Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295

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Quaternary Science Reviews

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Further evidence for bow hunting and its implications more than
60 000 years ago: Results of a use-trace analysis of the bone point
from Klasies River Main site, South Africa
Justin Bradfield a, *, Marlize Lombard a, Jerome Reynard b, Sarah Wurz b, c
a
Palaeo-Research Institute, University of Johannesburg, P.O. Box 524, Auckland Park, 2006, Johannesburg, South Africa
b
School of Geography, Archaeology and Environmental Science, University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa
c
SFF Centre for Early Sapiens Behaviour (SapiensCE), University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: The bone point (SAM 42160) from >60 ka deposits at Klasies River Main Site, South Africa, is reassessed.
Received 18 October 2019 We clarify the stratigraphic integrity of SAM 42160 and confirm its Middle Stone Age provenience. We
Received in revised form find evidence that indicates the point was hafted and partially coated in an adhesive substance. Internal
2 March 2020
fractures are consistent with stresses occasioned by high-velocity, longitudinal impact. SAM 42160, like
Accepted 30 March 2020
Available online xxx
its roughly contemporaneous counterpart, farther north at Sibudu Cave, likely functioned as a hafted
arrowhead. We highlight a growing body of evidence for bow hunting at this early period and explore
bow-and-arrow technology might imply about the cognition of people in the Middle Stone Age who
Keywords:
Arrowhead
were able to conceive, construct and use it.
Bone point © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Bow hunting
Traceology
Cognition
Palaeo-neurology
Symbiotic technology

1. Introduction
Multiple lines of evidence have been mounting over the last
decade to support bow hunting in South Africa before 60 ka. Use-
wear, micro-residues, macro-fractures indicative of impact, and
their distribution patterns have been cited as evidence that some
stone tools were hafted and used as arrow tips or barbs at sites like
Sibudu Cave and Umhlatuzana Rock Shelter in KwaZulu-Natal,
South Africa (Fig. 1; e.g., Pargeter, 2007; Lombard and Pargeter,
2008; Wadley and Mohapi, 2008; Lombard and Phillipson, 2010;
Lombard, 2011; de la Pen ~ a et al., 2018; but see Villa et al., 2012 for a
counter argument), and experimental work continues to assess
best-fit scenarios (e.g., Pargeter et al., 2016a, 2017; Schoville et al.,
2017). Bow hunting is further corroborated by the discovery of a
bone point from a Howiesons Poort context at Sibudu Cave dating
to 61.7 ± 1.5 ka with macro- and micro-fractures that suggest it
experienced longitudinal impact usually associated with such use
* Corresponding author.
E-mail address: justinb@uj.ac.za (J. Bradfield).
(Backwell et al., 2008, 2018; Bradfield and Lombard, 2011). Similar
bone artefacts are known from ethno-historical sources to have
been used as arrowheads or link-shafts by southern African hunter-
gatherers (e.g., Vinnicombe, 1971; Wiessner, 1983; Deacon, 1992;
Bradfield, 2012), and are still used in this manner today (see Wadley
et al., 2015).
At Sibudu Cave there is evidence of a local tradition of bone tool
manufacture from at least 77 ka, where a variety of specialised tool
forms have been recognised (d’Errico et al., 2012a). Bone points also
occur during Middle Stone Age occupations at Bushman Rock
Shelter (Plug, 1982), Peers Cave (d’Errico and Henshilwood, 2007),
and Blombos Cave dating to between ~85 ka and ~73 ka
(Henshilwood et al., 2001). In addition to these artefacts, bone
points are directly associated with bow hunting 39 ka ago at Border
Cave, South Africa (Beaumont, 1978), 36 ka ago at White Paintings
Shelter, Botswana (Robbins et al., 2012), and 21 ka ago at Boomplaas
Cave, South Africa (Deacon, 1984), most of which are thought to
have been used as poisoned arrowheads (d’Errcio et al., 2012b;
Robbins et al., 2012; Bradfield et al., 2015). By at least 15 ka bone
tools were firmly embedded within culturally mediated techno-
logical strategies in parts of North Africa (Desmond et al., 2018), and

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2 J. Bradfield et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295
Fig. 1. Map showing sites mentioned in the text.
were probably being used to hunt with the aid of poison by 13 ka in
parts of East Africa (Langley et al., 2016a).
In 1968 John Wymer excavated the Howiesons Poort layers at
Klasies River Main site (KRM) on the Tsitsikamma Coast in the
Eastern Cape, South Africa (Fig. 1). Among the cultural artefacts
recovered was a single bone point (SAM 42160), almost identical to
the one later found at Sibudu; but at the time, a unique find. The
KRM point came from a compressed layer in an undisturbed,
laminated stratigraphic context, and was associated with many
silcrete artefacts and distinctive trapezes, characteristic of the
Howiesons Poort technocomplex (Singer and Wymer, 1982:
115e116; Wurz, 2013), for which most dated assemblages have ages
of between ~66 ka and ~58 ka (see Lombard et al., 2012). Despite
the presence of engraved bone artefacts from the same context at
KRM, the remaining faunal assemblage reported by Singer and
Wymer (1982) did not appear to have been deliberately fractured
or otherwise modified for tool making. In most respects SAM 42160
resembles twentieth century ethno-historical arrowheads; a tech-
nology previously assumed not to predate the Later Stone Age,
starting from ~40 ka in southern Africa.
Elsewhere, use-trace evidence suggests bone points were hafted
as part of complex mechanisms at Matja Kuru 2, Timor Island, 35 ka
ago (O’Connor et al., 2014), and bow hunting of arboreal fauna with
bone-tipped arrows is also implicated at Niah Cave, Borneo, from
Terminal Pleistocene deposits (e.g., Barton et al., 2009; Wedage
et al., 2019). Currently the oldest purported bone arrow point
from Eurasia dates to ~32 ka at Potocka Zijalka, Slovenia (Odar,
2011), while mechanically delivered projectile hunting in Europe
has recently been pushed back to 40e45 ka (Sano et al., 2019).
A full technological description of the bone artefacts from some
South African Middle Stone Age sites, including SAM 42160, was
published by d’Errico and Henshilwood (2007). They suggested
that the KRM point was made from a long bone shaft of a medium-
sized bovid, and that it was fashioned by scraping with a sharp
retouched lithic edge. The reduction in width near the current
proximal end suggested to them that the piece was originally
pointed at both ends, but that one of the tips snapped off after
deposition. They highlighted the morphological and technological
similarities of SAM 42160 to that of twentieth century San hunter-
gatherer arrow components, implying that the KRM artefact was
similarly used. But, based on its morphological traits, they ques-
tioned its association with the Middle Stone Age (d’Errico and
Henshilwood, 2007: 154e155).
If the Howiesons Poort context for SAM 42160 is accepted, it
represents one of the oldest known examples of bone tool tech-
nology worldwide. Such an age would link it intimately with dis-
cussions on the emergence of behavioural complexity (see Galway-
Witham et al., 2019 for a recent synthesis). Through their associa-
tion with bow hunting, bone points also have the potential to
inform on the evolution of complex of cognition (see discussion
below).
We therefore revisit the context of SAM 42160 within the site’s
sequence and why it is associated with the Howiesons Poort
occupational layers, and not the Later Stone Age. We present new
use-trace and computed tomographic evidence, indicating that
SAM 42160 was hafted and used in a manner consistent with a
modular arrow component, thus corroborating the functional
interpretation proposed by d’Errico and Henshilwood (2007).
Based on these outcomes, we provide an up-to-date discussion
about what this may mean in terms of human cognition at KRM
during its Howiesons Poort occupation.
 J. Bradfield et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295
2. The bone point in the context of Klasies River Main site
Klasies River Main site consists of Caves 1, 1A, 1B and 2, which
are cut into a Table Mountain sandstone cliff facing the Indian
Ocean. The vegetation in the immediate vicinity of KRM consists of
a complex mosaic of densely interdigitated thicket, forest and
coastal vegetation (Van Wijk et al., 2017), forming part of the
greater Cape Floristic Region’s Fynbos biome (Mucina and
Rutherford, 2006). Precipitation at KRM generally occurs
throughout the year (Chase and Meadows, 2007) and the warm
Agulhas Current from the south-east results in a relatively mild
climate and sea surface temperatures (Carr et al., 2007).
KRM was inhabited during the Middle Stone Age, from
approximately 120 ka to 48 ka, with the four cave recesses forming
a single depository. The overhang of Cave 1A, contains more than
15 m of steeply sloped midden deposits that formed between 100
ka and 48 ka. The 1.8 m of Howiesons Poort deposits occur high on
the slope. These layers were first excavated by John Wymer in 1968,
in the ‘Initial Cutting’ and thereafter in several transects within the
Top Cutting (Singer and Wymer, 1982: Fig. 6.1, page 88). Singer and
Wymer (1982) identified 11 layers (layers 10e21) within the
Howiesons Poort strata in Cave 1A. The bone point was reported to
have come from layer 19 (Singer and Wymer, 1982: 115). In the
1980s Hilary Deacon excavated the Howiesons Poort in squares
E50, H51 and J51 to the south east of Wymer’s excavation (Deacon
and Geleijnse, 1988). Singer and Wymer’s layer 19 corresponds
broadly to the layers between YS6 in square H51 and CPx1 in square
J51 (Fig. 2; Villa et al., 2010; Deacon excavation notes). Initially,
Deacon (1989) suggested an age centred around 70 ka for the
technocomplex at KRM. Subsequent dating of the middle Howie-
sons Poort layers at Cave 1 provided age ranges between ~70 ka and
60 ka. For example, Vogel (2001) obtained an age of 65.6 ± 5.3 ka
based on uranium series for Layer 14 (Fig. 2), and Jacobs and col-
leagues reported three OSL determinations of respectively
63.4 ± 2.6, 65.5 ± 2.3 from Cave 2 and 64.1 ± 2.6 from Cave 1A
(Jacobs et al., 2008). The age for Cave 1A, from square E50 layer
CP18, equivalent to Singer and Wymer’s layer 14 (Fig. 2, see also
Fig. S13, sample ZKR6, Jacobs et al., 2008), has recently been revised
to 63.2 ± 2.7 (Jacobs and Roberts, 2017). These ages are consonant
with the interpretation that the Howiesons Poort of southern Africa
is generally associated with the penultimate glacial maximum,
Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 4 (Wurz, 2002; Lombard et al., 2012;
Langejans et al., 2017).
Palaeoclimatic models suggest that this period in the southern
Cape, where KRM is located, was likely cooler than the preceding
MSA II phase (Thackeray, 1987; Simon et al., 2015; Langejans et al.,
2017). Chase and colleagues argue that in the southern Cape MIS 4
was probably a humid period due to westerly storm fronts and the
effects of warmer Indian Ocean sea surface temperatures (Chase
and Meadows, 2007; Chase, 2010; Carr et al., 2016). Micro-
mammal indices also show an increase in moisture during the
Howiesons Poort period at KRM (Avery, 1987).
Given the links between glacial conditions and marine regres-
sion, shorelines were likely farther away from the site during the
Howiesons Poort. However, the relative abundance of seal remains
suggests that the shoreline may have fluctuated during this time
(Van Pletzen-Vos et al., 2019). Jacobs and Roberts (2008) note that
the Howiesons Poort included both a cooling and warming phase,
which may account for the relatively close sea levels implied at
times throughout this period.
The dietary preference of some of the ungulate communities at
KRM suggests that grassland habitats prevailed at certain times
during the Howiesons Poort. The associated faunal assemblage is
dominated by grazers such as equids (Equuus quagga), wildebeest
(Connochaetes gnou), and buffalo (Syncerus caffer and S. antiquus),
3
particularly in the upper part of the Howiesons Poort (Klein, 1976;
Van Pletzen-Vos et al., 2019). The earlier Howiesons Poort, where
the bone point occurs, also includes Raphicerus and kudu (Trag-
elaphus strepsiceros) with eland (Tragelaphus oryx) present in the
basal layers (SW layers 17e21), thus implying that the lower
Howiesons Poort may have been bushier and more closed
compared to the upper period.
From layer 19, transect B2, which is below the dated Howiesons
Poort layers mentioned above, Singer and Wymer (1982: 115,
Fig. 8.1 no 5) found an “elegant, delicate ground bone point” from
compressed, laminated layers, where “not the slightest sign of
disturbance” was evident. They noted that the point was stained
and in a similar condition to the other bone material from the
Howiesons Poort context e i.e., different from the typical yellow,
greasy bones found in several Later Stone Age middens (cf.
Schweitzer and Wilson, 1978; Schweitzer, 1979). SAM 42160 is not
the only worked bone artefact from the Howiesons Poort levels at
the site. An incised bone artefact (SAM-AA 26733) from layer 20,
Cave 1A, was found and its Middle Stone Age context is uncontested
(Singer and Wymer, 1982; d’Errico and Henshilwood, 2007).
A taphonomic assessment of bone fragments from Layer YS6 in
H51, to CPx1 in J51 generally shows a distinct colour difference
between bone from the CP (Carbonized Parting) layers (CPx1 and
CP8-12), and those from the YS (Yellow Sand) layers (YSx1, YS6 and
YS7). Given its similarity to bone in the YS layers, we infer that the
bone point most likely originates from a YS, rather than a CP layer.
Most bone fragments in the CP layers exhibit sheen or a reflective
surface usually linked to abrasion, polish or burning (Bromage,
1984: Nicholson, 1993). They are generally dark brown or black in
colour and a significant proportion are grey or white. While man-
ganese staining is evident on some fragments, the abundance of
calcined bone suggests that most of the bones in these layers were
burnt in hearths (Stiner et al., 2011). In contrast, bone in the YS
layers are generally light brown or beige in colour and there is little
evidence that these bones were modified by heat. While the edges
of most YS bone fragments tend to be ‘rounded’ or smoothed, their
surfaces are generally chalky and sheen is not common. This sug-
gests that it is unlikely the polished surfaces of any worked bone in
these layers was a result of natural abrasion.
Thus far, the preliminary results of the ongoing taphonomic
analysis of the KRM faunal remains from the Howiesons Poort
layers has identified several bone flakes with minimal use-wear,
the characteristics and placement of which are dissimilar from
natural abrasion and suggestive of ancient human handling (cf.,
Reynard, 2014; Reynard et al., 2016, in prep). Based on the above
context, the notes by the excavators, the presence and condition of
other worked bone in the Middle Stone Age of KRM and its
Howiesons Poort layers, as well as the fact that the stone tool
component of Cave 1 Layer 19 where the point was found is of bona
fide Howiesons Poort character (Singer and Wymer, 1982), we
consider it to have been found in situ e similar to the Middle Stone
Age bone points from Blombos Cave that were initially thought to
be intrusive from the Later Stone Age (see discussion in
Henshilwood et al., 2001). The undisturbed layer from which SAM
42160 was excavated is overlain by the dated layers, so that its age
is at least older than 63.4 ± 2.6 ka, the youngest estimate obtained
for the Howiesons Poort at KRM by Jacobs and Roberts (2008).
3. New analysis of the SAM 42160 bone point
3.1. Methods
Reflected light microscopy and high-resolution computed to-
mography (CT) were used to analyse the bone point. We followed
standard analytical protocols for each method (see Evora, 2015;
4 J. Bradfield et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295

Fig. 2. Stratigraphic context of the relevant excavation profiles showing the location of SAM 42160 in SW layer 19 relative to the dated SW layer 14 of the Howiesons Poort at KRM.
Note that the CP and other stratigraphic units in E50 and H51 are not continuous, which, apart from the natural slope of the sediment deposit, accounts for the repetition of
stratigraphic unit names at different levels. The grey polygons seen in the inset represent the location of Singer & Wymer’s original excavation transects, with the approximate
location of SAM 42160 indicated by a star.

Griffin et al., 2015; Backwell et al., 2018; Bradfield, 2015a, 2018a).
Residues were analysed as far as possible in situ on the artefact
surface and were not removed. The micro-wear and residue ana-
lyses were undertaken using an Olympus BX51M light microscope,
mounted with a DP72 digital camera. The surface of the bone point
was analysed at 10x to 500x magnification under florescent light
using a combination of filters and polarising lenses. The interpre-
tation of use-wear and residues was likewise based on the litera-
ture, comparative reference collections (e.g., Bradfield, 2014) and
our own experience (e.g., Legrand and Side ra, 2007; Lombard and
Wadley, 2007; Langejans, 2011; Bradfield, 2015a, b; Antonites
et al., 2016).
The high-resolution computed tomography was carried out on a
Nikon Metrology XTH 225/320 LC dual source industrial CT system
housed in the Microfocus X-ray Computed Tomography Facility in
the Evolutionary Studies Institute at the University of the Witwa-
tersrand. The bone point was scanned in eight overlapping
acquisitions at 70 kV and 120 mA energy settings using 3142 pro-
jections and 6 mm voxel size. All raw data were reconstructed in CT
Pro 3D software and the multiple volumes stitched together and
analysed on VG Studio Max 2.3 software. Interpretations of fatigue
fractures and histology are based on existing literature, summar-
ised elsewhere (see Bradfield, 2015a, 2018a; Bradfield et al., 2016).
Initial non-destructive analyses were performed to provide a
rough characterisation of the black residue, pending permission to
conduct destructive sampling for Liquid Chromatography e Mass
Spectrometry (LC-MS). Raman spectra were acquired with a WITec
alpha300R Confocal Laser Raman Microscope using a 532 nm
strength laser. XRF analysis was conducted with a handheld Vanta
machine, with a fixed aluminium filter and silicon PIN detector. This
device has a 2-W X-ray tube with 35 kV tungsten anode excitation
source.
 J. Bradfield et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295
3.2. Results
The SAM 42160 bone point is slenderer than other Middle Stone
Age bone points from southern Africa, plotting closer to arrow-
heads from the Iron Age and historic periods than to bone points
from older contexts (Fig. 3). As mentioned previously (d’Errico and
Henshilwood, 2007), the bone point was fashioned by scraping
with a lithic edge. There is no sign of abrasive grinding, which is a
common finishing technique on Later Stone Age bone points,
although its absence should not be taken as an indicator of age
(Bradfield, 2014, 2015c).
A hard, black residue is spattered over the surface of the bone
point, but concentrated in a band near the proximal end (Fig. 4).
This substance has a circumferential distribution and adheres
firmly to the surface of the bone. Surprisingly, neither d’Errico and
Henshilwood (2007) nor Singer and Wymer (1982) remarked on
the presence of this residue. Immediately below the concentrated
band of residue the bone appears slightly discoloured, a feature
consistent with bone that has been covered for an extended period
with a plant-based substance, such as when hafted (see Bradfield,
2015b, 2018b). Under high magnification the heterogenous con-
sistency of this residue is clear, with many inclusions visible
(Fig. 4E, H). The entire surface of the bone point is covered in
contaminant residues, probably flecks of skin, which fluoresce
brightly under ultraviolet light (Fig. 4AeB). These flecks are more
abundant overlaying the black residue, perhaps indicating that the
latter substance has greater static properties. This kind of
contamination occurs easily when artefacts are handled without
latex gloves (Bradfield, 2016a), as is the case in the long curatorial
history of SAM 42160. Clumps of starch grains are also present
immediately overlaying the hard, black residue over most of the
point’s length (Fig. 4C). Based on the shape and size of starch grains
at least two plant species are represented (see Torrence et al., 2004;
Piperno, 2006). In some instances, it is unclear whether the starch
forms part of the black substance, but in other instances it clearly
overlays the black material.
Fig. 3. Scatter plot showing SAM 42160 relative to other similar MSA bone points and a random sample of bone points from Early Later Stone Age, Robberg, Iron Age and
ethnological contexts. Sites not mentioned in the key from which bone points are represented include: Boomplaas shelter, Sehonghong, White Paintings Shelter, Nelson Bay Cave,
Kwagandaganda, Mapungubwe and the Fourie and Pitt Rivers Museum collections of historical material.
5
Consistent with previous observations, very little use-wear is
present on the bone point. Use-wear is, however, present over-
laying the black residue in places where the latter is still well
represented. This indicates that the bone point was used after the
black substance was applied. Two distinct polish and striation
characteristics occur. Towards the proximal section the striations
are long, deep and consistent with contact against a hard, woody
material (Fig. 4G; Gates St-Pierre, 2007; Van Gijn, 2007; Bradfield,
2015a). Towards the apical end the use-wear overlying the black
substance becomes more rounded and polished, with shorter, finer
striations consistent with contact against a soft, malleable material,
like skin (Fig. 4F; Buc and Loponte, 2007; Buc, 2011; Bradfield,
2015a). That this use-wear is present only overlying the black res-
idue and not directly on the bone surface indicates it did not arise
from curatorial handling. Faint striations do occur on the bone it-
self, but these are confined to the darkened area at the base of the
point (Fig. 4D). These circumferential striations run perpendicular
to the axis of the bone point and are consistent with contact against
a soft plant-like material (Becker, 2001; Griffitts and Bonsall, 2001;
Buc, 2011; Stone, 2013 Bradfield, 2015a). No post-manufacturing
traces are present directly on the bone above this section.
The results of the high-resolution CT scan are presented in Fig. 5.
Five two-dimensional thin sections taken along the length of the
bone point are illustrated. Micro-cracks occur abundantly in the
apical region and exhibit the typical tri-directional formation
indicative of desiccation (Fig. 5A; Backwell et al., 2018). Internal
separation of the bone lamellae is also evident, particularly in the
apical half of the bone point and likewise indicates desiccation
(Fig. 5AeC). A set of two, partially overlapping, unidirectional
micro-cracks run from near the base of the piece to about three-
quarters of the way up. These micro-cracks are consistent with
stress-related damage occasioned by bending forces seen in bone
arrowheads (Fig. 5B, C, E; Bradfield, 2013; Bradfield et al., 2016;
Backwell et al., 2018). These micro-cracks appear to propagate from
the lower extremity towards the tip, congruous with the placement
of macro-fracture damage on hafted projectiles (Guthrie, 1983;
6 J. Bradfield et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295

Fig. 4. Use-wear and residue indicators identified on the KRM bone point (SAM 42160). A-B) contaminant flecks fluorescing under ultra-violet light; C) concentration of starch
granules seen under cross-polarised light; D) concentration of faint perpendicular striations at base of piece; E) hard, black residue see under normal light and blue penetrating
light; F) minimal polish and wear confined to high point topography characteristic of the medial and apical sections of the bone point; G) use-wear overlying hard, black residue; H)
showing heterogenous consistency of hard, black residue. (For interpretation of the references to colour in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the Web version of this article.)

Bradfield and Lombard, 2011). The extent and nature of the micro-
cracks may be seen in the supplemental video file (Supplemental
material).
Supplementary video related to this article can be found at
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.quascirev.2020.106295.
The bone histology comprises a thin outer band of plexiform
tissue (visible in Fig. 5B) with the rest of the bone matrix exhibiting
a primary reticular formation. No secondary osteons are present.
Although histological identification at this resolution is not
conclusive, the tissue structure appears most similar to peri-
ssodactyla bone (Enlow, 1966; Francillon-Vieillot et al., 1990;
Martiniakova et al., 2007). Perissodactyla bone was also used to
make tools during the Howiesons Poort and older periods at Sibudu
Cave in KwaZulu-Natal (Bradfield, 2018a).
The CT scans provide confirmatory data on the hard, black res-
idue coating the bone point. Fig. 5D shows that the residue has a
higher density than the bone itself, similar to mineralised deposits.
Unlike mineralisation, however, this substance clearly sits on the
 J. Bradfield et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295 7

Fig. 5. High resolution computed tomographs showing two-dimensional cross-sections through the SAM 42160 at various stages. A) showing tri-directional desiccative micro-
cracks; BeC) parallel and overlapping microcracks, also showing plexiform structure at the periosteal region and reticular canals in the medial and endosteal regions; D) high
density substance adhering to the surface of the bone; E) parallel microcracks possibly occasioned by bending strain.

surface of the bone and has not infiltrated into the bone tissue (cf.
Backwell et al., 2018: fig. 6). This, together with the circumferential
placement, the overlaying use-wear and heterogenous consistency
of the residue, supports our interpretation that it was purposefully
applied to the bone and did not accumulate incidentally after
burial.
The Raman results clearly indicate the heterogenous nature of
the residue, with peaks indicative of mineral and organic in-
gredients (Fig. 6). The haematite on the surface is of interest given
the importance of ochre during the Middle Stone Age and the fre-
quency with which people would have handled it (e.g.,
Henshilwood et al., 2011; Hodgkiss, 2013). Whilst its presence here
could result from ochre in the deposit or from transfer from the
hands of one of the hunters, there is clear evidence for the use of
ochre in adhesive recipes during the Howiesons Poort of South
Africa, and it was applied to the surfaces of mastic objects to
facilitate handling during Holocene (Lombard, 2007). In the spectra
taken at 1 nm depth there is evidence of a sugar ring and methylene
(CH2), pointing to the presence of organic molecules in the black
substance. Peaks indicative of manganese oxide, however, domi-
nate the same spectra. These Raman results suggest that the
presence of manganese may be more complex than simple mineral
accretion or absorption, as is the case with the Sibudu bone
arrowhead (see Backwell et al., 2008).
These results highlight the complex nature of the black residue.
Given the wide variety of ingredients, including rock minerals,
8 J. Bradfield et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295
Fig. 6. Raman spectra obtained of the black residue. The upper two spectra were
obtained from the surface and the lower three were obtained at a 1 nm depth. The
slight fluorescence of the surface spectra is expected given the curatorial history of
SAM 42160.
known to have been used in hafting recipes and arrow poisons
(Lombard, 2007; Bradfield et al., 2015; Wadley et al., 2015; Chaboo
et al., 2019), it is possible that manganese, or something containing
manganese, was introduced into the residue by human action. Such
an interpretation is corroborated by evidence of use subsequent to
the application of the residue in the form of overlaying micro-
striations. If the black residue was a post-depositional tapho-
nomic phenomenon, one would not expect to see superimposed
use-traces (see Lombard, 2005 and Wadley and Lombard, 2007 on
distribution patterns of related use-traces on archaeological tools).
Additional XRF results reveal manganese atoms in higher concen-
trations on the ‘clean’ bone surface, away from the black residue,
than in the black residue itself (see Fig. 7). Manganese traces on the
tool are thus not limited to the black residue only, indicating the
mineral was probably introduced incidentally. The composition of
the black residue itself can only be resolved with detailed LC-MS
studies, which falls outside of the scope of this study, but will be
conducted pending permission for destructive analysis.
4. Discussion
4.1. Our results in context
The dimensional dissimilarity of SAM 42160 to other Middle
Stone Age bone points lead d’Errico and Henshilwood (2007: 160)
to suppose that the bone point may have infiltrated into the
Howiesons Poort layers from younger sediments. However, as
discussed above, Singer and Wymer (1982:115) carefully consid-
ered this hypothesis and rejected it, as the bone point was found in
an undisturbed context. Moreover, no LSA deposits occur in Cave
1A, only within Cave 1, much lower down in the sequence. We find
no reason to doubt the integrity of the original context. Although
SAM 42160 is slightly thinner than bone points of comparable age,
e.g., Sibudu Cave and Peers Cave, all of these Middle Stone Age
pieces overlap dimensionally with Later Stone Age, Iron Age and
twentieth century arrowheads, suggesting that the small size dif-
ferences are not meaningful (Fig. 3).
Bone points are not always associated with bow hunting. Use-
trace evidence from twelve southern African sites indicates that
during the Holocene, bone points e morphologically identical to
arrowheads e were used, usually hand-held, additionally for wood-
working, basketry and hide processing (Bradfield, 2015b, 2016a).
The use-wear evidence for these activities, though, is distinctive,
and notably absent on both the Sibudu and KRM bone points. Un-
like these domestic tasks, hunting does not typically impart diag-
nostic polishes or micro-striations to bone weapons that would
allow one to directly infer function (cf. Stone, 2013; Bradfield, 2012,
2015a, b). In the case of the Klasies River bone point, longitudinal
striations, however, overlay the softer black residue, which would
be consistent with any longitudinal action e including arrow use.
Isolated techniques are inadequate to make robust in-
terpretations for a hunting function (Lombard, 2005; Rots and
Plisson, 2014; Rots et al., 2016), and confidently identifying ar-
rows or components thereof in the Stone Age record, and dis-
tinguishing them from other forms of projectile technology, is
difficult. At present, the best approach is to record full suites of use-
traces, including hafting traces and stress fractures that form dur-
ing high-velocity impact (Bradfield, 2016b; Iovita and Sano, 2016).
For this reason, we used a combined approach that looked at use-
wear, in situ micro-residues and internal stress cracks during our
study of the KRM bone point.
Despite the weak development of use-wear over much of SAM
42160 the distribution and orientation of micro-striations suggest
the proximal 9 mm of the artefact was hafted, probably in a reed
shaft. The darker discolouration of this section, a common feature
on ethno-historic arrowheads, lends credence to this interpretation
(Fig. 8). Socketing a bone arrowhead into a reed or hollow wooden
shaft was the preferred method of hafting employed by southern
African hunters in historic times (Sparrman, 1977), but was also
used in other parts of the world perhaps as early as 32 ka (Odar,
2011).
The black residue, which coats SAM 42160, appears concen-
trated in a circumferential band close to the proximal end of the
bone and immediately above the discoloured section. This sub-
stance may have been used as a mastic to secure the bone in the
reed shaft, or it may be a poison that was applied to the bone after it
was hafted. It may, of course, have served both purposes (see
Wadley et al., 2015). Micro-morphologically, this substance is
similar to poisons used on twentieth century arrows and poison
applicators (Fig. 8A), and to adhesives found on quartz arrow tips or
barbs from the Howiesons Poort at Sibudu Cave (Lombard, 2007,
2011; Lombard and Phillipson, 2010), and for adhesives molecularly
identified on Howiesons Poort artefacts from Diepkloof in the
Western Cape (Charrie -Duhaut et al., 2013).
The results of our preliminary Raman and XRF analyses reveal
that the black substance is of a heterogenous nature, containing
mineral and organic compounds. Although rich in manganese, the
presence of this element does not seem to be the result only of
normal post-depositional mineral absorption. There is no infiltra-
tion into the bone as can be seen in the Sibudu bone point (see
Francillon-Vieillot et al., 1990; Backwell et al., 2018); there is evi-
dence for organic molecules in the residue; and use-wear clearly
overlies the residue. More detailed organic chemistry of the residue
is required to identify all the ingredients. The current distribution
pattern of the black residue on the artefact is consistent with poi-
son applications on bone arrowheads during the last few centuries
in southern Africa (Fig. 8b), and it is probable that the residue was
initially applied to the entire exposed surface of SAM 42160 but has
flacked off with time.
Two varieties of starch granules were recorded over the black
residue. Poisons and mastics are known to have incorporated
numerous ingredients, some of which are rich in polysaccharides
(Bradfield et al., 2015; Wadley et al., 2015; Chaboo et al., 2019),
which could account for the starch granules (also see Rots et al.,
2017 for possible starch-rich poison on a Sibudu artefact older
than 77ka), and may reflect the sugar ring observed during the
Raman spectroscopy. However, given that most of the contaminant
 J. Bradfield et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295 9

Fig. 7. Bar graph showing the results of the XRF analysis taken at two points along SAM 421160, namely, on the proximal band of black residue, and on the clean bone, away from
any visible black residue.

Fig. 8. Bone tools from Holocene contexts showing the same use-traces present on SAM 42160. A) black tar-like poison on a poison applicator (MM-40-69-2607) from the Fourie
collection, Museum Africa; B) nineteenth century poisoned arrowhead (ET 6593) from the Kalahari showing typical distribution of poison over the point and the natural limit where
the bone is inserted into the reed link-shaft; and C) proximal discolouration on hafted bone arrow component from Mapungubwe.
10 J. Bradfield et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295
residues also occur on or in the vicinity of the black substance, a
parsimonious interpretation would be that the starch granules too
are contaminants from the soil. The black substance appears to
have static properties that attract and adhere other residues.
The high-resolution CT scans reveal internal stress fractures that
result from bending forces as well as fractures resulting from
desiccation. Although not conclusive evidence, the parallel,
grouped micro-cracks in the proximal half on SAM 42160 are
consistent with bending forces that occur during longitudinal
impact (Cotterell and Kamminga, 1992; Bradfield and Lombard,
2011; Bradfield et al., 2016).
Arrows, of course, are not the only type of projectile weapon
that would experience longitudinal impact. The impact velocity of a
modern commercial javelin is comparable to the impact velocity of
an arrow shot from a traditional San hunting bow (cf. Hitchcock and
Bleed, 1997; Milks et al., 2019), and we ought to expect similar fa-
tigue stresses and fractures in javelin tips as we do in arrowheads.
To date there have been no published studies providing reliable
use-trace criteria with which to distinguish hand thrown javelins
from arrows. There is, however, circumstantial evidence why we
discount the possibility that SAM 42160 was anything other than an
arrowhead.
1. The distribution of hafting traces only 9 mm from the proximal
end of the bone indicates that the bone was not hafted in a
manner conducive to withstand repeated use as a javelin (see
Cotterell and Kaminga, 1992; Knecht, 1997).
2. The morphological and traceological characteristics of SAM
42160 is similar to thousands of Holocene and ethno-historic
examples of bone arrowheads found throughout southern
Africa.
3. There is a total absence of ethno-historically recorded bone-
tipped javelins used in southern Africa. When these weapons
are at play they are either single-component sharpened wooden
or metal-tipped implements.
These points caution against an inferential leap ascribing SAM
42160 to anything other than an arrowhead e unless clear evidence
can be provided to the contrary.
Considered together, the morphology, use-wear, residue, and
micro-fracture evidence, as well as the absence of evidence of
possible alternative uses, support a scenario in which SAM 42160
was hafted, coated in an adhesive (and possibly poisonous) sub-
stance, and used as part of an impact weapon such as an arrowhead,
in a similar manner as the Sibudu bone point is thought to have
been used and as twentieth century bone points were used by local
hunter-gatherers.
4.2. Bow hunting in the southern cape before 60 000 years ago
Thus far, evidence for bow hunting technology preceding 60 ka
has only been reported from the KwaZulu-Natal region of South
Africa (Backwell et al., 2008; Lombard and Phillipson, 2010). During
the Howiesons Poort occupation at both Sibudu Cave and KRM
backed stone geometrics were found that were hafted in innovative
arrangements and used as weapon components (Villa et al., 2010),
most likely as arrow tips, arrowhead insets or barbs (Lombard,
2011; de la Pen ~ a et al., 2018). Similar techno-behaviour is hinted
at by 71 ka at Pinnacle Point 5e6 along the southern coast of South
Africa, based on the presence of Howiesons Poort-like artefacts
(Brown et al., 2012; McBrearty, 2012). However, the Pinnacle Point
interpretation is speculative as no functional studies were con-
ducted. The oldest supported evidence for bow hunting in the
broader Cape region of South Africa during the early Howiesons
Poort is therefore the KRM bone point.
Bow hunting has several advantages over other hunting stra-
tegies. An arrow travels along a straighter trajectory than a javelin,
which has a large parabolic arc, thus increasing the accuracy of the
hunter (Cotterell and Kaminga, 1992; Knecht, 1997; Hughes, 1998).
This is particularly advantageous in closed, thicketed vegetation.
The environment during the early Howiesons Poort in the southern
Cape was cooler and probably wetter than today. The area around
KRM was characterised by a mixed environment, with closed,
bushy vegetation (Klein, 1976; Van-Pletzen-Vos et al., 2019), a sit-
uation similar to Sibudu Cave, 15 km from the east coast farther
north (Clark, 2013, 2017). Bone-tipped arrowheads were used
during the Late Pleistocene in southeast Asia to hunt arboreal fauna
in densely thicketed vegetation (Rabet and Piper, 2012). Another
advantage of bow hunting is that a hunter may carry many arrows
in a quiver, thus allowing for a higher success rate and mitigating
against potential misses. The possible addition of backed stone
geometrics to bone arrowheads (cf. Clark, 1959; Lombard and
Parsons, 2008), would have added stabilising weight to the arrow
and increased its lethality (Ellis, 1997).
Our results do not, however, automatically imply the persistence
of bow-and-arrow technology for more than 60 ka on the southern
African landscape (see Kuhn, 2006; Lombard and Parsons, 2010;
Parsons and Lombard, 2011; Lombard, 2016), nor does it imply
cultural continuity (see Mitchell, 2012; Pargeter et al., 2016b). It
does, however, suggest that bow hunting was practised not only in
KwaZulu-Natal during the Howiesons Poort, but also along the
southern shores of South Africa.
4.3. Inferences about human cognition at Klasies River Main Site
during the Howiesons Poort based on evidence for bow hunting
The Howiesons Poort was a period in the Middle Stone Age of
southern Africa which saw a fluorescence of innovations and the
technological manifestation of enhanced cognition (Henshilwood
and Dubreuil, 2011; McCall and Thomas, 2012; Wadley, 2015).
From at least 100 ka people in southern Africa were also combining
multiple ingredients to form coloured pastes, possibly for decora-
tion or skin protection (Henshilwood et al., 2011; Rifkin et al.,
2015); and by 70 ka they were making glues and other com-
pound adhesives using multiple ingredients combined in a series of
complicated steps (Wadley et al., 2009, 2015; Wadley, 2010b).
These glues were then used, among other things, to haft small stone
segments in varying arrangements, probably as insets for hunting
weapons (Lombard, 2007, 2011; Lombard and Pargeter, 2008). For
their part, the insets facilitated easier maintenance of weapons and
allowed for greater flexibility in how a weapon could be used (see
Bousman, 1993; Pargeter, 2007).
The presence of these technical elements in the southern Afri-
can Middle Stone Age is seen to represent cognitive complexity,
which includes notions of abstract thought, analogical reasoning,
multitasking and cognitive fluidity (see Wadley, 2015).
Bow hunting has been discussed as the adoption of symbiotic or
complementary technical systems (e.g., Haidle and Lombard, 2012;
Haidle et al., 2015), which is a manifestation of human cognitive
flexibility (Lombard, 2016, 2019). For example, it involves episodic
foresight (e.g., Williams et al., 2014; Coolidge et al., 2016) and causal
network reasoning, indicating minds that are able to apply abstract
engineering concepts across different knowledge domains (e.g.,
Ga€rdenfors and Lombard, 2018). An even more complex form of
reasoning about a ‘force’ that operates for an extended period of
time and over long distances (often out of sight of the hunter), is the
use of poison (G€ ardenfors and Lombard, 2018; also see Wadley,
2010a on the use of snares). Once wounded with a poisoned ar-
row an animal may be tracked for many hours or even days before
finally killed and harvested (see Marshall-Thomas, 2006). Poison is
 J. Bradfield et al. / Quaternary Science Reviews 236 (2020) 106295
not a physical force; rather it functions chemically, adding yet
another domain-specific causal node set to that of bow hunting
when it is used.
Direct evidence of poisoned arrows dates to 13 ka in East Africa
(Langley et al., 2016b), but may be considerably older at 24 ka at
Border Cave, South Africa (d’Errico et al., 2012b). Beyond that, the
evidence is equivocal. Hunting poisons and complex hafting ad-
hesives could only be made by individuals possessing a basic un-
derstanding of 1) the physical and pharmacological properties of
each ingredient, 2) the appropriate methods of preparation that
would enhance the desired properties and not denature the toxicity
or adhesive properties, and 3) the exact sequence and quantities in
which ingredients must be added to achieve a successful adhesive
or poison recipe (Wadley et al., 2015). Similar to bow hunting, the
application of compound adhesives or poisons to hunting weapons
requires a level of foresight, anticipation, planning, analogical
thought and multi-tasking (e.g., Bradfield et al., 2015; Wadley et al.,
2015; Wooding et al., 2017; Chaboo et al., 2019) e which is similar
to the ways in which we think today.
KRM is the sub-Saharan site with the most prolific assemblage
of H. sapiens remains spanning the last 100 ka (see Dusseldorp et al.,
2013; Grine et al., 2017). Its archaeological record also sparked the
first discussions raising the probability that complex human
behaviour and cognition were represented in sub-Saharan Africa
long before its appearance in Europe (e.g., Deacon, 1989, 1992;
1995, 2001; Wurz, 1999; Deacon and Wurz, 2005). Subsequently,
the revolution in dating methods and the excavation of other long-
sequence Middle Stone Age sites, such as Sibudu Cave and Blombos
Cave, have demonstrated the development of complex cognition for
humans well before the suggested 50-45 ka date (e.g., Klein, 2019).
These discussions are best summarised in papers, amongst others,
by Henshilwood (2012), Lombard (2012), McCall and Thomas
(2012), and Wadley (2015), and is further supported by the pro-
venience and use-trace evidence of SAM 42160 presented here.
5. Conclusion
We have presented here use-trace evidence that supports the
interpretation of a bone point from KRM as a hafted arrowhead.
Furthermore, we hope to have dispelled any doubt as to the pro-
venience of SAM 42160 and its attribution to the Howiesons Poort
technocomplex. SAM 42160 is part of a growing number of bone
and stone artefacts found in Middle Stone Age contexts that are
being recognised as arrow armature components. Our findings
indicate that SAM 42160 was certainly hafted, maybe poisoned, and
used in a manner that is not technologically dissimilar to bone
points from more recent contexts. This implies a symbiotic tech-
nology that recurred several times with minimal modification
throughout the last ~70 ka in southern Africa (see Ho € gberg and
Lombard, 2020 on socio-technical dynamics of introduction,
acceptance and destabilisation). Symbiotic technologies, such as
the bow and arrow, tell us something about human cognition and
its development (Lombard and Haidle, 2012; Lombard, 2019). Thus
far, evidence to support bow hunting before 60 ka period has come
from only a few sites, mainly in KwaZulu-Natal. The bone point
from KRM extends this geographical distribution farther south and
shows that bow hunting was a widely adopted technological
innovation in southern Africa during this period.
Declaration of competing interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
11
CRediT authorship contribution statement
Justin Bradfield: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal
analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Resources, Software, Writing
- original draft, Writing - review & editing. Marlize Lombard:
Conceptualization, Methodology, Resources, Validation, Writing -
original draft, Writing - review & editing. Jerome Reynard: Formal
analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Writing - original draft,
Writing - review & editing. Sarah Wurz: Conceptualization,
Investigation, Funding acquisition, Project administration, Writing
- original draft, Writing - review & editing.
Acknowledgements
Justin Bradfield is funded by the National Research Foundation
(NRF) through the Worked Bone Technology Programme
(RDYR180505326418). The authors thank the IZIKO museums of
South Africa for the loan of the material. Dr Kuda Jakarta of the
Evolutionary Studies Institute, Wits University, is thanked for
running the CT scans. Mr Jaganmoy Jodder is thanked for his help in
running and interpreting the Raman spectra and XRF analysis.
Sarah Wurz acknowledges the support of a DST-NRF Centre of
Excellence in Palaeosciences grant. Jerome Reynard is funded by an
NRF Thuthuka grant (grant number 107082). Opinions expressed
and conclusions arrived at, are those of the authors and are not
necessarily to be attributed to the funding agencies.
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