ethnicity
andculturalhabitshaveinsomerespects preemptedthefieldandobscuredthe
factthat,forfundamental reasons,nationalismin Chinahas remained nascent
and amorphous. Thus,paradoxically, althoughChina producedone of the
world'sgreatest andstillhas a powerful
civilizations andtenacious it
culture,
now has in modemtimesa relatively contentlessformof nationalism. Yet,
even moreparadoxically, the Chinesepoliticalclass, in spite of such a
formlessnationalism, has beenable to exploitthemystique of patriotism
to
neutralizepolitically
theveryChinesewhohavebeenthemostsuccessful in
modermizing.
TwoElusiveSubjects
Beforeproceeding
withtheChinesecaseitis necessary
toclarify
anddefine
thetwoveryelusiveconceptsofnationalismandmodernization.Whenwe
speakofnationalism
andmodernization
itmight seemthatwearedealing
with
straightforward
andcommonsense butinfactthesearetwoverytricky
topics,
whicharenoteasilypinned
subjects downandanalysed. Theproblemwith
nationalism is thatit properly
involvesonlythosesentimentsassociatedwith
theidea of thenation-state,butpeoplepopularlyconfuseit witha variety
of
other sentiments associatedwith basic formsof group identity.
'Modernization'is also popularly a confusionof ideas rangingfrom
Westernizationandeconomic development to middle-class As a
practices.
result
itis often
overlookedthattheessenceofmodernization
is a blending
of
parochialculturalvaluesand theuniversalnormsassociatedwiththeworld
culture.
Nationalism hasbecomea veryfuzzy becausewehavetended
concept to
lumptogether underitslabelall manner ofgroupidentitiesandprimordial
sentiments. Nationalismshouldnotbe confused withtribalism, or
ethnicity,
shared cultural,religious
andlinguistic identities.
Nationalism involves only
thosesentiments andattitudesbasicto orientationstoward thenation-state.
Frequently theseotherprimordial identities
workagainstthecreation of a
unifying senseofnationalism.Evenwhena country is relatively
homogeneous
interms ofcultureandreligionthespiritofethnic
identitymaynotbedirected
toward thestate.In othersituationssuchprimordial sentimentscan indeed
contribute tosharpeningthefeelingsabout'we-ness' and'they-ness'thatare
alsobasictonationalism. Butthere is somethingadditionalanddistinctivein
theideaofnationalism becauseitmustinclude thedistinctivesetofideals,
myths, symbols, andvaluesthatcanserveas theinspiration fora nation-state.
Theprimary identities
ofrace,culture, andethnicity
canexistbefore thereis
thenation-state,andtheycanfuelthepassions ofnationalismafterthenation-
stateis founded, butnationalismmusthavean additional dimension thatis
associated withdteuniqueness of theparticular nation-state.Nationalism

HOW CHINA'S NATIONALISMWAS SHANGHAIED 109
providesnotjustthebasisofloyalty ofa peopletotheirnation-state butitalso

definestheroleofleaders,andinso doingsetslimitsontheirconduct.
Studentsof nationalism correctlyinsistthatnationalism appearedonly
withtheemergence ofthenation-statein Europe,andthatithas spreadto the
restof theworldonlywiththecreationof modemnation-states. The age of
nationalismcameonlywiththeformation of themodemnation-state system.
The new era of nationalism was formedby people'sreactionsto theirown
stateand to thestatesystemas a whole.Nationalism is therefore a modem
sentiment.Hencethetraditional Chinese'MiddleKingdomComplex'or the
conceptofHanchauvinism shouldnotbe treated as thesamethingas Chinese
nationalism.The contemporary sentiments and imageryof nationalism can,
however,have theirtap-roots in pastidentities,forhistory is, of course,a
primesourcefortheideals thatare basic to nationalism. Indeed,it is how
peoplesharetheircollectivememories thatforms muchofthecontent oftheir
nationalistic and witha loss of thosememories
identity, theremaycome a
voidin theircollectivefeelings.
Nationalism embracestheidealsof a society
and a people'ssenseof how theyare distinctive and preciousin contrast to
otherpeoples.In thewordsofJohnStuart Mill:
'The strongestcause for the feelingof nationality...isidentityof political
antecedents;thepossessionof a nationalhistory,
and consequentcommunity of
recoilections;
collectiveprideandhumiliation,
pleasureandregret,connectedwith
thesameincidents inthepast'.1
Modem social science has contributed to the confusionabout the
distinctionbetweennationalism andotherformsofcollectivebonding. In the
earlierworksof such scholarsas Hans Kohn,CarletonHayes,E.H. Carr,
RobertMacIverand RupertEmersontherewas generallya conscientious
attempt to distinguishbetweenthosesentiments attachedto thenation-state
and otherfeelingsof groupidentity. Indeed,a centralissue in muchof the
debatesas to whether a particular
colonywas 'readyforindependence' was
the questionof whetherthe ethnic,religiousand otheridentity divisions
amongthepeoplehad been superseded by adequatelystrongsentiments of
identificationwithwhatwouldbe thenewnation-state. However,as scholars
soughtto uncoverthefoundations of thespiritof nationalismtheytendedto
blurthe distinctions.Thus,Karl Deutschidentified nationalismwithbasic
patternsofsocialcommunications whichhe foundto be criticalforforming a
sense of community.2 HaroldIsaacs carriedthe analysiseven further by
identifyingall themajorelementsthatcan shapegroupidentity - suchas skin
color,language, -
andreligion andassociatedthemwithnationalism.3
I Representative Government, 1861, quotedin Karl Deutsch,Nationalismand Social

Communications (MIT PressandJohnWiley,New York,1953),p.5.
2 Deutsch,op. cit.
3 Harld Isaacs, The Idols of the Tribe(HarvardUniversity
Press,Cambridge,1989,
originally
published,
Harper& Row,New York,1975).

110 THEAUSTRALIAN
JOURNAL
OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
Yet,ifwe aretounderstand better thepolitical roleofnationalism itis

nowapparent thatweneedtoseparate suchprimordial sentiments from those
thatarefocused onthenation-state.Wecansee thatthisis thecasewhenwe
lookatwhathashappened inmany ofthenewly emerging nations oftheThird
Worldwheresuchtribal sentiments havenotcontributed to thecreation of
enduring bondsofnationalism. Inmany ofthenewstates ethnic andreligious
identitiesnotonlyfailedto contribute to theformation of a newspiritof
nationalidentity butactuallyworked against thebuilding ofnationhood. As a
resulttheassumptions of the1950sthatstrong racialandotherprimordial
sentiments couldbecomethestuffof strongnationalisms provedto be
incorrect.Thestory ofnation-building is thatprimordial sentiments arenot
enough; there must bea distinctsetofideals,aspirations, heroes, andsymbols
thatareassociated withthepolitical system as a partofthelarger nation-state
system.
Moreover, theidentificationofnationalism cannotbe limited to merely
somepartisan political
party orfaction. Nationalism is morethanloyalty to
party orparticularleader.Naturally politicianswilltrytoidentify themselves
withnationalistic sentiments,and certainly someleadersand partiesare
ideologically morecommitted thanothersto strengthening theidealsof
nationalism. However ifa groupofleaderstriesto claimthatpatriotism is
associatedonlywithsupporting their partisanpositions, andthat everyone else
is unpatriotic,
theirbehaviour canonlybe seenas anexample ofpoliticsand
nota manifestation oftruenationalism.
So whenwe lookforthesubstance ofChinesenationalism we haveto
identifythosesentiments thataredifferent from either theChinesesenseof
ethnicand cultural identity,or theattitudes towards current policiesand
leaders.Aboveall itis important todistinguish Chinese nationalism from all
thepowerful sentiments associated withChinese cultural andethnic identity.
Chinese cultural andethnic are,ofcourse,
realities criticalfactors inshaping
Chinese politicalbehaviour, buttounderstand thelikelydirection ofChinese
historical
development wealsoneedtohavea clearsenseofthemorespecific
ideals,myths, heroes,andsymbols thatcaninspire Chinese nationalism as the
Chineseseekthegoalsofmodernization. Theextraction of a coherent and
inspiringformof nationalism fromtheall-embracing conceptof Chinese
ethnicityhasnotbeeneasy.SunYat-sen sought toarticulate anearlyversion
of Chinesenationalism, buttheSan-Min-Chu-I soonbecamemerely the
orthodoxy ofa partisan politicalparty.Mao Zedongcouldboastthatunder
himChinahad'stoodup',butasidefrom hispartisan version ofMarxism-
Leninism he deflatedChinesenationalism whenhe saidtheChinesepeople
werea 'blanksheetofpaper'.
Nationalism mustalsorespond tothetimes, which meansthatwhenthere
is rapidsocialor revolutionary changethecharacter of nationalism in the
particularsocietycan becomequiteunpredictable. Revolution can solidify
nationalism, as in thecase of France;butrevolutionary changescan also
produce a confused anddisillusioned peoplewithlittle feeling ofnationalism,

HOWCHINA'SNATIONALISM
WASSHANGHAIED 111
as insomeofthecorrupted newnations ofpost-colonialAfricaandAsia.This

is whytherelationshipofnationalism totheprofound changes associated
with
modernization
is so fundamental tothecourse ofhistory.
Modernization is an equallyelusivesubjectwhich,like nationalism,
emerged outofEuropeduring theprocess ofcreatingthenation-state
system,
andhasspreadtotherestoftheworld as societies
havebecome engagedinthe
nation-building
processes. Initially,
itwascommon toconfuse modernization
withWesternization,butincreasingly we havecometosee modernization as
beingassociatedwithinternational standards,universalistic
knowledge,such
as scienceand technology, and thevaluesand practices appropriatefor
advancedcontemporary societies.Modernization, like nationalism, is
a stateofmind.
fundamentally Itcallsfora heightenedlevelofconsciousness,
a capacityforempathy, and a breakfromthe rigidities of traditional
orthodoxies.
Therelationshipofnationalism andmodernization is obviously
complex.
Theycanreinforce eachother orthey canbeantagonistic. Inbothnationalism
and modernization, thereare also tensionsbetweenparochialand
particularistic
considerations, on the one hand,and cosmopolitan and
universalistic
standards, ontheother. Thebuilding blocksofnationalism must
comeoutofthehistorical traditionsandlegaciesofa society, butnationalism
has significance
onlyin thecontextof relations
withothernation-states,
and
thusitis alsoresponsive
tocosmopolitan
standards.
Modernization
similarly
reflects
cosmopolitanvaluesand universalistic
norms,butit also has to
resonatewiththeparochial
traditions
oftheparticular ifitis totake
society
rootand becomea significant
force.Thus,nationalismand modernization
containwithin
themselves
tensionsbetweentheparochialcultures
ofa society
andtheuniversialistic
nonnsof thecosmopolitan and
world.Nationalism
modernization
arethustwindriving which
forces shapethehistoric
processes
ofnation-building
andpoliticaldevelopment.
Theycan also workagainsteach
other
toparalyse
progress.
TheChineseDifference
In the1950sand1960sitwascommonplace forscholarstotreatnationalism
andmodernizationas themostimportant
dualforces intheemergingstatesof
thepost-colonial
world. Thestudyofpolitical
development soonexpanded to
includemostoftheThirdWorldof Asia,Africa, andLatinAmerica. It is
significant,
however,thatthestudy
ofChinawasgenerally notincludedinthis
greatintellectual
endeavour. Therewerevariousreasonswhythiswas the
case.Chinaat thetimewasvigorously engaged in pursuingitsquestfora
Marxist-Leninist
utopia,and mostAmerican scholarsinterestedin the
developingworldwanted togetawayfromColdWarissues.Moreover, China
specialistswere happyto accentuate the distinctiveness,
indeedthe
uniqueness,ofChina,andthustheypreferrednottoputthestudyofChina
intoa comparative
context. ofcomparative
Students Communism alsofound

112 THEAUSTRALIAN OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
JOURNAL
Maoismtobe distinctive, ifnotpeculiar, andhenceChinawas nottreated as a

partof theircentralconcerns. Forall thesereasonsChinawas notincludedin
comparative studiesat a timewhennationalism and modernization were
popularsubjectsinpoliticalscience.
Now as we examinein greaterdetailthe themesof nationalism and
modernization withrespectto Chinait becomesapparent thatperhapsthere
weredeeperandmorefundamental reasonswhyChinadidnotfitthegeneral
pattern and thuswhyit requiredspecialtreatment. Elsewherein thepost-
colonialworldnationalism andmodernization werereinforcing forces,butin
China they have been essentiallyantagonisticforces. Elsewherethe
articulators
of nationalism werethemostmodernized peoplein thecountry.
Westemized werethepeoplewhogavevoicetothenewidealsof
intellectuals
independenceand nationalism.The anti-colonialleaders of South and
SoutheastAsia and of AfricawerepeoplelikeNehruand Gandhi,Nkrumah
andSukarnowhowereathomeinboththemodern worldandtheirrespective
traditionalcultures.Theyhadoutoftheirownlifeexperiences a vividsenseof
thechallengeofcombining modern andtraditional practices.
In contrast,in Chinapoliticalpower,and hencetheadvantaged position
forshapingnationalism, was neverfinnly in thehandsofthebesteducatedor
themostmodernized people.Thosewhohaveheldsupreme politicalpowerin
mainland Chinahavereflected mainlythecultures of interior
China,and few
have experienced deep immersion in the modernworldor even spokena
foreignlanguage.Whereaselsewhere,the most modernizedpeople were
acceptedas appropriate spokespersons for the nationalistic ideals of the
society,in China theygenerallywere suspectedas beingless thanfully
'Chinese'.ThusfromtheBoxerrebellion tothelatest'anti-spiritual
pollution'
campaign, theChinesepoliticalclass has routinely treatedmodern, Western-
educatedChineseas beingtainted, flawedpeople,unworthy of beingleaders
of Chinesenationalism. It is truethatSun Yat-senwas Westerntrainedand
members of theSoong familywerepolitically in the 1940s,but
influential
theseanda fewothers weretheoddexceptions tothegeneralrulethatChina's
politicalclass hadfewmodernized people- especiallywhencomparedto the
nationalistleadershipintheformer colonialcountries.
The storybecomesevenmorecomplexbecauseofthedistinctive Chinese
waysof thinking abouttherelationship betweenChina'sculturallegacyand
the goals of modemization. Unlike in othercountries,many Chinese
intellectualshave at timesadopteda totallyhostileview towardtheirown
greattraditional callingforthecompleterejection
culture, of thepastand a
boundlessadoptionof Westernculture.FromtheMay FourthMovement of
seventyyearsago through the Maoistyearsto the televisionprogramthe
'RiverElegy',therehavebeenrepeatedattackson China'sculturalheritage.
The motives,of course,variedand thevisionsof whatthenew 'modern'
cultureshouldbe also havediffered. Therehavealso beentimeswhenother
leaders,andparticularlysomeintellectuals, havegonetotheoppositeextreme
and triedto idealizeChinesetraditions. But whatwas idealizedwas notthe

WASSHANGHAIED 113
realitiesof the livingChinesemass culture;it was abstractions of a

romanticized past.Thus,between thetwoextremes of eithernihilistically
denouncing Chinese civilizationor romanticizing it, most Chinese
intellectuals
andpolitical leadershaveconsistently failedto do whattheir
counterpartsintherestofthedeveloping world havetriedtodo,which wasto
createa newsenseofnationalism thatwouldcombine elements oftradition
withappropriate features
ofthemodem world culture.
TheChinesedifference stemsin largepart,I believe,from thefactthat
China'sresponse totheWestwasquitedistinctive andfundamentally different
from thoseofmostAfrican andAsiancountries which experienced European
colonialrule.Theparting intheroadbecameclearinthedevelopments after
1949.In fact,Westem scholars suchas Joseph Levinson andMaryWright
whowerewriting mainly against thebackdrop ofpre-1949 Chinadescribed
theproblem ofChinese nationalism intermsverymuchlikethosecommonly
usedlaterfortheissuesof tradition, modernizationandnationalism in the
post-colonialcountries.
However, thedifferencesbetween Chinaandtherest
ofthedeveloping worldcannot beseenas solelytheconsequences ofChina's
commitment to Leninism.They had theirseeds in the distinctive
circumstances ofChina'sinitial
exposure totheforcesofthemodem worldof
nation-states.
China'sinitial
contacts withtheWestsetinmotion a distinctive
historybecauseit led to theuniquetreaty portsystem. Thissystem was
remarkablyeffectiveinhelping tomodernize significant
segments ofChinese
societybutit also sharpened thedistinctionsbetween coastal(including
Hankow ontheYangtze) andinterior China,therebyintensifyingthetensions
between nationalismandmodernization. Thedifferences between thetreaty
portsystem andthevarious forms ofcolonial
ruleelsewhere thushada lasting
inmaking
effect theChinese experiencewithmodernization distinct.
TreatyPortsandColonies:A FundamentalDifference
Thesystemformanaging tradeandintercultural whichevolvedout
relations
ofthetreaty
portsalongcoastalChinawasindeedquitedifferent
fromwhat
took place elsewhereunderdirectand even indirectcolonial rule. The
havebeenobscured
differences largelybecauseChinesespokespeopleofall
ideological
persuasionshaveinsisted eversincethe1920sthatChinasuffered
fromimperialismin thesamewayas did all theotherformer colonial
countries
ofAsiaandAfrica. Yetthere wasinfacta tremendous difference.
Elsewhere,
colonialruleinvolvedcomplex human interactions
as modernizing
nativesengagedin intenseand directpersonalrelationships with
of thecolonizing
representatives country. Indians,
forexample, knewwhat
Englishmenwerelikeandtherefore colonialism The
wasnotan abstraction.
was a psychologically
relationship complexlove-hate affair.
The Chinese,
however,generally and
had littledirectcontactwiththe 'imperialists',
therefore
forthemthe ihreat of foreign and theevilsof the
penetration
treaties'
'unequal wereabstractions.Thepsychology wasthustotally
different.

114 THEAUSTRALIAN
JOURNAL
OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
There is no reasonto doubtthe genuineness of Chinesefeelingsof

humiliation;indeed,theChinesemayhavehad moregrievances thanpeople
whoarefullycolonialized. Yet,theobjectivefactremains thatChinadidhave
a distinct
history withrespectto thechallengeofbecominga modemnation-
state.Whileit is truethattherewerevariations in theformsof thedirectand
indirectcolonial rule fromcountryto country, the treatysystemwhich
emergedoutof theculturaland powerclashesbetweenChinaand theWest
was stillunique.(Japanand Turkeydid experience theconstraints of extra-
but onlyfora briefperiod,and hencetheywerein no way
territoriality,
comparable totheChineseexperience.)
JohnK. Fairbankin his pioneering workdetailedtheearlystoryof the
creationof thetreaty portsystem. He tracedwhathe called 'thecompromise
betweenChina and the West' whichproduced,in his coined word,a
'synarchy'in whichtherewas 'a jointChineseandWestern administrationof
the modem centresof Chinese life and trade in the treatyports'.4
Unfortunately, otherscholarsdidnotfollowedthepathFairbank chartedwhen
he suggestedthatChina's experienceswere unique.Insteadthe general
tendencyhas been eitherto tryto fitthe subsequenthistoryof Chinese
developments intotheProcrustean bedsofvarioustheories of imperialismor
to dismissthesignificance of theWesternimpactentirely and to emphasize
domesticdevelopments as autonomousforcesin China's modernization
attempts.
The fundamental and lastingeffectof thetreaty portsystemwas thatit
providedvividand all-too-concrete evidenceof theweaknessesof Chinese
politicalrule and the apparentmeritsof foreignrule. The huge mass
population of interiorChinawerecursedwiththeincompetence, inefficiency
andcorruption ofgovernment bywarlords, whilein theenclavestherewas an
environment whereChinesecouldprosper andrealizethespiritofmodern life.
The Chinesewhowenttotheenclaveshadundeniably votedwiththeirfeetin
favourof foreign ruleoverChineserule.Interior Chinawas thusseenas the
realChina,butit was a flawedand,in moderntenns,a disgraced China.For
theChinesein theenclavestherewas an inescapablesenseof guiltas they
becamemorenationalistically conscious.FortheChineseoftheinterior there
was shameandhumiliation as theybecamemoreconsciousofmodernization.
This was quitedifferent fromthecolonialworldin whichtherewereno
optionsbetweenforeign and nativeruleandwherethecontrast was between
therealitiesofcolonialruleandtheutopianidealofindependence. Nationalist
leaderstherecould articulate ideals thatwouldcombinethe best of their
historictraditionswiththebestthattheWesthad to offer. The awakening of
political consciousnesswas thus an act of linkingnationalismand
modernization. Colonialrule,especiallyinitsterminal phase,was designedso
thatpowerwouldflownaturally to thosewithmodernknowledge and skills.
JohnK. Fairbank,
Tradeand Diplomacyon theChinaCoast (HarvardUniversity
Press,
Cambridge,1953;paperback
editionStanford Press,1969),p.462.
University

WASSHANGHAIED 115
FromIndiato Indonesia, fromBurmato thePhilippines, and throughout

Africa, people,by becoming in theirownlivesmoremodem,werealso
becoming theacknowledged champions of nationalism. Therewereoften
competing careerpathsbetweenthe politicalleadersin the nationalist
movements andthemodern-trained administrators - in India,forexample,
between theWesternized leadersoftheCongress Party andtheIndianCivil
Service- butthetwochannels wereessentially complementary in making
nationalism compatible withmodernization. The spiritof nationalism that
cameoutoftheanti-colonial movements wasextremely so thatafter
idealistic
a fewyearsofindependence therewereprofound reactionsofdisillusionment
andcynicism incountry aftercountry intheThirdWorld.It is alsotruethat
manyof themodernized spokespeople forthenew nationalisms of the
emerging nations failedto successfullyintegrate thesymbols andidealsof
theirtraditional andtheir
cultures newnational aspirations,
so thatwhentheir
countries ranintodifficulties thenewspiritof nationalism collapsedand
ethnictribalism cametodominate politics.
Thisdevelopment serves,however,
to reinforce themajorpointthatit is necessary to recognizethedistinction
between realnationalism andmoreprimordial sentiments.
In Chinaitwastheenvironment ofthetreaty portswhichproduced the
mostsuccessful communities of modemizing Chinese,but since they
consisted ofpeoplewhohadchosenforeign ruleoverChinese ruletheywere
notaccepted as articulators
ofChinesenationalism. Therootsofthetension
aboutnationalism inChinacanthusbe largely traced backtothetreaty port
system whichhelpedcreatethedivision between theenclavecultures of
coastalChina,whichgavedynamism tothecountry's modernization,andan
interiorChina,withitsclaimof beingtheauthentic China.Thisprofound
divisionhashadenormous consequences indictating whathasbeenlegitimate
inthearticulation ofChinese nationalism.Thedividehasfuelled decadesof
suspicion thatmodem, cosmopolitan waysarea threat to China'snational
It helpedcreatethebeliefthatintelligent,
spirit. Westernized Chinesewere
somehow lesspatriotic,lessworthy representatives oftheir country thanthe
moreparochial peopleofinteriorChina.Allofthiswasespecially unfortunate
becauseit restedupona seriousmisunderstanding abouttherealities of
Chinese lifeintheenclaves.
The MalignedTreaty-Port
Chinese
Fora number ofreasons a hugebodyofmyths andhalf-truthshasgrown up
aboutthesocial,intellectual,
economic andcultural nature ofthetreaty ports,
whichhaveconspired tominimizetheremarkable achievements ofthetreaty-
portChineseandtoexaggerate theimportance oftheforeigners' roleinwhat
wasaccomplished intheenclaves.
Intheunderstandable efforts
ofChinese to
their
express frustrationsabouttheirsenseofhumiliation a picturewascreated
ofthetreaty
ports as sordid,
immoral cities- squalidplacesthatneeded,as the
conqueringCommunists certainly
believed, to be totallycleanedout and

116 JOURNAL
THE AUSTRALIAN OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
intolinewiththestandards
brought oflifein interior
China.Western
scholars
havecontributed
to thismaligning culture.
of thetreaty-port Somehave
Chinesecultureand heapedscornon thespreadof
idealizeduncontaminated
Western andvalues.Others
practices thatsomething
havesuggested 'went
all ofChina- something
portsfailedto modernize
wrong'becausethetreaty
somepeoplethought Chinaunder
interior Maowasgoingtobeabletodo.
Theconventional thathasemerged
picture outofthisimage-makinghas,
ironically, whichshamefully
createdcaricatures theworthof
deprecated
Chineseandgrosslymagnified ofWesterners.
theinfluence TheChinesein
thetreaty weredepicted
ports as either
starving
beggars orfoppish
playboys,
denizensofunlimited
brothels
andnight clubs.If thenumberofprostitutes
quotedforthe citywas correctit would have implausibly
conventionally
meantthatone tenthof thewomenof Shanghaiwerewhores.It is truethat
Shanghai did havea well established criminal
underworld, including the
notoriousGreenGang,whoseinfluence extendedintotherealmofChinese
Thiswas in partbecause,as Frederic
politics. Wakeman hasnoted,'What
madeShanghai special,andmorelikeChicagothanCalcutta, wastheChinese
equivalentofboot-legging during Prohibition: andsellingnarcotics
refining
duringa periodwhenthenational government,withtheco-operation ofthe
LeagueofNations, wasostensiblytrying
tosuppressopium addiction'.5
Theforeigners supposedlylordeditoverallChineseandpresumably had
no socialcontacts withthenatives.Onemight gettheimpression fromthe
myths thattherewerenoChinese livingintheconcessions.FredC. Shapiro,
writingin theNewYorker andreacting againsttheeffortsof thecurrent
policiesofthePeople'sRepublic totrytosegregate andChinese
foreigners in
government-run storesand hotels,repeatsthe falsepropaganda of the
Communists that'...theonlyChineseadmitted intotheirprecincts[i.e.,the
This wouldsuggestthat
clerks,and servants'.6
concessions]werelabourers,
thetens,indeedhundredsof thousandsof middleand upperclass Chinese
simplydid not exist. The mythof 'foreigners only' would deny as
insignificant
thelargest ofChinese
concentrations people- which
professional
a multitude
included ofjournalists,
writers, academics,
lawyers, doctors,tosay
nothing
ofmerchants - inthecountry.
andbankers ofenclaves
Thispicture of
factthatShanghaiand all thelesser
missesthefundamental
onlyforeigners
citiesrunning
treaty from toCanton
Tianjin wereessentially cities.I
Chinese
whowenttotheShanghai
haveyettofinda singleforeigner American
School
in the 1930swho did not growup in the FrenchConcessionor the
IntemationalSettlement
surrounded In the
Chinesefamilies.
bymiddle-class
TianjinBritishConcession notto haveChinese
it was almostimpossible
The mythofthetreaty
neighbours. settlements
portsas purelyforeign as late
as the1920sand 1930swas inspired
bypolitical Indeed,the
propaganda.
s FredericWakeman,Jr.,'PolicingModernShanghai',The China Quarterly,

no.15
(September,
1988),p.416.
6 12 October1990,p.80.
FredC. Shapiro,'ReportfromChina', 7heNewYorker,

WASSHANGHAIED 117
leftist
picture oftreaty-port
society waslargely draftedoutofthedoctrines of
Leninist imperialism inwhichinternational capitalismdominated the'colonies
and semi-colonies', and thenationalbourgeoisie wereineffectual actors.
TodaywhenMarxist-Leninist theories arewidely discreditedaround theworld
it is timeto lookat Chinesedevelopments through otherlensesthanthose
provided bythatparadigm. Thefailure ofLeninism callsfora re-evaluationof
thestereotypes produced byLeninist theories.
As a result ofthesemyths andhalf-truths mostpeoplehaveforgotten, or
wereneveraware,thatbetween thetwoWorldWarsShanghai wasthemost
sophisticated andthemostcosmopolitan cityin all ofAsia.Shanghai's pre-
eminence wasbasedonmuchmorethan justitsdominant roleininternational
finance andtrade. In theartistic
andcultural realms Shanghai stoodoutabove
all other Asiancities.Tokyoatthetimewasinthegripofitssingle-minded
military rulers;Manilawasmorelikecountry clubAmerica; Batavia,Hanoi,
Singapore andRangoon wereall sleepycolonialadministrative centres; only
Calcutta hadmuchintellectual life,butit fellfarshortofwhatwas taking
placein Shanghai. Largeaudiences ofChineseattracted to Asiatheleading
concert performers ofEuropeandAmerica, whothenmight ormight notgo
ontoother Asiancities.Hollywood filmswentfirst totheOdeoninShanghai
beforebeingsenton to Tokyoandto theotherleadingAsiancities.The
Shanghai Conservatory founded in 1928begantraining international-class
musicians in the1930s.In oneyeartheCommercial Presspublished more
titlesthandidtheentire American publishingindustry.(Thereis no wayof
tellinghowmanyofthebookswerepirated.) Shanghai hadmorenewspapers
thananyotherAsiancity.Therewerealso numerous sophisticatedjournals
andmagazines including,forexample, theDongfangZazhi (TheFarEastem
Miscellany), whichwas an interesting combination oftheAtlanticMonthly
andTimemagazine. Shanghai wassecondtononeinthesizeofitscommunity
ofwriters andartistsandintellectuals.
Itis thereforewrong tothink ofthetreaty portsas theproduct offoreign
efforts.Shanghai's remarkable accomplishments, likeHongKong'sequally
impressive achievements in thepost-World War II period,came almost
from
entirely itshard-working, creative,talentedmiddle-classChinese.As
Mane-Claire Bergerehas beenarguing foryears,it was in Shanghai that
Chinastarted its'apprenticeshipinmodernity' andcreated between 1900and
1930a new'civilization ofthecoast'composed ofa steadilygrowing middle
class.7Duringtheinter-war period,an 'enterprising cosmopolitan urban
society blossomed in Shanghai; itwasa newChinesesociety. ForShanghai
veryobviouslywas Chinese'.Much of the dynamism did come from
7 See such worksof hers as "'The OtherChina": Shanghaifrm 1919 to 1949' in

ChristopherHowe (ed.), Shanghai(Cambridge
University
Press,Cambridge,
1981). The
quotationsare fromGregorBenton'sreviewof La Chine au XXe Swecle,editedby
Manie-ClaireBerghre,LucienBianco and Jurgen
Domes, The China Quarterly,
no.122
(June1990),p.318.

118 THEAUSTRALIAN OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
JOURNAL
commerce and economicactivities, whichproduced a new 'generation of

businessmen and industrialiststhatincludedsuch men as H.Y.Moh,
C.C.Nieh,theChienbrothers andthebankers, K.P.ChenandChiangKia-
Ngau'.Whereas, as Bergere pointsout,in interior China'anarchy remained
theonlyalternative to orthodoxy', in Shanghai'thebridgehead of world
wasalsoanoutpost
civilization ofunorthodox Chinaforwhommodernization
wasonlythemostrecent heresy'.8
Theforeign population ofShanghai wasneveras largeas themyth made
it.It wasonlyafter thesuccesses ofthetreaty-port Chineseincreating their
modernizing societies thattheforeignpopulations grew.In 1865therewere
55,465Chinese andonly460foreigners living intheFrench Concession.9The
foreign populationofShanghai reached a highpointoflessthan60,000inthe
1930s,butthiswasbecausethecitybecamean asylum first
forrefugees, for
about15,000White Russians andthensome5,000German andAustrian Jews
fleeingHitler.Another 20,000residentswereJapanese. Therewere,however,
lessthan9,000British, some4,000Americans and2,500French - a totalof
lessthan15,500ofthenationals whowerethought todominate Shanghai.'0
Livingwiththeseforeigners in theInternational SettlementandtheFrench
Concession werenearly oneanda halfmillion Chinese, andinthesurrounding
urbanareaanother fourmillionChinese.The HongKongof todayhas a
higher proportionofforeignersandforeign capitalinvestmenttoChinese than
Shanghai hadin the1920sand 1930s,andanyone whoknowsHongKong
knowsthatitis a product ofChinese efforts.
Although it is truethatthe varioustreatyportconcessions were
administered at thetopby foreigners, theactualmanagement, however, of
mostoftheday-to-day affairs
ofgovernment wasinChinese hands.As lateas
1875 therewereonly23 Frenchmen in theadministration of theFrench
Concession. By the1930sShanghai hadless than 500 administrators
British
who
andpoliceofficials presided over a civilservicethatwas essentially
Chinese. Therewereonlysome100to150Frenchmen intheadministration
of
In
theirconcession. all of theothertreaty ports,Chinese personnel were
critical
forthesmooth andorderly running ofaffairs.
TheChinesepopulation of Shanghai constituteda genuinesocietythat
was forging a distinctive thatwas bothmodemandChinese.The
lifestyle
largemiddle classwascomposed offamilies thatwererearing childrenwho
couldsuccessfully operatein themodemworldwhilealso appreciating
Chinesetraditions.Therethusemerged a distinctiveandpowerful Shanghai
culture.Itwasthisculture,as LynnPanhaspointed out,which produced such
outstandingpeopleas AnWangandI.M.Pei(andYo-yoMa,bomabroadtoa
8 Bergere,in Howe,op. cit.,pp.9,13, 14.

9 Press,Hong
BettyPeh-tiWei, Shanghai:CrucibleofModernChina(OxfordUniversity
Kong,1987),pp.67-68.
10 Rhoads Murphey,Shanghai:Key to ModernChina (HarvardUniversityPress,
1953),p.23.
Cambridge,

WASSHANGHAIED 119
Shanghaiesefamily)."1Thepropaganda attacks against Shanghaihavesought

todepictas decadent,a pattern ofsociallifethatresolved around regulartea
dances,racetrack meetings, andmoviesandconcerts. Butthesewerethe
pleasuresofa peoplewhowereengaged inthehistorically important taskof
creatinga modem, dynamic community ofChinese whocouldwithdignity be
a partofthemodem world. Itis probably safetosaythatthere never hasbeen
anotherplaceinwhichmoreChinese liveda middle-class lifestyleinsingle-
familyhousesthan intheFrench Concession during thatperiod.
TheShanghai schoolstooktheleadinthetransition from thetraditional
Chinesebelleslettresemphasis toappliedmodern knowledge. Middle-school
graduates weretrained in mathematics through calculus.Shanghai andthe
treatyportsingeneral produced a grosslydisproportionatenumber ofChina's
engineers anddiplomats. Eventodaya highproportion of thetechnocrats
throughout Chinahavea Shanghai background.
Thepolitical andpsychological significance ofthepresence ofWestern
powercannotbe denied.Therewas theUS AsiaticFleetwithitsYangtze
Patrol,
andthere werethelegation guardsinBeijing. whileinno
Nevertheless,
waydismissing theWesternimperial impact orwhitewashing theactionsof
Western governments, thefactremains thatincoastalChinathere diddevelop
a significantcommunity of modemChinesewhoweretotally at homein
internationalways- andwhoaccomplished muchforwhichtheChinese
shouldtakepride.I writethisin fullrecognition thatthestandard viewhas
beentodismiss thetreaty-port
Chinese as historically peoplein
insignificant
R.H.Tawney'sphrase,'a fringestitched alongthe hemof an ancient
garment'.'2The conventional view(as vigorously statedby,forexample,
RhoadsMurphey) wasthatthetreaty ports were'failures',thatinteriorChina
'successfully'
warded offtheWest,andthatMaoZedongproved thatpeasant
Chinawastherealfuture ofthecountry.'3 Itis conventionalfrom thispointof
viewtosaythatthecrisisoftwentieth-century Chinaentailed a needtoward
offforeignencroachment andthedteatofimperialism. Yettotheextent that
thiswasa keyproblem, itcouldbe argued thattherising middle classofthe
treatyportswere in fact China's mostsuccessfuldefenders against
'imperialism'.These communities of talented peopledemonstrated that
Chinesecouldtakeon'international capitalism' andexcelinmodem activities
tothepointofblunting anythreat. Whattheyweredoinginthepre-war era
wasexactlywhatChinesehaveaccomplished
in thepost-war
yearsinTaiwan,
andHongKong.
Singapore,
11 LynnPan,SonsoftheYellowEmperor(Littde Brown,Boston,1990),pp.281-82.
12 R.H. Tawney,Land and Labor in China (London, 1932), p.13, quoted in Rhoads
Muiphey,The Outsiders:The Western Experiencein India and China,(University
of
MichiganPress,AnnArbor,1977),p.1.
13 RhoadsMurphey,The TreatyPortsand China's Modernization: WhatWentWrong?
(University
ofMichiganCenterforChineseStudies,AnnArbor,1970).

120 THEAUSTRALLAN
JOURNAL
OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
SomemodemChinesewriters arebeginning toappreciatetheremarkable

accomplishments of thetreaty-portChinese.Forexample,LynnPan, in her
interesting studyof the OverseasChinese,notesthat'Treaty-port Chinese
werethosewhosucceededinbecoming trulybicultural,
behavingina Western
modewithout a debasement of theirown',and that'The treaty-port Chinese
werebetterable to do thatdifficult thing,snapthetoughthreadof Chinese
history andachievethehappybalancewhichhas alwayseludedtheircousins
in China:thebalancebetweenmodernity and Chineseness,betweenmoving
withthetimesandremaining themselves'.'4
The accomplishments of the Shanghaieseinvolvedfarmorethanjust
creating a newlifestyle.Theybuiltthefoundations formanyverysubstantial
industrial enterpriseswhichhave been remarkably enduring.Duringthe
Nationalist period,fora decadefrom1927 untiltheJapaneseoccupationin
1937,theNankinggovernment constantlyputthesqueeze on theShanghai
capitalists.'5
Aftertheestablishment ofthePeople'sRepublicthephenomenon
ofShanghaias aneconomicpowerhouse buta politicalweakling
continued.In
spiteof thefloodof refugeecapitalists who leftShanghaito helpenergize
Hong Kong's economicmiracle,the Shanghaieconomytheyhad created
continued to serveas themotorforceof thePRC economy.For morethan
fortyyearsShanghaihas beenthemainsourcefortechnical, administrative,
and diplomatic talentforthePeople's Republic.Even thoughShanghaihas
had to dispatchto therestofChinamorethantwomillionofitsmostskilled
people,it has remained thework-horse of theChineseeconomy,providing
during thefirstdecadesofthePRC nearlyonehalfofthefundsofthenational
government. As lateas 1985Shanghaiwas stillbeingexploited, to theextent
thatit had to contribute between85 and 86 per centof its revenueto the
centralgovernment.'6 Duringtheseforty yearsShanghaihas receivedalmost
no replenishments ofcapital,butithasbeenstrong enoughtokeepon helping
therestofChina.At present theleadership in Beijingmaybe contemplating
helpingShanghaionce again become a leader in its competition with
Guangdong byputting resourcesintothe'NewPudong'project.
14 ibid.,pp.373-74.
15 Therehas been a long debateamonghistorians about the relationshipbetweenthe
Kuomintang government and theShanghaicapitalists.
The lefthas generallyperceived
an alliancebetweenthetwo.Othershave seen a muchmorecomplexrelationship in
whichtheautonomous statesqueezedthecapitalists
foritsowninterests. ThusParksM.
Coble, Jr.writesthat,'...relationsbetweenthe two groupswere characterized by
government efforts
toemasculate politically andtomilkthemodern
theurbancapitalists
sectorof theeconomy.Concernwithrevenue,notthewelfareof thecapitalistsor the
possibility
of economicdevelopment, dominated Nanking'spolicies... The capitalists
were stymiedas a politicalforceand, by 1937, had become an adjunctof the
government.'
The ShanghaiCapitalhsts
and theNankingGovernment,
1927-1937
(HarvardUniversity
Councilon EastAsianStudies,Cambridge,
1986),p.3.
16 Wei op. cit.,p.266.

WASSHANGHAIED 121
In retrospectit is surprising
thatit couldonce havebeensaid thatwhat
tookplacein Shanghaiwas theexploitation ofChina.If thatwas exploitation,
it is a pitythattherewas notmoreof it throughout China.Fromtoday's
perspective,it is astonishingthatthetalented, successfulChineseof coastal
Chinaweremadeto feelthattheyweresomehowflawedpeople,no longer
realChinese.Worsestill,theyweremadeto feelthattheycouldprovetheir
bonafidesas loyalChinese
onlybydeferring classthathadits
toa political
rootsin parochial, interiorChina.Successfulentrepreneurs and industrialists
generallydevelopedan apoliticalmentality, as theyconcentrated their
attentionon theirprivateenterprises and minimized theirinvolvementin the
nation'sbusiness.As a resultthesocialandeconomicachievements of these
treaty-portChinesewerecircumscribed, andChinadid notdevelopeventhe
beginnings of a truecivil society.For all of theiraccomplishments these
modernized Chinesecouldnotproducea nascentestablishment whichcould
represent society'sinterests and serveas a disciplining checkon China's
parochial politicalleaders.
At best,as MarkElvinhas shown,thesemiddle-class Chinesedid often
perform at thelocal level as an establishment in supportof governmental
services.In quiet,inconspicuous waystheycouldattimesacttoimprove local
urbangovemments, butin termsofnationalpoliticsandthetaskofcreating a
senseofnationhood theywereessentially
impotent.
The TreacheryoftheIntellectuals
Thus,forall theirsuccessesas modernizers, thetreaty-portChinesecouldnot
createthebasesfora morepluralistic civilsocietyforthecountry as a whole.
Nor could theycontribute muchto thedefining of a new senseof modem
Chinesenationalism. One important reasonwas thattheintellectuals, whohad
also soughtoutthesecurity ofthetreaty ports,
chosetocontribute tothemyths
aboutthedecadenceof thetreaty-port Chinese.Manyof thesemodernizing
intellectuals,
mainlythewriters, had adoptedquasi-Leninist viewsaboutthe
treaty portsbeingtheevilworkofinternational capitalism.
Indeed,it was profoundlysignificant forthemodernization ofChinathat
mostofthesewriters expressed strong forbothtraditional
antipathies Chinese
culture andthelifestyleofthemostmodernized Chineseoftheenclaves.They
themselves easilybecamecertified as modernthinkers andradicalssimplyby
attackingfeaturesof the traditional familysystem,includingarranged
marriages, concubinage, and thepatriarchal authority of the father. At the
sametimetheycaricatured themiddle-class societyofcoastalChina.Almost
all of thesewriterslivedin Shanghaior otherforeign concessions. Theyhad
thusvotedwiththeirfeetin favourofforeign rule.As a resulttheyseemingly
sharedsomedeeppsychological feelingsofguiltandshameoverabandoning
Chinese culture.Hence the issues of modernization were particularly
troublesome for them.By theiractionstheywere sayingthatso-called
imperialism was preferableto livingundera Chinesegovemment. To reduce

122 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS
theirfeelingsof guilttheyhad to attackall theysaw as associatedwith

'imperialism'and praisewhattheywantedto believewas therevolutionary
spiritof mistreated workersand peasants.Typicalof the populismof the
was theadviceofLi Dazhao,a founder
intellectuals oftheCommunist Party,
to hisstudents to 'leavethe"corrupting life"ofthecitiesanduniversities and
"go tothevillages..."andthe"whollyhumanlife"ofthecountryside'. 17
By this simple-minded formulaof denouncingtwo abstractions,
'imperialism'and 'feudalpractices', leftist
Chinesewriters wereableto avoid
engagingin honestintrospection so as to confront the hardpsychological
issuesofcultural change.It is quiteclearintheshortstoriesthatHaroldIsaacs
collectedin StrawSandalsthatthemostfamousof theleft-wing authorshad
littlesympathy fortheculturebeingcreatedby the successfulChineseof
enclaveChina,eventhoughtheythemselves knewthatworldbetterthanthe
peasantworldof interior Chinawhichtheygenerally idealized.In reading
manyof theirshortstoriestoday,one is struckwithhow thecharacters are
littlemorethanstereotypes oftheMarxist-Leninist categoriesofgoodandbad
people. There are the all powerfulbut heartlessforeigners representing
imperialism,thepathetic Chineselackiesoftheforeigners whoareenamoured
of all thingsWestern, and of coursetheexploitedbutvirtuous workers and
peasants.Ba Jin,in one of his shortstories,protrays a Chinesewho was
enviousevenof thelifeof a foreigner's dog.'8EvenLu Xun,whofoundall
manner offlawsinhisfellowChinese,was movedtowriteabouthowa lowly
rickshaw pullershowedmorehumancompassion andgenerosity ofspiritthan
he,Lu Xun,hadshowninan accident inwhicha rickshaw hitan old woman. '9
Contentwiththeirsuperficial no Chinesewriter,
politicizedfiction, except
arguableLu Xun,cameclose to matching therichhumanunderstanding and
thecomplexsubjectiveworldsthatwereexploredby Indian,Japaneseand
evenMalayandIndonesian writers.
The propaganda themeof thepoliticalleftthatthetreaty-port Chinese
weredecadent,spiritually pollutedpeoplewas also graphically depictedin
numerous Chinesefilmsof the1930s.Paul Pickowiczhas reviewedsomeof
themostpopularofthosefilmsandshownhowtheyconsistently attackedthe
moralcharacter of themostmodernized Chinese.20Peach BlossomWeeps
TearsofBloodwas a simplemorality playabouta richcityboyfallinginlove
witha poorbutvirtuous peasantgirl;he takesherto thecitywithpromises of
17 MauriceMeisner,'Leninismand Maoism: Some PopulistPerspectives on Marxism-

no.45 (1971), p.17,quotedin Murphey,
Leninismin China',TheChinaQuarterly, The
Outsiders,
op. cit.,p.229.
18 NathanK. Mao, Pa Chin(TwaynePublishers,
Boston,1987),pp.67-69.
19 'A Small Incident',The CompleteStoriesof Lu Xun,translated
by Yang Xianyiand
GladysYang (IndianaUniversity
Press,Bloomington,1981),pp.36-38.
20 Paul G. Pickowicz,'The Themeof SpiritualPollutionin ChineseFilmsof the1930s',
ModernChina,vol.17,no.1(January 1991),pp.38-75.

maniage,getsherpregnant,
butthenhisfamily
blocksthemaniageandso her
father
hastotakeherhomewhereshediesinchildbirth.
Pickowicznotesthat:
Thehelplessyoungwomanis China.Herinnocent andchildlike
beautyis naturl...
The slick youngmanrecognizesherChinesevirtuesand the uniquenessof her
beauty.'A citygirl'sbeauty',he observes,'dependson powderand rouge'.Yet,
whenhe takesherto thecity,she beginsto wearfashionable clothesand to use
makeup.Whentheyfirstmeetin thewholesomevillageenvironment, he declares,
'How chasteandbeautiful!You can neverfindsuchin thecity!'But,in theend,he
seducesandcorrupts thevirgin.21
InA DreaminPink,a writer becomestheexampleofthemoraldeclineof
Shanghailife.His wifeis a pureandvirtuous ruralgirl,a loyalandobedient
wife,anda devotedmother. Thewriter,however, seeksout'lifein Shanghai's
glitteringentertainment
quarters',meetsa glamorous nightclubgirlwho'uses
makeup, smokescigarettes, drinksalcohol,dancesto Westernmusic,and
wearsnew-style clothingthatexposesherbreasts'.Thewriter fallsforherand
divorceshis wife,whois 'quiteliterally leftwithnothing, on a cold,snowy
street'.22But thenthenightclub girlgetsboredand returns to hernightlife
andtonewlovers.In theendthewriter is savedbyhisformer wife's'offerto
forgive andforget'.
In theQueenofSportsa girlfroma ruralfamily is senttoa specialschool
forfemaleathletes whereshe is quicklyspoiledbysuccessas a runner. 'She
becomesarrogant, neglectsherstudies,appliesmakeup,wearsfancyclothes,
and beginsto fratemize withslick,Westemizedcollegelads who seem to
spendall oftheirtimesmoking, drinking,dancing,andfornicating'. However,
'Afterseeinga classmatedie following a gruelling
race,she decidesthatthe
pursuitof individual(i.e., bourgeois)gloryis wrong,gives up hertitleas
"Queen of Sport"and resolvesto serveothersas an ordinary teacherof
physicaleducation'.23
A BibleforDaughters, withthescenariowritten by veteranCommunist
Partymembers, showsthe tenthreunionof a class of womenwho have
succumbedto thecorruptand debauchedways of Shanghai.Each in their
different wayshas lostthevirtues ofinteriorChina,including one whowas a
feminist and leaderof thewomen'smovement butis now a loose modem
womanwitha string oflovers.
Otherfilms, suchas FilialPiety,LitleAngel,ThePioneers,andChildren
ofTroubledTimes,caffiedon thethemeoftheevilsof thetreaty-port people
who were ruinedby Westernspiritualpollution.Rural,interior China in
contrast was alwaysshownas upholding purityandvirtue. The puritanism of
theMao era and themorality of a Lei Feng werewell established by the
leftists,largelyCommunists, of theChinesefilmindustry long beforethe
21 ibid.,p.43.
22 ibid.,p.46.
23 ibid.,p.50.

124 THEAUSTRALIAN
JOURNAL
OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
People'sRepublicimposedsuchsimple-minded, blackandwhitemorality on
all of China.Althoughin all industrializing countries therehave been the
conventions ofpraising the'old values'oftheruralsocietyandseeingthecity
as a sourceofsin,theChineseinthe1930scamedthethemetoabsurdlengths
- becauseoftheproblem ofthetreaty portsbeingthefocusofmodemization.
How troublesome theproblem was canbe seenfromthefactthatalthough the
traditionof Chinesemoralitywas always moderation and the Confucian
goldenmean,on thisissue therewas extremism. In attackingthemodem
lifestyle
ofthetreaty portstherewerenolimitsonexaggeration.
By dismissing theachievements of thetreaty-portChinese,theleft-wing
writersandfilmmakershadnoautonomous positionsoftheirownfromwhich
to help shape the spiritof Chinesenationalism. Insteadtheirideological
commitments madethemeasyservants ofa Leninist After
party. theJapanese
invasion,the majority, who identified withtheCommunists, werealready
psychologically preparedto accept the dictatesof Mao Zedong's Yanan
Forumspeechinwhichhe madeitunambiguously clearthatintellectuals
were
to obey the Partyline and not seek individualcreativity. Liu Binyanhas
describedhowhis firstexperience on joiningthePartywas to learnthatthe
'originalsin' was individualism as embodiedin 'bourgeoisideologies',and
henceonemustopposeall thatenclaveChinarepresented.24
Thereis no needto dwellon thesad storyof howChineseintellectuals
losttheirvoiceinpost-1949 China.FromtheAnti-Rightist Campaignof 1958
through theCulturalRevolution and downto thecontemporary attackson
'spiritualpollution',Chineseintellectualshave had to deferto a versionof
Chinesenationalism thatwashostiletocoastalChinaanditsvalues.
ChineseValuesand ForeignKnowledge
Thesad fateoftheleft-wing writersdoesnot,ofcourse,encompassthewhole
storyof China's intellectuals,fortherehave also been thosewho gained
foreigntechnicalknowledgeand modemscientific skills.Indeed,fromthe
timeof the1898reform effort
through theMay FourthMovement and down
totheFourModernizations ofthepost-Maoperiod,a constant themehasbeen
the importance of scienceand technology forcreatingChina's wealthand
power.It is a themewhichmighthaveunitednationalism andmodernization,
as happenedin theformer colonialcountries.It is true,as in otherspheresof
life,thatChineseas individuals have demonstrated remarkable abilitiesto
excel in modemscienceand technology. However,thepoliticalleaders,as
guardiansof Chinesenationalism, have had an easy timecheckingthe
influenceofsuchmodem-trained technocrats.
The formulafordepoliticizing thosewithspecializedknowledgegoes
backto theearlyChineseformulation of a divisionbetweenChinesevalues,
whichwere at thecore,and Westerntechnology, whichwas onlyuseful,
24 A HigherKindofLoyalty(Pantheon
Liu Binyan, Books,New York,1990),chapter
2.

WASSHANGHAIED 125
merelyutilitarian.This divisionbetweenwhattheChinesereformers call ti

andyongsetthestageforcheckingthepoliticalpowerof technically trained
people.The rationaleof theformulation was thatthosewho specializein
usefulknowledgeshouldyieldauthority to thosewho claimedto speakfor
essentialChinesevalues.Thus,youngChinesemightbe encouraged to seek
outWestemknowledgein thescientific and technicalfields,buttheywere
also madeto understand thattheywouldhave to remainsubordinate to the
articulators of Chinese values. The tensionbetweennationalismand
modernization thusbecameinstitutionalized.
At the same time a cap was placed on any dynamicprocessesfor
providing formandcontent to a modernized versionof Chinesenationalism.
The ti-yong formula whichidentified Chinesevaluesas beingoftheessence,
and henceto be protected againstany formof contamination, was also a
formula formakingwhatwas seenas 'Chinese'intoa rigidorthodoxy. Instead
ofencouraging a dynamic processinwhichChinesevaluescouldbe creatively
adaptedtomodemtimes,theformula workedtoossify'Chinese'values.
Itis ofcourseoneofthegreatironiesofChinesehistory thatMao Zedong
andtheChineseCommunist Partyleadership wereabletoturntheformulation
inside out, while keepingits anti-modernist bias. The Confucianethical
values,whichthe earlyreformers had identified as beingof the Chinese
'essence',were replacedby theforeignimport, Marxism-Leninism, which
couldbe strengthened byscienceandtechnology, butitwas nottobe polluted
by otherforeign or modernvalues.Mao openedthedoorto a selectivebut
essentially hostiletreatment of Chinesetraditional culture.He attackedmost
ofChina'straditional culture as being'feudallegacies',buthe acknowledged
thatsomeelements ofitmight be preserved:'To studythedevelopment ofthis
old culture,torejectitsfeudaldrossandassimilate itsdemocratic essenceis a
necessaryconditionfordevelopingour new nationalculture... '.25 But he
neverspecifiedwhatshouldbe preserved of the old, aside frompraising
peasantlife.Ratherhe stressedthatthenewculturewouldbe 'Opposed...to
all feudalandsuperstitious ideas.26Mostcadresgotthepointthatitwas safest
to denounceall aspectsof tradition in thelightof Mao's attackon speciflc
examplesofthatculture, suchas hisangrystatement aboutthefilmTheLifeof
Wu Hsun: 'In theview of manywriters, history proceedsnotby thenew
superseding theold, butby preserving theold fromextinction through all
kindsof exertion, notby wagingclass struggle to overthrow thereactionary
feudalrulerswhooughttobe overthrown, butbynegating theclassstruggle of
theoppressed andsubmitting totheserulersinthemanner ofWuHsun'.27
25 Mao Zedong,'On New Democray', SelectedWorksofMao Zedong(ForeignLanguage

Press,Beijing,1965),vol.11,
p.381.
26 ibid.
27 Mao Zedong,'Pay SeriousAttention
to theDiscussionof theFilm The Life of Wu
Hsun',SelectedWorksofMao Zedong(ForeignLanguagePress,Beijing,1977),vol.V,
p.57.

126 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS
The new ti-yongformulathus replacedthe old version,in which

Confucian valueswereofthe'essence'withMarxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
ThoughtThe resultwas stilla rigidorthodoxy as thecore.Worsestill,the
corehadbecomeonlythepartisan positionofa partyandhencetherewas not
evena pretence thatitcouldbe thebasisofa nationalism thatwas morethan
justtheslogansof a partisan movement. Thus,overtimetheti-yongformula
has turnedout to be a seriousliabilityin China'ssearchfora modernizing
nationalism. The idea thatit shouldbe possibleto separatesharply'essential'
Chinesevaluesfrom'utilitarian' modernknowledgehas workedagainstthe
necessary integrating of theparochialandthecosmopolitan thatis absolutely
basic to anyformof effective modernnationalism. By settingaside certain
valuesas essentialand 'Chinese',whichmustbe preserved inuncontaminated
form,thespokespersons fortheformula have soughtto ossifyintoa static
orthodoxy theessentialspiritofChinesecultural andthereby
identity, stripit
of the dynamicand creativevitalityof a living nationalism. A clever
intellectualformula turned outtobe a spiritually dampening approach.
Fortyyearsof sustainedattackson traditional Chinesecultureand the
equallyvigorousefforts to limitthespreadof unacceptable modernideas,all
in thenameof Chinesenationalism, has leftChinesenationalism without a
substantive corewhichcan be readilyarticulated. The wayChineselive and
bringup theirchildrenof course endures,but what is missingfor the
expression ofanysubstantial formofnationalism arethecollectiveidealsand
sharedinspirations whichcan be coherently expressedin meaningful symbols
andmyths. Theethnicbasisofnationalism, a senseofa physical'we-ness'as
againsttheforeign'they-ness' remainsintact,butthereis a void as to the
culturalideals that can provide the substantivecontentfor Chinese
nationalism.
Thus,all manner of manifestations ofethnicidentity, usuallyreferred to
as Han chauvinism, continue toendure.Itis, forexample,easyforChineseto
becomepassionateaboutthesuccessesof theirsportsteamsin international
competition andto takecollectivepridein honouring them.Suchsentiments,
however, cannotprovidethebasisfora politically effectivenationalism that
can mobilizepublicopinionforcollectivetasks,and,equallyimportant, they
failtoplacelimitsandconstraints ontheactionsoftheleaders.
Fornationalism to developbeyondbeingmerelyan expression ofethnic
or racialidentity it has to takeon substantive contentthatcan inspirethe
public while also establishing rulesand normsfor the behaviourof the
leadership.When the contentof contemporary Chinese nationalismis
comparedwithothernationalisms it appearsto be exceedingly thin.Thereis
littletocomparewiththesubstance ofAmerican nationalismwithitsmystique
abouttheDeclaration ofIndependence, theConstitution,theBill ofRights, the
PledgeofAllegiance, andthewholebodyofvalues(manyevencontradictory
ones)thatSamuelP. Huntington hascalledtheAmerican Creed- all ofwhich
makes it possible to thinkof some behaviouras being 'un-American'.
Similarly thereseemsto be no counterpart to theBritishfeelingsaboutthe

WASSHANGHAIED 127
monarchy and parliament and all the normswhichmade it possiblefor

colonialpeoples,suchas theIndians,to accusetheirBritishmastersof not
behavingaccordingto Britishideals.It is impossibleto imaginea Tibetan
expectingto influence
theconductof a Chineseofficialbysayinghe was not
actingaccordingtoHanideals.
Deng Xiaopingspeaksof thegoal of 'BuildingSocialismWithChinese
Characteristics'
buthe has troubleidentifying whichis
thosecharacteristics,
furtherevidenceoftheproblem oflackofcontent inChinesenationalism.
The
PartyCentralCommittee journalQiushihas publisheda significant
editorial
thatgivesthecurrentofficialviewaboutthecontent ofChinesepatriotism
in
thewakeofTiananmen. Theeditorial statesthat
...Patriotismis history-specific,
havingdifferent
contentsunderdifferenthistorical
circumstances. Today,ifwe wantto be patriotic,
we shouldlove thesocialistNew
China underthe leadershipof the CommunistParty.As was pointedout by
ComradeDengXiaopinginone ofhisspeechesin 1981,'Some peoplesay thatnot
lovingsocialismis notthesamethingas notlovingourmotherland. Is motherland
an abstractconcept?If you do not love the socialistNew China led by the
Communist Party,whatelse can youlove?Withregardto patrioticcompatriots in
HongKong,Macao, Taiwan,andotheroverseasareas,we shouldnotexpectthem
all to approveof socialism.But theleasttheycan do is notoppose thesocialist
New China.Otherwise, how can theycall themselves Whenit comesto
patriotic?
everycitizenandeveryyouthinsidethePeople's Republicof China,we naturaLly
havehigherexpectations.28
ThisauthoritativestatementbyDengXiaopingmakesit absolutely clearthat
modernized Chinesecannotlegitimatelycriticize
Chinesegovernment policies
withoutbeingaccusedofbeingunpatriotic.
Ming Lizhi, a memberof the PropagandaDepartment of the Central
Committee, in the same issue of Qiushiwentfurther in insistingon the
of patriotism
'unification and socialism'whenhe wrote,'...In his National
Day speechof 1989,ComradeJiangZeminpointedoutin summarizing the
basicexperiences of thepastfortyyearsof thenewChina:"In Chinatoday,
patriotismand socialismare unifiedin essence."'29 Ming wenton to say,
'Patriotism
is thepremiseofChina'ssocialismandsocialismis theinevitable
conclusionof genuinepatriotism.Li Dazhao,Mao Zedong,Zhou Enlai,Liu
Shaoqi,ZhuDe, Qu Qiubai,DongBiwu,Wu Yuzhang,andsomeothersofthe
firstgenerationof theproletarian
revolutionaries
all underwent thehistorical
transformationfrombeingpatriotstobeingsteadfast socialists.Theyprovided
concreteand vividexamplesof theunificationof patriotism andsocialismin
China'.30
28 'GiveFullPlaytothePatriotism
oftheYouthsoftheMayFourth Movement',
Qiushi,
no.9(1990),pp.8-9.
29 MingLizhi,'Insist
ontheUnification
ofPatriotism
andSocialism', no.9(1990),
Qiushi,
p.15.
30 ibid.,p.17.

128 THEAUSTRALIAN
JOURNAL
OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
Chinesescholarswhosupport theproposalthat'BuildingSocialismwith
Chinesecharacteristics' calls for a 'formof socialismthatfitsChinese
conditions'have definedsuchconditions as 'a backwardeconomy,a poor
infrastructure,
overpopulation, limitedarableland,a longhistory offeudalism,
and a continuedthreatof imperialism whichincludesnow the dangerof
bourgeoisliberalizationanda tendency toworship theWest'- all ofwhichare
thensaid to call fora kindof socialismthat'...promotesproductivity as the
main task,strengthens a socialistplannedcommodity economy,sticksto
publicownershipas the leadingforcebut promotesalternative formsof
ownership, and theotherfeatures of current officialpolicies'.31Such a list
provideslittlesubstancefordefiningChinesenationalism. In no country
should nationalismbe reducedto merelythe sum of currentpolicy
preferences.The ideals of nationalism withall of its mythsand symbols
shouldhavetheirowndomain,wellabovethearenaof contemporary policy
programs.
The Searchfora NewIdentity

Formuchofthetwentieth-century, variationsoftheti-yongformulation were
assumedto providea basis fordefining theessenceof Chinesenationalism
and foridentifying thefeatures of modernization to be welcomed.But now
thereis a growingcrisis.The formulaat one timeappearedto providean
objective,straightforwardway forachievingbothnationaldevelopment and
modernization in a mannerthatcould sparetheChinesethepsychological
turmoilcommonamongpeopleinothertransitional societies.Paradoxically in
China,whichhas beendistinctive in witnessing a fundamental clashbetween
nationalism and modernization, therehas untilnow been relatively little
subjectiveor psychologicalstressover modernization. Elsewherein the
former colonialworld,wheretherehas beenobjectiveharmony betweenthe
twingoals of nationalism andmodernization, therehas beenmoreemotional
turmoilandpsychological stressas peoplefeeltornbetweentwocultures, and
withthe intellectualsin particular claimingto be essentially rootless.The
Chineseescapedsuchpsychological stressbecauseuntilthelastfewyearsthe
remindersof the awesome greatnessof Chinese civilizationwere so
omnipresent thatmostChinese,whether coastalor interior,
feltlittleneedto
articulate
theirsenseof self-identity. Elsewherein Asia and Africa,at each
stepof theway,thinking peoplefeltcompelledto definewhotheywereas
theywentthrough profound processesofsocialchange.
As theDengXiaopingreforms begantorunintotrouble in thelate1980s,
therewas,quiteunderstandably, risingconcernabouta 'spiritual crisis',which
hadalreadybeenfuelledbythedoubtsflowing fromtheCulturalRevolution.
Thewidespread reactionstothe'RiverElegy'television seriesandtheneedof
31 ZhongguoTese De ShehuaZhuyi[A Studyof SocialismwithChineseCharacteristics]

(ZhejiangPeople'sPublishing
House,China,1987),pp.14-21.

WASSHANGHAEED
HOWCHINA'SNATIONALISM 129
partoftheleadership todenounceitas boosting nationalistic suggest

nihilism,
thatmanyChinesehadarrived at a timeofsoulsearching abouttheirnational
identityand themeaningof modernization. The tightening of controlssince
Tiananmen has notstoppedthequestioning aboutChinesenationalidentity.
Morearticleshavebeenpublished recentlywhichreflect positiveviewsabout
therelevanceoftraditional Chinesecultural valuesthanat anytimeinthelast
fortyyears. In an articleentitled'On Using TraditionalCultureas a
Wellspring to Builda SocialistNew Culture',ZhangXinhuaoftheShanghai
AcademyofSocial SciencearguesthatwhilemuchofConfucian thought was
'feudalistic'becauseithelpedto servethe'advantages ofthefeudalrulers',it
also had 'its positiveaspects[which]stillcontainmuchvalue forbuilding
culturethatshouldbe regardedas an important resourceforbuildinga
socialistnew culture'.32 Most of thepositivefeatures of Confucianism turn
out,however, tobe essentially versions ofmodemvalues.Yet therearesigns
ofgreater appreciation ofthevalueofthecultural legacywhichthePartyhas
beenso relentlessly attackingforso long.ThesameZhangXinhuaalso writes:
'A declineof traditional cultureoftenfollowsany social disorders and the
destruction of an old dynasty. Cultureis thespiritual pillarof thepolitical
structure,theeconomicsystem,and social relations; it is thewellspring of
social cohesion.The loss of a people's culturallegacy can evoke the
destruction of a traditional social structure and a deterioration or loss of
nationalcohesion,leadingto social turbulence and confusion.And once
traditionalcultureand social structure undergoturbulence and destruction, a
verylongtimewillpass beforeanother stableordercan comeabout.Anda
newordermustbe accompanied bythecontinuity, rebuilding, andflourishing
ofthetraditional culture undernewconditions'.33
Thereare thussignsamongthinking Chineseof a newawarenessof the
needto tryto articulate a morevividsenseof thecollectiveidentity of the
Chinesepeople.Becauseof historical andracialconsiderations theyhaveno
problem identifying thosewhobelongtothecollective'we' andthosewhoare
the'they'.However,beyondthisfirst stepin establishing theboundaries ofa
nationalidentity thedifficulties beginto arisebecausethehistorical legacies
ofChineseculture havebeenso harshly attacked forso long.Moreover, those
who have beenthemostsuccessfulin creating a modemculturehave been
equallyattackedforbeingunpatriotic. Now thattheideologywhichinterior
ChinahasusedtodefamecoastalChinahaslostitsinternational respectability
and now thatMarxismis no longerseenas beingat theforefront of history,
thePartyhagiographers ofChinesenationalism arenotsurewhereto turnto
findtheessenceofa newsenseofChinesenationalism.
The problem is seriousbecausetheChinesestatenowneedsthepowerof
an inspiringformofnationalism as itcontinues itsstruggle tomodernize. The
32 ShehuiKexue[SocialScience], in JTRS-
tanslated
no.3(15 March1990),pp.31-47,
CAR-90-049, 11July
1990,pp.103-106.
33 ibid.,p.104.

130 THEAUSTRALIAN
JOURNAL
OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
leadershipseemsreadyto shiftfromthegoal of 'BuildingSocialismwith

Chinese Characteristics'to that of 'building China with socialist
as RoderickMacFarquhar
characteristics', has putit.Butthebuildingblocks
fora coherent nationalismare missingbecausethecollectivesymbolsand
ideals of theculturehave been so severelydamaged.The rejectionof the
melding ofChinesenationalismandmodernization, whichwas takingplacein
pre-war coastalChina,in favourof theless authentic
nationalism
based on
Leninismhas leftChinawithout a satisfying
senseofeithermodernizationor
nationalprides
Conclusion:GreatnessGetsIn theWayofNationalism
The relationship betweenthe two elusive conceptsof nationalismand
modernization is peculiarlycomplexas regardsChina. It is not easy to
separateoutwhatmightconstitute theessenceof Chinesenationalism from
thesentiments associatedwithChineseethnicity. It is self-evidentthatthe
Chinesepeoplesharethesameblood,thesame physicalcharacteristics, the
sameancestry andculture andthesamewritten language,butthisalonedoes
notconstitute a modemsense of nationalism. In a way thesebasic ethnic
factors seemto be almosttoooverpowering, tooall embracing, toleavemuch
scopefortheformation ofa distinctsenseofmodern nationalism, particularly
becauseat everyturntheemergence ofthemodern spirithas beendismissed
as inappropriate to true'Chineseness'in theeyesofthepoliticalleaderswho
havepolitically exploitedChineseethnicity. The massiveforceof primordial
sentiments tendsto overwhelm all otherpossibilities of groupidentity, and
littleroomis leftforsentiments attached to Chinaas a modernizing nation-
state.
Put bluntly, thefundamental problemin China's modernization is that
Chinais reallya civilizationpretending to be a nation-state.
The greatness of
thatcivilizationis manifestineveryaspectoftraditional Chineseculture. The
enduring strength ofthecivilizationis whathaskeptChinaunitedas a single
entity overthecenturies. Chinatodayis whatEuropewouldhavebeenifthe
unityof theRomanEmpirehad lasteduntilnowand therehad notbeenthe
emergence oftheseparateentities ofEngland, France,Germany, andthelike.
But,of course,it was precisely thebreaking up of Europeintotheseparate
nation-states that not only gave birthto the distinctphenomenonof
nationalism butwhichalso produced thephenomenon we call modernization.
As indicatedat theoutset,nationalism, like modernization seen froma
slightly differentperspective,has to blendwhatis distinctive in a nation's
culture withwhatis internationallyoruniversally appreciated.Fornationalism
is not onlytheexpressionof a people's basic inneridentity but it is also
shaped by interactions with other nations as both friendand foe.
Unfortunately, thosewho haveformuchof thiscentury articulatedChina's
nationalinterests havetendedbothto despiseChinesefolkcultureandto see
mainlyenemiesin theoutsideworld.EvenbeforetheMayFourthMovement

and even moreso aftertheestablishment of thePeople's Republic,Chinese

politiciansand intellectuals have scornedthelivingcultureof theChinese
masseswhilepraisingthe 'people' in the abstract.All the aspectsof the
people's folk culturewhichshould be the elementsof a new Chinese
nationalism havebeendenounced as superstitionand 'feudallegacies'.All the
themes, values,ideals,andsymbolsthatarebasicto thedailylivesandto the
yearlycyclesof celebrations of theChinesepeoplehave beendismissedor
totallyignored bythosewhoclaimtobe articulating Chinesenationalism.
China'snationalleadershavein a perverse fashionentangled themselves
in a pairof contradictions betweentheirsymbolisms and reality:theyhave
idealized'peasants'in theabstract butscornedtheirfolkculturein practice,
whilesimultaneously proclaiming thegoalofmodernization butattacking the
successfully modernized Chinese.Some peoplemighthave thought thatthe
primeresponsibility of thosewhowouldformulate a dynamic senseofa new
Chinesenationalism would have been to integrate and to give emotional
content toprecisely thetwoelements ofChineselifethattheyhavedismissed.
The taskof nationalist politicians elsewherehas indeedbeento tryto make
populartraditions meaningful in the contextof modernsocial standards.
Instead,Chinesepoliticalleadershave soughtto combinetwo abstractions,
theirversionof 'themasses'andtheirnotionofsocialismas beingthe'wave
ofthefuture', whileignoring boththerealities ofChinesepopularculture and
Chinesesuccessesinmodernization.
WhyhavetheChineseleadersturned theirbackson thispotential focus
fora strongand vitalsenseof nationalism and insteadworkedto producea
shallowversionofnationalism? As we haveseen,thewayinwhichtheimpact
ofthemodern worldcametoChinain theuniquetreaty portsystemcertainly
contributed mightily to thisdevelopment. The difficulty was compounded,
however, becausethepoliticalleadersofinterior Chinaneededto finda new
basisof legitimacy fortheirruleto replacethecollapsingConfucian system.
The alternative theyfaced was eitherto encouragethe development of
competitive politicsor to reserveforthemselves therightto definea new
moralorderto replacetheConfucian moralorder.The firstalternative might
haveresulted in theintenningling of ideas,ideals,andconcrete interests that
could have produceda sense of nationalismthat would have had the
constraining effectson subsequent partisanpolitics,muchas a constitution
does in successfully modernizing societies.The politicalleadership in China
fromtheRepublican era to thepresent couldsee thatuntilsucha strongand
discipliningversionof nationalism was established,therewouldbe no basis
forestablishing bindingrulesforpoliticalcompetition and therefore they
fearedconfusionand disorder. Thus at everyturntheyhave optedforthe
secondalternative, tryingtomaketheirpartisan politicalviewsthebasisofthe
new moralorderand to forceeveryoneto accepttheirviews of Chinese
nationalism. Fundamentally each Chineseregimesincethefallof theQing
dynastyhas soughtto re-establish the legitimacy of the Chinesestateby
fonnulating a new moralorderto replacetheConfucianorder.In doingso

132 THEAUSTRALIAN
JOURNAL
OF CHINESEAFFAIRS
theyhaveineffect triedto establishan essentially traditionalpoliticalsystem

ratherthanadvancetowarda modemone.
In thetraditional Confuciansystem,government was ruledby morally
superior peoplewhohad theresponsibility to upholda social orderbasedon
ethicalprinciples.Mosttraditional societiessimilarly saw politicalauthority as
the defenderof a religious-moral order.The processof modernization,
however, has usuallyinvolveda transition fromlegitimacy basedon a moral
orderto a politicalorderbasedon law and responsive to theinteractions of
politicalprocessescomposedof competinginterests.Unfortunately the
evolutionof Chinadid notincludesuch a transition. Insteadtherewas an
attempt to re-establisha moralorder,thistimebasedon Marxism-Leninism-
Mao ZedongThought. AgainChinawas tobe ruledbypeoplewhoclaimedto
be morallysuperiorpeople,and any challengeto the orthodoxy of their
announced moralorderwas a directthreat totheirlegitimacy.34
The transition to a systembasedon theopeninterplay of politicalforces
has beenparticularly difficultbecauseChinesecivilization had,as one of its
cardinalprinciples ofsocialbehaviour, theabsoluterulethatpeopleshouldnot
asserttheirown selfinterests. Selfishness was seen as an ultimate sin. The
resulthasbeenthatevenas Chinesesocietybecamemorediversified therehas
beenno emergence ofpluralisticinterests. The successful peopleof thetreaty
portscouldnotmakeopendemandson theChinesenationalgovernment and
therefore theyneverbecamea significant forcein asserting society'smodern
interests.Whereaselsewheremodernization has giventheforcesofsocietya
strongbasis for checkingand influencing the state,in China the state
continues todominate society.
This patternhas had profoundconsequencesfor China's political
development, andespeciallyforthecharacter ofChinesenationalism. In most
modernsocietiesnationalismis a productof the awakenedcollective
consciousness thatarisesoutoftheclashofgroupidentities andthebalanceof
forcesamongcompeting interests.The effort to definethecollectiveinterest,
andto relateone's particular interestto it,mayevokethecollectivememory
and appealto sharedsymbolsand imagery. In thecase of China,however,
nationalism has notbeenforgedout of thedynamicof competitive politics,
butrather it has beenbasedon theidealsassociatedwithan imposedmoral
order. This has meant that Chinese nationalismhas been almost
indistinguishable fromthepartisan interests of therulers.Hencethetendency
tosee anycriticism ofcurrent policiesas an unpatrioticact.
The storyofChinesenationalism andmodernization is thusa sweet-sour
one. On the one hand the irrefutable evidencestandsthatChinese as
individuals can be outstanding successesin themodernworld.Culturally and
intellectuallytheyhaveproved,bothin thetreaty portsandin theiroverseas
communities, thattheyhaveno problem withmodern careersandprofessions.
4 I have developedthisargument in greaterdetailin 'China: ErraticState,Frstrated

Society',ForeignAffairs,
vol.69,no.4(Fall 1990),pp.56-74.

On theotherhand,thereis thebitter factthatpoliticalauthorityin Chinahas

been a constantimpediment to the development of a formof Chinese
nationalism thatcan reflect theabilitiesand thesuccessesof themodernized
Chinese as individuals.The Chinese state continuesto restrictthe
development of a civil society,and withoutsuch a societyChina cannot
developthepoliticalandsocialprocesseswhichcouldcreatethevibrant form
of nationalism thatis requiredto modernize a greatcivilization.Insteadthe
Chinesestate,in trying to upholda rigid,inflexible orthodoxy as a moral
order,has unrelentingly attackedboth the modernizedChinese and the
traditionalsymbolsandidealsofthecollectivememory oftheChinesepeople.
At the verytime when the Chinese stateneeds the unifying forcesof
nationalism, thereis verylittletherethatcan spirituallymobilizetheChinese
people.
Thereis hope,however, thatthegoal of modernization stillremainsan
agreed-upon objectiveat all levelsof Chinesesociety.Eventually it will be
necessary todiscardtheattempt toimposeuponthecountry theorthodoxy ofa
moralorder.The needfora morepluralistic politicswill growstronger. We
therefore end witha paradox:Only if the Chinesestatecan discardits
objectiveof seekingconsensusand conformity and allow thedisorderliness
thatcomeswithcompetition amongthediffuse interestsofsocietywillChina
gain theunifying collectivepowerof a dynamicnationalism. Thereis also
anotherpossibility,andthisis thattheAgeofNationalism maybe passinginto
historyas thehomelandof nationalism, Europe,movestoward1992 andthe
lesseningof nationaldivisions.If thisis theway of thefuture, thenmaybe
China,withits relatively contentless nationalism,is a leaderand notjust
trailingbehind.The Chinese,however,stillseem to be frustrated as they
continue on theirsearchforwealthandpower,formodernization andnation-
building.Forthem, theproblem ofa morecoherent nationalism persists.
Massachusetts
Cambridge,
1992
September


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How China's Nationalism was Shanghaied

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Whatkindofa nation-state aretheChinese peopleandtheir leadersshaping

THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS,NO.29,JANUARY1993

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modernization hasleftChinawitha relativelyinchoateandincoherent formof

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providesnotjustthebasisofloyalty ofa peopletotheirnation-state butitalso

I Representative Government, 1861, quotedin Karl Deutsch,Nationalismand Social

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Yet,ifwe aretounderstand better thepolitical roleofnationalism itis

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as insomeofthecorrupted newnations ofpost-colonialAfricaandAsia.This

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Maoismtobe distinctive, ifnotpeculiar, andhenceChinawas nottreated as a

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realitiesof the livingChinesemass culture;it was abstractions of a

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There is no reasonto doubtthe genuineness of Chinesefeelingsof

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FromIndiato Indonesia, fromBurmato thePhilippines, and throughout

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s FredericWakeman,Jr.,'PolicingModernShanghai',The China Quarterly,

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7 See such worksof hers as "'The OtherChina": Shanghaifrm 1919 to 1949' in

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commerce and economicactivities, whichproduced a new 'generation of

8 Bergere,in Howe,op. cit.,pp.9,13, 14.

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Shanghaiesefamily)."1Thepropaganda attacks against Shanghaihavesought

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SomemodemChinesewriters arebeginning toappreciatetheremarkable

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theirfeelingsof guilttheyhad to attackall theysaw as associatedwith

17 MauriceMeisner,'Leninismand Maoism: Some PopulistPerspectives on Marxism-

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merelyutilitarian.This divisionbetweenwhattheChinesereformers call ti

25 Mao Zedong,'On New Democray', SelectedWorksofMao Zedong(ForeignLanguage

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The new ti-yongformulathus replacedthe old version,in which

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monarchy and parliament and all the normswhichmade it possiblefor

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The Searchfora NewIdentity

31 ZhongguoTese De ShehuaZhuyi[A Studyof SocialismwithChineseCharacteristics]

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partoftheleadership todenounceitas boosting nationalistic suggest

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leadershipseemsreadyto shiftfromthegoal of 'BuildingSocialismwith

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and even moreso aftertheestablishment of thePeople's Republic,Chinese

This content downloaded from 62.122.73.177 on Fri, 20 Jun 2014 18:19:02 PM

theyhaveineffect triedto establishan essentially traditionalpoliticalsystem

4 I have developedthisargument in greaterdetailin 'China: ErraticState,Frstrated

This content downloaded from 62.122.73.177 on Fri, 20 Jun 2014 18:19:02 PM

On theotherhand,thereis thebitter factthatpoliticalauthorityin Chinahas

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