The Eucharistic Doctrine and Liturgy of The Mystagogical Catecheses of Theodore of Mopsuestia - F. Reine

This is a reproduction of a library book that was digitized
by Google as part of an ongoing effort to preserve the

information in books and make it universally accessible.
https://books.google.com
OF THE
UNIVERSITY
THE EUCHARISTIC DOCTRINE AND LITURGY
OF THE MYSTAGOGICAL CATECHESES
OF THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA
STUDIES IN CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITY
EDITED BY
JOHANNES QUASTEN
Professor of Ancient Church History and Christian Archaeology
Catholic University of America
NO. 2
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

WASHINGTON, D.C.
1942
THE EUCHARISTIC DOCTRINE AND LITURGY
OF THE MYSTAGOGICAL CATECHESES
OF THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA
BY
FRANCIS J. REINE
A DISSERTATION
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SCHOOL OF SACRED THEOLOGY OF
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA IN PARTIAL FULFILL
MENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTORATE IN SACRED THEOLOGY

WASHINGTON, D. C.
1942
Nihil Obstat:
Johannes Quasten, S. T. D.
Imprimatur:
HKTOSEPH E. RlTTEB, D. D.
Episcopus Indianapolitanus
March 15, 1942
COPYRIGHT, 1942, BY
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA

BY J. H. PDRST COMPANY. BALTIMORE, MARYLAND
TnsR4-
RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED
TO
The Most Reverend Joseph E. Ritter, D. D.
Bishop of Indianapolis
M512307
PKEFACE
In all the vast field of patristic literature few works give such a
clear and systematic explanation of early Christian doctrine and
liturgical service as do the Catecheses or courses of instruction
addressed to the catechumens and neophytes. Their very purpose—
the instruction of those who were preparing for Baptism and of
those who had just been baptized—demanded an exact and careful
exposition of the beliefs, ceremonies, and customs of Christianity.
We are fortunate in possessing a considerable number of such
catechetical instructions. The best known examples are the Cate
cheses of Cyril of Jerusalem, Ambrose's work de Mysteriis and the
treatise de Sacramentis, which according to recent investigations
must be attributed to the same author. Other examples are to be
found among the homilies of John Chrysostom and in the sermons
of Augustine to the candidates for Baptism (ad Competentes) and
to the newly-baptised (ad Infantes) and in his sermons 260 and
353. Sermons 63-66 of Peter Chrysologus and the sermons ad
dressed to the neophytes by Zeno of Verona and by Gaudentius of
Brescia likewise are catechetical instructions. Augustine's work de
Catechizandis Budibus and the Catechetical Oration of Gregory of
Nyssa, while similar to the Catecheses, are rather treatises for the
guidance of catechists.
Although it was known that Theodore of Mopsuestia also was the
author of a series of catechetical lectures, only recently his work
was discovered. In 1932-1933 A. Mingana published in the fifth
and sixth volumes of the WoodbrooTce Studies these newly-found
Catecheses of Theodore of Mopsuestia. This addition to such an
important type of patristic literature was hailed with high praise.
Scholars were quick to recognize the value of this contribution to
the study of early Christianity. But in English, as far as we
know, nothing has been done in the way of a commentary or study
of these Catecheses.
A study of Theodore's complete course of instructions on the
Nicene Creed, on the Lord's Prayer, on the Sacrament of Baptism,
vii
viii Preface
and on the Eucharist would be very interesting. However, I con

fine myself to a consideration of but one point—Theodore's com
mentary on the Eucharistic doctrine and Liturgy.
I am happy to take this occasion to acknowledge my sincere
appreciation and gratitude to His Excellency, the Most Eeverend
Joseph E. Eitter, Bishop of Indianapolis, for the opportunity of
making graduate studies. I further wish to thank most sincerely
the Eeverend Professor Johannes Quasten, S. T. D., under whose
direction this dissertation was written, for his keen interest and
invaluable assistance. Also I wish to express my gratitude to the
members of the Faculty of the School of Sacred Theology, and in
particular to the Eeverend Joseph C. Fenton, S. T. D., and the
Eeverend Eugene M. Burke, C. S. P., S. T. D., who read the disser
tation and to the Eeverend Louis Arand, S. S., S. T. D., for his
valuable suggestions. I am deeply grateful to the Eeverend Patrick
W. Skehan, S. T. D., for his generous assistance in questions of the
Syriac text and to Dom Anselm Strittmatter, O. S. B., for the use
of the library of St. Anselm's Priory, Washington, D. C. Likewise
I wish to thank Mrs. Barbara Sessions of the Dumbarton Oaks
Eesearch Library and Collection in Washington and the directors
of Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore for their permission to repro
duce works in their collections. Finally, I must acknowledge my
debt of gratitude to the Catholic University Library Staff and to
all who helped in the preparation of this work.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
Dedication v
Preface vii
Table op Contents Lx
List of Plates xii
Explanation of Abbreviations xiii
Bibliography xv
Introduction 1
PART I. THE EUCHARISTIC DOCTRINE

chapter
I. The Real Presence of Christ in the Eucharist . . 9
1. The Fact of the Real Presence. A Criticism of Min-
gana's Translation. Theodore's Use of the Terms
" Signs and Symbols " 9
2. The Epiclesis. The " Form " of the Eucharistic Con
secration 16
II. The Eucharist as a Sacrament 28
1. The Eucharist as the Spiritual Food of the Baptized 28
2. The Sacramental Matter and Form 32
3. The Food of Immortality. Athanasia and Aphtharsia
as Effects of the Eucharist 35
4. The Eucharist as the Sign of Unity. The Koinonia of
the Faithful with Christ 39
5. Holiness and Remission of Sins as Effects of the
Eucharist 41
6. The Minister of the Sacrament 43
7. Ta ayia toU ayloii. The Primary Requisites for Com
munion 44
8. Preparation for Communion. Eucharist and Penance 50
ix
X Table of Contents
PAGE
III. The Eucharist as a Sacrifice 55
1. The Eucharist as a Sacrifice in General .... 55
2. The Eucharistic Sacrifice as the Re-presentation of
Christ's Sacrifice 56
3. The Eucharist as the Drama of the "Work of Redemp
tion. The Sacramental Participation in the Future
Benefits 62
4. The Eucharistic Service as a Christian Mystery Wor
ship 65
5. The Christian Priesthood—Universal and Special. The
Beneficiaries of the Eucharistic Sacrifice ... 69
PART II. THE EUCHARISTIC LITURGY

I. From the Beginning of the Liturgy of the Faithful
to the Preface 75
1. The Offertory Procession. The Development of the
Great Entrance 90
2. The Diaeonal Litany 95
3. The Priest's Prayers of Thanksgiving and Petition . 96
4. The Greeting of Peace and the Kiss of Peace ... 97
5. The Washing of Hands. The Symbolic Meaning of
this Ceremony 99
6. The Reading of the Diptychs. Theodore's Disagree
ment with the Other Liturgies 100
7. The Deacon's Admonition before the Anaphora. The
New Character of this Admonition as a Preparation
for the Sacrifice 101
II. From the Preface to the Lord's Prater .... 105
1. The Preface Dialogue 126
2. The Eucharistic Prayer. Theodore's Preface as an
Early Example of the Short Trinitarian Form . 128
3. The Sanctus 132
4. The Post-Sanctus Prayer 133
5. The Words of Institution. The Words of Christ not
Considered as the " Form " of Consecration . . 134
6. The Anamnesis. A Criticism of Lietzmann's Idea of
the Anamnesis in the Liturgy of Mopsuestia . . 137
7. The Sacrificial Prayer 140
Table of Contents xi
PAGE
8. The Epiclesis in the Fourth Century and in the Later
Liturgies 141
9. The Invocation of the Holy Spirit on the People as a
Continuation of the Epiclesis 143
10. The Intercession for the Living and the Dead. The
Diptychs and the Reading of Individual Names. A
Doxology as the End of the Anaphora .... 146
III. From the Lord's Prater to the Dismissal .... 153
1. The Lord's Prayer 170
2. The Greeting of Peace in the Clementine Liturgy . 173
3. The Breaking of the Bread. The Beginning of a More
Elaborate Ceremony as Seen in the Liturgy of
Mopsuestia 174
4. The Diaconal Litany of Intercession and Preparation
for Communion 176
5. The Prayer of the Priest before Communion. The
Lord's Prayer as a Preparation for Communion . 177
6. The Elevation. The Deacon's Admonition. The Date
of Origin of the el<s ayios—Acclamation . . . 180
7. The Liturgical Rite of the Communion .... 182
8. The Signing of the Senses as a Protection against the
Demons and as a Health-giving Remedy .... 186
9. The Thanksgiving and the Dismissal 189
Conclusion 191
Index 199
LIST OF PLATES
PAGE
I. Mosaic of Soueida from the fifth century. The deacon Sergios
wearing the orarion. (From De Jerphanion) 71
II. Sixth-century silver chalice, found near Antioch in Syria.
Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, Md 90
III. Liturgical fan from Syria of the sixth century. The Dumbarton
Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D. C. . . . 91
IV. Paten from Riha on the Orontes in Syria of the sixth century.
Communion of the Apostles. The Dumbarton Oaks Research
Library and Collection, Washington, D. C 185
xii
EXPLANATION OF ABBEEVIATIONS
CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorura

DACL Dictionnaire d'Archeologie Chretienne et de Liturgie
DThC Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique
F1P Florilegium Patristicum
JL Jahrbuch fur Liturgiewissenschaft
MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica
PG Migne, Patres Graeci
PL Migne, Patres Latini
ZkTh Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie
xiii
BIBLIOGEAPHY
SOURCES
Augustine, Epistulae (CSEL 44, A. Goldbacher ) , Vienna, 1904
Brightman, F. E., Liturgies Eastern and Western, 2 vols. Oxford, 1896
Chrysostom, Opera (PG 47-63), Paris, 1859-1863
Connolly, R., The Liturgical Homilies of Narsai with an Appendix by
E. Bishop (Texts and Studies VIII, 1), Cambridge, 1909
Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses Mystagogicae (FIP 1, J. Quasten), Bonn,
1935
, Catecheses (PG 33, 331-1060), Paris, 1857
Epiphanius, Adversus Haereses (PG 42, 9-774), Paris, 1858
Funk F., Didascalia et Constitutions Apostolorum, 2 vols. Paderborn,
1905
, Opera Patrum Apostolicorum, 2 vols. Tubingen, 1881-1887
Funk, F. —Bihlmeyer, K., Die Apostolischen Vliter (Sammlung Ausge-
wahlter Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichtlicher Quellenschriften, Zweite
Reihe, I, 1), Tubingen, 1924
Gebhardt, O.—Harnack, A.—Zahn, T., Patrum Apostolicorum Opera, 3 vols.
Leipzig, 1876-1877
Gregory the Great, Epistulae ( MGH Registrum Epistolarum II, 1 ) , Berlin,
1893
Hauler, E., Didascaliae apostolorum fragmenta Veronensia latina, accedunt
canonum qui dicuntur apostolorum et aegyptorum reliquiae, Leipzig,
1900.
Irenaeus, Contra Haereses (PG 7, 433-1224), Paris, 1882
Jerome, Dialogus Adversus Pelagianos (PL 23, 495-590), Paris, 1845
, Epistulae (CSEL 54-56, I. Hilberg), Vienna, 1910-1918
Lietzmann, H., Liturgische Texte I: Zur Geschichte der orientalischen
Taufe und Messe im II und IV Jahrhundert (Kleine Texte fiir Theo-
logische Vorlesungen und Obungen 5), Bonn, 1909
Mingana, A., Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Nicene Creed
,(Woodbrooke
Commentary Studies
of Theodore
5), Cambridge,
of Mopsuestia
1932 on the Lord's Prayer and
on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist (Woodbrooke

Studies 6), Cambridge, 1933
Parisot, J., Aphraatis Demonstrations (Patrologia Syriaca, Pars Prima,
1), Paris, 1894
Ps. Dionysius Areopagita, De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia (FIP 7, J. Quasten),
Bonn, 1935
Quasten, J., Monumenta Eucharistica et Liturgica Vetustissima (FIP 7),
Bonn, 1935-1937
XV
XV) Bibliography
Rahmani, I., Les Liturgies Orientates et Occidentales, Beyrouth, 1929
, Testamentum Domini Xostri Jesu Christi, Mainz, 1899
Renaudot, E., Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio, 2 vols. Frankfurt, 1847
Silvia, Peregrinatio ad Loca Sancta (CSEL 39, 35-101 Geyer), Vienna,
1898
Tertullian, De Oratione (PL 1, 1143-1196), Paris, 1844
Theodore of Mopsuestia, In Evangelium Matthaei Commentarii Fragmenta
(PG 66, 713), Paris, 1864
WORKS
Abramowski, R., " Neue Sehriften Theodors von Mopsuestia," Zeitschrift
fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 33 (1934), 66-84
Bareille, G., " Eucharistie, d'apres les Peres," DThC V, 1121-1183, Paris,
1913
Batiffol, P., " L'Eucharistie dans le Nouveau Testament," Revue Riblique
12 (1903), 497-528
-, L'Eucharistie. La Presence Reelle et la Transubstantiation (Etudes
d'Histoire et de Thiologie Positive 2 ser. ), Paris, 1930
Baumstark, A., Die Messe im Morgenland, Kempten, 1906
, " La Structure des Grandes Unites Liturgiques," Irenikon 11, 3
(1934), 129-146
, " Liturgie Comparee," Irenikon 11, 1-2 (1934), 5-34
, Liturgie Comparee. Edition refondue. Monastere d'Amay & Cheve-
togne (Belgium), 1940
, "Rits et Fetes Liturgiques," Irinikon 11, 6 (1934), 481-520
, "Textes Liturgiques," Irenikon 11, 4 (1934), 293-327
Bludau, A., Die Pilgerreise der Aetheria, Paderborn, 1927
Braun, J., Das Christliche Altargerat, Munich, 1932
, " Facher," Lexikon fiir Theologie und Kirche III (1931), 936-937
Brightinan, F. E., " The Anaphora of Theodore," Journal of Theological
Studies 31 (1930), 160-164
Brinktrine, J., Der Messopferbegriff in den ersten zwei Jahrhunderten
[Freiburger Theologische Htudicn 21), Freiburg, 1918
Cabrol, F., " Diptyques (Liturgie)," DACL IV, 1045-1094, Paris, 1920
, " Eucharistie " DACL V, 686-692, Paris, 1922
Casel, O.,
, " Das
Das Mysteriengedachtnis
Christliche Kultmysterium,
der Messliturgie
Ratisbon, 1932
im Licht der Tradi
tion," JL VI (1926), 113-204

, " Mysteriengegenwart," JL VIII (1928), 145-224
, "Neue Zeugnisse fur das Kultmysterium," JL XIII (1933), 99-
171
D'Ales, A., Prima Lineamenta Tractatus Dogmatici de Sanctissima Eucha-
ristia, Paris, 1929
Dalton, O. M., East Christian Art, Oxford, 1925
Bibliography xvii
De Jerphanion, G., La Voix des Monuments (Etudes d'Arch£ologie, Nouv-
elle Serie), Rome-Paris, 1938
De la Taille, M., Mysterium Fidei. De Augustissimo Corporis et San
guinis Christi Sacrificio atque Sacramento, Paris, 1924
De Meester, P., " Grecques (Liturgies)," DACL VI, 1591-1662, Paris, 1925
Denzinger, H.-Bannwart, A.-Umberg, J., Enchiridion Symbolorum, Freiburg
im Breisgau, 1937
Devreesse, R., " Les Instructions Catecheliques de Theodore de Mopsueste,"
Revue des Sciences Religieuses 13 (1933), 425-436
Dolger, F., " Das Segnen der Sinne mit der Eucharistie," Antike und
Christentum
, " Gladiatorenblut
III (1932),
und 231-244
Martyrerblut," Vortrage der Bibliothek
Warburg III (1926), 196-214

Donaldson, J., Constitutions of the Holy Apostles (The Ante-Nicene Fathers
VII, 385-508), New York, 1925
Drews, P., Vntersuchungen iiber die sogenannte klementinische Liturgie
im 8 Buche der apostolischen Konstitutionen, Tubingen, 1925
Duchesne, L., Origines du Culte Chretien, Paris, 1925
Engberding, H., Das Eucharistische Hochgebet der Basileiosliturgie (Theo-
,logie
" DerdesGruss
Christlichen
des Priesters
Ostens zu
I), Beginn
Minister,der1931
eixapiarla in ostlichen
Liturgien," JL IX (1929), 138-143

Ferhat, P., " Denkmaler altarmenischer Messliturgie 2 : Die angebliche
Liturgie des hi. Katholikos Sahak " Oriens Christianus, Neue Serie,
3 (1913), 16-31
Fortescue, A., The Mass—A Study of the Roman Liturgy, New York, 1937
Gilford, E., The Catechetical Lectures of St. Cyril of Jerusalem (The
Nicene and Post—Nicene Fathers, Second Series, VII, 1-157), New
York, 1894
Goossens, W., Les Origines de I'Eucharistie Sacrament et Sacrifice, Paris,
1931
Hamm, F., Die liturgischen Einsetzungsberichte im Sinne vergleichender
Liturgieforschung untersucht (Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen und
Forschungen 23), Munster in Westfalen, 1928
Hanssens, J., " De Materia Sacrificii Eucharistici in Ritibus Orientalibus,"
Ephemerides
, " Estne Liturgia
Liturgicae
Cultus
42 Mysterious
(1928), 360-396
? " Periodica de Re Morali,
,Canonica,
Institutiones
Liturgica
Liturgicae
23 (1934),
de Ritibus
112*-132#;
Orientalibus
137*-160*
II-III; De Missa
Rituum Orientalium, pars prima et pars altera, Rome, 1930-1932

Jugie, M., " La Messe en Orient du IV au IX Siecle," DThC X, 1317- 1332,
Paris, 1929
Karalevskij, C, " Antioche," Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Giographie
EccUsiastiques III, 581-703, Paris, 1924
Leclercq, H., " Eucharistie," DACL V, 681-686, Paris, 1922
2
xviii Bibliography
Leclerq, H., " Flabellum," DACL V, 1610-1625, Paris, 1923
Lepin, M., L'Id4e du Sacrifice de la Messe d'apris les Th4ologiens depuis
I'Origine jusqu'a nos Jours, Paris, 1926
Lietzmann, H., Die Liturgie des Theodor von Mopsuestia ( Sonderausgabe
, . aus den Sitzungsberichten der Preussischen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften,
, Messe und
Phil.-Hist.
Herrenmahl
Klasse,(Arbeiten
23), Berlin,
zur 1933^
Kirchengeschichte VIII),
Bonn, 1926
Marquardt, J., S. Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus Baptismi, Chrismatis, Eucha-
ristiae Mysteriorum Interpres, Leipzig, 1882
Moreau, F., Les Anaphores des Liturgies de s. Jean Chrysostome et de s.
Basile, Paris, 1927
, Les Liturgies Eucharistiques, Brussels-Paris, 1924
Peirce and Tyler, L'Art Byzantin, 2 vols., Paris, 1932-1934
Peterson, E., EI2 6E02. Epigraphische, formgeschichtliche und religions-
geschichtliche Vntersuchungen (Forschungen zur Religion und
Literatur des Alien und Neuen Testaments, Neue Folge, 24),
Gottingen, 1926
Probst, F., " Die antiochenische Messe nach den Schriften des hi. Johannes
Chrysostomus dargestellt," ZkTh 7 (1883), 251-303
, " Die hierosolymitanische Messe nach den Schriften des hi. Cyril
lus," Der Katholik 64 (1884), 142-157, 253-270
, Liturgie der drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte, Tubingen, 1870
, Liturgie des vierten Jahrhunderts und deren Reform, Munster,
1893
Quasten, J., " Der alteste Zeuge fur die trinitarische Fassung der litur-
gischen els oryios-Akklamation," ZkTh 58 (1934), 253-254
, " Mysterien," Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirche VII, 401-403,
Freiburg im Breisgau, 1935
Rice, D. Talbot, Byzantine Art, Oxford, 1935
Robertson, J., The Divine Liturgies of our Fathers among the Saints John
Chrysostom and Basil the Great with that of the Presanctified,
London, 1894
Ruch, C, " La Messe d'apres les Peres jusqu'a Saint Cyprien," DThC X,
864-964, Paris, 1913
Rucker, A., Ritus Baptismi et Missae quern Descripsit Theodorus Episcopus
Mopsuestenus in Sermonibus Catecheticis (Opuscula et Textus, Series
Liturgica II), Munster, 1933
Rush, A., Death and Burial in Christian Antiquity [The Catholic Univer
sity of America Studies in Christian Antiquity, ed. J. Quasten, No.
1), Washington, D. C, 1941
Salaville, S., " Epiclese Eucharistique," DThC V, 194-299, Paris, 1913
Schermann, T., " Das ' Brotbrechen ' im Urchristentum," Biblische Zeit-
,schrift
Einleitungen
VIII (1910),
zu Remigius
32-52, 162-183
Storfs Obersetzung Griechischer Litur-
gien (Bibliothek der Kirchenvater V), Kempten und MUnchen, 1912

Bibliography
Schermann, T., " Eüxapurr/a und eüxaPI<rr£'" in ihrem Bedeutungswandel

bis 200 nach Christus," Phüologus 69 (1910), 375-410.
Stefanescu, J., L'Illustration des Liturgies dans l'art de Byzance et de
l'Orient, Brussels, 1936
Struckmann, A., Die Gegenwart Christi in der hl. Eucharistie nach den
Schriftlichen Quellen der Tornizänischen Zeit (Theologische Studien
der Leo-Gesellschaft 12), Vienna, 1905
Vailhe, S., " Anazarbe," Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Geographie Eccl4-
siastiques II, 1504-1506, Paris, 1914
Vonier, A., A Key to the Doctrine of the Eucharist, New York, 1925
Vykoukal, E., " Vater Unser," Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche X, 498-
501, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1938
Wetter, G., Altchristliche Liturgien II: Das Christliche Opfer. Neue
Studien zur Geschichte des Abendmahls (Forschungen zur Religion
und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments 34), Göttingen, 1922
INTRODUCTION
The Catecheses of Theodore of Mopsuestia are divided into two

parts; the first ten sermons of the series of instructions deal with
the articles of faith as contained in the Nicene Creed, while the
other six explain the Lord's Prayer, the Sacrament of Baptism,
and the Eucharist. The former are addressed to the catechumens
as their final preparation for Baptism, while the latter—the mysta-
gogical catecheses—are addressed to the neophytes in the course of
the week following their Baptism.
Although the text of these instructions, which Mingana has
published, is a Syriac translation, apparently written only in the
seventeenth century,1 neither Mingana nor H. Lietzmann hesitate
to affirm its authenticity and historical value. Begarding the
manuscript Lietzmann assures us:
It seems to have been written in the seventeenth century. . . . We may
rightly suppose that these catechetical instructions come from the time
when Theodore occupied the episcopal see of Mopsuestia in Cilicia—there
fore 392-428."
And as to the text itself Mingana, speaking of the commentary
on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist, says :
The text and sequence of events, as exhibited by Theodore, are to be con
sidered identical in every detail with the very text and sequence of events
that were current in the liturgical books of the Greek Church of the fourth
century. Theodore's work is a commentary on the text of the Liturgy,
and this commentary having been translated into Syriac shortly after his
death, there is every reason to believe that it has come down to us without
any alteration, addition or subtraction."
1 The manuscript, Cod. Mingana Syr. 561, is contained in the Mingana

Collection of Manuscripts in Selly Oak Colleges' Library, Birmingham. A
description of this manuscript is found in tfle Catalogue of the Syriac and
Garshiini MSS., of Mingana's collection, pp. 1041-1044.
* H. Lietzmann, Die Liturgie des Theodor von Mopsuestia (Sonderausgabe
aus den Sitzungsberichten der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Phil.Hist. Klasse 23, Berlin, 1933), 3.
* A. Mingana, Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Lord's
Prayer and on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist (Woodbrooke
Studies 6, Cambridge, 1933), X-XI.
1
2 Eucharistic Doctrine and Liturgy
E. Abramowski likewise is lavish in his praise of Theodore's

Catecheses. He says :
Here for the first time is the complete theology of the great teacher of the
Eastern Church which he himself has drawn up in a complete synthesis.
. . . We see at a glance the complete teaching of Theodore in its three
fold relation to dogma, ethics, and cult. . . . Since Theodore presents the
dogmatic teaching without that excess in judgment concerning his own
theology, one could perhaps conclude that it is one of his early works.4
Concluding his study of Theodore's instructions, Abramowski
offers this testimony :
For the investigation of the history of the ancient Church, its teaching
and its worship we find therein [in Theodore's work] things of extra
ordinary importance. Seldom does it happen that one gets so deep an
insight into actual circumstances and concrete thought."
Of the greatest value are especially Theodore's mystagogical
catecheses on the Sacrament of Baptism and on the Eucharist. As
Mingana points out :
Theodore's commentary on these sacraments is of outstanding importance
for the right understanding of the historical and theological background
of these two sacraments. In the sphere of history this importance can
hardly be overestimated. In examining the extant Greek liturgical Manu
scripts which contain these two sacraments, one is struck by the scarcity
of old Manuscripts, and by the changes that their contents have under
gone at the hand of liturgiologists and copyists of later generations."
Eecognizing their importance, A. Eucker has gathered from the
Catecheses Theodore's description of the rites of Baptism and the
Mass.7 E. Devreesse has presented a summary of Theodore's ex
planation of Baptism and the Eucharist, noting the points of agree
ment between Theodore and Narsai in liturgical details.8 And H.
4 R. Abramowski, " Neue Schriften Theodors von Mopsuestia ( f 428 ) ,"
Zeitschrift fur die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 33 (1934), 66-68.
0 Ibid., 84.
6 Mingana, op. cit., X.
7 A. Rucker, Ritus Baptismi et Missae quern descripsit Theodorus Epi-
scopus Mopsuestenus in Sermonibus Cateeheticis (Opuscula et Textus,
Series Liturgica 2, Miinster, 1933).
8 R. Devreesse, " Les Instructions Catechitiques de Theodore de Mop-
sueste," Revue des Sciences Religieuses 13 (1933), 425-436.
Introduction 3
Lietzmann has drawn up the order of the Mass described by Theo

dore, comparing this Liturgy with other earlier, contemporary, and
later Liturgies.9
Little, however, has been written of the Eucharistic doctrine ex
plained in Theodore's mystagogical catecheses. Hence, it is our
purpose first to examine the doctrine of the Eucharist which Theo
dore teaches his neophytes. To this we wish to add a reproduction
of the Eucharistic Liturgy 10 which he describes and to compare it
with several other related Liturgies.
Such a study of his Eucharistic doctrine seems especially appro
priate. While for the most part the two instructions on the
Eucharist deal with an explanation of the Liturgy, this explanation
serves as a framework for an exposition likewise of the doctrine
of the Eucharist. As an introduction Theodore offers a brief treat
ment of the Eucharist considered first as the spiritual food of the
faithful and then as a sacrifice. Then, as he describes the various
parts of the liturgical service, he takes the opportunity to explain
the doctrinal matter therein contained. Finally, after commenting
on the Liturgy, he concludes with an instruction concerning the
disposition of soul necessary for participation in the Eucharist and
to this he adds a few words on the Sacrament of Penance.
The Liturgy which Theodore describes is, of course, that in
which his hearers will participate—that is, the Liturgy as cele
brated in the Church of Mopsuestia at the end of the fourth cen
tury. At this time documentary evidence shows that the early
great diversity in the Liturgies had crystallized into at least four
principal types—the Syrian, Alexandrian, Eoman, and Gallican.11
That celebrated by Theodore belongs to the first of the above
types—the Syrian—for the Liturgy of Mopsuestia was the Liturgy
of Antioch, the center of fourth-century Syrian Christianity.
Mopsuestia belonged to the Patriarchate of Antioch, being a suf-
8 H. Lietzmann, Die Liturgie des Theodor von Mopsuestia ( Sonderaus-

gabe aus den Sitzungsberichten der Preussischen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften, Phil.-Hist. Klasse 23 ) .
10 In conformity with the practice of the Eastern Churches, which we are
considering, we shall throughout this work employ the word Liturgy
instead of the word Mass.
11 L. Duchesne, Origines du Culte Chretien (Paris, 1925), 55-57.
fragan of the metropolitan see of Anazarbus, which in turn was a

suffragan of Antioch.12 The Liturgy, then, of Mopsuestia would
be that of Anazarbus and Antioch, for in the matter of Liturgy,
as in other things, as was altogether natural, the use of the mother
church became a law to the daughter churches.13
However, it would be incorrect to expect a complete and de
tailed description of every ceremony and formula of that Liturgy.
Theodore is not writing a book of rubrics nor a sacramentary ;
he is merely teaching the neophytes the Eucharistic doctrine and
acquainting them with the part of the Liturgy which up till then
had been closed to them, instructing them regarding what they
were to do and to say as their participation in the sacred mysteries.
Hence, he explains only the Liturgy of the Faithful, saying
nothing about the Liturgy of the Catechumens with which his
hearers had long been familiar. And even in that second part of
the Liturgy with which he deals, what has no relation to a point
of dogma and what does not pertain to the words and actions of
the congregation he either very briefly mentions or passes over in
complete silence. Thus his description of the ceremonial actions
of the priest and ministers is incomplete in parts, and he gives the
prayers of the celebrant and deacon only in substance.
Yet, in spite of the limitations naturally inherent in the kind of
instruction that he is giving, Theodore has left us an excellent
description of the fourth-century Liturgy of Mopsuestia, i. e. of
Antioch. From his sermons we are able to present an accurate
and nearly complete reproduction of that Liturgy. Then by com
paring his Liturgy with other related Liturgies we can discover its
relation to these other Liturgies, the local peculiarities of the vari
ous Liturgies, and the general characteristics of the Syrian type of
Liturgy.
In our comparative study we have chosen for particular con
sideration the Liturgy described by St. Cyril of Jerusalem in his
fifth mystagogical catechesis, the Clementine Liturgy contained in
12 S. Vailh6, " Anazarbe," Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Gtographie Eccl4-

siastiques 2 (Paris, 1914), 1504-1506.
C. Karalevskij, " Antioche," Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de G4ographie
EccUsiastiques 3 (Paris, 1924), 581-703.
i3 Duchesne, op. cit., 56.
Introduction a
the eighth book of the Apostolic Constitutions, and the Liturgy of

Antioch referred to in the writings of St. John Chrysostom.
The Liturgy of Jerusalem, which St. Cyril describes, belongs to
the same type or family as does that which Theodore describes.
Both are members of the Syrian type of Liturgy. But St. Cyril's
Catechism, given in the year 348, antedates Theodore's by more
than half a century. Hence, in comparing these two Liturgies,
while allowing for local differences, we may trace the development
in liturgical customs of the early Syrian Liturgy.
The Clementine Liturgy in Apostolic Constitutions and the
Antiochian Liturgy of which St. Chrysostom speaks merit special
attention, since they not only belong to the same general type as
does Theodore's Liturgy but also are contemporary with his Liturgy.
Of the Apostolic Constitutions Duchesne says that in regard to
"the ritual it contains and the arrangement of the prayers, their
style and general tenor ... we must recognize in it an exact repre
sentation of the use of the great Churches of Syria, Antioch,
Laodicea, Tyre, Caesarea, and Jerusalem." 14 And in spite of their
name, which claims apostolic authorship, these Apostolic Constitu
tions were actually compiled about the year 380.
Although Chrysostom has left no systematic account of the
Liturgy, F. Probst 15 and F. E. Brightman 16 have reconstructed
through a careful study of the Saint's Antiochian writings the
Liturgy to which he so frequently refers. That Liturgy, then, is
that of the Church of Antioch, the mother church of Theodore's
Church of Mopsuestia. And since Chrysostom was a priest in
Antioch from 386 until his elevation to the bishopric of Constanti
nople in 397, the Antiochian Liturgy to which he refers is contem
porary with that described by Theodore.
While we shall compare Theodore's Liturgy in a special way
with the three above-mentioned Liturgies, we shall also include in
our study the Greek Liturgy of St. James, the Liturgies of St.
Basil and St. John Chrysostom, and the Nestorian Liturgy. Of
these, the Greek Liturgy of St. James is of particular interest,
" Ibid., 65.
ls F. Probst, " Die antiochenische Messe nach den Schriften des hi.
Johannes Chrysostomus dargestellt," ZkTh 7 (1883), 250-303.
" F. E. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western (Oxford, 1896), 1,
470-478.
since it is contemporary with the Liturgy of Theodore and is the

reformed text of that Liturgy which St. Cyril of Jerusalem ex
plains. St. Cyril comments upon the Liturgy of St. James which
had been in use in Jerusalem from the year 136, but at the end of
the fourth and the beginning of the fifth centuries that Liturgy
underwent a change, developing into that which we now know as
the Greek Liturgy of St. James.17 By including this Liturgy, then,
in our study we shall see not only the extent of the change from
the earlier Liturgy of Jerusalem but also the evidences of this
reform in Theodore's Liturgy and in the other late fourth-century
Liturgies.
The Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom represent the Byzantine
Liturgy of the ninth century, and the Nestorian Liturgy is of the
fifth century. In these we shall see the further development of
later centuries, the beginnings of which are frequently found in
the earlier Liturgies. We include the Nestorian Liturgy here,
especially because of the relationship between Theodore and the
Nestorians. They have always held him and his works in high
esteem, so that his influence may have been felt upon this Nestorian
Liturgy. However, it must be noted that the Liturgy which Theo
dore describes has nothing, except possibly some phrases and
words,18 in common with that attributed to him by the Nestorians,
under the title of " Liturgy of Mar Theodore the Interpreter." 19
We shall present an ordered prospectus of Theodore's Eucharistic
doctrine, considering in the first part of our study, the Eeal
Presence, the Eucharist as a Sacrament, and the Eucharist as a
Sacrifice. Then in the second part we shall consider the Eucharistic
Liturgy, presenting a reproduction of the Liturgy of the Faithful
as described by Theodore and comparing it at the same time with
the other above-mentioned Liturgies.
17 Cf. F. Probst, " Die hierosolymitanische Messe nach den Schriften des
hi. Cyrillus," Der Katholik (1884), 1, 142-146.
18 A. RUcker, op. ext., 7 : There is nothing in common " except some
phrases and words which seem to be proper to Theodore, e. g. the very
frequent use of the phrase ' grace of the Holy Spirit.' "
19 The anaphora of Theodore the Interpreter is still used in the East
Syrian Church on certain occasions. Cf. L. Duchesne, op. ext., 72; A.
Fortescue, The Mass—A Study of the Roman Liturgy (New York, 1937),
84-86; F. E. Brightman, "The Anaphora of Theodore," Journal of Theo
logical Studies 31 (1930), 160-164.
Part I
THE EUCHARISTIC DOCTRINE

CHAPTER I
The Eeal Presence of Christ in the Eucharist
1.
THE FACT OF THE REAL PRESENCE
A Criticism or Mingana's Tbanslation
Theodore's Use of the Tebms " Signs and Symbols "
As fundamental to our study of the Eucharistic doctrine ex
plained by Theodore of Mopsuestia we must first examine his
teaching regarding the Eeal Presence of Christ in the Eucharist.
We find that without a doubt he believes and teaches that the Body
and Blood of Jesus Christ are really present under the appearances
of bread and wine. He explicitly denies a merely symbolic presence
at the very outset when he says :
It is with justice, therefore, that when He gave the bread He did not say:
" This is the symbol of my body," but : " This is my body " : likewise when
He gave the cup He did not say : " This is the symbol of my blood " but :
"This is my blood," because He wished us to look upon the (elements)
after their reception of grace and the coming of the Spirit, not according
to their nature but to receive them as if they were the body and the blood
of Our Lord.1
His words, " as if they were the body and blood of our Lord "
might tend to cast some suspicion upon even such an explicit testi
mony for the Eeal Presence. A. Eiicker translates the passage in
this way: "Quia voluit (nos) ea (oblata) . . . non amplius secun
dum naturam aspicere, sed ita suscipere, ut sunt corpus et sanguis
Domini." 2 The 'a(y)k de of the Syriac text 'a(y)k de pagra 'ennon
wa de ma 8 here can be just as well translated by the English as if
as by the Latin ut as far as grammatical construction is concerned.
1 A. Mingana, Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Lord's
Prayer and on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist, 75.
' A. Riicker, " Ritus Baptismi et Missae quern descripsit Theodorus
Mopsuestenus in Sermonibus Catecheticis," 19.
' Mingana, 210.
9
But certainly Theodore intends it to express not an unreal but a

real condition. On at least two other occasions he uses the same
term 'a(y)k de where the context of the passage permits only a real
condition. Thus when he explains that the deacon's admonition to
" look at the oblation " " exhorts every one to look at the sacrifice
as if a public service was about to be performed," 4 he certainly
means that a public service is really about to be performed. Again
at the Communion he says that " you offer (to it) [i. e. to the holy
bread] your prayers as if to Christ our Lord, who is at present so
near to you." 5 Eiicker translates this text thus : " Et ut Domino
nostro Christo, qui nunc prope te est, orationes tuas offers." 6 The
Syriac text 'a(y)k de le maran mesiha mekil dagerib lak 7 (literally:
as to Christ our Lord now present to you) allows no doubt about
the reality of the presence of Christ, for the clause mekil dagerib
lak (now present to you) can only be understood in an absolute
sense; any other meaning than that Christ is really present would
require a different grammatical construction.
Furthermore, in a parallel passage in the Greek fragment of his
commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew Theodore leaves no doubt
about his meaning. There we read:
He [Christ] did not say " This is the symbol of My Body and this of My
Blood," but: " This is My Body and My Blood," teaching us not to consider
the nature of the laid-out things, but through the accomplished thanks
giving they have been changed into flesh and blood.8
Theodore's true meaning, therefore, is abundantly clear; he
means to cast no doubt upon the reality of the presence of the
Body and Blood of Christ in the Eucharist. Riicker's Latin
translation, then, of the passages in question more accurately pre
sents that true meaning than do Mingana's ambiguous as if clauses.9
This conclusion will be substantiated by the following further
references of Theodore to the Beal Presence. Continuing from
4 Mingana, 95. * Riicker, op. ext., 37-38.
5 Mingana, 114. 7 Mingana, 254.
8 Theodore of Mopsuestia, In Evangelium Matthaei Commentarii Frag-
menta (PG 66, 713).
9 The German translation of Hans Lietzmann, Die Liturgie des Theodor
von Mopsuestia, 10: " dass sie erscheinen (<t>avw<ri) wahrhaftig als Leib
und Blut ..." is even stronger in presenting Theodore's meaning.
The Real Presence of Christ in the Eucharist 11
the words " to receive them as if they were the body and the blood
of Our Lord," he explains : 10
We ought . . . not to regard the elements merely as bread and cup, but as
the body and the blood of Christ. . . . This is the reason why He said:
" I am the bread which came down from heaven," 11 and " I am the bread
of life " ; 12 and to show them what was that which He called bread, He
said : " And the bread that I will give is my flesh which I will give for
the life of the world." ls
Later, in speaking of the Eucharistic Sacrifice, Theodore im

plies the Eeal Presence of Christ on the altar. No longer are
offered " numerous and different sacrifices of oxen, goats and
sheep " as in the Old Testament, but the priests of the New Testa
ment " immolate the same sacrifice always and everywhere, be
cause one is the sacrifice which has been immolated for us, that
of Christ our Lord who suffered death for us." Hence we must
consider " that Christ who is in heaven and who died for us, rose
and ascended into heaven and is now being immolated." 14
According to Theodore, the change of the bread and wine into
the Body and Blood of Christ is effected by the calling down of the
Holy Spirit upon the oblation.15 Hence, very naturally his explana
tion of this Epiclesis is an outspoken testimony for the substantial
change of the elements and for the Eeal Presence. He says that
the priest prays
to God that the Holy Spirit may descend, and that grace may come there
from upon the bread and wine that are laid (on the altar) so that they
may be seen to be truly the body and the blood of our Lord. And we
hold them [the elements of bread and wine] to be henceforth immortal,
incorruptible, impassible, and immutable by nature, as the body of our
Lord was after the resurrection.10
After the explanation of the Epiclesis, Theodore's commentary

is replete with testimony for Christ's presence on the altar. His
remarks on each of the succeeding ceremonies all witness to this
doctrine. Having broken the " holy bread," the priest
10 Mingana, 76
11 John 6: 41. Mingana, 83.
11 John 6: 48. ; Cf. below p. 16.
"John 6: 51. Mingana, 104.
with the bread makes the sign of the Cross over the blood, and with the
blood over the bread ... in order to reveal to all that . . . they are the
remembrance of the death and the Passion that affected the body of our
Lord, when His blood was shed on the cross for us all.17
Each one of us takes a small portion, but we believe that we receive all of
Him in that small portion. It would, indeed, be very strange if the woman,
who had an issue of blood, received Divine gift by touching the border of
His garment, which was not even part of His body but only His garment,
and we did not believe that we receive all of Him in a part of His body.1"
Again he explains that the communicant must be holy "because

this food is holy and immortal, as it is the body and blood of our
Lord." 19 Although the ministers receive the " Divine food " at
the altar while the rest partake at a distance, all receive the same
" because one is the bread and one is the body of Christ our Lord,
into which the element of bread is changed . . . and all of us
partake of the same body and blood." 20
Theodore then instructs his neophytes on the reception of
Communion :
All of us draw nigh unto Christ our Lord . . . who, firstly in the likeness of
a carnal mother, strove to feed us from His body, and secondly placed
before us the elements of bread and cup which are His body and His blood.
. . . Although He comes to us after having divided Himself, all of Him is
nevertheless in every portion ( of the bread ) , and is near to all of us, and
gives Himself to each one of us, in order that we may hold Him and
embrace Him with all our might, and make manifest our love to Him." "
The communicant is instructed to extend his hands to receive " the

body of the King," and " when the priest gives it he says : ' The
body of Christ.'"22 Having received the holy bread, "you offer
adoration " and " you press it ... to your eyes and kiss it, and you
offer (to it) your prayers as if to Christ our Lord, who is at present
so near to you 23 . . . now that you have drawn nigh unto Him and
held Him." 24
Finally, Theodore explains the benefits of participation in the
Eucharist as coming from "the body and blood of our Lord, and
17 Mingana, 105. Cf. Note 19, p. 174 n Mingana, 112.

"Mingana, 107. " Mingana, 113.
"Mingana, 108. " Cf. above p. 10.
"Mingana, 110. " Mingana, 114.
The Eeal Presence of Christ in the Eucharist 13
the grace of the Holy Spirit that is vouchsafed unto us there

from." 25
The Body and Blood of Christ present on the altar and received
by the faithful, Theodore explains, is the glorious Body and Blood
of the Eisen Christ, since the Eucharist is the sacramental food of
immortality.26 He draws this conclusion in his novel exegesis of
the sixth chapter of the Gospel according to St. John. He says
that the Jews murmured and doubted because they thought " it was
impossible to receive immortality from mortal flesh." To this
objection Christ replied (according to Theodore's paraphrase) :
The thing that is being said about my body does not appear now true to
you, but when you see Me rising up from the dead and ascending into
heaven, it will be made manifest (to you) that you were not to think that
what has been said was harsh and unseemly, as the facts themselves will
convince you that I have moved to an immortal nature, because if I were
not in such a nature I would not have ascended into heaven."
Therefore Theodore tells the neophytes that
we hold them [the elements of bread and wine] to be henceforth immortal,
incorruptible, impassible, and immutable by nature, as the body of our
Lord was after the resurrection."8
And he asks,
How can a man who is mortal, corruptible, burdened with sin, be deemed
worthy to take and to receive that body which became immortal and incor
ruptible, which is in heaven, and at the right hand of God, and which
receives honour from all as Lord and King? *•
With such a constant and clear insistence on the presence in the

Eucharist of the real Body and Blood of Christ before us, we need
not be disturbed by Theodore's frequent use of the terms " signs and
symbols." It was noted above how he expressly denies a mere
symbolic presence of Christ in the Eucharist.30 His outspoken
condemnation of the expression " This is the symbol of My Body,"
Batiffol calls the first formal sign of reaction against the use of the
word avrirmov in reference to the Eucharist.31 The expression
** Mingana, 117. 28 Mingana, 104.

'" Cf. below pp. 29, 35-39. 29 Mingana, 111-112.
** Mingana, 75. 80 Cf. above pp. 9-10.
31 P. Batiffol, L'Eucharistie. La Presence R4elle et la Transubstantia
3
diTiTunw troi/iciTos /cai ai/uiTos Xpioroii or some such equivalent phrase

had long been used by the Fathers and still during the fourth cen
tury such terms as figure, antitype, similitude, symbol, were applied
almost universally to the Eucharist.32 No denial of the Eeal Pres
ence, however, was meant, for these words simply signified " sacra
ment." 33 But at the end of the fourth century the Greeks began
to disapprove of the word Wmov, considering it too equivocal.34
An example of this disapproval we find in Theodore's writings, and
thus such opposition to a merely ambiguous word without doubt
offers a further proof of his belief in the Eeal Presence.
Instead of using such ambiguous terms as " sign and symbol "
in speaking of the visible appearances of bread and wine which
remain after the substance of these elements has been changed,
Theodore simply teaches his neophytes " not to look at that which
is visible, but to picture in your mind the nature of this oblation,
which, by the coming of the Holy Spirit, is the body of Christ." 35
Yet, at least once in the course of his commentary he does call the
bread the symbol of the Body of Christ. He says that the sacra
mental bread
is enabled to impart to those who eat it the happiness of immortality . . .
not by its own nature but by the Spirit who is dwelling in it, as the body
of our Lord, of which this one is the symbol, received immortality by the
power of the Spirit.3"
However, in view of his otherwise constant insistence on the Eeal
Presence, the word symbol here can only mean what it meant to
the other Fathers when they called the bread the symbol of the
Body of the Lord—namely, sacrament or visible sign of something
invisible.
There is, then, for Theodore no question of considering the
bread and the wine as mere symbols of the Body and Blood of
Hon. [Etudes d'Histoire et de Theologie Positive, Serie 2, Paris, 1920),
390.
32 Apostolic Constitutions 5, 14, 7 ; 6, 30, 2 ; 7, 25, 4 ( Funk, Didascalia
et Constitutions Apostolorum 1, 273, 381, 412). Cyril of Jerusalem,
Catecheses Mystagogicae 5, 20 (Quasten, Monumenta Eucharistica et
Liturgica Vetustissima, 108).
S3Batiffol, op. cit., 389. 36 Mingana, 113.
34 Ibid., 390. 36 Mingana, 77. Italics are mine.
Christ; these elements are substantially changed into His Body

and Blood. When he uses the words " sign " or " symbol," he
speaks not of the elements of bread and wine but of the Eucharist
itself. He considers the Eucharist the symbol of what he calls the
spiritual food of the next world, i. e. the symbol of " the grace of
the Spirit whereby you will remain immortal in your bodies and
immutable in your souls." 37 Thus he says :
When, at the resurrection, we have become immortal and received the
heavenly abode . . . immortality, which we shall then assume, will main
tain us in our existence by the power of grace, as with food. . . . We
receive at present, in the form of an earnest, the firstfruits of the grace of
the Holy Spirit, which will then be given to us, as we expect to receive it
fully in the next world through the resurrection. It is only after its
reception that we hope to become immortal and immutable, and it behoves
us now to eat symbolically, by the grace of the Holy Spirit, a food suitable
to the present life.88
Again, he calls the Eucharist the symbol or figure of the sacrifice

of Christ:
It is a sacrifice, but not a new one and one that (the priest) performs as
his, but it is a remembrance of that other real sacrifice ( of Christ ) . Be
cause the priest performs things found in heaven through symbols and
signs, it is necessary that his sacrifice also should be as their image and
that he should represent a likeness of the service of heaven.39
The priest ... is representing His [Christ's] image . . . because he
performs the figure of the service of the ineffable sacrifice (of Christ), and
through this figure he dimly represents the image of the unspeakable
heavenly things and of the supernatural and incorporeal hosts.40
The ministry of the Sacrament contains an image of the ineffable
Economy of Christ our Lord, in which we receive the vision and the shadow
of the happenings that took place.41
We shall consider these points of Theodore's teaching more in

detail in the two following chapters.42 Here it is sufficient to note
that they in no way are contrary to his doctrine of the Eeal
Presence of Christ under the appearances of bread and wine.
Mingana, 71. Mingana, 83.

Mingana, 72. Mingana, 85.
Mingana, 79. Cf. below pp. 36-39, 56-57.
2.
THE EPICLESIS
The " Fobm " of the Eucharibtic Consecration
The question now arises regarding what, according to Theodore
of Mopsuestia, effects the substantial change of the bread and wine
into the Lord's Body and Blood. Our discussion of the Keal Pres
ence has already supplied us with the answer to this question, for
he scarcely ever mentions the Beal Presence without adding the
explanation "through the coming of the Holy Spirit." It is cer
tainly and clearly Theodore's belief and teaching that the tran-
substantiation is effected by the calling down of the Holy Spirit
upon the oblation, i. e. by the Epiclesis of the Holy Spirit.
This testimony of Theodore is of the greatest importance for the
much-discussed question of the moment or "form" of the tran-
substantiation. Until the eighth century, it is true, there was no
real discussion of the actual moment of consecration, but much
earlier than that the primitive custom of regarding the whole
Anaphora as the consecratory prayer had undergone some change.
From the very beginning, we may suppose, Christ was believed to
play the principle role in the act of consecration, since Christ was
considered the principal priest, who continues to sacrifice Himself
through the ministry of the visible priest. Hence, the words with
which He instituted the Eucharist had a prominent place in the
Anaphora or the transubstantiation was considered accomplished by
calling down the Logos upon the bread and wine. Whether, for
example, Justin and Irenaeus in the second century spoke of an
Epiclesis of the Logos or of the Words of Institution, they neverthe
less considered the change of the bread and wine as the work of
Christ.43
Towards the end of the third century, however, the Orientals
began to show a tendency to conceive the " sanctification " of the
"Justin, Apologia 1, 66 (J. Quasten, Monumenta Eucharistica et Litur-

gica Vetustissima, 18) : KoJ tt)v di evxvs \6yov tov Trap' avrov eix&pwniSeiaap
rpo<fii)v . . . 'lrjaov Kal adpKa Kal alp.a ediddxSrjfiev eivai.
Irenaeus, contra Haereses 5, 2, 3 (PQ- 7, 1125) : Tb KeKpapAvov irorrjpiov
Kal i yeyovin apros eTriSe'xeroi riv \6yov tov Qeov, Kal ylverai i) evxapurrla
cwfia Xfuarov.
bread and wine as the work of the Holy Spirit.44 Then in the
middle of the fourth century St. Cyril of Jerusalem offered the
first clear indication of a special intervention of the Holy Spirit in
the transubstantiation.45 St. John Chrysostom, shortly after, simi
larly spoke of the work of the Holy Spirit,46 but at the same time
he upheld the consecratory power of the Words of Institution.47
There are various opinions regarding the meaning of these words
of St. Cyril and St. John Chrysostom. Batiffol considers Cyril as
a witness for the Epiclesis of the Holy Spirit as the "form" of
consecration ; 48 Salaville does not agree to this.49 Probst thinks
that in the Liturgy of Jerusalem the Words of Institution effect
the transubstantiation, but the Epiclesis " perfects the sacrifice "
in such a way that both the action of the Son and that of the Holy
Spirit are united in producing the one effect, which is the central
point of the whole Christian worship.50
According to Salaville, the testimony of Chrysostom shows the
latter half of the fourth century to be a time of synthesis in regard
to the consecratory power of the Words of Institution and of the
Epiclesis of the Holy Spirit, a time of coordination of the two
44 Didascalia 6, 21, 2 (Funk, Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum 1,

370) : Oratio per sanctum spiritum suscipitur et gratiarum actio per
sanctum spiritum sanctificatur.
6, 22, 2 (Ibid., 376) : Vos vero secundum evangelium et secundum
sancti spiritus virtutem ... ad deum preces indesinenter offerte, et earn
quae secundum regalis corporis Christi est acceptam eucharistiam offerte
. . . panem mundum praeponentes, qui per ignem factus est et per invoca-
tionem sanctificatur.
45 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses Mystigogicae 5, 7 ( Quasten, Monumenta
Eucharistica et Liturgica Vetustissima, 101 ) . Cf. below p. 1 16.
48 John Chrysostom, de Sacerdotio 3, 4 (PG 48, 642), de s. Pentecoste 1,
4 (PG 50, 459), in Coemetarii Appelatione 3 (PG 49, 397-398). Cf. below
pp. 117, 119.
47 John Chrysostom, de proditione Judae 1, 6 (PG 49, 380). Cf. below
pp. 115, 117.
48 Batiffol, op. cit., 377-378.
49 S. Salaville, " Epiclese Eucharistique," Dictionnaire de Thiologie Catho-
lique 5, 238-239.
80 F. Probst, " Die hierosolymitanische Messe nach den Schriften des hi.
Cyrillus," Der Katholik (1884), 1, 258-260. Cf. Probst, Liturgie der drei
ersten Jahrhunderte (Tubingen, 1870), 398-402.
views regarding the "form" of the Eucharistic consecration.51

E. Bishop similarly holds that Chrysostom represents a time of
transition. He says:
The new devotional interests and ideas of the time naturally find expres
sion in the words of the popular preacher; and St. John Chrysostom aptly
represents a time of transition from the statements and sentiments of
earlier and simpler days when curiosity as to the moment (or "form")
of eucharistic consecration was hardly, if at all, felt, to the clear concep
tion of such " form " that finds expression in the Eastern Liturgies.52
Probst thinks that Chrysostom ascribes the transubstantiation to

the Words of Institution. He points out that when Chrysostom
speaks of calling down the Holy Spirit nowhere does he add " that
He [the Holy Spirit] may make the bread and Body of Christ and
the wine the Blood of Christ." Eather the purpose of the Epiclesis
is expressed by Chrysostom in these words : " He [the priest] makes
supplication for a long time . . . that grace, descending upon the
sacrifice, may thereby enlighten the souls of all and render them
more resplendent than silver purified by fire." 53 Probst explains :
Therefore the Holy Spirit effects the enkindling and cleansing of souls
through His coming down upon the sacrifice. . . . He also works on the
sacrifice in order to communicate to it the gift of sanctification and thus
through this to sanctify souls.54
According to this explanation, then, the Epiclesis of which Chry
sostom speaks seems rather to correspond to the Invocation of the
Holy Spirit upon the congregation.55
It is for the evaluation of the merits of these conflicting opinions
that Theodore's testimony is so valuable. Chronologically he be
longs to the period represented by Cyril of Jerusalem and John
Chrysostom. But he does not show it to be a time of transition or
synthesis in the question of what effects the transubstantiation.
Nor does he ascribe the change of the bread and wine to the power
51 Salaville, op. ext., 238.
52 E. Bishop, Appendix to R. H. Connolly, The Liturgical Homilies of
Narsai (Texts and Studies 8, 1), 143.
53 St. John Chrysostom, de Sacerdotio 3, 4 (PG 48, 642).
54 F. Probst, " Die antiochenische Messe nach den Schriften des hi.
Johannes Chrysostomus dargestellt," ZkTh 7, 291-293.
55 Cf. below pp. 143-146.
of the Words of Institution. Bather he clearly teaches that the

bread and wine become the Body and Blood of Christ by the coming
of the Holy Spirit upon them.
He speaks of Christ's Words of Institution only to prove from
them the doctrine of the Beal Presence,56 never suggesting that
they possess any consecratory power in the celebration of the
Eucharistic Liturgy. And when explaining the Liturgy he makes
no mention of these words but merely indicates in his summary of
the prayers after the Sanctus the fact of the Institution.57 How
ever, throughout his commentary he insists upon the power of the
Epiclesis of the Holy Spirit. Thus he says:
We ought . . . not to regard the elements merely as bread and cup, but
as the body and the blood of Christ, into which they were so transformed by
the descent of the Holy Spirit.68
Those who have been chosen as the priests of the New Testament are
believed to perform sacramentally, by the descent of the Holy Spirit . . .
these things which we believe that Christ our Lord performed and will
perform in reality.69
One is the bread and one is the body of Christ our Lord, into which the
element of bread is changed; and it receives this great change from one
descent of the Holy Spirit.60
It is indeed offered so that by the coming of the Holy Spirit it should
become that which it is said to be: the body and the blood of Christ.61
Picture in your mind the nature of this oblation, which, by the coming of
the Holy Spirit, is the body of Christ.62
At first it is laid upon the altar as a mere bread and wine mixed with
water; but by the coming of the Holy Spirit it is transformed into body
and blood, and thus it is changed into the power of a spiritual and im
mortal nourishment.63
Theodore's explanation of the consecratory power of the Epiclesis
is most interesting. The development of his argument seems to be
in the following manner. The grace of God, or the grace of the
Holy Spirit, is the real food which will sustain men in immortality
after the resurrection. He says :
66 Cf. above p. 9. 60 Mingana, 110.

67 Cf. below pp. 114, 135. 61 Mingana, 111.
"Mingana, 86. 68 Mingana, 118-119.
Eucharistic Doctrine and Liturgy
When we shall have received the true birth through the resurrection, you
will receive another food that cannot be described with words, and you
will then be clearly fed by the grace of the Spirit whereby you will remain
immortal in your bodies and immutable in your souls."4
Now in the Eucharist the faithful receive the sacramental food
of immortality which sustains them in the new life received through
baptism, which is a symbol of the real new birth which comes
through the resurrection.65 Therefore, Theodore says that through
the sacramental food the communicant is fed " into an immortal
and incorruptible existence, by hope," and is led " steadfastly, and,
in a way that no one can describe, unto the participation in the
future benefits ; " 66 the sacramental bread imparts " to those who
eat it the happiness of immortality" and is capable "of helping
us to assume immortality." 67
This sacramental food Theodore clearly teaches is the real Body
and Blood of Christ,68 but in order that it may be the food of
immortality, i. e., able to confer immortality on others, it must
itself be immortal. Theodore, however, holds that the body which
the Son of God assumed did not receive the gift of immortality
until its resurrection after death. He is particularly clear on this
point in his instructions on the Creed, when he says :
He [God the Word] humbled Himself to such an extent for him [man] as
to become like him, . . . and to assume upon Himself all that which
belonged to the nature of that man. . . . And He perfected him by His
power, so that He did not remove from him the (bodily) death which he
received according to the law of his nature,—but while He was with him
He delivered him by act of grace from (real) death and from the cor
ruption of the grave, and raised him from the dead . . . and trans
ferred him to immortal life, and made him immortal, incorruptible and
immutable.""
He called the man who was assumed His temple while showing that He
Himself was dwelling in that temple, and through His dwelling He clearly
showed us His power when He delivered it (His dwelling) to the destruc
tion of death, according to His desire, and then raised it by the greatness
*1 Mingana, 71.
Cf. below pp. 28-29, 35-39. 67 Mingana, 77.
"" Mingana, 112. 68 Cf. above pp. 9-13.
A. Mingana, Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Nicene
Creed (Woodbrooke Studies 5, Cambridge, 1932), 53.
The Beal Presence of Christ in the Eucharist 21
of His might; and so that it might die He allowed it to suffer according
to its nature while He, as Lord, impeded it from seeing corruption and
from being delivered to dissolution. . . .
What is the meaning of the sentence " and in three days I will raise it
up?" (It means) that when it [this temple—My body] has been de
stroyed I will build it up again and will raise it up at the resurrection
from the dead in a state higher and better than the first; it will not be
then mortal and destroyable in its nature as it is now, but immortal,
indissoluble, impassible, and immutable.70
It was easy and not difficult for God to have made Him at once immortal,
incorruptible and immutable as He became after His resurrection, but
because it was not He alone whom He wished to make immortal and
immutable, but us also who are partakers of His nature, He rightly, and
on account of this association, did not so make the firstfruits of us all in
order that, as the blessed Paul said, " He might have the pre-eminence in
all things." 71
Therefore, because the body of Christ became immortal only at
His resurrection, until then it was incapable of granting immor
tality to others. Theodore explains:
Even the body of our Lord does not possess immortality and the power of
bestowing immortality in its own nature . . . because the nature of the
flesh is not able by itself to grant a gift and a help of this kind. ... At
its resurrection from the dead it . . . became immortal and instrumental
for conferring immortality on others.'2
As we saw above,73 immortality is the gift of the Holy Spirit.
Hence Theodore says that also when Christ's body was made
immortal, this was done by the Holy Spirit :
In order to show from where these things come to Him He [Christ]
added quickly : " It is the Spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth noth
ing," as if He were saying: these things will come to it [His Body] from
the nature of the vivifying Spirit, and it is through Him that it will be
given to it to become immortal and to confer also immortality on others.74
From the foregoing, then, this conclusion follows: In order to
r"Ibid., 84-85.
71 Ibid., 69.
Prayer and on the Sacrament's of Baptism and the Eucharist (Woodbrooke
Studies 6, Cambridge, 1933), 75-76. Cf. above p. 13.
" Cf. above pp. 15, 19-20.
74 Mingana, 75-76.
receive in the Eucharist the Body and Blood of Christ as the food
of immortality, the Body and Blood of the risen Christ, made
immortal by the Holy Spirit, must be received.
Now, according to Theodore, the Eucharistic sacrifice is the
representation of Christ's sacrifice.75 When at the offertory proces
sion the deacons bring the bread and wine to the altar, " they place
it on the holy Altar, for the complete representation of the Passion
so that we may think of Him on the altar, as if He were placed in
the sepulchre, after having received His Passion." 76 Thus at the
offertory Theodore speaks of the bread as " the body which lies on
the altar, and which is holy, awe-inspiring and remote from all
corruption; a body which will shortly rise to an immortal na
ture." 77 It is Theodore's idea that Christ lies on the altar slain
and buried. He compares the linens on the altar to "the linen
clothes of the burial (of our Lord)" and the deacons' fanning the
air above the oblation to the "habit, when the dead body of the
high personages of this world is carried on a bier, that some men
should fan the air above it." 78
In that way the passion, death, and burial of Christ are repre
sented in the Eucharistic sacrifice. His resurrection must next be
reenacted. As Theodore says:
It is necessary, therefore, that our Lord should now rise from the dead by
the power of the things that are taking place [i. e., in the Liturgy] and
that He should spread His grace over us.70
But He adds immediately:
This cannot happen otherwise than by the coming of the grace of the Holy
Spirit, through which the latter had also raised Him previously.80
Therefore, Theodore concludes that the Epiclesis—the prayer of
the priest asking God to send down the Holy Spirit upon the bread
and wine—is necessary in order to re-present Christ's resurrection.
Just as it was the work of the Holy Spirit that raised Christ's body
70 Cf. below pp. 58-60. 76 Mingana, 86. 77 Mingana, 87.
78 Mingana, 86. Cf. A. Rush, Death and Burial in Christian Antiquity
(The Catholic University of America Studies in Christian Antiquity, ed.
by J. Quasten, No. 1), 166.
'0Mingana, 103.
eoLoc. cit. Cf. Woodbrooke Studies 5, 110.
from the dead and made it immortal, so now in the Eucharist it

must be the Holy Spirit who changes the bread and wine into the
risen, immortal Body and Blood of Christ, which is capable of
being the food of immortality, able to confer immortality upon
those who eat it. Theodore's conclusion is the following :
It is with great justice, therefore, that the priest offers . . . prayer and
supplication to God that the Holy Spirit may descend, and that grace may
come therefrom upon the bread and wine that are laid (on the altar) so
that they may be seen to be truly the body and the blood of our Lord,
which are the remembrance of immortality. Indeed, the body of our Lord,
which is from our own nature, was previously mortal by nature, but
through the resurrection it moved to an immortal and immutable nature.
When the priest, therefore, declares them to be the body and blood of
Christ, he clearly reveals that they have so become by the descent of the
Holy Spirit, through whom they have also become immortal, inasmuch as
the body of our Lord, after it was anointed and had received the Spirit,
was clearly seen so to become. In this same way, after the Holy Spirit
has come here also, we believe that the elements of bread and wine have
received a kind of an anointing from the grace that comes upon them, and
we hold them to be henceforth immortal, incorruptible, impassible, and
immutable by nature, as the body of our Lord was after the resurrection.81
If, therefore, the nature of the vivifying Spirit made the body of Our Lord
into what its nature did not possess before, we ought, we also, who have
received the grace of the Holy Spirit through the symbols of the Sacra
ment, not to regard the elements merely as bread and cup, but as the body
and the blood of Christ, into which they were so transformed by the descent
of the Holy Spirit, by whom they become to the partakers of them that
which we believe to happen to the faithful through the body and blood of
our Lord.83
We may summarize Theodore's argument thus :
The Eucharist is the sacramental food of immortality.
This sacramental food of immortality is the real Body and Blood
of Christ.
In order to confer immortality on others this Body and Blood
must be the immortal Body and Blood of the risen Christ.
But immortality is given only by the grace of the vivifying Holy
Spirit.
Only by this grace of the Holy Spirit did the Body of Christ rise
from the dead and become immortal.
81 Mingana, 104. Mingana, 76.
So also in the Eucharistic Liturgy it is necessary that the grace

of the Holy Spirit make the bread and wine the immortal Body
and Blood of Christ, i. e. make the elements capable of feeding unto
immortality.
Therefore the Epiclesis of the Holy Spirit is necessary to change
the bread and wine into Christ's Body and Blood.
Whatever may be thought of his explanation, it is quite clear that
Theodore taught that the Eucharistic consecration is effected by
the calling down of the Holy Spirit upon the oblation. There is
no sign of attempting to coordinate the power of the Words of
Institution and that of the Epiclesis, no evidence of a time of
transition. Therefore, in the light of this clear testimony for the
power of the Epiclesis, it seems entirely reasonable to believe that
Cyril of Jerusalem also ascribes the transubstantiation to the work
of the Holy Spirit, when, omitting any mention of the Words of
Institution in his explanation of the Liturgy, he says : " We beseech
the merciful God to send forth the Holy Spirit upon the laid-out
gifts so that He may make the bread the Body of Christ and the
wine the Blood of Christ." 83 The same may be supposed in the
case of the Clementine Liturgy of Apostolic Constitutions, when
the priest asks God to "send down Thy Holy Spirit upon this
sacrifice . . . that He may show this bread to be the Body of Thy
Christ and this chalice the Blood of Thy Christ." 84
As to St. John Chrysostom, his explicit statement in one place
that the Words of Institution "transform the offerings" and at
other times his references to the calling down of the Holy Spirit
tend to show a yet undetermined doctrine on the question of the
" form " of Eucharistic consecration. Thus Batiffol says : " Con
cerning the process of the change [of the bread and wine] . . . the
doctrine of Chrysostom is recognized as still very imperfect." 85
Perhaps Chrysostom does try to coordinate the power of the Epi
clesis and that of the Words of Institution. Perhaps, then, Probst's
explanation of Chrysostom's idea of the Epiclesis is correct and
may be considered an example of Chrysostom's attempts at this
88 Cf. below p. 116.

85 P. Batiffol, L'Eucharistie, La Presence R4elle et la Transubstantiation,
418.
The Beal Presence of Christ in the Eucharist 25
coordination. But this does not mean that the time in which he
lived was therefore a time of synthesis and transition in the ques
tion of the " form " of consecration. Theodore, Cyril of Jerusalem,
and Apostolic Constitutions show that it was not. Hence we
conclude that while the latter half of the fourth century found the
Epiclesis generally accepted in the East as that which effects the
transubstantiation, Chrysostom's own doctrine on this question was
as yet undetermined.
An objection may be raised against the value of Theodore's
testimony as evidence of the general teaching on the question of
the Epiclesis in this that his argument for the necessity of the
Epiclesis includes such questionable premises as that the body of
Christ became immortal only when it was raised from the dead by
the Holy Spirit and that from the offertory procession to the
Epiclesis Christ lies slain and buried on the altar. First of all,
it must be noted that even though his argument seems somewhat
strange, this does not absolutely argue against the possibility of the
fact of the conseeratory power of the Epiclesis being taught by even
the most exact and orthodox of the Fathers. This may be merely
his own peculiar explanation of the generally accepted doctrine.
In regard to his teaching that immortality was given to Christ's
body only when the Holy Spirit raised it from the dead, this seems
an unwarranted exegesis of the Scriptural texts which Theodore
cites in confirmation of his doctrine.86 It is correct enough in itself
to say that the human body of Christ was mortal, because Christ
suffered a real death on the cross. But Theodore's strong emphasis
on the separation of the divine and human natures of Christ leads
him to speak of these natures in such a way as to suggest also the
notion of two persons. Thus, for example, he says that God the
Son dwelt in the man who was assumed as in His temple ; 87 again
88 Rom. 1:4: He was declared to be the Son of God, by power and by
the Spirit of holiness, from the resurrection from the dead of Jesus Christ
our Lord.
Rom. 8:11: But if the Spirit of Him that raised up Jesus from the
dead dwell in you, He that raised up Christ from the dead shall also
quicken your dead bodies, because of His Spirit that dwelleth in you.
John 6: 63: It is the Spirit that quickeneth; the flesh proflteth nothing.
I give these texts as quoted by Theodore; cf. Mingana, 103-104.
87 Cf. above p. 20.
he compares the unity of the two natures of Christ to the unity of

the Father and the Son or to the unity of husband and wife.88
Hence, when he teaches that the body of Christ was mortal until
its resurrection, there is the danger that he is denying the dogma
that one and the same Jesus Christ our Lord, the incarnate Word
of God, bore the sufferings which He voluntarily took upon Him
self in the flesh.89
Then when he explains that this body of Christ was raised from
the dead and made immortal, he seems to present too close a
parallel to the Nestorian doctrine condemned by St. Cyril of Alex
andria in his ninth Anathema:
If anyone says that the one Lord Jesus Christ was glorified by the spirit,
as using through him the power of another and receiving from him the
power to act against the unclean spirits and to perform divine signs among
men, and does not say that it was rather his own spirit through whom he
performed the divine signs; let him be anathema.90
With regard to Theodore's explanation that the body of Christ
lies slain and buried on the altar from the time of the offertory
procession until the Epiclesis, we must keep in mind that he is thus
describing how the whole Eucharistic sacrifice reenacts Christ's
sacrifice or whole work of redemption. We must not imagine that
he teaches the real presence of Christ's dead body upon the altar,
for he would thus contradict what he otherwise says about Christ's
body having become at His resurrection immortal and immutable
forever. Although he calls the bread " the body which will shortly
rise to an immortal nature," he does not cease to consider the ele
ments on the altar as merely bread and wine until the time of the
Epiclesis.
Furthermore, Theodore is not alone in thus anticipating, as it
88 Woodbrooke Studies 5, 90.

89 Denzinger, Enchiridion Symbolorum, 215:
If anyone says that one is the Word of God who worked miracles and
another is Christ who suffered, or says that God the Word is with Christ
who was born of a woman or is in him as one in another, but not that
one and the same is our Lord Jesus Christ, the Word of God, incarnate
and made man, and that his are both the miracles and the suffering which
he voluntarily took upon himself in the flesh; let such a one be anathema.
">Ibid., 121.
were, the presence of Christ on the altar at the offertory. Baum-

stark notes something similar in the Testamentum Domini. He
says, speaking of the Great Entrance :
It is then from this place that now are solemnly carried the bread and
wine which must be used at the eucharistic celebration. But this cere
mony is not performed without a novel anticipation, this one quite daring:
they hailed the entry of these elements as that of the Lord Himself present
in the Most Blessed Sacrament: us rbv fiaaikia tusv S\av {nrotie£dp.evoi rals
dyye\iKais dopdrws dopv(popovp.evov rd^eaiv.01
We conclude, therefore, that the only really unwarranted or

peculiar point in Theodore's explanation of the Epiclesis is his
considering the body of Christ mortal until its resurrection and his
ascribing this resurrection and the gift of immortality to the work
of the Holy Sprit. If the reason or cause of his doctrine of the
absolute efficacy of the Epiclesis lies in an argument containing
such a premise, we may not readily suppose that Theodore repre
sents the general doctrine of his time which would be taught also
by such witnesses as Cyril of Jerusalem and Apostolic Constitu
tions. But it must first be established that his queer idea is really
the reason or cause of his teaching regarding the Epiclesis. Until
that can be proved, we believe that this idea rather enters only into
his individual explanation of the doctrine generally held at his
time concerning the Epiclesis as the "form" of Eucharistic
consecration.
"A. Baumstark, " Rits et FStes Liturgiques," Mnikon 11, 6 (1934),

484-485.
CHAPTER II
The Eucharist as a Sacrament

l.
THE EUCHARIST AS THE SPIRITUAL FOOD OF THE BAPTIZED
Theodore of Mopsuestia begins his sermons on the Eucharist by
treating of it as the spiritual food of Christians. This is the
logical introduction; he had spoken previously to the neophytes
about Baptism/ that is, about their spiritual birth, and now he
proceeds to instruct them regarding the food which would sustain
them in that spiritual life.
Today, however, I am contemplating to draw you, by the grace of God,
to the nourishment of a bread, the nature of which you must know and
the greatness of which you must learn with accuracy.' After having re
ceived the firstfruits of the Holy Spirit in our participation in the Sacra
ment—firstfruits which we obtain when we are baptized into the second
birth—we believe that, when we receive the communion, we do receive it
for the nourishment and the sustenance of our (spiritual) life.*
This is a spiritual food, a nourishment of the soul.

You send the participation of the Sacrament inside, as not only the body
but also—and even before the body—the soul does the grace of the Holy
Spirit nourish through this awe-inspiring communion.4
Just as he calls Baptism a symbol of that true birth which comes

at the resurrection, so now this food he explains as the symbol of
what he calls the true food of immortality, i. e. the grace of the
Holy Spirit.
When we shall have received the true birth through the resurrection, you
will receive another food . . . and you will then be clearly fed by the grace
of the Spirit whereby you will remain immortal in your bodies and im
mutable in your souls. . . . And because we are now born symbolically
through baptism, in the hope of that other birth which we are expecting,

Prayer and on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist, 16-70.
3 Mingana, 71. 3 Mingana, 115. 'Mingana, 114.
28
The Eucharist as a Sacrament 39
we receive at present, in form of an earnest, the flrstfruits of the grace of
the Holy Spirit which will then he given to us, as we expect to receive it
fully in the next world through the resurrection. ... It behoves us now
to eat symbolically, by the grace of the Holy Spirit, a food suitable to the
present life.5
Thus for Theodore, the Eucharist is the food of immortality.6

Now we symbolically eat the immortal food which is given to us by the
grace of the Holy Spirit whether in symbols or through symbols . . .
[Christ] placed before us the elements of bread and cup which are His
body and His blood through which we eat the food of immortality, and
through which the grace of the Holy Spirit flows unto us and feeds us
into an immortal and incorruptible existence, by hope. . . . [The Eucharis-
tic food] imparts to those who eat it the happiness of immortality . . .
helping us to assume immortality.7
Similarly from the necessity of natural food for natural life

Theodore argues for the necessity of spiritual food—both what
he calls the real food of immortality—the grace of the Holy
Spirit— and the symbolic or sacramental food of immortality—
the Eucharist.
Inasmuch as in this world we exist by two acts: birth and food—in birth
we receive our existence and in feeding ourselves we are enabled to main
tain our existence, as those who are born will surely die if they are short
of food—so also is the case with the next world, in which having been
born of resurrection we shall receive our existence, and having become
immortal, we shall continue to remain in that state.8
In that passage he deals with the so-called real food of immortality;
later, he speaks in like manner of the sacramental bread.
Those who care for their salvation ought to draw nigh and receive the holy
communion, while thinking that as for the sustenance of our present
existence we are by necessity obliged to take food, so also for our future
existence we partake of spiritual food from Divine grace, through the
Economy of Christ.9
As we are sufficiently enabled to maintain ourselves in this [mortal] life,
and to remain in it by necessity through the suitable symbols [i. e., bread
and wine mixed with water] of that spiritual food which shall be ours, let
6 Mingana, 71-22.
8 Cf. above pp. 15, 19-21. 8 Mingana, 72.
'Mingana, 82, 112, 77. 8 Mingana, 117.
4
us think in our minds that it is from this food that we are expecting to
become immortal and remain for ever.10
The need for this sacramental food, however, is only temporary,

for
when our Lord shall come from heaven, and make manifest the future life,
and effect the resurrection of all of us . . . the use of the sacraments and
symbols shall by necessity cease. Since we shall be in the reality itself, we
shall be in no need of visible signs to remind us of the things that shall
take place.11
Theodore's thought is that this Eucharistic food has its source

in the death of Christ, since the new birth of Baptism flows out
from His death. It is only right that the nourishment needed to
sustain that new life should be derived from the same source from
which the life came. Casel has accurately and beautifully cap
tured this idea in his exposition of Theodore's Eucharistic doctrine.
" The life which flows from the death of Christ, nourishes itself
also in His death, i. e., in the Eucharist as the fruit of the cross." 12
To demonstrate his point Theodore uses an example of natural
life.
Every animal is born of another animal and feeds on the body of the
animal that brings it forth, and God has so arranged it at the beginning,
with the creatures, that every animal that brings forth possesses food
suitable to those born of it. In this same way it is necessary for us, who
have symbolically received the grace of God, to receive our food from
where we had our birth, and the death of Christ our Lord, when abolished
by His resurrection, showed to us the birth that will come to us in the
next world through the resurrection. . . . Indeed, it behoves us who have
received a sacramental birth in the death of Christ our Lord, to receive
the sacramental food of immortality in the same death, and to feed our
selves in the future from where we had also received our birth.1*
In substantiation of this argument he adds the words of St. Paul

and of Christ. From St. Paul's doctrine : " As many of us as were
baptized into Christ Jesus were baptized into His death," 14 Theo-
10 Mingana, 74.
11 Mingana, 72.
12 O. Casel, " Neue Zeugnisse fur das Kultmysterium," JL 13, 121.
18 Mingana, 73-74.
"Bom. 6: 3-5.
dore shows how "we receive birth of baptism in the death of

Christ our Lord." 15 Then from the words : " As often as ye eat
this bread and drink this cup, ye do remember the Lord's death
till He come/' 16 he deduces that Paul also witnesses to the recep
tion of the Eucharistic food symbolically in death. Likewise,
according to Theodore, Christ's words, " This is my body which is
broken for you for the remission of sins " and " This is my blood
which is shed for you for the remission of sins " 17 testify to the
same idea of Christ's death as the source of the Eucharistic food.
Even in his preceding sermon, that concerning Baptism, Theodore
cites these words of St. Paul and of Christ, concluding that " from
all this it is clear that both the service and the Communion are in
remembrance of the death and resurrection of Christ." 18
This spiritual food of the Christians, Theodore explains, is the
glorious and risen Body and Blood of Christ. It is unnecessary
to repeat here the numerous passages of his instructions which
testify to this, since this point of his teaching has been made suffi
ciently clear in the foregoing chapter regarding the Eeal Presence.19
Furthermore, in this present chapter nearly every passage drawn
from Theodore's sermons will include as a fundamental conception
the idea that this Eucharistic food is the Body and Blood of the
Lord.
This is particularly the case in his explanation that, though the
holy bread is broken and each communicant receives but a small
portion, each one nevertheless receives the whole Christ.
At the end all the bread is broken, so that all of us who are present may
be able to receive (communion). Each one of us takes a small portion,
but we believe that we receive all of Him in that small portion. It would,
indeed, be very strange if the woman, who had an issue of blood, received
Divine gift by touching the border of His garment, and we did not believe
that we receive all of Him in a part of His body.30
Although He comes to us after having divided Himself, all of Him is never
theless in every portion (of the bread), and is near to all of us, and gives
Himself to each one of us.3l
"Mingana, 73. "I Cor. 11: 26.

" Matt. 26 : 26-28. The first " for the remission of sins " is not found
in this text.
18 Mingana, 20-21. 10 Mingana, 107.
18 Cf. above pp. 9-15. "'Mingana, 112.
He also assures his hearers that

although those who wait at the altar and are appointed for Divine service
draw nigh unto the altar and partake of the Divine food, while the rest
partake of it from a distance, there is nevertheless no distinction in the
food itself, because one is the body of Christ our Lord, into which the ele
ment of bread is changed ; and it receives this great change from one
descent of the Holy Spirit, and all of us partake of it equally, as all of us
are one body of Christ our Lord, and all of lis partake of the same body
and blood.12
2.
THE SACRAMENTAL MATTER AND FORM
Thus far we have considered Theodore's words concerning the
Eucharistic food as the food of the baptized, as the Body and Blood
of Christ. Always he speaks of it as a " symbolical food " or as
"the spiritual food in signs and symbols." By this he means not
that only the symbols of the Lord's Body and Blood are received
but that this spiritual food is on this earth a sacramental food—
that is, a food received in visible signs or symbols under which
the reality is hidden.28 Now we must examine his explanation of
these visible signs of the sacrament, i.e ., his explanation of the
matter of the Eucharist.
He instructs his neophytes thus:
As in this world we take the spiritual food in signs and symbols, it is
necessary that the nature of these signs and symbols should fit our present
condition in which we take the symbolic food.24
These symbols must be suitable to the present life—both to the
life received in the second birth of Baptism and to the life received
in the natural human birth. They are bread and wine mixed with
water.
Theodore explains:
Indeed, He (Our Lord) gave us the bread and the cup because it is with
food and drink that we maintain ourselves in this world. ". . . Because
we sustain ourselves in this life with bread and food, He called Himself
the bread of life that came down from heaven."6

28 Cf. above pp. 13-15, below p. 63. "Mingana, 74, 76.
Bread, then is one of the sacramental signs because it so perfectly

demonstrates the Eucharist as a food necessary to sustain life. But
Theodore offers another argument for the suitability of bread in
this, that since " bread cannot fulfill this function [i. e., sustaining
life] by its nature, but has been enabled to do so by order of God
who imparted this power to it," 26 the idea of the Epiclesis is also
contained under the symbol of bread; and thus we are convinced
"not to doubt that we shall receive immortality by eating the
sacramental bread."27
If it [bread] is capable of sustaining us in this life by a decree of God,
although not possessing this power by nature, how much more will it not
be capable, after it has received the descent of the Holy Spirit, of helping
us to assume immortality.'8
Wine mixed with water is the other sacramental sign, also chosen
by Christ.
(Our Lord) chose, therefore, very fittingly bread as food, and the cup—
whieh consists of wine mixed with water—as drink. The Old Testament
had already taken blood to mean wine : " He gave him to drink the blood
of the grapes," 29 while in another passage it says : " He shall wash his
garments in wine and his clothes in the blood of grapes." 30 That what he
gave was wine He made perfectly clear by saying : " I will not drink hence
forth of the fruit of the vine until I drink it new with you in my Father's
Kingdom." 31
Theodore then goes on to explain that water is mixed with the
wine. First he uses this mixing of water in the cup to show that
wine is used, and then he explains why the water is added.
That what is given to you in the cup by Christ our Lord as a symbol of
His blood is wine, one is able also to see from the fact that it is mixed
with water. This is either due to the fact that it is generally drunk in
this way, or to the fact that having already taken bread it was fitting as a
counterpart of it to take a cup of water—as bread cannot be made without
a mixture of water—or also to the fact that having made use of this
symbol in the birth of baptism we do likewise make use of it for the delight
of the Sacrament of our nourishment."
36 Mingana, 76.
" Mingana, 77. 30 Gen. 49 : 11.
"Loc. cit. 31 Matt. 26: 29. Mingana, 77.
"Deut. 32: 14. "Mingana, 78.
Theodore's reasons for the mixture of water with the wine in

the Eucharist are particularly noteworthy. To the usual explana
tion that this was the general custom of the time he joins two other
reasons. The second of these is especially interesting since it re
calls his previously enuntiated doctrine that the source of the
spiritual life should be also the source of the spiritual nourishment.
As it was necessary to remember the death of our Lord in our participa
tion in the holy Sacrament, as the blessed Paul said, in the same way as
we remember it in the things that take place in baptism, what was neces
sary for us to find in the elements of the gift of the holy baptism, from
which we believe that we symbolically receive the second birth, had also to
be found in the elements of the symbols of the Sacrament.33
Later, in describing the breaking of the bread, Theodore makes

the valuable explanation that these two elements, bread and wine,
are indeed " one in power " and that by means of the two elements
the passion and death of Christ are manifested.
With the bread he [the priest] makes the sign of the Cross over the blood,
and with the blood over the bread, and he unites and joins them together,
in order to reveal to all that although these elements are two, they are
nevertheless one in power, and are the remembrance of the death and the
33 hoc. cit. The idea of a relationship between the use of water in Bap
tism and its use in the Eucharistic sacrifice is not Theodore's alone but
seems to have been widespread. There was the custom of blessing and
giving a chalice of water to the neophytes at the Mass celebrated after
their Baptism, as mentioned by Justin, Apologia I, 65 (Quasten, Monu-
menta Eucharistica et Liturgica Vetustissima, 16) : " i-weira irpoaipiperai t<?
irpoeorwri twv d8e\<p<5v fipros «oi irorrjpiov Cdaros Kal Kpi/iaras." Hippolyte,
speaking of this chalice of water, stresses its relationship to the water of
Baptism. Traditio Apostolica 74 (112, 16 Hauler): " Aquam vero in
oblationem in indicium lavacri, ut et interior homo, quod est animale,
similia consequa[n]tur sicut et corpus." This idea of an interior cleans
ing is likewise evident in the blessing of the chalice of water recorded in
the Leonine Sacramentary ( 25 Feltoe ) : " Benedic Domine et has tuas
creaturas fontis, mellis, et lactis et pota famulos tuos ex hoc fonte aquae
vitae perennis. ..." The Testamentum Domini Nostri Jesu Christi II,
10 (133, ed. Rahmani) explains the water mixed with the wine as sig
nifying a cleansing of the interior man: " Calix vero miscetur vino cum
aqua mixto ad significandum sanguinem et aquam lavacri, ut et homo
interior, qui spiritualis est, mereatur ea, quae sunt similia, quemadmodum
et corpus."
Passion that affected the body of our Lord, when His blood was shed on
the Cross for us all. . . . We place both of them on the altar, in order
to refer to happenings that took place afore, and to show that both of them
are one in power, as they belong to the one person who received the
Passion, that is to say to the flesh of our Lord, from which blood was also
shed. ... It is customary to throw the vivifying bread into the chalice in
order to show that they are not separable, that they are one in power,
and that they vouchsafe the same grace to those who receive them.84
Thus Theodore speaks of the matter of the Eucharist or of

the visible signs of the spiritual food. Eegarding that which
changes these elements of bread and wine into the Body and Blood
of Christ—that is, regarding the form of this sacrament—we need
only recall what was said above in the preceding chapter.35 Accord
ing to Theodore, the Epiclesis of the Holy Spirit upon the bread
and wine effect that change.
He [our Lord] called the bread " body " and the cup " blood," . . . because
He wished us to look upon these (elements) after their reception of grace
and the coming of the Spirit, not according to their nature, but to receive
them as if they were the body and the blood of our Lord."
3.
THE FOOD OF IMMORTALITY
Athanasia and Aphtharsia as Effects of the Eucharist
We have seen above that Theodore considers the Eucharist as the
spiritual food of the soul, the food of immortality, " through which
the grace of the Holy Spirit flows unto us and feeds us into an
immortal and incorruptible existence, by hope." 37 Nourishing the
soul, sustaining that new life received in Baptism, which is a
symbol of the other real rebirth into immortality, and so main
taining the soul in that foretaste of the immortal life—such is the
principal effect of the sacrament of the Eucharist.
This is the constant thought of Theodore, recurring again and
again in his instructions. To eat the spiritual food is to nourish
the hope for the future benefits, to open the way toward those bene-
"Mingana, 105-106. 88 Mingana, 74-75. Italics are mine.

•« Cf. above pp. 16-27. 87 Cf. above pp. 15, 19-21, 28-29.
fits, to receive already the first fruits of the grace of the Holy
Spirit as a pledge of that immortal existence to be attained after
the resurrection.
We receive at present, in form of an earnest, the firstfruits of the grace of
the Holy Spirit, which will then be given to us, as we expect to receive it
fully in the next world through the resurrection.38
We shall receive immortality by eating the sacramental bread. ... It is
enabled to impart to those who eat it the happiness of immortality . . .
[and is] capable, after it has received the descent of the Holy Spirit, of
helping us to assume immortality.3"
It is with great justice . . . that he gave us this Sacrament which is
capable of leading us efficiently to those [future] benefits.40
[Christ] placed before us the elements of bread and cup which are His
body and His blood through which we eat the food of immortality, and
through which the grace of the Holy Spirit flows unto us and feeds us into
an immortal and incorruptible existence, by hope, in a way that no one can
describe, unto the participation in the future benefits, when we shall really
feed ourselves from the grace of the Holy Spirit, without signs and sym
bols, and shall become completely immortal, incorruptible, and unchangeable
by nature.41
It will be noticed that Theodore distinguishes this Eucharistic

food from that which he considers the real food if immortality;
this food is a " symbolic " or sacramental nourishment which leads
to the real immortal existence. How it accomplishes this Theo
dore explains by saying that it leads and feeds the communicant
" by hope "—by a hope that is strengthened through the sacra
mental, liturgical image of the work of redemption and through
the union with Christ in the Communion.
We are necessarily confirmed in the faith of the things revealed to us
through this ministry of the Sacrament, as we are led through it to the
future reality, because it contains an image of the ineffable Economy of
Christ our Lord, in which we receive the vision and the shadow of the
happenings that took place.42
Thereupon Theodore explains how the Liturgy is the image of the

Economy of Christ or the work of salvation, and thus the cause of
our hope for the future benefits which are the fruit of redemption.43
88 Mingana, 72. 40 Mingana, 103. 42 Mingana, 85.
"Mingana, 77. 41 Mingana, 112. "Loo. cit.
Later, he recalls that " we commemorate the death of our Lord

through this awe-inspiring service, and receive the immortal and
spiritual food of the body and blood of our Lord," and concludes
" from these things we derive a hope that is strong enough to lead
us to the participation in the future benefits." 44
This explanation of the source of the Eucharistic food's power
to lead to the future benefits is very clearly summed up in the
following beautiful passage.
It behoves you ... to think well, according to the measure of the great
ness of a gift such as this, what we were and into what we were trans
formed: that we were mortal by nature and we expect to receive immor
tality, that from being corruptible we shall become incorruptible, from
passible impassible, from mutable, forever immutable; and that we shall
be transferred from the evils of the earth to heaven; and that we shall
enjoy all the good and delightful things found in heaven. We have
acquired this hope from the Economy of Christ our Lord, who was
assumed from us. He was the first to receive this change, from Divine
nature, and in this way He became to us the usherer of our participation
in these great things. We strive, therefore, to partake of the Sacrament
because we believe that through symbols, as through unspeakable signs, we
possess, sometime beforehand, the realities themselves, and also because
after having received the firstfruits of the Holy Spirit in our participa
tion in the Sacrament ... we believe that, when we receive the communion
we do receive it for the nourishment and the sustenance of our (spiritual)
life."
Also very clear in this regard is a passage from the sermon on
Baptism.
It is clear that both the service and the communion are in remembrance
of the death and resurrection of Christ, from which arose our hope that
we all expect communion with Him. And we sacramentally perform the
events that took place in connection with Christ our Lord, in order that—
as we have learnt by experience—our communion with Him may strengthen
our hope.40
Mingana, in his prefatory note to Theodore's commentary on
the Lord's Prayer and on the Sacraments of Baptism and the
Eucharist, remarks how for Theodore these sacraments lead to the
future benefits.
"Mingana, 103. "Mingana, 115. ,0 Mingana, 21.

38 Eucharistic Doctrine, and Liturgy
A general note that rings through all Theodore's doctrine about the sacra
ments of baptism and the Eucharist is that what happens in them is a
figure of the reality that will take place in the Kingdom of Heaven, which
God established in the next world. All the benefits which we derive from
baptism and the Eucharist are symbols of the real gifts of God which will
be bestowed upon us in our future life."
In this connection Casel's explanation of Theodore's doctrine

must be noted. The relationship between the sacramental or sym
bolic image and the future reality as found in Theodore are ex
plained by Casel in the following way :
The " future good things " of the faithful are the participation in all the
benefits of Him who was elevated [i. e. Christ at the right hand of the
Father]. These benefits are " future," because they are not yet apparent to
us; but yet they are already real, for the earnest is already given us in
the mystery [i. e., sacrament]. Into this reality of the Economy of Christ
the sacraments lead us. . . . For us the work of salvation will be realized
in true reality after the resurrection of our body, i. e. after the Parousia
of the Lord; now everything appears to us in symbol, which gives us the
" earnest " of the coming glory and thereby offers the certain hope and the
beginning of salvation. ... As Baptism is the symbolic reception of the
new birth, which only at the resurrection will be completely accomplished,
so the participation in the Eucharist gives us in a symbol even now that
immortality which we shall one day obtain in heaven. . . . We are, then,
in the fulfillment of the mysteries already in heaven, i. e., in the Kingdom
of God, when still we are in the twilight of the mysteries.48
Man must come to know in himself Christ's death and resurrection, i. e.
live with Him in the sacrament, in order that he may attain the hope of
and the claim to the future benefits."
We may summarize briefly Theodore's teaching about the Eucha
rist as the food of immortality in the following. The Chris
tian through Baptism has already here on earth begun to live
in some way—Theodore says " symbolically," we may say " sacra-
mentally "—the immortal life which will be his in the next world.
The Eucharist, then, " symbolically " or " sacramentally " feeds the
Christian in order to nourish that foretaste of his future immortal
existence. This nourishment consists in the hope of the future
47 Mingana, XXIII.
48 Casel, " Neue Zeugnisse fur das Kultmysterium," JL 13, 120-122.
'"Ibid., 120.
benefits of salvation, which hope is generated by the sacramental

image of Christ's work of redemption, i. e. His death and resurrec
tion, in which the Christian participates through the sacraments.
4.
THE EUCHARIST AS THE SIGN OF UNITY
The Koinonia of the Faithful with Christ
While spiritual nourishment seems to be the effect of the Eucha
rist to which Theodore gives most attention, there are nevertheless
other effects of this sacrament which he explains. He speaks of the
Eucharist as the sign of the unity of the faithful with Christ and
with one another as well as the means of strengthening that bond.
He, too, expounds St. Paul's doctrine of the Mystical Body of
Christ.
Speaking of the priest's greeting of peace and the people's re
sponse, he first brings up this subject.
Indeed all of us are one body of Christ our Lord and all of us are members
one of another, and the priest only fills the role of a member that is higher
than the other members of the body, such as the eye or the tongue.50
The explanation of the kiss of peace offers him an opportunity to

develop this doctrine.
That which is taking place implies that all of us ought to be one body of
Christ our Lord, to possess towards one another the harmony which is
found between the members of one body. . . . Owing to the fact that we
received one new birth of baptism, through which we are joined as if into
one natural body, and owing to the fact that all of us partake of one
food in which we receive the same flesh and blood and become now
strongly united in the single body of baptism, as the blessed Paul said:
" For we are all partakers of one bread, because the bread is one and we
also being many bodies are one bread " 51 it is right that the rite of giving
peace should be performed before we draw nigh unto the Sacrament and
unto the service, as it is in it that we make our profession of mutual con
cord and love to one another. It is indeed unsuitable to those who fill the
role of members of one ecclesiastical body to consider as an enemy a child
of the faith, who through the same birth drew nigh unto the same body,
so Mingana, 91. "/ Cor. 10: 17.
whom we believe to be like us a member of Christ our Lord, and who

partakes of the same food from the holy communion-table."
Again, as he describes the invocation of the Holy Spirit upon

the people, Theodore explains how this prayer itself includes the
idea of the relationship between the unity of the faithful and the
reception of the Communion.
And the priest prays that the grace of the Holy Spirit may come also on
all those present, in order that as they have been perfected into one body
in the likeness of the second birth, so also they may be knit here as if into
one body by the communion of the flesh of our Lord, and in order that they
may embrace and follow one purpose with concord, peace, and diligence in
good works. . . . We must draw nigh in this way unto the communion of
the Holy Sacrament, and through it we will be united to our head, Christ
our Lord, whose body we believe ourselves to be.65
Finally, Theodore repeats these thoughts, stressing especially the

union of the faithful with Christ, when he speaks of the Com
munion.
All of us partake of It [the holy bread] equally, as all of us are one body
of Christ our Lord, and all of us partake of the same body and blood. As
through the second birth and through the Holy Spirit all of us become one
body of Christ, so also by the one nourishment of the holy Sacrament,
through which the grace of the Holy Spirit feeds us, all of us are in one
fellowship with Christ our Lord.54
Very explicitly, then, he ascribes this union with Christ to the
reception of Communion.
When all of us partake, therefore, of the one body of Christ, and receive
communion with Him through this nourishment, we become one body of
Christ, and from this we receive communion and close union with Him
as (the members) with the head, because: "the bread which we break, is
it not the communion of the body of Christ?"65 (The Apostle) shows
here that by our partaking of these we are united to the body and the
blood of our Lord, and so when we partake of them we remain in com
munion with Him, while we are the body of Christ; and through this
communion we strengthen that which we had received from the second
birth of baptism, by becoming His body.56
« Mingana, 92-93.
"Mingana, 104-105. 65 / Cor. 10: 16.
54 Mingana, 110. "Mingana, 110-111.
5.
HOLINESS AND REMISSION OF VENIAL SINS AS EFFECTS
OF THE EUCHARIST
Still another effect of the Eucharistic food, Theodore points out,
is an increase of holiness in the communicant.
It is right and fit also for you, who were born in baptism of the grace
and the coming of the Holy Spirit, and who have received holiness there
from, to partake of a food similar to it, from the grace and the coming
of the Holy Spirit, in order to confirm and increase the holiness which
has been vouchsafed unto you, and perfect the expected benefits which will
come to us in the next world and through which all of us will be wholly
holy."
Furthermore, he assures his hearers that the reception of this

sacrament not only helps them to avoid sin but also remits venial
sins, provided, of course, that they are sorry for them. " The sins
which come to us," he says, " from human weakness are not capable
of deterring us from the communion of the holy Sacrament." 58
He reminds them that since this is their spiritual food, it is neces
sary for sustaining their spiritual life and therefore for combatting
sin.
As those who live in sins are not to draw nigh unto this communion with
out fear, so also those who care for their salvation ought to draw nigh
and receive the holy Communion, while thinking that as for the sustenance
of our present existence we are by necessity obliged to take food, so also
for our future existence we partake of spiritual food. ... It behoves us,
therefore, neither wholly to abstain from communion nor to go to it
unworthily, but we must strive with all our power after the things that are
right, and after having thus striven we must hasten to receive communion,
well aware that if we devote our life to unworthiness, and sin fearlessly,
and do anything we take fancy to, and are careless of our duty, we shall
eat and drink this food and this beverage which words cannot describe, to
our damnation; but if we are careful of our salvation, and hasten towards
good works and meditate upon them continually in our mind, the sins
that come to us involuntarily from (human) weakness will not injure us;
on the contrary, we will acquire great help from our communion. Indeed,
the body and the blood of our Lord, and the grace of the Holy Spirit that
is vouchsafed unto us therefrom, will strengthen us in doing good works,
" Mingana, 109. M Mingana, 117.

and invigorate our minds, while driving away from us all ungodly thoughts
and surely quenching (the fire) of sins, as long as we have committed
them involuntarily, and they have come to us against our will, from the
weakness of our nature, and we have fallen into them against our desire,
and because of them we have sorrowed intensely and prayed God in great
repentance for our trespasses. The communion of the holy Sacrament will,
without doubt, grant us the remission of trespasses of this kind. . . .
If, therefore, we sin carelessly, it is hard for us to draw nigh unto the holy
Sacrament, but if we do good works with diligence and turn away from
evil works and truly repent of the sins that come to us, we will un
doubtedly obtain the gift of the remission of sins in our reception of the
holy Sacrament, according to the words of Christ our Lord," because while
we were sinners we have been chosen to a penitence, a deliverance and a
salvation that embrace all, solely by the grace of the One who has
called us.60
Then, to illustrate his point, Theodore draws a beautiful com

parison between this Sacrament and the Old Testament account of
the cleansing of the lips of Isaias with a hot coal from the altar.61
There were . . . live coals on the altar: a figure of the Sacrament that was
to be given unto us. A piece of coal is at first dark and cold, but when it
is brought to the fire it becomes luminous and hot. The food of the holy
Sacrament was going to be similar to this: at first it is laid upon the altar
as mere bread and wine mixed with water, but by the coming of the Holy
Spirit it is transformed into body and blood. ... As the Seraph drew
nigh, purified, and forgave all the sins of the prophet, so also we ought
to believe that by participation in the holy Sacrament our trespasses will
be completely wiped out, if we repent and are grieved and afflicted in our
mind for our sins. . . . Because these are words of a repentant man [i. e.
the words of Isaias 6, 5] smitten by his conscience for his sins, while he
was in this state it was given to him to hear the above words. . . . And
if we also strive to act similarly, it is clear and evident that the grace of
the Holy Spirit will vouchsafe unto us help to do good things, and like
fire which consumes thorns, will completely obliterate our sins."
When he speaks of the remission here of " involuntary sins " and
" sins of human weakness," Theodore apparently means the remis-
*»Matt. 26: 26-28; Matt. 9: 13.
""Mingana, 117-118.
61 Isaias 6 : 3-7.
"Mingana, 118-119. Cf. J. E. Eschenbach, Die Auffassung der Stelle
Isaias 6, 6 f. bei den Kirchenvatern und ihre Verwendung in der Liturgie,
1927.
sion of venial sins. This may be concluded from the manner in

which he speaks in the passages quoted above, but especially it is
clear from the fact that after dealing with these " sins of weakness,"
he then turns to the question of " great sins "—i. e. mortal sins—
which prevent a man from receiving Communion.63
These, therefore, are the effects which Theodore ascribes to the
reception of the Body and Blood of the Lord. In conclusion we
must note how he reminds the neophytes that while these benefits
are for all, the amount of good accruing to the communicant is
measured by his own disposition. He says :
The gift of the communion of the Sacrament is thus granted in a general
way to all of us, because all of us are equally in need of it. . . . To par
take of them [the spiritual food and drink] is common to all, but the one
who, through love, faith and good works, shows himself, in the measure of
human capability, to be worthy of them, obtains something more from
them."
6.
THE MINISTER OF THE SACRAMENT
Theodore teaches that an intermediary or minister is necessary
in the Sacrament of the Eucharist ; that minister is the priest.
And the Seraph did not hold the live coal with his hands but with tongs.
This vision demonstrates that the (faithful) should be afraid to draw
nigh unto the Sacrament without an intermediary, and this is the priest,
who, with his hand, gives us the Sacrament and says : " The body of
Christ," while he himself does not believe that he is worthy to hold and
give such things; but in the place of tongs he possesses the spiritual grace,
which he received in his priesthood, and from which he acquired the
confidence for giving such things.""
It is noteworthy that Theodore makes no mention of the deacon

as minister of this Sacrament. He speaks of the deacon only as a
leader in prayer and director of ceremonies—as the " church
crier " 66—and as a minister with the priest or bishop at the
Eucharistic Sacrifice.67 However, we may suppose that the deacon
*» Cf. below pp. 44 ff.

"Mingana, 111. 86 Mingana, 88, 92, 108.
""Mingana, 119. " Cf. below pp. 70-71.
administered the chalice for the reception of communion, as will

be seen later in the consideration of the liturgical ceremony of
Communion.68
7.
Ta ayui tois ayiois
THE PRIMARY REQUISITES FOR COMMUNION
With regard to the question who may receive the Body and Blood
of the Lord, Theodore holds that all who have been baptized and
who are free from grievous sin may partake of the Sacrament. This
teaching naturally flows out from the consideration of the Eucharist
as a food, and therefore as necessary for the sustenance of the life
received in Baptism.69
Only the baptized ones partake of it [this food], those who have received
the firstfruits of the Holy Spirit in the second birth of baptism. ... It
does not behove everyone to partake of it, as it belongs to those who have
been sanctified. This is the reason why when you alone partake of this
food, as men who have received holiness through baptism, you ought to
know the greatness of the gift, and what you had to make you worthy of
this holy food.70
Although venial sins do not necessitate abstinence from Com

munion, mortal sins do. Theodore's doctrine on this point is clear,
when he says:
If a great sin contrary to the commandments, is committed by us ... we
must first induce our conscience with all our power to make haste and
fittingly repent of our sins.71
However, while his words are clear enough regarding the fact that
a person guilty of grievous sin is prohibited from receiving com
munion, in the interpretation of his further explanation we
encounter some difficulty.
Mingana translates the passage in this way :
If a great sin, contrary to the commandments, is committed by us, and if
we do not induce ourselves to turn away from sins of this kind, it behoves
68 Cf. below p. 183. 70 Mingana, 108-109.

69 Cf. above p. 29. "Mingana, 120.
us to refrain always and without reservation from receiving the com
munion, because what utility can come to us from this act if we are seen
to persist in these sins? We must first induce our conscience. ..."
Eiicker, on the other hand, offers this translation :
If a great sin, which breaks the law, is committed by us, we must never
simply abstain from communion nor yield out soul to a separation from
such (mysteries) —what utility would it be to us to do these things, when
we are seen to remain in sins—but we must induce our conscience. ..."
Both, it is seen, present the same principal idea—namely, that

grievous sin prohibits the reception of Communion. But while
Mingana's translation stresses the thought that the guilty person
must refrain from Communion until he has fittingly repented,
Eiicker's stresses the thought that the sinner must repent so that he
will not have to remain away from the Sacrament. Where the
former emphasizes the necessity of repentance, the latter empha
sizes the necessity of Communion. Eiicker, however, seems to
present more accurately Theodore's thought, as a consideration of
the context and a study of the Syriac text will show.
Theodore constantly speaks of the Eucharist as the food of the
faithful and therefore as a necessity for their spiritual life. Imme
diately before the passage under consideration he says that venial
sins do not keep a person from partaking of this necessary food.
Very rightly, then, it would seem that when he brings up the sub
ject of mortal sin, while teaching that these sins do keep a person
from partaking of the Sacrament until they have been forgiven in
the Sacrament of Penance, he would nevertheless strongly urge his
hearers to repent quickly and not to deny themselves their necessary
spiritual food. Such we have seen is the thought expressed by
Riicker's translation.
Also Eiicker's version of this passage is much more faithful to
" Loc. ext.
78 A. Riicker, Ritus Baptismi et Missae quern descripsit Theodorus
Mopsuestenus in Sermonibus Catecheticis (Opuscula et Textus, Series
Liturgica 2, 40 ) : Si peccatum magnum quod legem tollit, a nobis commis-
sum est, numquam simpliciter debemus nos ipsos abstinere a communione,
neque animam nostram separationi concedere a talibus (Mysteriis) —quae
utilitas esset nobis haec facere, cum in peccatis permanere videamur—sed
necesse est conscientiam nostram. . . .
5
the Syriac text.74 First of all, he retains the same sequence of

clauses that is found in the Syriac, while Mingana inverts the
order of the second and third clauses. Secondly, his translation is
more exact. Thus his "numquam simpliciter debemus nos ipsos
abstinere " and not Mingana's " it behoves us to refrain always and
without reservation " is the correct translation. The Syriac com
bination of the expression m'thom la' with the adverb s'hima'ith
can only mean " not merely," so that literally the meaning is
" always not merely " or " never merely "—numquam simpliciter.
Again his " neque animam nostram separationi concedere a talibus
(mysteriis)" is better than the English "and if we do not induce
ourselves to turn away from sins of this kind." Since this clause
according to the Syriac text is the third in the passage and not the
second, the w' 'aphid,' does not repeat the "if" of the first clause
but rather it joins the third to the second clause, presenting a
parallel construction dependent upon the wale'—numquam debemus
nos ipsos abstinere a communione neque animam nostram sepa
rationi concedere a talibus (Mysteriis). The English verb " induce "
supposes a different Syriac verb—nphis instead of nappes. This
latter literally means " persuade," and so Eiicker does well in
translating it by concedere. The object of the preposition men is
simply hale(y)n, the Syriac equivalent of the English plural pro
noun " these." This plural pronoun, then, cannot refer to " sins,"
since the foregoing h'taha' ("If a great sin is committed") is
singular, but it must refer to the plural—'raze', i. e. the holy
Mysteries—at the end of the preceding sentence. Therefore, a
talibus [rather: ab his] (mysteriis) and not from sins of this hind
is the correct translation of Theodore's words.
A literal translation, then, of the Syriac text is:
If a great sin, reprobated by the law is committed by us, it would never
simply be becoming to deny ourselves a partaking nor even that we permit
ourselves a withdrawal from these; for what gain will be ours in doing this
while we appear [= show ourselves, are] abiding in the sins.'6
" Cf. Mingana, 262.

T* For this translation and for the evaluation of the English and Latin
translations in comparison with the Syriac text I am indebted to the Rev.
Patrick W. Skehan, S. T. D., Instructor in Semitic Languages and Litera
tures of the Catholic University of America.
Hence, it is clear how exactly Eiicker has retained the sense of the
Syriac and therefore Theodore's own meaning.
As to the final clause—" because what utility can come to us from
this act if we are seen to persist in these sins "—the " if " should be
" while " ; hence Eiicker's " cum in peccatis permanere videamur "
is correct. Mingana's thought is: what use would Communion be
to one who is in mortal sin ? Eiicker's idea, in accord with the cor
rect thought of the whole passage, is : what use would it be for one
to abstain from Communion, while he remains in mortal sin ? By
this is implied not indeed that even while in mortal sin one should
communicate, but that it is folly to deprive oneself of this necessary
food, as he must while he remains in mortal sin. The sense is more
evident if we rearrange the clause in this way : " because, while we
remain in the sins, what gain will be ours in abstaining from
Communion ? "
Theodore's teaching, then, on the question of Communion for
one who has fallen into grievous sin is the following: Before such
a one may partake of the Eucharistic food, he must make haste and
repent in a fitting way—i.e. through the Sacrament of Penance.79
However, he must not delay this repentance, simply abstaining
from Communion and withdrawing from the holy Mysteries,77 for
it would be folly to remain in sin and thereby deprive himself of
his necessary spiritual food.
The question then presents itself regarding the Communion of
children. Although Theodore says nothing about the children, we
may suppose that he does not exclude them from partaking of the
Sacrament. If he allows the Baptism of children, we may con
clude that he admits them also to the Eucharistic Sacrament;
their new life received in Baptism would require the spiritual food
for its nourishment. However, he is silent on the question of
children's Baptism ; instructing the neophytes who were adults, he
apparently sees no need to treat of this subject. But we have no
reason to believe that he breaks with the general practice of admit
ting children to Baptism and therefore also to Communion.
Furthermore, the Clementine Liturgy of Apostolic Constitutions,
with which Theodore's Liturgy is most closely related, as well as
76 Cf. below pp. 52-54. 77 Cf. below pp. 49-50.

the Liturgy of Testamentum Domini both place the children in the

Communion procession. Apostolic Constitutions say:
Let the bishop partake, then the presbyters, deacons, subdeacons, readers,
singers, and ascetics, and of the women the deaconesses, virgins, and
widows, then the children, and then all the laity in order.'8
And the Testamentum Domini records :
Let the clergy first receive in the following order: the bishop, then the
priests, afterwards the deacons, then the widows, readers, subdeacons
[hypodiaconi], the charismatics, the recently baptized (and) the children.
But the people in this order: the old men, the virgins (or celibates), then
the rest. Of the women first the deaconesses, then the others.79
There is reason to believe that Theodore agrees with these witnesses
for children's Communion.
This conclusion is supported by his apparent supposition that
all who are present at the sacrifice also partake of the Communion.
He says:
The priest prays that the grace of the Holy Spirit may come also on all
those present, in order that . . . they may be knit here as if into one body
by the communion of the flesh of our Lord. ... In this way, all of us
pray God with a pure mind not to receive the communion of the Holy
Spirit for punishment . . . but to be considered worthy to receive (that
communion) .80
Again he says : " All of us hasten to receive the communion." 81
That all present should receive Communion seems to be the
general supposition of all the prayers of the Liturgy as well as of
Theodore's instructions. There is no reference to the practice of
coming to the sacrifice but not communicating, against which prac
tice St. John Chrysostom speaks so strongly.82 Some may think
that Theodore's words : " Not everybody partakes of this food, but
only those who have been sanctified for some time," 83 restrict the
Communion to only certain ones of the faithful. Such, however,
is certainly not his meaning. Indeed, he is explaining the meaning
of the priest's words : " The holy thing to the holies," which demand
"Apostolic Constitutions 8, 13, 14 (Funk 517) ; of. below pp. 161, 163.
Testamentum Domini nostri Jesu Christi 1, 23 (47, ed. Rahmani).
80 Mingana, 104-105. 82 Cf. below p. 185.
81 Mingana, llf). . 83 Mingana, 108.
that the communicant be holy or sanctified. But that holiness or

sanctification is chiefly 84 that of Baptism. Hence he is here teach
ing that only the baptized may partake of this spiritual food, since
only they are holy and sanctified.
He explains the matter thus :
The priest says loudly : " The holy thing to the holies," because this food
is holy and immortal, as it is the body and the blood of our Lord, and is
replete of holiness on account of the Holy Spirit who dwells in it. Not
everybody partakes of this food, but only those who have been sanctified
for some time. This is the reason why only the baptized ones partake of it,
those who have received the firstfruits of the Holy Spirit in the second
birth of baptism, and have been found worthy to receive holiness therefrom.
... It does not behove everyone to partake of it, as it belongs to those
who have been sanctified. This is the reason why . . . you alone partake
of this food, as men who have received holiness through baptism.86
A second passage which might be adduced in attempting to show

that all did not receive is this : " And while everyone of those who
is about to receive the communion is looking, the Church crier
shouts : ' Let us be attentive.' " 86 However, such words need not
necessarily be taken to suppose that not all were about to re
ceive communion, and an argument from them, therefore, would
be extremely weak.
Hence, Theodore seems to have taken for granted that all present
at the sacrifice would also partake of the Communion. However,
it seems logical to suppose that the practice of the Antiochians,
attacked by Chrysostom, also would appear in Mopsuestia. But
either this had not yet occurred in Theodore's time or, if it had, he
makes no reference to it in these instructions.
Supposing that all who were present for the sacrifice also would
communicate, Theodore implies that those who were prevented
from receiving Communion because of grievous sins were not per
mitted to be present at the sacrifice. They were dismissed—or
they withdrew—at the end of the Liturgy of the Catechumens,
84 Theodore also speaks of the communicants' being holy with the holi
ness of good works. Cf. below pp. 50-52.
85 Mingana, 108-109.
" Mingana, 108.
before the beginning of the sacrifice. He alludes to this dismissal 87

when he says :
If a great sin ... is committed by us, we must never simply abstain from
communion nor permit ourselves a withdrawal from the Mysteries . . . but
we must induce our conscience ... to make haste and fittingly repent of
our sins.68
8.
PREPARATION FOR COMMUNION
Eucharist and Penance
We have already seen that Theodore considers Baptism as the
fundamental preparation for Communion.89 He adds also that a
good life lived according to the commandments of God is required
for a fruitful reception of this Sacrament.
To partake of them [the spiritual food and drink] is common to all, but
the one who, through love, faith and good works, shows himself, in the
measure of human capability, to be worthy of them, obtains something
more from them."0
In Baptism the faithful receive the fundamental " holiness " which
makes them worthy of this holy food, but Theodore adds :
You must . . . strengthen in you the gift [i. e. holiness] which has been
bestowed upon you, with good works, so that in doing, in the measure of
"Apostolic Constitutions 8, 9 (Funk 485-489), offers an example of the

dismissal of the penitents, the last of the dismissals at the close of the
Liturgy of the Catechumens. The Nestorian Narsai, in the century after
Theodore, says that not only sinners but even the sick and others unable to
communicate are forbidden to be present for the sacrifice. " Again another
proclamation is made in a different order : ' Let every one that receives not
the Body and the Blood depart from hence ' ; every one that has been
proscribed by the priesthood and forbidden to receive; and at the season
when they (the Mysteries) are offered he may not remain. Whoso has
been forbidden by the canon to receive the Sacrament, it is not even per
mitted to him to stand in the place where the (the Mysteries) are being
offered. He that is sick (and) ailing, and perforce is unable to receive,
he may not even stand in the nave where they (the Mysteries) are being
consecrated." R. H. Connolly, The Liturgical Homilies of Narsai {Texts
and Studies 8, I), 2-3.
88 Cf. above p. 46. 89 Cf. above pp. 44, 49. 90 Mingana, 111.
your power, the works that are worthy of the thing given to you, you
may partake of this food, which would then be fit for you.91
Thus the invocation of the Holy Spirit upon the people is a
preparation for partaking of the Eucharist.92
And the priest prays that the grace of the Holy Spirit may come also on
all those present ... in order also that they may follow one purpose with
concord, peace, and diligence in good works. In this way, all of us pray
God with a pure mind not to receive the communion of the Holy Spirit
for punishment, as if we were divided in our thoughts and bent on dis
unions, bickerings, jealousy and envy, and despising good works, but to be
considered worthy to receive (that communion) because the eye of our
soul looks towards God with concord, peace, diligence in good works, and
purity of mind. We must draw nigh in this way unto the communion of
the Holy Sacrament.83
Theodore continues :
It is . . . clear that not a single man is worthy of partaking of them [the
spiritual food and drink], because how can a man who is mortal, cor
ruptible and burdened with sin, be deemed worthy to take and receive
that body which became immortal and incorruptible, which is in heaven,
and at the right-hand of God, and which receives honour from all as Lord
and King? We have confidence, however, because of the grace of our Lord
who granted these things, and we draw nigh unto them with the best
zeal and diligence which we can possess and produce by ourselves.84
Then he explains further how the faithful can make themselves
as worthy as possible.
We ought ... to endeavor to make ourselves worthy, as much as possible,
of the Sacrament; and we shall be worthy of it if we obey the command
ments of Christ our Lord, who promised afore these and similar benefits to
us, if we strive to turn away from evil things and cleave to good things,
and to reject cruelty and adopt mercy, which brought us benefits such as
these. . . . We become, therefore, worthy of this awe-inspiring Sacrament
if we think of things of which we spoke above; and if we acquire in the
measure of our power, a mind higher than earthly things; and if we
contemplate heavenly things, and think continually that it is in their
hope that we have received this Sacrament.80
"Mingana, 109.
82 Cf. below pp. 143-145. "Mingana, 111-112.
••Mingana, 104-105. "Mingana, 115-116.
He then gives some practical suggestions :

It is fitting for those who always lead an unmarried life to spurn earthly
things and constantly look towards heavenly things. ... It fits such a
one who has drawn nigh unto this Sacrament and has been called to
heaven where there is neither niarriage, or food nor drink, to live, in the
measure of his power, beforehand, while still in this world, according to
that which is congruous to a world in imitation of which he chose to be
unmarried. It is also fitting for the married person not to be tied to the
cares of this world, as through the Sacrament they have received the hope
of the happiness of the world to come in which we shall cast away mar
riage, and—to express myself succinctly—all the affairs of the world. . . .
Because all this world stands in a worldly fashion which will pass away
. . . and because we are expecting the world to come which will remain
eternally, it behoves us all to order our life according to the things of the
next world. This is especially good and suitable to us, who partake of
the food of the Sacrament and look for the things in the hope of which we
participate in the holy communion.9"
Theodore assures his neophytes that although venial or " involun

tary " sins do not deter them from the Sacrament,97 repentance for
such sins should be had in preparation for the Communion.
The body and blood of our Lord . . . will strengthen us ... as long as we
have committed them involuntarily, and they have come to us against our
will, from the weakness of our nature, and we have fallen into them
against our desire, and because of them we have sorrowed intensely and
prayed God in great repentance for our trespasses. ... If we do good
works with diligence and turn away from evil works and truly repent of
the sins that come to us, we will undoubtedly obtain the gift of the
remission of sins in our reception of the holy Sacrament.08
On the other hand, grave sins prohibit the guilty ones from
partaking of the Eucharistic food." Fitting repentance must first
be made in preparation for receiving the Communion; and that
repentance is to be accomplished through the healing power of the
priest—that is, through the Sacrament of Penance. Theodore says :
We must first induce our conscience with all our power to make haste
and fittingly repent of our sins, and not permit any other medicine to
ourselves. Let us know that as God gave to our body, which He made
"Mingana, 116-117. 88 Mingana, 117-118.

"Of. above pp. 41-43. 88 Cf. above pp. 44-47.
passible, medicinal herbs of which the experts make use for our healing, so
also He gave penitence, as a medicine for sins, to our soul, which is
changeable. Regulations for this (penitence) were laid down from the
beginning, and the priests and the experts, who heal and care for the
sinners, bring medicine to the mind of the penitents who are in need,
according to ecclesiastical ordinance and wisdom, which is regulated in
accordance with the measure of the sins. . . .
This is the medicine for the sins, which was established by God and
delivered to the priests of the Church, who in making use of it with
diligence, will heal the afflictions of men.100
Since you are aware of these things, and also of the fact that because God
greatly cares for us gave us penitence and showed us the medicine of
repentance, and established some men, who are the priests, as physicians
of sins, so that, if we receive in this world through them, healing and
forgiveness of sins, we shall be delivered from the judgment to come—it
behoves us to draw nigh unto the priests with great confidence and to
reveal our sins to them, and they with all diligence, pain and love, and
according to the rules laid down above,101 will give healing to sinners.10*
The value of Theodore's sermons is greatly increased by his

reference to the Sacrament of Penance, for few of the early Chris
tian writers give us much information on this subject. He is a
clear witness for the existence of this sacrament and for its neces
sity as a preparation for Communion for those who have fallen into
grievous sin. However, with regard to the actual administration
of the sacrament, he is not so clear. He says that sins are con
fessed to the priests, who then apply this " medicine for sins accord
ing to the ecclesiastical ordinance and wisdom, which is regulated
in accordance with the measure of the sins." 103 The rules to be
followed he draws from the words of St. Paul : " Teach in season
and out of season, reprove, rebuke, and comfort with all long-
suffering and doctrine," 104 and from St. Paul's handling of the
case of the Corinthian who was guilty of incest. After the sinner
has repented, Theodore adds that
100Mingana, 120-121.
101 Mingana, 121-122. The rules for the administration of the Sacrament
of Penance Theodore explains from the words of St. Paul : II Tim. 4:2;
/ Cor. 5: 1-5; // Cor. 2: 6-7; / Cor. 5: 11-13.
102 Mingana, 123. 108 Mingana, 120. 104 // Tim. 4 : 2.
he should be reinstated in the same confidence as that he had before,

because he had been rebuked and had amended his ways, and through
true repentance, had received forgiveness of his sins.105
Then he adds the rule, also from St. Paul's words, that " this cor
rection is not to be given by us to those who are without but to
those who are within "—that is, this sacrament is for only the
baptized.106
The question arises, finally, whether Theodore is speaking of
a public administration of the Sacrament of Penance or of a pri
vate administration. From the little evidence here supplied that
question cannot be satisfactorily answered. The confession of sins
seems to be private, for he says :
They [the priests] will not disclose the things that are not to be disclosed,
but they will keep to themselves the things that have happened, as fits
true and loving fathers, bound to safeguard the shame of their children
while striving to heal their bodies.107
But the rest of the administration of the sacrament appears to be

public, because in his explanation Theodore cites as an example of
the administration of the Sacrament of Penance the case of the
incestuous Corinthian, which was handled in public. The only
point, therefore, in this matter upon which we may reach certainty
is that the sacramental confession of sins is made to a priest and
in secret.
""Mingana, 122.
10" Loc. oit.
'"Mingana, 123.
CHAPTEE III
The Eucharist as a Sacrifice

l.
THE EUCHARIST AS A SACRIFICE IN GENERAL
Although Theodore introduces the Eucharist to his neophytes
first as the food necessary to nourish and sustain their new life
which they received in Baptism, he explains to them also the sacri
ficial aspect of the Eucharist. After he has instructed his hearers
concerning their spiritual food, its nature and greatness, he goes on
to show them how this food is effected; he tells them that this
spiritual nourishment is given them through the performance of a
sacrifice.
Thus Theodore makes the transition from the explanation of the
Eucharistic food to the explanation of the Eucharistic sacrifice:
This is the power of the Sacrament, and these are the symbols and
signs of the Sacrament in its twofold side of eating and drinking. It is
useful now to speak to you, for the sake of your sound teaching, of the
way in which they are effected.
We must first of all realize that we perform a sacrifice of which we eat.
Although we remember the death of our Lord in food and drink, and
although we believe these to be the remembrance of His Passion—because
He said : " This is my body which is broken for you, and this is my blood
which is shed for you "—we nevertheless perform, in their service, a
sacrifice.1
After this clear introduction he repeatedly in the course of his
instruction speaks of the Liturgy, which he is explaining, as a
sacrifice. Explaining the deacon's admonition, " Look at the
oblation," he says:
In this he [the deacon] exhorts everyone to look at the sacrifice, as if
a public service was about to be performed, and a public sacrifice was
about to be immolated, and a public sacrifice was about to be offered for
all. ... It is clear that we call also this service " offering the sacrifice "
and " immolating the sacrifice," because an awe-inspiring sacrifice is being
immolated.'

Prayer and on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist, 78-79.
"Mingana, 95.
55
And, therefore, at the beginning of his explanation of the

Anaphora he says that the priest "offers a sacrifice for the com
munity," and again before the Communion he explains that "the
priest finishes the prayer by imploring that this sacrifice may be
acceptable to God." 3
2.
THE EUCHARISTIC SACRIFICE AS THE RE-PRESENTATION OF
CHRIST'S SACRIFICE
Theodore then proceeds to show why the Eucharist is a sacrifice—
namely, because it is the " remembrance " and " likeness " of the
sacrifice of Christ and in this " likeness " of His sacrifice Christ is
immolated again. He says :
It is indeed evident that it is a sacrifice, but not a new one and one that
(the priest) performs as his, but it is a remembrance of that other real
sacrifice (of Christ).4
It is clear that we call also this service " offering the sacrifice " and
" immolating the sacrifice," because an awe-inspiring sacrifice is being
immolated, and if He is offered to God, " He did this once, when He offered
up Himself " as the blessed Paul says,5 and another time now when ( the
priest) must needs have something to sacrifice. This is the reason why we
call " sacrifice " or " immolating the sacrifice " the likeness of the sacrifice
(of Christ), and this is the reason why the deacon also rightly says before
the offering of the sacrifice: "Look at the sacrifice."*
When we say that Theodore thus calls the Eucharistic sacrifice

the likeness, the image, the remembrance, or the symbol of Christ's
sacrifice, we use the terminology of Mingana's English translation.
The choice of these expressions, however, is unfortunate, for they
fail to express accurately Theodore's real meaning. Theodore re
gards the Eucharistic sacrifice not merely as something like or
similar to the sacrifice of Christ. He rather considers it a re
presentation in a sacramental manner—i. e. under visible signs
which conceal and yet contain the invisible reality—of the one and
only sacrifice of Christ. Casel much more exactly presents Theo
dore's idea by calling the Eucharist das Mysterium or ein objektives
1 Mingana, 99, 108. °Hebr. 9: 14.
4 Mingana, 79. * Mingana, 95.
The Eucharist as a Sacrifice 57
OeddchtnisJ' It is a mystery in that sense in which the Greek

word /xvarrfpiov was used in early Christian literature—in the sense
of sacrament. Thus Mingana also translates at times : " The chil
dren of the Sacrament . . . through this ministry of the Sacrament
. . . the communion of the Sacrament." 8 It is an objective re
membrance, for it is "the full-of-reality symbol of the heavenly
sacrifice ";" it " represents in a sacramental manner the reality of
the work of redemption." 10
This fact that the Eucharistic sacrifice is the commemoration
of Christ's sacrifice forms the foundation for the further explana
tion of the Eucharistic sacrifice. First, since it is the re-presenta
tion of the sacrifice of Christ, the Eucharistic sacrifice must repre
sent a heavenly sacrifice, for Theodore, quoting St. Paul,11 shows
that Christ's sacrifice had to be a heavenly service.
As to Christ our Lord, if He were about to perform His priestly service
on earth, it was necessary that He also should perform this service accord
ing to the Divine law, which was something that harmonised with the
(Mosaic) law; and if He did not perform a priestly service according to
the law, He would not have been a high priest, as He would then be per
forming a priestly service not according to the law of God. Now, how
ever, He performs the priestly service in heaven and not on earth, because
He died, rose, ascended into heaven in order to raise us all up and cause
us to ascend into heaven.1'
Again basing his argument upon St. Paul's Epistle to the
Hebrews, Theodore continues to demonstrate how Christ's sacrifice
is a true sacrifice and a heavenly service. As Casel has pointed
out, " Theodore shows himself here as an expert exegete of the
Epistle to the Hebrews. According to this Epistle the priesthood
of Christ begins on the cross, i. e. in His death from the world,
and is perfected in His exaltation to the right hand of the
Father." 18 Therefore Theodore says :
He [Christ] performs a real high priesthood and offers to God no other
sacrifice than Himself, as He had delivered also Himself to death for all.
7 O. Casel, " Neue Zeugnisse fur das Kultmysterium," JL 13, 109 ff.,
119 ff.
8 Mingana, 82, 85, 105, 111. 11 Hebr. 8: 4-5.
•Casel, op. cit., 121. "Mingana, 80.
10 Ibid., 123. 18 Casel, op. cit., 120.
He was the first to rise from the dead, and He ascended into heaven and
sat at the right hand of God in order to destroy all our adversaries. . . .
The work of a high priest consists in his drawing nigh unto God first and
then in drawing also the others to Him through himself. The blessed
Paul rightly calls Him high priest because He was so in reality, as through
His resurrection He was the first to ascend into heaven and He sat on the
right hand of God, and granted us through himself to be near to God, and
partakers of good things. ... It is of it [heaven] that the Apostle said
that Christ is the minister, as He ascended into heaven and there per
forms service for all of us, so that He might draw us unto Him by all
means, according to His promise. It is for this reason that he said in
another passage that " He is at the right hand of God and making inter
cession for us." 14 He calls " intercession " not a supplication made for us
in words, as this intercession is made in deeds, because through His ascen
sion into heaven He makes intercession for us to God and is anxious that
all of us should ascend into heaven to Him.10
Christ, then, performs His priestly service in heaven, and there
fore His sacrifice has no association with earthly sacrifices. The
priests of the Old Law did " their work among mortal and earthly
men, while He performs His priestly service in immortal and
heavenly things." Hence, the priests of the New Law who offer
the sacrifice which is the commemoration of Christ's sacrifice, can
not be " appointed to do priestly service for earthly things." Their
service must be the re-presentation of heavenly things.16
A second consequence of the fact that the Eucharistic sacrifice
is the commemoration of the sacrifice of Christ, Theodore points
out, is that there is but one sacrifice of the New Law. He says :
This is the reason why they do not immolate at all times new sacrifices
like the priests of the law. These were ordered to offer to God numerous
and different sacrifices of oxen, goats and sheep, and offered new sacrifices
at all times. ... As to the priests of the New Testament they immolate
the same sacrifice always and everywhere, because one is the sacrifice which
has been immolated for us, that of Christ our Lord who suffered death for
us. . . . All of us, everywhere, at all times, and always, observe the com
memoration of that sacrifice.17
Since the Eucharistic sacrifice is the image of Christ's sacrifice,
it follows that the priest who offers the sacrifice represents Christ
and the deacons who assist represent the service of the angels who
14 Rom. 8: 34. Cf. Mingana, 8i.
15 Mingana, 80-81. Mingana, 83.
ministered to the work of redemption. This Theodore explains in

these words :
Because Christ our Lord offered Himself in sacrifice for us and thus
became our high priest in reality, we must think that the priest who
draws night unto the altar is representing His image, not that He offers
himself in sacrifice, any more than he is truly a high priest, but because
he performs the figure of the service of the ineffable sacrifice (of Christ),
and through this figure he dimly represents the image of the unspeakable
heavenly things and of the supernatural and incorporeal hosts. Indeed, all
the invisible hosts did service to that Economy which transcends our words
and which Christ our Lord accomplished for us. [Here Theodore cites
examples of the ministry of the angels in the work of redemption.] ... It
is necessary, therefore, that here also, when this awe-inspiring service is
performed, we should think that the deacons represent an image of the
service of these invisible spirits. . . . Through the priest we picture
Christ our Lord in our mind, as through him we see the One who saved
us and delivered us by the sacrifice of Himself; and through the deacons
who serve the things that take place, we picture in our mind the invisible
hosts who served with that ineffable service.18
Finally, Theodore explains that the Eucharistic sacrifice, in
representing the sacrifice of Christ, reenacts before the eyes of the
faithful His passion, death, and resurrection, and indeed the whole
Economy of Christ, i. e. the entire work of redemption :
As often, therefore, as the service of this awe-inspiring sacrifice is per
formed, which is clearly the likeness of heavenly things . . . we must pic
ture in our mind that we are dimly in heaven, and, through faith, draw
in our imagination the image of heavenly things, while thinking that Christ
who is in heaven, and who died for us, rose and ascended into heaven and
is now being immolated. In contemplating with our eyes, through faith,
the facts that are now being re-enacted: that He is again dying, rising and
ascending into heaven, we shall be led to the vision of the things that had
taken place beforehand on our behalf.19
It [the ministry of the Sacrament] contains an image of the ineffable
Economy of Christ our Lord, in which we receive the vision and the
shadow of the happenings that took place.20
We are performing the remembrance of the sacrifice and death of Christ
our Lord, who for us suffered and rose, is united to Divine nature, is
sitting at the right hand of God, and is in heaven.21
18 Mingana, 83-85. 20 Mingana, 85.

" Mingana, 83. 21 Mingana, 99.
Theodore notes, too, that Christ instituted the Eucharistic sacri

fice to be a commemoration of His death :
We commemorate the death of our Lord through this awe-inspiring ser
vice, and receive the immortal and spiritual food of the body and blood
of our Lord, for the sake of which when our Lord was about to draw
nigh unto His Passion, He instructed His disciples that all of us who
believe in Christ had to receive them and perform them through these
(elements), and in this way to commemorate by stages the death of Christ
our Lord, and obtain therefrom an ineffable nourishment."
Then, in describing the celebration of the Liturgy, he points out

how the various ceremonies represent the different parts of Christ's
work of salvation. He says : " We must also think of Christ being
at one time led and brought to His Passion, and at another time
stretched on the altar to be sacrificed for us." 23
In the first place, the offertory procession represents Christ's
being brought to His Passion. However, Theodore notes that by
this is meant not that the beginning of the Passion is here pic
tured but that the completed Passion is thus represented, so that
Christ is to be thought of as He was in the tomb after His death.
Theodore explains the meaning of the offertory procession thus :
When the offering which is about to be placed (on the altar) is brought
out in the sacred vessels of the paten and the chalice, we must think that
Christ our Lord is being led and brought to His Passion, not, however, by
the Jews . . . but by the invisible hosts of ministry, who are sent to us
and who were also present when the Passion of our Salvation was being
accomplished. . . .
We must think, therefore, that the deacons who now carry the Eucharistic
bread and bring it out for the sacrifice represent the image of the invisible
hosts of ministry, with this difference, that, through their ministry and
in these remembrances, they do not send Christ our Lord to His salvation-
giving Passion. When they bring out (the Eucharistic bread) they place
it on the holy Altar, for the complete representation of the Passion so
that we may think of Him on the altar, as if He were placed in the
sepulchre, after having received His Passion.21
He then shows how the ceremonies of the offertory procession

picture the death and burial of Christ. The linen cloths spread
on the altar represent the linen burial cloths. The ceremony of
"Mingana, 103. 2S Mingana, 85. Mingana, 85-86.
fanning the air above the oblation calls to mind the custom of
fanning the air above the dead body of important people of the
world. All these ceremonies are performed in silence, just as
silence and fear came upon the Apostles when Christ died; in
silence and fear they awaited the resurrection.
It is a peculiar thought of Theodore that thus Christ lies on the
altar slain and buried—" as if He were placed in the sepulchre "—
until the Epiclesis. By this ceremony of the calling down of the
Holy Spirit, then, the resurrection of Christ is represented. The
reason for this idea is Theodore's teaching that Christ's resurrec
tion took place through the coming of the Holy Spirit upon His
dead body. Hence he says:
It ia necessary, therefore, that our Lord should now rise from the dead
by the power of the things which are taking place. . . . This cannot happen
otherwise than by the coming of the grace of the Holy Spirit through
which the latter had also raised him previously.20
At the ceremony of the breaking of the bread Theodore again
recalls the remembrance of the passion and death of the Lord.
Here he shows how the two elements of bread and wine represent
the separation of the Blood from the Body of Christ—thus offering
a clear remembrance of His passion and death.
[The priest] breaks the bread. . . . And with the bread makes the sign of
the Cross over the blood, and with the blood over the bread, and he unites
and joins them together, in order to reveal to all that although these
elements are two, they are nevertheless one in power, and are the re
membrance of the death and the Passion that affected the body of our
Lord, when His blood was shed on the Cross for us all. When the priest
makes the sign of the Cross over them he unites them and joins them
together, because the human body is one with its blood, and where the body
is there also is the blood; and from whatsoever slit or cut, whether large
or small, that is made in it, blood will necessarily flow according to the
size of the cut. The body of our Lord was so constituted before His
Passion, and much blood must necessarily have been shed from it by the
wounds of the crucifixion.211
The breaking of the bread, he explains, is also a remembrance of
the appearance of Christ to His followers after the resurrection
when He showed them that He had risen, thus announcing to them
" Mingana, 103. 2" Mingana, 105.

6
their own future participation with Him in the benefits of eternal

life.
The priest does not break the bread to no purpose, but in remembrance of
Christ our Lord, who after His resurrection from the dead appeared to all
His followers. . . . His aim in this was to show Himself to them that He
had risen, and by His resurrection He revealed and announced to them
that they also will participate with Him in those great benefits with
which He greeted them, and He thus prepared them to rejoice in the
expectation of the future good things. . . . For these reasons it is with
justice that now also the priest does the same thing after the service has
come to a complete end . . . and the remembrance of the death and resur
rection has been accomplished.
He [the priest] breaks the bread ... so that He [Our Lord] might draw
all to Him; and (in the present case) so that they may embrace the good
thing that was made manifest to them, and worship Him. . . They think
in their minds, while eating the holy bread, that they also are receiving an
ineffable communion with Him."
3.
THE EUCHARIST AS THE DRAMA OF THE WORK OF REDEMPTION
The Sacramental Participation in the Future Benefits
The Eucharistic sacrifice, according to Theodore, is clearly the
re-presentation of the sacrifice of Christ, but Christ's sacrifice is
simply His whole work of redemption. As Casel says :
Theodore places the priestly service of Christ clearly equivalent to the
Economy, i. e. to Christ's whole work of redemption, and especially to His
sacrificial offering in death which led to His exaltation at the right hand
of God.28
And this sacrifice of Christ, this work of redemption, is—and must
be, as we saw above 29—a heavenly service ; it began on earth but is
perfected in heaven.
Hence, the work of redemption is reenaeted before the faithful ;
the heavenly sacrifice of Christ is made present to them. This is
done indeed in a symbolical or sacramental manner—the Eucharis-
27 Mingana, 106-107.
28 Casel, " Neue Zeugnisse fur das Kultmysterium," JL 13, 121.
29 Cf. above pp. 57-58.
tic sacrifice is a likeness or image of Christ's sacrifice performed on

earth. But through this sacramental likeness the Christians see
what Christ has done for them and are indeed lifted up to heaven
itself, sharing as they do in His heavenly service. They can be
said to be symbolically or sacramentally enjoying the benefits of
redemption. And since the full accomplishment of redemption
takes place only in heaven, they are symbolically or sacramentally
already in heaven.
This idea, then, of the Eucharistic sacrifice completes and ex
plains what we have seen above to be Theodore's teaching regarding
the Eucharistic food.30 He calls the Eucharist the sacramental food
of immortality, because by receiving it the faithful are nourished
in the foretaste of the immortal life, which they will enjoy in full
reality in heaven. They are nourished, he explains, by hope—that
is, by the hope of the future benefits—and that hope is generated
and strengthened through the liturgical image of the work of . re
demption—i. e. through the Eucharistic sacrifice. That sacrifice is
the image of the Economy of Christ and therefore the source of the
hope by which they are led into the future reality. Participating
in this re-presentation of Christ's sacrifice and partaking through
the Communion of this sacrifice, they are already sacramentally
enjoying the benefits of redemption, thus being nourished by the
hope of enjoying these future benefits in reality.
It will be useful to quote Theodore's own words in this matter :
As to us who are called to a new covenant ... we received salvation and
deliverance in hope. . . . We walk by faith and not by sight because we are
not yet in the reality, as we are not yet in the heavenly benefits. . . .
These things, however, we expect to receive in reality through the resur
rection at the time decreed by God, and now it is only by faith that we
draw nigh unto the first fruits of these good things: to Christ our Lord
and the high priest of things that belong to us. We are ordered to per
form in this world the symbols and signs of the future things so that,
through the service of the Sacrament, we may be like men who enjoy
symbolically the happiness of the heavenly benefits, and thus acquire a
sense of possession and a strong hope of the things for which we look.81
After showing how the Christians receive symbolically or sacra
mentally the new life in baptism and nourish this life by the
sacramental food of immortality, Theodore continues :
30 Cf. above pp. 35-39. Mingana, 81-82.
It follows that a role of a high priest must needs be filled, and it is found
in those who are appointed for the service of these symbols. Those who
have been chosen as priests of the New Testament are believed to perform
sacramentally by the descent of the Holy Spirit, and for the confirmation
and admonition of the children of the Sacrament, these things which we
believe that Christ our Lord performed and will perform in reality.82
Casel notes that in the final words of this passage Theodore
teaches that " the Parousia also is anticipated in the Mystery." 33
The faithful see in the Eucharistic sacrifice the image of the whole
work of redemption; participating in it and partaking of it they
are given the hope of one day enjoying the benefits of redemption
in reality. That happiness, though, will be theirs only after the
second coming of Christ. Hence, sacramentally enjoying that
happiness now in the Eucharistic sacrifice, they anticipate in this
sacrifice the Parousia ; the second coming of Christ is sacramentally
made present to them.34
Theodore's explanation continues:
As often, therefore, as the service of this awe-inspiring sacrifice is per
formed, which is clearly the likeness of heavenly things and of which,
after it has been perfected, we become worthy to partake through food and
drink, as a true participation in our future benefits—we must picture in
our mind that we are dimly in heaven, and through faith draw in our
imagination the image of heavenly things, while thinking that Christ who
is in heaven and who died for us, rose and ascended into heaven and is
now being immolated. In contemplating with our eyes, through faith, the
facts that are now being re-enacted: that He is again dying, rising and
ascending into heaven, we shall be led to the vision of the things that
had taken place beforehand on our behalf.86
He expresses the same idea, when, later in his explanation of the
Liturgy itself, he speaks of the Institution of the Eucharist. After
explaining that in the Post-Sanctus prayer the priest makes men
tion of Christ's work of redemption, which obtained for mankind
" ineffable benefits " and the promise of " communion with Him
in the happiness of the future benefits," he says :
It is with great justice, therefore, that He gave us this Sacrament which
82 Mingana, 82.
88 Casel, " Neue Zeugnisse fur das Kultmysterium," JL 13, 122.
84 Cf. below p. 68. S0 Mingana, 83.
is capable of leading us efficiently to those benefits, as through it we are
born again in the symbol of baptism, and we commemorate the death of our
Lord through this awe-inspiring service, and receive the immortal and
spiritual food of the body and blood of Our Lord. . . . From these things
we derive a hope that is strong enough to lead us to the participation in
the future benefits.8"
Hence, Theodore calls the Eucharistic sacrifice the " symbol " or
" remembrance " of the great gift of redemption. He explains that
at the very beginning of the Liturgy of the Faithful the priest
offers thanks to the Lord
for the great things which He has provided for the salvation and the
deliverance of men, and for His having given us the knowledge of these
wonderful mysteries which are a remembrance of the ineffable gift which
He bestowed upon us through His Passion, in that He promised to raise
us all from the dead and take us up to heaven.87
Then, describing the greeting of peace, he says :
The priest prays for peace to all because it is he who makes manifest
these great benefits, of which this Divine service, which is the remembrance
of the death of our Lord, is a figure and a symbol.88
Finally, we may see a summary of Theodore's concept of the
Eucharistic sacrifice in the following passage :
Because the things performed for us by Christ our Lord are awe-inspiring,
and because we expect their complete fulfillment in the next world, we
receive them now only by faith, and we proceed gradually in this world in
a way tTiat we are in nothing absent from our faith in them. This being
the case, we are necessarily confirmed in the faith of the things revealed to
us through this ministry of the Sacrament, as we are led through it to the
future reality because it contains an image of the ineffable Economy of
Christ our Lord, in which we receive the vision and the shadow of the
happenings that took place.89
4.
THE EUCHARISTIC SERVICE AS A CHRISTIAN MYSTERY
WORSHIP
From this study of Theodore's doctrine concerning the Eucharis
tic sacrifice it is evident that he considers the Christian worship
"Mingana, 103. Mingana, 90.
87 Mingana, 89. Mingana, 85.
6(5 Eucharistic Doctrine and Liturgy
as a mystery worship. Hanssens, although opposing Casel's teach

ing of the Kultmysterium, has gathered a valuable description of
the Christian mystery worship from Casel's numerous works on
the subject. That description may be reduced to a definition of
the Christian mystery worship as
the execution in and through the Church of the work of redemption once
performed by the " historic " and glorified Christ, but now done under the
veil of symbols. . . . The Church through the mysteries of baptism, con
firmation, and eucharist first becomes associated with the passion of the
Lord, through which He died to sin, and then through death becomes a
participant of the life of the same Lord, by which He lives to God; one
with Him through the cross, it is filled with the spirit, sanctified, glorified,
deified.40
This definition seems to summarize what has been said in the
preceding pages regarding Theodore's teaching of the Eucharistic
sacrifice as the re-presentation of Christ's sacrifice and as the drama
of the work of redemption.
Odo Casel has shown that not only in regard to the Eucharist
but also in regard to all the sacraments Theodore develops the
mystery idea.41 After presenting the numerous pertinent passages
from the instructions on both Baptism and the Eucharist, Casel
offers a valuable systematic summary of Theodore's testimony for
the Christian mystery worship. In order better to understand the
mystery character of the Eucharist, it will be useful for us to note
Theodore's whole concept of the Christian mystery, as explained
by Casel.
While the Old Testament signs were merely shadows or indica
tions of something to come, the sacraments of the New Testament
are visible symbols or figures of an invisible, divine reality which
came to us through Christ. The work of redemption accomplished
in Christ will one day become for us a reality, but now through the
sacraments we have an earnest of all that happened in Christ and
will happen to us. In a sacramental way this reality appears to us
40 Cf. J. M. Hanssens, S. J., " Estne Liturgia cultus mysterious ? "

Periodica de re morali, canonica, liturgica 23 (1934), 121*, 124*. For the
importance of Casel's idea cf. F. Diekamp, Katholische Dogmatik nach den
grundsatzen des hi. Thomas, vol. Ill, 6th ed., Miinster, 1932, p. 200-208.
41 O. Casel, op. ext., 99-171.
now. The work of redemption is here and now accessible and

present to us in the sacramental signs. The sacraments are, then, a
remembrance of the death and resurrection of Christ, and since the
reality also is present therein, they are an objective remembrance
of these things; a subjective remembrance would be even less than
the Old Testament shadows.
In order to attain the hope and the claim to the future good things, man
must come to know in himself the death and resurrection of Christ, i. e. live
with Him in the sacrament. Therefore, Baptism and the Eucharist contain
the Economy of Christ, i. e. His work of redemption, which reaches its
climax in His death and resurrection, and indeed as a fact, not something
merely in its effect, but as a reality, out of which alone the effect can
come forth."
But these future benefits promised by God have come to true
reality through the entrance of the Highpriest Christ into heaven.
His priesthood begins on the cross and is completed in His exalta
tion on the right hand of the Father, where He reigns as the
" Highpriest of the future good things."
In this sense is to be understood Theodore's speaking again and again of a
heavenly sacrifice. This is not a heavenly sacrifice added to or resulting
from the death on the cross, but it is the one sacrifice of Christ, which
consists in His complete surrender on the cross to His Father and in the
exaltation resulting therefrom. The " future benefits " of the faithful are
the participation in all the benefits of Him who was exalted. These
benefits are " future " because they have not yet become manifest to us ;
but they are already present, since the earnest is already given to us in
the Mystery. Into this reality of the Economy of Christ the sacraments
lead us. The happening of the exaltation of the Lord from death comes
forth for us to reality through the Mystery. This, therefore, contains the
happenings of the Economy. . . . The death and resurrection with Christ
leads to a " rebirth " through Christ."
The Liturgy is, therefore, truly the " drama of redemption," in which the
action of God through Christ attains fulfillment in the Church and in
souls.41
Therefore, Baptism is the sacramental representation of the Economy of
Christ, and especially of His death and resurrection, so that mankind
might participate in these acts of Christ and thus be reborn into divine
life."
"Casel, 120 " Casel, 123.

" LOC. CXt. " Casel, 121.
In regard to the Eucharist Theodore teaches that the Eucharistic

food also comes forth from the death of Christ; it is the fruit of
the cross, which nourishes the life obtained from the death of
Christ. The Eucharistic sacrifice is the remembrance of the one
and only in the true sense real sacrifice of Christ. This is cer
tainly an objective remembrance, for Theodore calls it the full-of-
reality symbol of the heavenly sacrifice.
Theodore places the priestly service of Christ clearly equivalent to the
Economy, i. e. the whole of Christ's work of redemption, and especially to
His sacrificial offering in death, which led to His exaltation to the right
hand of God. This whole work of redemption of Christ is the " real "
sacrifice of the Lord, i. e. its performance, done once and forever valid.
This once-performed action becomes accessible to us through the symbolic
mystery, which contains that true reality in a hidden, symbolic form, in a
" sacramental manner." For us the work of redemption will be accom
plished in true reality after the resurrection of our body, i. e. after the
Parousia of the Lord; now everything appears to us in symbol, which nego
tiates for us the " earnest " of the coming glory and thereby gives the
certain hope and the beginning of salvation.46
We are, therefore, through the accomplishment of the mysteries already in
heaven, i. e. in the kingdom of God, while still in the twilight of the
mysteries. The whole Economy is enacted before our believing eyes, so
that one has before his eyes quite concretely Christ's sacrifice and work of
redemption.4'
We may summarize Theodore's concept of the Christian mystery
worship in the following manner. Similar to all mystery reli
gions,48 the Christian worship aims at uniting the faithful with
God; its purpose is to bring the faithful to the kingdom of God,
there to enjoy the benefits of redemption opened to them through
Christ's work of redemption. This work of Christ is a heavenly
sacrifice, begun indeed on earth in His death on the cross but
consummated in heaven by His exaltation on the right hand of
God. Thus Christ opened the way for the exaltation also of His
followers into the kingdom of heaven. But in order to attain that
4" Loc. cit.
"Ibid., 122.
48 For the concept of these mystery cults cf. J. Quasten, " Mysterien,"
Lexikon fiir Theologie und Kirche VII (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1935),
401-403.
enjoyment of the fruits of redemption, Christ's followers must

realize in themselves the death and resurrection of the Lord. They
can enjoy these benefits in reality only after the second coming of
Christ, only after the resurrection of their bodies. But through
the sacraments they are able to participate in them here on earth
in a sacramental or symbolic manner, for the sacraments objec
tively represent the work of redemption, and especially Christ's
death and exaltation. Thus through Baptism's representation of
the work of redemption they begin to participate in that work,
they begin to live in a sacramental manner that immortal life which
will be theirs in reality in the kingdom of heaven. Through the
Eucharistic food, which derives its efficacy from the death of Christ
and in which, therefore, they nourish themselves from the death of
Christ, they nourish that sacramental foretaste of their immortal
life. And through the Eucharistic sacrifice, which is such a perfect
re-presentation of Christ's sacrifice, i. e. of His work of redemption,
they see before their eyes and participate in the work of Christ so
perfectly that they are already sacramentally lifted up to heaven,
sacramentally enjoy the benefits of redemption, sacramentally are
united with God. Through the sacraments Christ's followers realize
in themselves the death and resurrection of the Lord— they live
with Him in the sacraments—and thus sacramentally realize their
own exaltation and entrance into the heavenly benefits.
5.
THE CHRISTIAN PRIESTHOOD—UNIVERSAL AND SPECIAL
The Beneficiaries of the Eucharistic Sacrifice
Theodore clearly admits the universal priesthood of all the faith
ful, explaining that, with the priest as their spokesman, the entire
congregation makes the offering. He says :
All of us offer the gift with the priest, and although the latter stands up
alone to offer it he nevertheless offers it, like the tongue, for the whole
body. Thus the gift that is being offered belongs to all of us in the same
way as the grace which it contains belongs to all. . . . The priest offers
both for himself and for the rest of the people.49
" Mingana, 93.

Nevertheless, even while explaining the universal priesthood of

the faithful, he does not omit to stress also the special priesthood
of those representatives of the people, divinely commissioned to
offer sacrifice. He teaches his hearers that the Eucharistic sacrifice
must be offered by their ordained priests. Thus he says:
It is the office of the priest of the New Testament to offer this sacrifice as
it is through it that the New Covenant appears to be maintained.60
A role of a high priest must needs be filled, and it is found in those who
are appointed for the service of these symbols. Those who have been
chosen as the priests of the New Testament are believed to perform sacra-
mentally . . . these things which we believe that Christ our Lord performed
and will perform in reality.51
However, he points out that Christ is really the highpriest of the

Eucharistic sacrifice, offering Himself to His Father.52 The priest
who stands at the altar only represents Christ, the real highpriest.
Because Christ our Lord offered Himself in sacrifice for us and thus
became our high priest in reality, we must think that the priest who
draws nigh unto the altar is representing His image, not that he offers
himself in sacrifice, any more than he is truly a high priest, but because
he performs the figure of the service of the ineffable sacrifice (of Christ ).**
In the sacrifice the priest is assisted by the deacons, just as the

angels ministered to Christ in the work of salvation. This
Theodore explains to his neophytes :
All the invisible hosts did service to that Economy which transcends our
words and which Christ our Lord accomplished for us. . . . It is necessary,
therefore, that here also, when this awe-inspiring service is performed, we
should think that the deacons represent an image of the service of these
invisible spirits, and that they have been appointed to minister unto this
awe-inspiring service by the grace of the Holy Spirit which they received.
This is the reason why all of us are called the ministers of Christ. . . .
This name, however, is especially applied to those who perform this
ministry, and are called by all " deacons," as they are alone appointed to
perform this ministry, and represent a likeness of the service of the
spiritual messengers and ministers.04
50 Mingana, 79.
» Mingana, 82. ** Mingana, 83.
— Cf. above pp. 56, 58-59. " Mingana, 84.
esthood of
priestlooc
ssioned to
csacrifa
acrifice a;
hose who
ave beei
m sacra-
-rronneii
Of tie
priest
lest
tins
,; who
-ausf
tie
his
ur
j,
re
e
9
PLATE I
Mosaic of Soueida from the Fifth Century

The Deacon Sergios Wearing the Orarion
(From De Jerphanion)
Then he describes the deacons' garments—" an apparel which is

consonant with their office." They wear an outer garment taller
than themselves, as is suitable to those who serve. On their left
shoulders they place a stole, which hangs equally in front and in
back, as a sign that they perform a ministry not of servitude but of
freedom, "as they are ministering unto things that lead to free
dom." They do not wear the stole on their neck so that it hangs
on either side but not in front, because only those who are masters
of themselves wear it in that way; they wear it on their shoulders
because they are appointed to serve.55
A mosaic, found in 1928 among the ruins of the basilica of
Soueida, offers us our most ancient representation of the orarion or
stole of the deacon. It shows Sergios the deacon, dressed in a light-
colored tunic of a yellowish shade which extends to his feet; over
this he wears the orarion, which is white, bordered with black,
hanging from his left shoulder and reaching to his knee. The
simple tunic and the torch in his right hand further demonstrate
that it is a deacon who is represented.56
Since this mosaic dates from the fifth century, it is of particular
interest to us, giving a representation of the orarion approximately
contemporary with Theodore's description of this vestment of the
deacon. The Testamentum Domini also speaks of the orarion:
" Manet hie [the deacon who receives the strangers] in hospitio,
quod in ecclesia est, vestem albam indutus gerensque super
humerum orarium tantum." 57
G. De Jerphanion explains that the tunic of Sergios is yellow
instead of white " perhaps in order to distinguish it from the white
background and from the orarion which is ' white, bordered with
black.' " 58 He also notes that in the mosaic the orarion seems to
encircle the neck, contrary to the descriptions of Theodore and the
Testamentum Domini and contrary to later usage. On this point
he says :
We would have there a testimony, all the more important because it is
unique, concerning the primitive manner of arranging the orarion of the
55 Cf. Mingana, 84-85. " Of. Plate I.
" Testamentum Domini Nostri Jesu Christi I, 34 (83, ed. Bahmani).
*8 G. de Jerphanion, La Voix des Monuments, tltudes d'ArcK4ologie,
Nouvelle Serie (Rome-Paris, 1938), 281.
deacon. But it seems to us that it needs confirmation. The design of the
mosaic is summary and probably of a deceiving appearance. The piece
which goes around the neck seems to us to be rather a border of the tunic,
independent of the orarion.™
Just as Theodore teaches that all the faithful share in offering
the Eucharistic sacrifice, so he adds that this sacrifice benefits all
the faithful, whether living or dead. This he explains when he
speaks of the reading of the diptychs :
The names of the living and the dead who have passed away in the faith
of Christ are then read from Church books, and it is clear that in the few
of them who are mentioned, all the living and the departed are implicitly
mentioned. This is done for the teaching of what took place in the
Economy of Christ our Lord, of which the present service, which is
(Divine) help for all, living and dead alike, is the commemoration.
Indeed the living look to the future hope, while the dead are not really
dead but cast in a sleep in which they remain in the hope, for which our
Lord received His death, which we are commemorating in this sacrament."0
Explaining the Intercession for the living and the dead, Theo
dore points out especially the benefit of the sacrifice for the
departed. He says:
The priest . . . offers supplication on behalf of all those of whom by
regulation mention is to be made always in the Church; and later he
begins to make mention of those who have departed, as if to show that this
sacrifice keeps us in this world, and grants also after death, to those who
have died in the faith, that ineffable hope which all the children of the
Sacrament of Christ earnestly desire and expect.61
60 Ibid., 281-282.
*0 Mingana, 94-95.
11 Mingana, 105.
Part II
THE EUCHARISTIC LITURGY

CHAPTEE I
From the Beginning of the Liturgy of the Faithful

to the Preface
Since Theodore's hearers were already well acquainted with the
first part of the Bucharistic service, consisting of lessons, psalms,
homily, and prayers, his explanation begins immediately with the
second part, to which only the baptized were admitted—the Liturgy
of the Faithful.
In order more easily to compare the Liturgy described by Theo
dore with the other related Liturgies, we shall present a survey of
the Liturgies of Mopsuestia and Jerusalem, the Clementine Liturgy,
and the Liturgy of Antioch in a parallel arrangement. A com
mentary, then, will follow.
We use the following abbreviations in this survey :
Q—Quasten, Monumenta Eucharistica et Liturgica Ve-
tustissima (FIP 1, 2)
M—Mingana, Woodbrooke Studies 6
F—Funk, Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum 1
PG—Migne, Patres Graeci
This first chapter will deal with the ceremonies which take place
from the beginning of the Liturgy of the Faithful to the Preface.
These are the offertory procession, the diaconal litany, the priest's
prayers, the greeting of peace and the kiss of peace, the washing of
hands, the reading of the diptychs, and the deacon's admonition
in preparation for the sacrifice.
75
St. Cyril of Jerusalem Theodore of Mopsuestia

Offertory Procession
The deacons bring out the oblation
on the sacred vessels, bread on the
paten and wine in the chalice.
Other deacons spread linens on the
altar, and there the oblation is
arranged. Then the appointed dea
cons stand up on both sides and fan
the air above the oblation in order
to protect it from insects. Everyone
is silent, praying quietly and watch
ing what is being done.
(M. 85-88)
Diaconal Litany
" Then comes prayer—not a silent
prayer—announced beforehand in the
loud voice of the deacon, who, as we
ought to know, explains the sign
and the aim of all the things that
take place."
(M. 88)
From the Liturgy of the Faithful to the Preface 77
Apostolic Constitutions Writings of St. John Chrysostom
Diaconal Litany Diaconal Litany

" And let him [the deacon] add : " Again when we exclude from the
1 Let no one of those, who ought holy precincts those who are unable
not, draw near to partake of the holy table, it be
All we faithful, let us bend our hooves that another prayer be made,
knee and we all alike fall upon the
Let us all entreat God through ground and all alike rise up."
His Christ. . . . In II Cor. 18, 3
For the peace and tranquility of (PG 61, 527)
the world and of the holy churches.
" And the third ( prayer ) for our
For the holy, catholic, and apos selves, and this puts forward the
tolic Church. . . . innocent children of the community,
For etc., etc.,' " beseeching God for mercy. . . . For
8, 10, 2-22 (F 489-493) them that have sinned much . . .
we ourselves cry; but for ourselves
the children."
In Matt. 71, 4
(PG 58, 666)
" But you all together, hearing the
deacon commanding this [prayer]
and saying, ' Let us pray for the
bishop, for old age and assistance
[i. e. for the bishop] and that he
may rightly teach the word of truth,
and for those here present, and for
those who are everywhere in the
world.' . . . The initiated know what
has been said. ... He who mini
sters to them [the prayers] com
mands you that prayers be made for
the whole world and for the Church
extending to the ends of the earth,
and for all the bishops ruling it."
De Prophet. Obscurit. 2, 5
(PG 56, 182)
7
Priest's Prayers
"After he has finished his con
gruous service and admonished all
with his voice and exhorted them to
recite the prayers that are suitable
to ecclesiastical gatherings, and
while all are silent, the priest begins
with the appointed service, and be
fore everything else he offers prayer
to God. . . . And the priest brings
his prayer to a close after having
offered thanksgiving to our Lord for
the great things which He has pro
vided for the salvation and deliver
ance of men, and for His having
given us the knowledge of these
wonderful mysteries which are a re
membrance of that ineffable gift
which He bestowed upon us through
His Passion, in that He promised to
raise us all from the dead and take
us up to heaven.

" For also we are bidden to ap
proach the benevolent God in the
[prayers] of the faithful, for
bishops, priests, kings, those in
authority, for the earth and sea, for
the air and for the whole world."
In II Cor. 2, 8
/ (PG 61, 404)
" For if we are ordered to be

seech God for the sick, for those in
the mines, for those in harsh slavery,
and for the energumens, how much
more for these [the laggards and
frivolous faithful]."
De incomprehen. Dei not. 3, 6
(PG 48, 725)
" How will you incline the Lord to
mercy who so contemptuously offer
the prayer t You say, ' Have mercy
on me, O God,' and you show man
ners foreign to mercy. You cry,
' Save me,' and give an appearance
alien to salvation."
In Mud Vidi Dominum, 1, 2
(PG 56, 99)
Priest's Prayers
" Let the high priest pray and
say : ' O Lord Almighty . . . who
hast given to us by Christ the
preaching of knowledge unto the
acknowledgment of Thy glory and
Thy name, which He has made
known to us unto comprehension;
do Thou now look down through
Him upon this Thy flock and deliver
it from all ignorance and wicked
practice and grant that we may fear
Thee in fear, love Thee with affec
tion, and have reverence for Thy
glory. ... Be Thou the assistant
" After this he offers also thanks
givings for himself for having been
appointed servant of such an awe-
inspiring Sacrament. With this he
prays also, for the grace of the Holy
Spirit so that he may be now made
by Him worthy of the greatness of
this service, as he had been rendered
by Him worthy of Priesthood; and
so that he may perform this service
free, by the grace of God, from all
evil conscience and not fearing any
punishment, as he, being infinitely
below the dignity of such a service,
is drawing nigh unto things that are
much higher than himself."
(M 88-89)
" All the congregation says :

' Amen.' "
(M 89)
Greeting of Peace
Priest : " Peace be unto you."
Those present answer him : " And
unto thy spirit."
(M 89)
of this Thy people whom Thou hast
selected out of myriads, whom Thou
hast redeemed with the precious
blood of Thy Christ; their protector,
helper, defender, and guardian, their
most strong wall of defense, their
bulwark of strength. . . . Deliver
them from every sickness, and every
infirmity and every offence, every
injury and deceit . . . and make
them worthy of the everlasting life
which is in Thy Christ, Thine only-
begotten Son, our God and Savior
.... now and always and for ever.
Amen.' "
8, 11, 2-6 (F 493-495)
Deacon's Admonition
" Afterwards let the deacon say :
' Let us attend.' "
8, 11, 7 (F 495)
Greeting of Peace Greeting of Peac ?
" Let the bishop salute the church " The father, entering, does not
and say : ' The peace of God be with first ascend to his throne before he
you all.' has besought peace upon all of you,
" Let the people respond : ' And and rising up, he does not first
with thy spirit.' " begin the teaching of you before he
8, 11, 8 (F 495) gives peace to all. And when about
to bless, the priests first having
prayed this for you, then begin the
blessing."
Adv. Jud. 3, 6
(PG 48, 870)
" Not only when he [the bishop]

ascends [his throne] nor when he
speaks to you nor when he prays for
you, do you utter this response, but
when he assists at this holy table
Kiss of Peace Kiss of Peace

" Then the deacon cries aloud, Re " The priest, then, begins by giv
ceive one another; and let us kiss ing peace, and the Church crier, who
one another." is the deacon, cries and orders all
Catech. Mystag. 5, 3 to give peace one unto another . . .
(Q98) so that in giving peace one to an
other and in embracing one another
they may make a profession of the
mutual concord. . . . Every one of
us gives peace as far as possible to
his neighbor (the one who is sitting
near him)."
(M 92)

and is about to offer that awful
sacrifice; the initiated know what is
said; he does not first touch the
oblations before he has prayed for
you grace from God and you reply
to him, ' And with thy spirit.' "
De s. Pentecoste 1, 4
(PG 50, 458)
" Wherefore here receive us with
love when we come in unto you,
and when I say, ' Peace be to you,'
then you say, ' And with thy
spirit.' "
In Matt. 32, 6
(PG 57, 385)
Kiss of Peace Kiss of Peace

" Deacon : ' Salute one another " Therefore [God] commands, that
with a holy kiss.' [we], leaving the gift at the altar,
" The clergy kiss the bishop, the first be reconciled to our brother.
laymen kiss the laymen, the women . . . However we retain the symbol
kiss the women." indeed of things, but we are deprived
8, 11, 9 (F 495) of the reality itself, greeting one
another when about to offer the gift,
but doing it for the most part with
the lips and the mouth."
De compunctione ad Demet. 1, 3
(PG 47, 398)
" If to preserve peace with thy

brother this sacrifice was instituted
and you do not enter into peace, in
vain you partake of the sacrifice. . . .
Therefore, always remember, beloved,
these words, the holy kisses, the
hearty embraces which we give one
another."
De Prodit. Judae 1, 6
(PG49, 382)
Preparation for Offertory
" Let the children stand at the
reading desk and let another deacon
Washing of Hands Washing of Hands

" You have seen, therefore, the " While this thing [giving the kiss
deacon giving to the priest water to of peace] is taking place the priest
wash, and to the presbyters who washes (his hands) first, and then
stand around God's altar." all those, whatever their number,
Catech. Mystag. 5, 2 who are counted in the assembly of
priesthood."
(Q 97-98) (M 94)
Deacon's Admonition
" Then all rise, according to the
sign given to them by the deacon,
and look at what is taking place."
(M 94)
Reading the Diptychs
" The names of the living and the
dead who have passed away in the
faith of Christ are then read from
Church books, and it is clear that in
the few of them who are mentioned,
all the living and the departed are
implicitly mentioned."
(M 94)
stand by them that they may not be
disorderly; and let other deacons
walk about and watch the men and
women that no tumult be made and
that no one nod or whisper or sleep.
Let deacons stand at the doors of
the men and subdeacons at those of
the women, so that no one go out
nor a door be opened, although one
of the faithful should come at the
time of the oblation."
8, 11, 10-11 (F 495)
Washing of Hands
" Let one of the subdeacons ad
minister water to the priests to
wash their hands."
8, 11, 12 (F 495)
Deacon's Admonition
" When the above reading is
brought to an end, the priest draws
nigh unto the service, while . . .
the deacon . . . first shouts : ' Look
at the oblation.' "
(M 95)
Deacon's Admonition Deacon's Admonition
" The deacon says : " Have you not heard in the mys
' Let none of the catechumens, teries that the deacon always cries
none of the hearers, none of the out, ' Recognize one another ' ? "
unbelievers, none of the heterodox Adv. Jud. 1, 4
[remain]. (PG 48, 849)
' You who have prayed the fore
going prayer, approach. " Why, therefore, does he say,
' Mothers, take your children. ' Depart, you who are not qualified
' Let no one [who holds anything] to pray,' but you boldly stand ? "
against another, let no one in hypo
crisy [remain]. In Eph. 3, 4
' Let us stand erect to offer to the (PG 62, 29)
Lord with fear and trembling.' "
" For neither lightly nor without
18, 12, 1-2 (F 495)
purpose has it been ordered that the
deacon command to all and say, ' Let
us rightly stand erect,' but in order
that we might raise up our thoughts
trailing on the earth."
De incomprehen. Dei not. 4, 5
(PG 48, 734)
Offertory Procession Offertory Procession

" Let the deacons bring the gifts " Just so also here when the sacri
to the bishop at the altar, and let fice is brought forth and Christ, the
the presbyters stand on his right Lord's sheep, is sacrificed, when you
and on his left, as disciples assisting hear, ' Let us all pray together,'
their master; let two deacons on when you see the curtain drawn up,
each side of the altar hold a fan then consider that heaven is opened
of thin membranes or of peacock on high and the angels are de
feathers or of linen and slowly drive scending."
away the little insects flying around, In Eph. 3, 5
that they may not fall into the (PG 62, 29)
cups."
8, 12, 3 (F 497) " Look at this table, call to mind
for whose take it is set and why;
consider who it is that is coming
forth here; tremble with awe even
before the time. For so, when one
sees the throne only of a king, in
heart he rises up, expecting the

king's coming forth. And do those
accordingly even before that awful
moment rise up and before seeing
the veils drawn aside and the choir
of angels marching forth, ascend
through to the very heaven. But
the uninitiated knows not these
things."
In I Cor. 36, 5
(PG 61, 313)
" ' I shall not drink of the fruit
of the vine until that day new in the
kingdom of my Father.' . . . But
why did He, having risen, drink not
water but wine? So that He might
eradicate another evil heresy. For,
since some use water in the mys
teries, in order that He might show
that He had used wine when He
gave the mysteries and that after
the resurrection without the myster
ies He had wine at the common
table, He said, ' From the fruit of
the vine.' But the vine begets wine
not water."
In Matt. 83, 2
(PG 58, 740)
" Do not look at it as bread, nor
think of it as wine."
De Poenitentia 9, 1
(PG 49, 345),
Priest's prayer
" Let the highpriest, therefore,
praying by himself together with the
priests, vested in his shining gar
ment and standing at the altar,
make the sign of the cross upon his
forehead with his hand and say:
' May the grace of almighty God and
the love of our Lord Jesus Christ
and the communion of the Holy
Spirit be with you all.' "
8, 12, 4 (F 497)
1.
THE OFFERTORY PROCESSION
The Development of the Gbeat Entbance
According to Theodore the offertory procession is the first cere
mony of the Liturgy of the Faithful, preceding the prayers for the
faithful. In this he departs from the order of ceremonies common
to the other three accounts. H. Lietzmann sees here an indication
of the development of the Great Entrance—the /JxydXi} IwroSos of the
Greek Eite, still in use today. He says : " It is clear that now in
the Liturgy of Theodore the first step toward the development of
the Great Entrance is made known to us." 1 In the Liturgies after
the time of Theodore the offertory procession becomes a more elabo
rate ceremony. While Theodore says that during the procession
"everyone is silent, praying quietly and watching what is being
done," the Greek Liturgy of St. James already speaks of the readers
singing the Cherubic Hymn while the priest, praying, brings in
the gifts.2 The Liturgy of St. Basil likewise amplifies the cere
monies of the Great Entrance with the singing of the Cherubic
Hymn by the people and with a silent prayer of the priest.3 Also
the Nestorian Liturgy has an elaborate offertory procession, ac
companied by a hymn and prayers.4
However, except in the matter of its position, Theodore does not
differ from his contemporaries' description of this procession. He
says:
The deacons bring out the oblation of the sacred vessels, bread on the paten
and wine in the chalice.6 Other deacons spread linens on the altar, and
1 H. Lietzmann, Die Liturgie des Theodor von Mopsuestia (Sonderausgabe

Phil.-Hist. Klasse 23), 16.
2 F. E. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western 1, 41-42.
3 Brightman, 318.
4 Brightman, 267-268.
s An example of the chalices used in the Syrian Liturgy is the silver
Byzantine chalice, which was found near Antioch in Syria and originally
presented to a church dedicated to SS. George and Bacchus and is now to
be found in the Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore. The great size of the
cup is necessary in order to contain sufficient wine for the Communion of
PLATE II
Sixth Century Silver Chalice Found near Antioch in Syria

Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, Md.
Liturgical Fan from Syria of tub Sixth Century
The Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
Washington, D. C.
From the Liturgy of the Faithful, to the Preface 91
there the oblation is arranged. Then the appointed deacons stand up on
both sides and fan the air above the oblation in order to protect it from
insects. Everyone is silent, praying quietly and watching what is being
done."
Apostolic Constitutions also direct the deacons to bring the gifts
to the altar and with fans to keep insects away from the chalices.7
And St. John Chrysostom speaks of the offering being brought
forth, the curtain being drawn up, and the angels marching forth.
By these " angels " he most probably means the deacons carrying
the offering to the altar, just as Theodore says that the deacons
represent the angels at the sacrifice.8
In speaking of the offertory procession both Theodore and Chry
sostom show that the offering consists of bread and wine. That
such is the case also in the other Liturgies is clear from the fact that
at other times, especially at the Epiclesis and the Communion, they
likewise speak of the bread and wine. Theodore explains that water
is mixed with the wine because wine is usually drunk in that way,
because water is a fitting counterpart to the bread, since bread
cannot be made without it, and because water is used in the new
birth of Baptism.9 Certainly the other Liturgies followed this
all the congregation. Cf. Handbook of the Collection, Walters Art Gallery
(1936), 57. Cf. Plate II.
" A. Mingana, Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Lord's
Prayer and on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist [Woodbrooke
Studies 6 ) , 85-88.
7 An idea of the liturgical fans may be had from the flabellum preserved
in the valuable Dumbarton Oaks Collection in Washington. This flabellum
is probably from Syria, dating from the sixth century. It is " so like the
one in the Ottoman Museum in Istanbul that the two may possibly have
once belonged together since they generally came in pairs." Cf. Marvin
C. Ross, The Bulletin of the Fogg Museum of Art 9 ( 1941 ) , 72-73. Unlike
the fans of " thin membranes or of peacock feathers or of linen " described
by Apostolic Constitutions, this one is of silver, beautifully engraved.
It is interesting to note that peacock feathers engraved in the metal form
the border and a winged seraph is the central decoration. Cf. Plate III.
For information regarding the liturgical fans in general cf. H. Leclercq,
"Flabellum," DACL V, 1610-1625; J. Braun, " Facher," Lexikon fur The-
ologie und Kirche III (1931), 936-937; Canones Basilii 97 (275 Riedel).
8 Cf. above p. 70.
" Cf. above pp. 33-34.
same custom, since it is based on the general practice of the time

that when wine was drunk, a little water was mixed with it.
Probst speaks of the clergy's bringing forth the offering as "a
ritualistic innovation, which was unknown before the time of
Chrysostom." 10 Formerly the faithful themselves had brought up
the gifts to the altar but now the clergy formed the offertory pro
cession. Probst explains:
The cause lay partly in this that at the end of the fourth century the
Church possessed enough property through the management of which to
supply the needs of divine worship and to support the poor and the clergy,
and partly in this that no longer did all the faithful present at the Mass
receive Communion. . . . Thus the offerings of the faithful became so
insignificant that besides the other necessities of divine worship also bread
and wine for the celebration of the Eucharist had to be supplied by the
Antiochian Church itself at the end of the fourth century and had to be
brought to the altar by the clergy. The rite of the Great Entrance, i. e.
the rich ceremonies of the Greek Mass, however, came in the fifth century.11
Theodore's placing the offertory procession at the very beginning
of the Liturgy of the Faithful does give an indication of the develop
ment of the Great Entrance. However, even in the later Liturgies,
where the procession is enriched with hymns and prayers, we do
not find it in the position indicated by Theodore. In the Greek
Liturgy of St. James, although the diaconal litany and prayers of
the priest follow the Great Entrance, still another diaconal litany
and two prayers said by the priest precede the procession, and thus
these form the beginning of the Liturgy of the Faithful.12 Prayers
of the faithful said by the priest (there is no diaconal litany) open
this part of the divine service in the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysos
tom, with the Great Entrance following them.13 Likewise the
Nestorian Liturgy places the litany and prayers before the proces
sion.14 Hence, Theodore's arrangement is unique in placing the
procession first. Yet these later Liturgies agree with him in this
that the procession occurs no longer just before the start of the
Eucharistic Prayer but nearer the beginning of the Liturgy of the
Faithful; and therefore Theodore's Liturgy may be considered an
Johannes Chrysostomus," ZkTh 7, 276.
11 Ibid., 276-277. 13 Brightman, 316-320.
12 Brightman, 38-42 ; 44-49. 14 Brightman, 262-266.
example of the new importance being given to the offertory pro

cession.
Still, it is questionable whether Theodore is really the sole ex
ample of his time of this reform. In the comparison above, the
traditional arrangement has been kept, but especially in the light
of Theodore's account there seem to be reasons to believe that the
offertory procession in Liturgies other than his may have occurred
earlier in the Liturgy of the Faithful than is generally supposed.
We must admit that Apostolic Constitutions clearly place this
procession just before the Eucharistic Prayer. But in the case of
the Liturgies of Jerusalem and of Antioch there is no such clear
evidence of its position.
St. Cyril does not mention the offertory procession at all, but
Brightman thinks it followed the kiss of peace. He says : " There
is no mention of the offertory, but the quotation of St. Matt. 5,
23 ff. and the order of Apostolic Constitutions suggest that it
followed the kiss of peace." 15 However, the first of these reasons
loses much of its weight by the fact that Theodore also cites this
passage in speaking of the kiss of peace; and yet he places the
offertory before the kiss of peace.16 In reply to the other reason,
we now have the order of Theodore's Liturgy suggesting that the
offertory procession occurred at the start or near the start of the
Liturgy of the Faithful.
Both Probst and Brightman put the procession immediately
before the Eucharistic Prayer in the Liturgy of Antioch. Bright-
man gives his reasons in the following note :
The position of these proclamations [the deacon's admonition] is not
defined; they are placed here on the analogy of Apostolic Constitutions.
There is no evidence in St. Chrysostom as to the position of the Offertory
and little allusion to it. Two passages commonly assumed to refer to the
offertory (in Eph. 3, 5 and in I Cor. 36, 6) describe rather the communion.
But the Apostolic Constitutions may be taken as evidence that at Antioch
it followed the kiss of peace in Chrysostom's time.17
15 Brightman, 469.
18 A. Mingana, 93. The offering of " the gift," with which this quotation
deals, he considers not the offertory procession but the offering of the
sacrifice itself. The kiss of peace and the love and reconciliation therein
implied are in preparation for the offering of the sacrifice—the gift which
all offer with the priest, who although standing alone to offer it, offers it
for all. Cf. above p. 69.
8
Thus Brightman's arrangement depends solely upon the order of

Apostolic Constitutions. And as to the proclamations or deacon's
admonition, two 18 of the three cited by him from the writings of
Chrysostom seem to fit in better at the beginning of the Liturgy
of the Faithful.
Probst thinks that the two passages mentioned by Brightman
refer to the offertory, but he admits a difficulty in the citation from
in Eph. 3, 5 :
When the sacrifice is brought forth and Christ is sacrificed, when you hear:
" Let us all pray together," when you see the curtains drawn up, then
consider that heaven is opened on high and the angels are descending.
At first sight [says Probst] these words could mislead to the opinion that
the offering was brought out before the " oratio pro fidelibus," since the
command of the deacon, " Let us all, etc.," refers to this prayer. But such
an assumption contradicts all the old Liturgies and with a closer examin
ation the cited words also present no need of such [an assumption]. The
Saint is rebuking the faithful who attend Mass without receiving Com
munion, and he says no sinner should draw near the table of the Lord;
wherefore the penitents were first dismissed. But since heaven already
comes down when one brings out the offering, etc., they should either as
the unworthy withdraw with the penitents before the " missa fidelium ''
or as the worthy receive Communion. Chrysostom therefore wishes not to
give an account of the correct procedure of the action in question, otherwise
the sacrifice ( xP"»">"oO reBv/icvov ) , the consecration, must precede the drawing
up of the curtain, and he ought not to have omitted the kiss of peace, but
he wishes only to show that presence at the Mass of the Faithful in general
requires cleanliness from sin.18
Thus Probst cannot discover the position of the offertory procession
from the passage quoted, for he himself says Chrysostom's intention
was " not to give an account of the correct procedure of the action
in question"; his reason for placing it where he does is to agree
with the " old Liturgies," just as Brightman follows the order of
Apostolic Constitutions.
Thus, if the only reason for the supposed position of the offertory
procession in the Liturgy commented upon by St. Cyril and in that
of Antioch as spoken of by St. John Chrysostom is agreement with
Apostolic Constitutions, what is to prevent the at least equal possi-
18 " Recognize one another."
" Depart, you who are not qualified to pray."
19 F. Probst, op. ext., 274.
bility of its agreement with Theodore in placing it at the beginning

or near the beginning of the Liturgy of the Faithful? In regard
to the Liturgy of Antioch this possibility seems especially plausible
in the light of what was said above regarding the liturgical agree
ment between a mother church and daughter churches. The Church
in Mopsuestia was a daughter of that in Antioch.
2.
THE DIACONAL LITANY
Theodore merely mentions the presence of a prayer at this point—
a prayer said aloud by the deacon. This brief reference to the
diaeonal litany, as well as St. Cyril's complete failure even to
mention it, may be explained by the fact; that the structure of the
prayer was familiar to the neophytes, for whom these lectures were
intended. In accord with the character of the mystagogical cate-
cheses, it would have seemed unnecessary to delay on this ceremony ;
the prayer itself was said by the deacon, and the newly-baptized
Christians would surely know their response from their experience
as catechumens. The content of the litany is clear both in the
Apostolic Constitutions and in the writings of St. John Chrysos-
tom; there is an excellent agreement between these two in the sub
stance of this prayer. The congregation's response to each invocation
was generally " Lord, have mercy," and sometimes " Save us, O
Lord." Only Chrysostom mentions these replies, but we may
suppose the other Liturgies also had them.20
In the Greek Liturgy of St. James the universal litany (KaOoXucr]
ovvaTrrr)) said by the deacon, with the people responding " Kyrie
*o Cf. L. Duchesne, Origines du Culte Chretien, 60. A. Baumstark, " La
Structure des Grandes Unites Liturgiques," Irenikon 11, 3 (1934), 142:
" We have reasons to believe that the Amen [responses to the litany] are
ancient and that they were replaced by Kyrie eleison: at least the fact is
that at Jerusalem Aetheria heard these [the Kyrie eleison responses] at
vespers and she noted them apparently as something which by their
novelty attracted her attention." The Kyrie eleison then became the com
mon response to the litanies ; as Baumstark, " Textes Liturgiques," Irinikon
11, 4 (1934), 314, says: " In the Greek Orient it is the Kyrie eleison which
has become almost universal; it was admitted into the other oriental
Liturgies where it was translated into the language of these new environ
ments." Cf. A. Baumstark, Liturgie Compar4e (Chevetogne, 1940), 44.
eleison," follows the kiss of peace and corresponds in substance to

the earlier Liturgies; it is, however, not as lengthy as that found
in Apostolic Constitutions.21 But it is to be noted that in this
litany is added this invocation : " Let us commemorate our all-holy,
pure, most glorious, blessed Lady, Mother of God, and ever virgin
Mary, and all the holy and just, . . . that we may all find mercy
through their prayers and intercessions." As was remarked above,
in this Greek Liturgy of St. James there is also another diaconal
litany which precedes the offertory procession and which is similar
in some of its invocations to this universal litany. However, the
second, the universal litany, is considered the diaconal litany corres
ponding to that of the other Liturgies.22 No litany is found in the
Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom, but there is a lengthy one in
the Nestorian Liturgy.23
3-
THE PRIEST'S PRAYERS OF THANKSGIVING AND PETITION
Next come two prayers said by the priest alone. The first is one
of thanksgiving for redemption, for the holy Mysteries, and for
his own priestly part in the Mysteries; the second is a prayer of
petition that he be made worthy to perform the holy service. Again
on this point St. Cyril is silent, and in the writings of John Chry
sostom no mention is found of such prayers. Still, Jerusalem and
Antioch must have had at least something like them. We find
similar prayers in the Liturgy of Apostolic Constitutions, although
the similarity is not great. Of the first priest's prayer, following the
diaconal litany, in Apostolic Constitutions only the first few lines
are a prayer of thanksgiving, the rest being a prayer of petition
for help and protection for the faithful. What appears to be the
second prayer is not joined to the first prayer but occurs just after
the offertory procession. Nothing is said of the content of this silent
prayer of the bishop, but considering its position immediately before
the Eucharistic Prayer, we may justly suppose it to correspond to
Theodore's second prayer—namely, for worthiness in the celebrant
himself.
" Brightman, 44-48.
** Cf. A. Baumatark, Die Messe im Morgenland, 121 f. and J. M. Hanssens,
Institutiones Liturgicae de ritibus orientalibus 3, 234-260.
" Brightman, 262-266.
In the later Liturgies we discover prayers similar in content to the

two described by Theodore, but as to their number and position
they do not closely agree with his account. Thus the Greek
Liturgy of St. James has a lengthy series of prayers said by the
priest during the diaconal litany, and at the end of which the
congregation responds : " Amen." 24 After several short prayers
he offers a prayer of petition for worthiness in himself. The next
two are devoted mainly to asking help and protection for the faith
ful. Likewise, a similar prayer for the faithful occurs in the
enarxis, or preliminary office.25
The Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom contain two prayers for
the faithful (evxal -mvrCiv) said by the priest at the beginning of the
Liturgy of the Faithful ; 26 and these prayers are petitions that the
congregation and the priest be worthy to offer the Holy Mysteries.
During the Great Entrance, while the cherubic hymn is being sung,
the priest again begs for worthiness in himself, and after the offer
ings have been placed on the altar, he prays that the sacrifice be
acceptable to God.27 The Liturgy of Basil also has a series of
prayers for the Faithful in the enarxis.28 Prayers for worthiness in
the priest and people also are found in the Nestorian Liturgy im
mediately after the diaconal litany and again during the proces
sion.29 Especially in these later Liturgies, in which the text of
the prayers is shown, their character of offertory prayers is evident;
thus these prayers are at times called " Offertory Prayers."
4.
THE GREETING OF PEACE AND THE KISS OF PEACE
The ceremony of saluting one another with the kiss of peace
appears in all the Liturgies. In Theodore's it begins with the priest
greeting the congregation, " Peace be unto you," and the people
replying, " And unto thy spirit." Then follows the exchanging of
the kiss of peace as directed by the deacon. Apostolic Constitutions
and Chrysostom likewise mention the celebrant's greeting and the
" Brightman, 45-49. '7 Brightman, 318-320.

*5 Brightman, 32 : e&x*l "?s iviptewt. *3 Brightman, 310-312.
"Brightman, 316-317. 20 Brightman, 266-267 ; 268-270.
congregation's response. The deacon's part in this ceremony is

noted, too, by the Constitutions and by St. Cyril.
Theodore remarks that the salutation of peace is a part of the
very ancient tradition of the Church and is very frequently used in
the services:
There is an ordinance, found (in the Church) from the beginning to the
effect that all those who have been deemed worthy to do the work of the
priesthood, should begin all the functions performed in a Church assembly
with the above phrase.30
Chrysostom, too, gives evidence of the frequent use of this salutation :
The father, entering, does not first ascend to his throne before he has
besought peace upon all of you, and rising up, he does not first begin the
teaching of you before he gives peace to all, and when about to bless, the
priests, first having prayed this [peace] for you, then begin the blessing81
Eegarding its place in the Liturgy, Baumstark says of the kiss of
peace :
Generally it is found immediately before the beginning of the anaphora.
The influence of Matt. V, 23 et seq. brought about here and there its change
to before the oblatio. We observe this change in the eighth book of the
Apostolic Constitutions and the testimony of St. John Chrysostom permits
us to make the same observation for Antioch at his time. . . . After the
introduction of the neya\rj etoodos and its parallels, the kiss of peace pre
cedes at least the last offertory prayer in the Greek liturgies of St. Mark,
of St. James, and of the Syrian Jacobites.32
If, however, in the Antiochian Liturgy of the time of Chrysostom
the offertory procession took place near the beginning of the
Liturgy of the Faithful—as seems possible 33—we would suggest
that the position of the kiss of peace in that Liturgy is the same
as in the Liturgy of Mopsuestia. As we saw above,34 a reference to
Matt. 5 : 23 ff. does not necessarily mean that the kiss of peace
precedes the offertory procession.
The Greek Liturgy of St. James and the Nestorian Liturgy con
tinue the traditional ceremony of the kiss of peace, amplifying it
"o Mingana, 90.
sl St. John Chrysostom, Adv. Jud. 3, 6 (PG 48, 870).
" A. Baumstark, " Kits et Fetes Liturgiques," Ire~nikon 11, 6 (1934), 487.
83 Cf. above pp. 93-95.
34 Cf. above p. 93.
with special prayers, and the latter mentions even a " procession of
peace."35 St. Basil's and St. Chrysostom's Liturgies, however, do
not add any such prayers, having only the greeting of the priest,
response of the people, and the order of the deacon.86
5.
THE WASHING OF HANDS
The Symbolic Meaning of this Cebemont
It is interesting to note that while Theodore does not explain who
administers the water for the washing of the hands of the priests,
the Apostolic Constitutions assign this duty to the subdeacons, and
St. Cyril says it is done by the deacon. All agree, though, in this
that both the celebrant and the assisting priests here wash their
hands in preparation for the sacrifice. Although the writings of
St. John Chrysostom do not refer to such a ceremony, we may sup
pose it had its place also in the Liturgy which he knew.
St. Cyril places the washing of the priests' hands before the kiss
of peace, whereas Theodore describes it as taking place while the
people are exchanging the kiss of peace ; and Apostolic Constitutions
have it following the kiss of peace. H. Lietzmann and A. Baum-
stark consider St. Cyril's as the original arrangement, for as
Baumstark has pointed out, " in the most ancient time the receiving
of the natural gifts and the separation of those necessary for the
holy service from these must have brought with it a soiling of the
hands." 37 In the early days when the faithful brought the offerings
themselves, this washing had a practical purpose. But at the time
when this practice of the faithful was discontinued and deacons
carried in the bread and wine on the sacred vessels, this ceremony
assumed a symbolic character. Theodore explains it thus :
This is not done for the cleanliness of hands . . . but because the officiating
priests offer the sacrifice for all, and in this they remind all of us to draw
nigh unto the Sacrament which is offered, with clean consciences.8"
85 Brightman, 43; 281-282.

86 Brightman, 320.
87 H. Lietzmann, Die Liturgie des Theodor von Mopsuestia, 18 ; A. Baum
stark, Die Messe im Morgenlande, 119. Cf. J. M. Hanssens, op. cit., 7-11.
88 Mingana, 94.
St. Cyril, however, also gives a symbolic meaning to the washing

of hands, saying :
But he [the deacon] did not at all give [the water] because of corporal
dirt: this is not the case; for we did not enter the church at the beginning
bearing dirt of the body. But it is a symbol that you must be cleansed of
all sins and iniquities. For because the hands are the symbol of action,
by washing them we signify without doubt cleanliness and integrity of
action. . . . Therefore the washing of hands is the symbol of being free
from sins.39
There is no washing of hands in the Greek Liturgy of St. James
nor in the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom; perhaps this is a
further result of the fact that the ceremony no longer had a practical
use. However, the Nestorian Liturgy does retain the ceremony, and,
like St. Cyril, before the kiss of peace.40
6.
THE READING OF THE DIPTYCHS
Theodore's Disagreement with the other Liturgies
We find Theodore in disagreement with the other Liturgies in
adding the reading of the diptychs in this place, following the
deacon's ordering the congregation to rise. He does not say whether
the deacon or the priest reads the names. The later Nestorian
Liturgy agrees with him, placing this reading, though, between the
washing of the hands and the kiss of peace.41 Apostolic Consti
tutions, St. Cyril, and Chrysostom place the reading of the diptychs
later in connection with the Intercession for the living and the
dead, sometime after the consecration.42
Theodore also describes the Intercession for the living and the
30 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses Mystagogicae 5, 2 (Quasten, Monumenta
Eucharistica et Liturgica Vetustissima, 98 ) .
40 Brightman, 271.
41 Brightman, 275-281. The newly edited papyrus fragment of the Ana
phora of St. Mark also places the reading of the diptychs before the con
secration. Cf. Fragmenta Papyri Anaphorae Sancti Marci (Quasten,
Monumenta Eucharistica et Liturgica Vetustissima, 44 ) . Dionysius the
Areopagite, too, joins them immediately after the kiss of peace and before
the washing of hands in his de Ecclesiastica Hierarchia 3, 2 (Quasten, op.
cit., 295 ) .
" Cf. below pp. 146-148: Intercession for living and dead.
dead after the Epiclesis, but at that place he apparently speaks only
of the actual prayers for those to be remembered.43 Hence, we con
clude that his Liturgy agrees with these other Liturgies except that
the reading of the names for whom the Intercession is to be made is
moved to this earlier part of the Liturgy.
Lietzmann explains the change of position of the diptychs as a
secondary change. The offertory, he says, had been developed in
the Liturgies from the earliest times, but in the older Liturgies
there was no Intercession joined to it. Those older Liturgies placed
the Intercession after the Epiclesis, as was fitting because they con
sidered the act of consecration as the sacrifice. Dionysius the
Areopagite, however, and the Nestorians brought the Intercession
nearer the offertory, thus emphasizing the sacrificial character of
the offertory. So it appears that such a change of position is merely
secondary. And therefore, while Theodore generally agrees with
Apostolic Constitutions, he has the Intercession after the Epiclesis
and his placing the diptychs in the earlier position is only a
secondary change.44 Since Theodore, however, retains the Inter
cession in its usual place, we cannot say that he minimizes the
sacrificial character of the Epiclesis.
7.
THE DEACON'S ADMONITION BEFORE THE ANAPHORA
The New Character of this Admonition as a
Preparation for the Sacrifice
After the reading of the diptychs and just as the Eucharistic
Prayer is about to begin, according to Theodore, the deacon
announces : " Look at the oblation." Lietzmann suggests that " this
announcement of the deacon might be a remnant of the offertory
procession which at one time took place at this point." 45 We have
seen that Theodore's Liturgy is an early example of the change of
the position of the offertory procession, placing it at the beginning
of the Liturgy of the Faithful.46
This admonition of the deacon, then, may be in Theodore's
Liturgy all that remains of the series of diaconal announcements
4» Of. below p. 146. "Ibid., 16.

" Lietzmann, 18-19. " Cf. above p. 90.
which, according to Apostolic Constitutions, at this point introduces

the offertory procession. In the Liturgy of Apostolic Constitutions
five admonitions are given by the deacon immediately before the
oblation is brought out and placed on the altar, but it is queer to
find among these such admonitions as the following :
Let none of the catechumens, none of the hearers, none of the unbelievers,
none of the heterodox [remain].
You who have prayed the foregoing prayer, approach.
Such instructions would seem more in place at the beginning of the
Liturgy of the Faithful than here. The final words of the deacon,
however, can be a preparation for the offertory procession as well as
for the Anaphora, immediately following the procession, as he says :
Let us, standing rightly, offer to the Lord with fear and trembling.
Brightman finds three diaconal admonitions referred to by Chry-
sostom, which he places here before the offertory procession "on
the analogy of Apostolic Constitutions." 47 But, as we noted
above,48 two of these would be more suitable at the opening of the
Liturgy of the Faithful. The third, however : " Let us rightly stand
erect," seems to correspond to the final instruction of Apostolic
Constitutions. Therefore, we may conclude that in the Liturgy of
Antioch there was at this point an admonition of the deacon either
as a preparation for the offertory procession or as a remnant of the
procession which formerly occurred at this point. St. Cyril, how
ever, makes no mention of such an admonition in the Liturgy of
Jerusalem.
In the later Liturgies, in which the offertory procession takes
place no longer just before the Eucharistic Prayer but at the be
ginning of the Liturgy of the Faithful, we find similar diaconal
commands to " stand rightly " and to look at what is about to take
place. But here these commands, instead of referring to the offer
tory procession, are closely united to the opening of the Eucharistic
Prayer. Thus the Greek Liturgy of St. James prepares for this
Prayer with the archdeacon saying: "Let us stand rightly, let us
stand reverently, let us stand in the fear of God with contrition. Let
us attend [wp6<rxa>{i£v] to the holy sacrifice \a,va<f>op<f\ in peace
" Brightman, 478. 48 Cf. above p. 94.
offering to God." 49 In the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom be

fore the people say the creed, the deacon announces : " Let us attend
[-7rpo<rx<o/«v] " and immediately following the creed and just before
the Eucharistic Prayer he says: "Let us stand rightly."50 The
deacon's instruction at this point in the Nestorian Liturgy contains
similar directions : " Stand ye fairly and behold those things that
are done in the fearful mysteries which are being hallowed," and
" In silence and fear stand ye and pray." 51
Hence the development in this part of the Liturgy seems to have
been the following. Originally the offertory procession occurred at
this point, introduced by a series of diaconal admonitions. When
the position of the procession was changed to the beginning of the
Liturgy of the Faithful, a remnant of these admonitions of the
deacon was left in the original position but acquired the character
of a preparation for the Eucharistic Prayer or sacrifice proper.
Indeed, as Probst points out,52 from the context of the passage in
which Chrysostom refers to the deacon's command : " Let us rightly
stand erect," it seems that this command is in preparation rather for
the Eucharistic Prayer than for the offertory procession.53 If such
is the case, we are furnished thereby with a further testimony in
favor of our suggestion that in the Liturgy of Antioch to which
Chrysostom refers the offertory procession occurred at the beginning
of the Liturgy of the Faithful.54 Chrysostom would be ascribing to
" Brightman, 49.

60 Brightman, 321.
61 Brightman, 282.
Johannes Chrysostomus," ZkTh 7, 277-278.
53 St. John Chrysostom, De incomprehensibile Dei natura 4, 5 : " Neither
lightly nor without purpose has it been ordered that the deacon command
all with these words : ' Let us rightly stand erect,' but in order that we
might raise up our thoughts trailing on the earth. . . . Think to whom
you stand near, with whom you are about to invoke God, with the cherubim.
. . . Therefore, let no one take part in those holy and mystical hymns with
a fettered mind, let no one at that time keep in mind worldly thoughts, but
having expelled all earthly things, let him transfer himself completely into
heaven, as it were, standing near the throne of glory and with the seraphim
thus offer the most holy hymn to the God of glory and greatness." For the
Greek text cf. PG 48, 734.
" Cf. above pp. 94-95.
this admonition of the deacon the character it acquired after the

change of the position of the offertory procession.
Theodore, however, certainly demonstrates the beginning of the
new character of his deacon's admonition : " Look at the oblation."
He considers the word " oblation " not in the sense of an offering
but in the sense of a sacrifice. He says :
In this he [the deacon] exhorts everyone to look at the sacrifice, as if a
public service was about to be performed, and a public sacrifice was about
to be immolated, and a public sacrifice was about to be offered for all. . . .
The deacon also rightly says before the offering of the sacrifice : " Look at
the sacrifice." 56
Just as Theodore is an early witness of the change of the position
of the offertory procession, so he is among the first to give to this
deacon's admonition its new meaning as a preparation for the
Eucharistic Prayer.
** Mingana, 95.
CHAPTEK II
Feom the Preface to the Lord's Prater

The central part of the Eucharistic Liturgy is the consideration
of this chapter. It includes the preface dialogue, the Eucharistic
Prayer, the Sanctus, the post-Sanctus prayer, the words of Insti
tution, the anamnesis, the sacrificial prayer, the Epiclesis, the invo
cation of the Holy Spirit on the people, and the intercession for the
living and the dead.
The survey offers the following picture of this portion of the
Liturgy:
105
Preface Dialogue Preface Dialogue
" After this the priest cries aloud : The priest says : " The grace of
' Lift up your hearts.' Then you our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love
answer : ' We have [them lifted] of the Holy Spirit be with you all."
unto the Lord.' " The people answer : " And with
Catech. Mystag. 5, 4 thy spirit."
The priest: " Lift up your minds."
(Q99) The people : " To Thee, 0 Lord."
" Then the priest says : ' Let us The priest : " Let us thank the
give thanks to the Lord.' Lord."
" Then you say : ' It is fit and The people : " It is fit and right."
right.' " (M 98-99)
Catech. Mystag. 5, 5
(Q 100)
Eucharistic Prayer Eucharistic Prayer

" After this we make mention of " After we have all of us per
heaven and earth and sea, of sun formed this, and while we are silent,
and moon, of stars and all the crea in a great reverential fear, the
tion, rational and irrational, visible priest begins the Anaphora. . . . Let
and invisible, of angels, archangels, the priest be at that time the tongue
virtues, dominations, principalities, of the ecclesiastical Community, and
powers, thrones, of the cherubim let him make use of the right words
with many faces: in effect saying in this great service. The right
that phrase of David : ' Magnify the praises of God consist in professing
Lord with me.' We make mention that all praises and all glorifications
From the Preface to the Lord's Prayer 107
Preface Dialogue Preface Dialogue
" Let the high priest say : ' May " He [the bishop] does not first
the grace of Almighty God, and the touch the offerings before he prays
love of our Lord Jesus Christ, and for you grace from the Lord, and
the communion of the Holy Spirit you reply to him : ' And with thy
be with you all.' spirit.' "
" Let all with one voice say : ' And De Pentecoste 1, 4
with thy spirit.' " (PG 50, 458)
The highpriest : " Lift up your
mind." " Again in the most awful mys
All: "We have [it lifted] unto teries themselves the priest prays
the Lord." for the people and the people pray
Highpriest : " Let us thank the for the priest, for the ' With thy
Lord." spirit ' is nothing else than this."
All : " It is right and just." In II Cor. 18, 3
8, 12, 4-5 (PG 61, 527)
(F497)
" What are you doing, man? Did
you not promise to the priest when
he said : ' Let us lift up our mind
and hearts,' and say : ' We have
[them lifted] unto the Lord? ' "
De Poenitentia 9, 1
(PG 49, 345)
" Again the offering of thanksgiv

ing is common, for neither does he
[the priest] give thanks alone but
also all the people. For having
first received their reply, then they
having assented that is is worthy
and right to do this, he begins the
thanksgiving."
In II Cor. 18, 3
(PG 61, 527)
Eucharistic Prayer Eucharistic Prayer
" Let the highpriest say : ' It is " ' The cup of blessing which we
truly right and just before all things bless, is it not a communion of the
to praise thee, who are the true Blood of Christ?' ... He [Paul]
God. . . . ' " [Praise of the Father says : ' When I call it blessing I
and the Son is followed by a recital unfold all the treasure of God's
of the benefits of God to man. goodness, and call to mind those

also of the seraphim, whom Isaias are due to Him, inasmuch as adora
in the Holy Spirit saw standing tion and service are due to Him from
around the throne of God, and with all of us; and of all other services
two wings veiling their face and the present one, which consists in
with two their feet, and with two the commemoration of the grace
flying, and saying " : which came to us and which cannot
Catech. Mystag. 5, 6 be described by creatures, takes pre
cedence. And because we have been
(Q. 100-101) initiated and baptized in the name
of the Father, and of the Son, and
of the Holy Spirit, and because we
ought to expect therefrom the full
accomplishment of the things that
are performed, he says : ' the great
ness of the Father.' He adds also:
' and of the Son,' because the same
thing that is due to the Father is
also due to the Son, who is really
and truly a Son with an identical
substance with His Father, and in
nothing lower than He. He adds
necessarily in the same sentence:
' and of the Holy Spirit,' and con
fesses that the Spirit is also of
Divine substance. He asserts that
all praises and glorification are of
fered at all times, and before all
other ( beings ) , to this eternal and
divine nature, by all the visible crea
tures and by the invisible hosts. He
makes then mention, before other
(creatures), of the Seraphim, who
offer that praise which the blessed
Isaiah learned in a divine vision and
committed to writing, and which all
of us in the congregation sing in a
loud voice, as if we were also singing
that which the invisible natures
sing":
(M 99-100)

Beginning with the creation and mighty gifts.' For we too, recount
man's fall, it summarizes the history ing over the cup the unspeakable
of man, mentioning Abel, Cain, Seth, benefits of God and all that we have
Enos, and Enoch, Noe's salvation enjoyed, thus offer it and communi
from the flood, Lot's deliverance cate, giving Him thanks that He
from Sodom, Abraham, Melchise- has delivered from error the whole
dech, Job, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, the race of mankind; that being afar
deliverance from Egypt under Moses, off, He made us near; that when we
Aaron, and the entrance into the had no hope and were without God
promised land.] in the world, He constituted us His
" ' For all these things glory be to own brethren and fellow heirs. For
Thee, O Lord Almighty. Thee do these and all such things, giving
the innumerable hosts of angels, thanks, thus we approach. . . . He
archangels, thrones, dominions, prin [Paul] called it a cup of blessing,
cipalities, authorities, and powers, because holding it in our hands we
Thine everlasting armies, adore : the thus praise it in song, wondering
cherubim and the six-winged sera and astonished at the unspeakable
phim with two [wings] covering gift, blessing that also He has
their feet, with two their heads, and poured forth this [Blood of Christ],
with two flying and saying to so that we might not abide in error ;
gether with thousands of archangels and not only did He pour It out, but
and myriad myriads of angels, in also He gave It to all of us."
cessantly and constantly with loud In I Cor. 24, 1
voices ' " : (PG 61, 199-200)
8, 12, 6-27
(F 497-507) " Therefore the awe-inspiring mys
teries, so salutary, which we cele
brate in every meeting [avvafa], are
called Eucharist, because they are a
commemoration of the many bene
fits, show the crowning act of the
providence of God, and dispose us
through all things to give thanks."
In Matt. 25, 3
(PG 57, 331)
" He gave the law, sent the pro
phets, afflicted [men], forgave, sent
him into captivity and released him,
and from beginning to end did not
cease doing and disposing all things
for our race. . . . And at last he
gave what is the chief of all bene
9
Sanctus Sanctus
" ' Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord of " ' Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of
Sabaoth.' For through this we say Sabaoth, the whole heaven and earth
this praise of God, delivered down are full of His praises.' . . . All of
to us from the seraphim, that we us who are present sing loudly in
may become sharers in the hymns the divine song which we recite,
with the heavenly hosts." along with the invisible hosts."
Catech. Mystag. 5, 6 (M 100-101)
(Q ioi)
fits, and sent His beloved, only-be
gotten Son. . . ."
Ad eos qui scandalizati sunt, 1, 8
(PG 52, 497)
Sanctus Sanctus
" And let all the people say with " And why marvel if the people
them : ' Holy, holy, holy, Lord of speak in some places with the priest
Sabaoth, heaven and earth are full of when even with the very cherubim
His glory; be Thou blessed forever. and the powers above they send up
Amen.' " in common those sacred hymns ? "
8, 12, 27 In II Cor. 18, 3
(F507) (PG 61, 527)
" Think with whom you stand at
the time of the mysteries: with the
cherubim, with the seraphim! And
how will you be able to say with
them, ' Holy, holy, holy,' having de
voted your mouth to wantonness?"
In Eph. 14, 4
(PG 62, 104)
" Above the armies of angels sing
hymns of praise, below in the
churches the choirs of men exactly
imitate them in the same doxology.
Above the seraphim proclaim the
trisagion hymn, below the gathering
of men send up the same."
In Mud Vidi Dominum 1, 1
(PG 56, 97)
" When the great highpriest stands
at this holy table performing the
reasonable service and offering the
unbloody sacrifice, he does not sim
ply invite us to this prayer but
first mentioning the Cherubim and
calling to mind the seraphim, then
he exhorts all to send up this won
derful word . . . saying : ' You sing
Post-Sanctus Prayer Post-Sanctus Prayer

" After all those present have re
verted little by little to silence, the
priest proceeds with the holy service
and says before anything else : ' Holy
is the Father, holy also is the Son,
and holy also is the Holy Spirit.'
He afterwards makes mention also
of the ineffable grace of (God) for
which He made manifest the economy
which took place in Christ, and by
which the one who was in the form
of God was pleased to take upon
Him the form of a servant, so that
He might assume a perfect and com
plete man for the salvation of all
the human race; and He abolished
the old and harsh observances which
were formerly enjoined upon us
through the deadweight of the law
and also the dominion of death which
was dating from ancient times; and
He granted us ineffable benefits
which are higher than all human
intelligence and for which He agreed
to suffer, so that through His resur
rection, He might effect a complete
abolition of death; and He promised
communion with Him in the happi
ness of the future benefits."
(M 102-103)
with the Seraphim, you stand with
the Seraphim.' "
In illud Vidi Dominum 6, 3
(PG 56, 138)
" When they were in the body, ac

cording to the communion of the
mysteries, they were admitted to
that choir, singing with the very
Cherubim the trisagion hymn, just
as you know who are initiated in
the mysteries."
De ss. Martyribus 2
(PG 50, 710)
" But if you wish ... to perform

religiously the present doxology, let
not such joy [of the seraphim] be
wanting to you ; for He is that Lord
who is glorified in heaven and on
earth for ' the heavens and the
earth are full of His glory.' "
In illud, Vidi Dominum 1, 3
(PG 56, 100)
Post-Sanctus Prayer Post-Sanctus Prayer

"And afterwards let the high- " That I might omit all the
priest say : ' For Thou art truly others [benefits] which outnumber
holy and most holy, the highest and the sands, what for us is equal to
niost highly exalted forever. Holy the accomplished Economy? For He
also is Thy only-begotten Son, our gave what was to Him most precious
Lord and God, Jesus Christ, who . . . of all, His only-begotten Son, to the
after the law of nature, after the enemies for us; nor did He only
exhortation of the law, after the give Him but He placed Him on the
prophetical reproofs and the regu altar for us. . . . What He did
lations of the angels, (when all men among the Jews, recalling the bene
had violated together with the posi fits to their minds through places,
tive law also the natural law, and times and feasts, this also He did
had cast out of their memory the here by means of the sacrifice, lead
flood, the burning of Sodom, the ing us to a perpetual remembrance
plagues of the Egyptians, and the of the benefit greater than these
slaughter of the Palestinians, and [other benefits]."
were about to perish as never be In Matt. 25, 4
fore) Himself, the creator of man, (PG 57, 331-332)
Words of Institution Words of Institution

" It is with great justice, there
fore, that He gave us this Sacra
ment, which is capable of leading
us efficiently to those benefits, as
through it we are born again in the
symbol of baptism, and we com
memorate the death of our Lord
through this awe-inspiring service,
and receive the immortal and spiri
tual food of the body and blood of
our Lord, for the sake of which,
when our Lord was about to draw
nigh unto His Passion, He instructed
His disciples that all of us who
believe in Christ had to receive them
and perform them through these
(elements), and in this way to
commemorate by stages the death
of Christ our Lord, and obtain
therefrom an ineffable nourishment.
From these things we derive a hope
that is strong enough to lead us to
participate in the future benefits."
(M 103)
by Thy good grace chose to become
man. . . ."' [Then follows a
lengthy, detailed account of Christ's
work of redemption up to and in
cluding His sitting at the right hand
of His Father]. . . .
8, 12, 28-34
(F 507-509)
Words of Institution Words of Institution
" ' Being mindful, therefore, of " The offering is the same whether
those things which He endured for a common man or Paul or Peter
our sakes, we give Thee thanks, O offers it; it is the same which
God Almighty, not as we ought but Christ gave to the disciples and
as we are able, and fulfill His com which the priests now perform. This
mand. For in the night He was is not inferior to that, because men
betrayed, He took bread in His holy do not sanctify even this, but He
and undefiled hands, and with eyes who sanctified also that. For as the
raised to Thee, His God and Father, words which God spoke are the same
He broke and gave to the disciples, which also the priest now says, so
saying : ' This is the mystery of the also the offering is the same. . . .
new covenant; take of it, eat; this And this, therefore, is His Body as
is My Body which is broken for well as that. He who thinks this is
many unto the remission of sins.' inferior to that does not know that
In like manner, He mixed the chalice Christ is even now present, even now
with wine and water, blessed it, and operating."
gave to them saying ; ' Drink ye all In II Tim. 2, 4
of this; this is My Blood which is (PG 62, 612)
shed for many unto remission of
sins; do this in commemoration of
me; for as often as you eat this " For it is not man who effects
bread and drink this chalice, you that the offerings become the Body
show forth My death until I come.' " and Blood of Christ, but Christ
8, 12, 35-37 Himself, who was crucified for us.
(F 509) Fulfilling the figure the priest stands
saying those words; the power and
grace is of God. ' This is My Body,'
he says. This word transforms the
offerings; and as that word saying:
' Increase and multiply and fill the
earth,' was said once, but for all
time gave our nature the power to
procreate children, so also this word,
once spoken at every altar in the
Anamnesis Anamnesis '

" The priest says these and similar
things, a remembrance of things
taken place previously."
(M 103)
Epiclesis Epiclesis
" Then having sanctified ourselves " The priest offers, according to
by these spiritual hymns, we be the rules of priesthood, prayer and
seech the benevolent God to send supplication to God that the Holy
forth the Holy Spirit upon the laid- spirit may descend, and that grace
out gifts so that He may make the may come therefrom upon the bread
bread the Body of Christ and the and wine that are laid (on the
wine the Blood of Christ." altar) so that they be seen to be
Catech. Mystag. 5, 7 truly the body and blood of our
(Q ioi) Lord."
(M 104)

churches from that time until today
and until His coming, effects a per
fect sacrifice."
De proditione Judae 1, 6
(PG 49, 380)
Anamnesis Anamnesis
" ' Being mindful, therefore, of His
passion and death and resurrection,
and ascension into the heavens, and
His future second coming in which
He will come with glory and power
to judge the living and the dead and
to reward everyone according to his
works, we offer to Thee, King and
God, according to His command this
bread and this chalice, giving thanks
to Thee through Him that Thou hast
deemed us worthy to stand before
Thee and sacrifice to Thee; and we
beseech Thee that Thou mercifully
look down upon these gifts laid out
before Thee, O God, who needs
nothing.' "
8, 12, 38-39
(P 509-511)
Epiclesis Epiclesis
" ' And do Thou accept them to " When the priest stands before
the honor of Thy Christ, and send the table raising his hands to heaven
down upon this sacrifice, Thy Holy and invoking the Holy Spirit that
Spirit, the witness of the Lord He come and touch the laid out
Jesus' sufferings, that He may show gifts, there is great quiet, great
this bread to be the Body of Thy silence."
Christ and this chalice the Blood In coemet. appelat. 3
of Thy Christ "' (PG 49, 397-398)
8, 12, 39
(P 511) " There stands the priest bringing
down not fire but the Holy Spirit,
and he makes supplication for a
long time not that some flame, sent
down from on high, may consume
the offerings, but that grace, de
Invocation on the People

" The priest prays that the grace
of the Holy Spirit may come also on
all those present, in order that as
they have been perfected into one
body in the likeness of the second
birth, so also they may be knit here
as if into one body by the com
munion of the flesh of our Lord, and
in order also that they may embrace
and follow one purpose with con
cord, peace, and diligence in good
works. In this way, all of us pray
God with a pure mind not to re
ceive the communion of the Holy
Spirit for punishment, as if we were
divided in our thought and bent on
disunions, bickerings, jealousy and
envy, and despising good works, but
to be considered worthy to receive
(that communion) because the eye
of the soul looks towards God with
concord, peace, diligence in good
works, and purity of mind."
(M 104-105)
scending on the sacrifice, may there
by enlighten the souls of all and
render them more resplendent than
silver purified by fire."
De Sacerd. 3, 4
(PG 48, 642)
" When he invokes the Holy Spirit
and accomplishes the most dread
sacrifice. . . ."
De Sacerd. 6, 4
(PG 48, 681)
" The grace of the Spirit being
present and flying to all things
effects this mystical sacrifice. For
although it is man who is present,
nevertheless it is God who works
through him. . . . Nothing is human
of those things which happen in this
holy sanctuary."
De s. Pentecoste 1, 4
(PG 50, 459)
" You look not in the manger, but
at the altar, not at the mother
holding [the child] but the priest
standing there, and the Spirit with
great abundance flying over the
gifts."
In I Cor. 24, 5
(PG 61, 204)
Invocation on the People
"'. . . that those who are par
takers thereof may be strengthened
unto piety, may obtain the remis
sion of sins, may be delivered from
the devil and his deceit, may be
filled with the Holy Spirit, may be
come worthy of Thy Christ, and may
obtain eternal life, when Thou hast
been reconciled with them, O Lord
Almighty.' "
8, 12, 39
(F 511)
Intercession for Living and Dead Intercession for Living and Dead
" Then after the spiritual sacrifice, " The priest offers supplication on
the unbloody service, is completed, behalf of all those of whom by regu
over that sacrifice of propitiation we lation mention is to be made, always
entreat God for the common peace of in the Church; and later he begins
the churches, for the welfare of the to make mention of those who have
world, for kings, for soldiers and departed in the faith. . . . The
allies, for the sick, for the afflicted, priest recites quietly these prayers."
and in a word for all who need help (M 105)
we all pray and offer this sacrifice.
" Then we commemorate also those
who have fallen asleep before us, in
the first place patriarchs, prophets,
apostles, and martyrs, that at their
prayers and intercessions God may
receive our prayer. And then for
the holy fathers and bishops who
have fallen asleep before us and in a
word for all who have fallen asleep
among us."
Catech. Mystag. 5, 8-9
(Q 102)
Apostolus Constitutions Writings of St. John Chrysostom
Intercession for Living and Dead Intercession for Living and Dead
" ' We further pray unto Thee, 0 " For what sort of man ought he
Lord, for Thy holy Church . . . that be, who acts as ambassador for the
Thou wilt preserve it unshaken and whole city, and why do I say of the
free from disturbance until the end city? Indeed for the whole world,
of the world; and for the whole and prays that God may be merciful
episcopate rightly teaching the word to the sins of all, not only of the
of truth. living, but also of the departed. . . .
' For me who offer to Thee, for the He draws near to God, beseeching
whole presbytery, for the deacons that wars be extinquished every
and all the clergy, that Thou, teach where, that tumults be quelled, ask
ing wisdom to all, may fill them ing for peace and plenty and a
with the Holy Spirit. swift deliverance from all the ills
' For the king and those in author that beset each one privately and
ity, for the whole army. . . . publicly."
'We offer to Thee for all the De Sacerd. 6, 4
saints who have pleased Thee from (PG 48, 680-681)
the beginning, patriarchs, prophets,
just men, apostles, martyrs, con " If for the whole Church which
fessors, bishops, presbyters, deacons, extends from one end of the earth to
subdeacons, readers, singers, vir the other, prayers are to be said,
gins, widows, lay persons, and all much more should he [the head of
whose names Thou knowest. the Church] show care for this whole
' For this people . . . for those in [Church] and be solicitous likewise
virginity and chastity, the widows for all and care for all."
of the Church; those in honorable In Eustathium 3
marriage and childbearing ; the in (PG 50, 602)
fants of Thy people, that thou will
not have anyone of us to be cast " When that sacrifice is set forth,
away. the priest orders us to give thanks


' For this city and its inhabitants, for the world, for those who were
for the sick, those in bitter servi before, those who are now, those
tude, those in exile, those in prison, who were born earlier, and those
those that travel by water and by who will be among us."
land. . . . In Matt. 25, 3
' For those who hate us and per (PG 57, 331)
secute us, for those who are without
and wander out of the way. . . . " Not in vain were these things
' For the catechumens and those ordained by law by the apostles,
troubled by the enemy and for our that in the dread mysteries remem
brethren in penance. . . . brance should be made of the de
' For the good temperature of the parted. . . . But this indeed for
air and abundance of fruits. . . . those who departed in faith; the
' For those who are absent for a catechumens are not worthy of this
just cause. . . . consolation."
' That to Thee be all glory, wor Ad Philip. 3, 4
ship, and thanksgiving, honor and (PG62, 204 )
adoration, Father and Son and Holy
Spirit now and always and for ever " Help him [the departed one] as
lasting and endless ages.' " far as possible not by tears but by
" Let the people all respond : prayers and supplications and alms
' Amen.' " and offerings. . . . For not in vain
8, 12, 40-51 do we remember the departed in the
(F 511-515) divine mysteries and approach God
in their behalf, beseeching the Lamb
lying before us who taketh away the
sins of the world, but in order that
therefrom some consolation may be
theirs. Not in vain does he who
stands at the altar cry out when the
tremendous mysteries are celebrated,
' For all who have fallen asleep in
Christ and for all who perform com
memorations for them.' . . . The
common expiation of the whole world
is set forth. Therefore with con
fidence we then entreat for the whole
world and name them [the departed]
with the martyrs, confessors, and
priests. For we all are one body,
though some members are more
glorious than others; and it is pos
sible from every part to gather par
don for them by prayers, by gifts

offered for them, by those who are
named with them."
In I Cor. 41, 4-5
(PG 61, 361)
"He calls [Paul, I Cor. 14 : 16-17]

the layman unlearned, and signifies
that he also suffers no little loss
when he is unable to say the ' Amen.'
And what he says is this: If you
bless in an unknown tongue, not
knowing what you say nor able to
interpret, the layman cannot answer
the ' Amen.' For not hearing the
' Forever and ever ' which is the end,
he cannot say the ' Amen.' "
In I Cor. 35, 3
(PG 61, 300)
10
I.
THE PREFACE DIALOGUE
This dialogue between the priest and people was the common
introduction and preparation for the central part of the Liturgy,
for the Eucharistic Prayer during which the sacrifice was accom
plished.1 All the Liturgies have such a dialogue with peculiarities
only in wording. It may be noted that Theodore's opening blessing
repeats exactly the words of St. Paul to the Corinthians,2 while
the Apostolic Constitutions differ slightly, interchanging the posi
tion of the names of God the Father and Our Lord Jesus Christ.
Theodore, however, remarks that " some priests only say : ' The grace
of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you,' and include in, and restrict
with these words all the sentence of the Apostle."3 Although St.
Cyril of Jerusalem does not mention this blessing, we may rightly
suppose his Liturgy is not lacking in this usual part of the dialogue,
especially " since the Liturgy of St. James has this benediction." 4
Chrysostom quotes only the reply, " And with thy spirit," but he
refers to the blessing when he says that the priest " prays for you
grace from the Lord." The later Liturgies continue to begin the
dialogue with this blessing.
The difference in wording of the next admonition of the priest
1 Of. H. Engberding, " Der Grass des Priesters zu Beginn der eixapiirWa
in ostlichen Liturgien," JL IX, 138-143. A. Baumstark also has an interest
ing study of the preface dialogue in his " Textes Liturgiques," IrSnikon 11,
4 (1934), 320-322. He notes that while the people's response: " It is right
and just," must be very old since it is absolutely universal, this phrase is
not of Jewish origin but can be supposed of hellenistic origin. He is of
the opinion that the priest's words : " Let us give thanks to the Lord our
God," " is nothing but the literal translation of that which the Mischna
prescribes for the case where at least a hundred persons participate in a
common meal " : " La Structure des Grandes Unites Liturgiques," Mnikon
11, 3 (1934), 143.
"// Cor. 13: 13.
Studies 6), 98-99.
Cyrillus," Der Katholik (1884), 1, 153.
is of no great importance. While Theodore says, "Lift up your

minds," Apostolic Constitutions use the singular, " mind " (vovv) ;
Chrysostom says, "mind and hearts," Cyril only "hearts." The
Greek Liturgy of St. James agrees with Chrysostom, the Liturgies
of Basil and Chrysostom agree with Cyril and the Nestorian
Liturgy follows Theodore.5 Theodore's reply, " To Thee, O Lord,"
as also the Nestorians' "Unto Thee, 0 God of Abraham and of
Isaac and of Israel, O glorious King," are not ordinary, since the
usual response is not a direct address to God ; the thought, however,
is the same.
The only deviation from the common " Let us give thanks to the
Lord " is the Nestorian Liturgy's " The offering is being offered
unto God the Lord of all." 6
H. Lietzmann believes that " certainly in this place belongs the
deacon's announcement which admonishes the congregation to stand
up in reverence and respectful silence." 7 This announcement is
mentioned in the synopsis which precedes the sixth chapter of the
Catecheses. After speaking of the Sanctus, the synopsis continues :
"While all have resorted to silence, and while we all look down
wards, the Church crier shouts : ' Let us all stand up in great fear
and tremor.' " 8 And in the text itself Theodore says : " We all
stand in reverential fear while we bow our heads. . . . And we
bow our heads both before and after we recite loudly the Sanctus." 8
From these references it is difficult to conceive this announcement
as belonging between the dialogue and the Eucharistic Prayer ; they
would rather lead one to suppose that the deacon gave this command
after the Sanctus in order to restore silence after the singing of that
hymn. However, perhaps Lietzmann means to place this admonition
immediately before the dialogue. Such an arrangement would be
in accord with what was said in the preceding chapter regarding
the command to stand and look at the sacrifice.10 As was pointed
out there, this arrangement seems the most logical. Thus these
0 F. E. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western 1, 50; 321; 283.

"Brightman, 283.
7 H. Lietzmann, Die Liturgie des Theodor von Mopsuestia ( Sonderausgabe
Phil.-Hist. Klasse 23), 19.
"Mingana, 96. 0 Mingana, 102. 10 Cf. above pp. 101-104.
latter of Theodore's remarks about the people's standing with bowed

heads could refer to the earlier admonitions which immediately pre
cede the reading of the diptychs and the preface dialogue, and, in
the light of what the synopsis relates, perhaps also they could
refer to another admonition, peculiar to the Church in Mopsuestia,
following the Sanctus.11
2.
THE EUCHARISTIC PRAYER
Theodore's Preface as an Early Example of the Short
Trinitarian Form
After the preface dialogue the Anaphora or sacrifice proper begins.
As its very name implies and the preface dialogue suggests, this
prayer, said by the priest alone, is a prayer of thanksgiving. That
is its character in all the Liturgies. Apostolic Constitutions offer
us an example of the ancient very lengthy form of this prayer,
modeled on the great synagogal prayer of thanksgiving. It begins
by praising the Father and the Son and then recounts at length
God's benefits to mankind from the creation to the Jews' entrance
into the promised land. For all these benefits thanksgiving and
praise are due to God; hence in union with the angelic hosts the
people are commanded to sing the seraphic hymn.
A. Baumstark explains a very close relationship of the Eucharistic
Prayer of the Christian sacrifice with Jewish thanksgiving prayers.
He says :
As to the anaphora, it is evidently to the Jewish meals and their thanks
giving formulas that it is to be related, because by its nature this also
is a meal prayer. The Eucharistic prayers of the kidaxh are nothing but
a christianization of the Jewish blessings on bread and wine and of the
thanksgiving after the meal. . . . The truth, it seems to me, is that these
[prayers of the Aidaxv] were intended to introduce the common meal of the
" Agape," which was not the sacramental Eucharist but to which this
[the Eucharistic service] was the sequel. The thanksgiving after the
common meal constituted then the introduction to the sacramental solem-
11 In no other Liturgy is any such command to be found, unless it be

the command to " look toward the east." In the Liturgy of St. Mark the
deacon thus admonishes the people: Eis duoroXAs p\ifare, but this is before
the Sanctus. Cf. Brightman, 131.
nity and it is this which is the beginning of the evolution of the anaphora
texts. . . .
Naturally, an altogether new tenor had to be given to the ancient prayer
of the common meal, when it became the consecratory prayer for the
sacramental meal of the Christian sacrifice. . . .l3
Chrysostom's writings seem to refer to a Eucharistic Prayer like

that of Apostolic Constitutions, with a recounting of the " unspeak
able mercies of God." His recital of the wonders of divine provi
dence in chapters 7 and 8 of the first book of Ad eos qui scandalizati
sunt 13 are considered an echo of the Eucharistic Prayer and an ex
planation of the words .of his homily In I Cor. : " For these and all
such things giving thanks, let us approach." 14 But since he
enumerates among those benefits the work of redemption, calling it
" the crown of all good things," 15 Probst and Brightman conclude
that in the Liturgy to which he refers mention is made of the
redemption during the Eucharistic Prayer;16 in this, then, the
Antiochian Liturgy would differ from that of Apostolic Constitu
tions. While admitting the possibility of such a conclusion, we
must also note that Chrysostom may be combining things in his
discourses which in the Liturgy were not united. As he is not
giving a systematic account of the Liturgy, nothing would prevent
his joining the contents of the Eucharistic Prayer with those of the
Post-Sanctus Prayer.17
The Eucharistic Prayer being said only by the priest, neither
Theodore nor Cyril consider necessary more than a brief summary
l3 A. Baumstark, " La Structure des Grandes Unites Liturgiques," IrSni-
kon 11, 2 (1934), 142-143.
13 PG 52, 491-499.
"St. John Chrysostom, in I Cor. 24, 1 (PG 61, 199). Cf. Brightman,
op. ext., 479 and F. Probst, " Die antiochenische Messe nach den Schriften
des hi. Johannes Chrysostomus dargestellt," ZkTh 7, 282-283.
16 St. John Chrysostom, Ad eos qui scandalizati sunt 1, 8 (PG 52, 497).
" Probst, op. cit., 283 ; Brightman, 479.
" Probst, op. cit., 280-281, wishes to show that the Eucharistic Prayer
in Antioch is very lengthy from the fact that Chrysostom says : " The
priest stands there [at the altar] and makes supplication for a long time
[c7r2 7to\i5] . . . that grace, descending upon the sacrifice, may thereby en
lighten the souls of all": de Sacerdotio 3, 4 (PG 48, 642). Brightman,
480, more correctly it seems, considers this text as a reference only to the
Epiclesis.
of it as an introduction to their explanations of the Sanctus. From

St. Cyril's account we may conclude that in the Liturgy of Jeru
salem in his day this prayer was similar to that of Apostolic Consti
tutions. He begins with an enumeration of the works of creation
and then immediately mentions the choirs of angels and the hymn
of the seraphim, thus introducing the Sanctus. And that summary
enumeration of "heaven and earth and sea, of sun and moon, of
stars and all the creation rational and irrational, visible and in
visible" is sufficiently detailed to lead us to suppose that this
Eucharistic Prayer contained a lengthy, detailed account of creation
and the other divine benefits, as was the case in Apostolic Consti
tutions.18 Whether the redemption was also numbered among those
benefits or was recounted in the Post-Sanctus Prayer is difficult to
say. Cyril's exposition of the phrase, " Let us give thanks to the
Lord," proposes the redemption as a reason for thanksgiving. " For
verily we are bound to give thanks," he says, " that He called us,
unworthy as we are, to so great a grace, that He reconciled us who
were His foes, that He vouchsafed to us the spirit of adoption." 18
While Brightman assumes this to represent a part of the prayers
after the Sanctus,20 Probst thinks it belongs before the Sanctus.21
Brightman's opinion, however, appears more likely in view of the
fact that even the Liturgy of St. James, the reformed text of
Cyril's Liturgy of Jerusalem, does not include the redemption
among the benefits enumerated before the Sanctus.
Concerning Cyril's words, "in effect repeating that phrase of
David, ' Magnify the Lord with me,' " Lietzmann is of the opinion
that this formula at one time was said by the deacon at this part
of the Anaphora.22
Theodore's summary does not allow us to form a certain judgment
regarding the full content of his Eucharistic Prayer, but it seems
to show that in this matter his Liturgy foreshadows the change from
18 F. Probst, op. ext., 154-157.

19 St. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses Mystagogicae 5, 5 (J. Quasten,
Monumenta Eucharistica et Liturgica Vetustissima, 100).
20 Brightman, 469.
*l Probst, " Die hierosolymitanische Messe nach den Schriften des hi.
Cyrillus," Der Katholik (1884), 1, 155-156.
" H. Lietzmann, Messe und Herrenmahl, 144.
a lengthy prayer to the shorter form of the later Liturgies.23 For

one thing, his Eucharistic Prayer is addressed to the Holy Trinity,
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit; most of his explanation of the prayer
deals with that idea. Apostolic Constitutions direct this prayer
only to the Father and Son; Cyril and Chrysostom are silent
on this point; and even the Greek Liturgy of St. James speaks of
the Holy Trinity only in the Post-Sanctus Prayer. But the later
Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom and of the Nestorians, like
Theodore, address the Eucharistic Prayer to the Holy Trinity.
With Theodore's prayer
we find ourselves clearly on the way to the short Anaphoras of the later
time, which contain only general praise-formulas and of which the Greek
and Syrian Liturgy of St. James gives a good representation. But in
Theodore the development is already advanced beyond James, as he [Theo
dore] also formulates this part of the prayer in a trinitarian form.24
The later Liturgies, although describing God's benefits in only a

few words and expressing their thanksgiving and praise in general
terms, continue usually the ideas, and at times even the wording, of
the earlier Liturgies. In this regard the Greek Liturgy of St.
James, an excellent example of the new form, is strikingly similar
to that of St. Cyril.25 The Eucharistic Prayer in the Liturgy of
23 Lietzmann, Baumstark, and Probst are of the opinion that the Ana
phora grew shorter in the course of time. But H. Engberding, " Das
Eucharistische Hochgebet der Basileiosliturgie," Theologie des Christlichen
Ostens 1, XIX-XXII, believes that the Eucharistic Prayer developed from a
shorter form to a longer form. He cites as witnesses to his theory P.
Drews, Vntersuchungen iiber die sogenannte klementinische Liturgie im 8.
Buche der apostolischen Konstitutionen 11, 93; T. Schermann, " Einlei-
tungen zu Remigius Storfs tibersetzung Griechischer Liturgien," Bibliothek
der Kirchenvater 5, 20; and A. Masius, as found in E. Renaudot, Litur-
giarum orientalium collectio 1, XXVII and 2, 558. A. Baumstark, " Liturgie
Comparee," Mnikon 11, 1-2 (1934), 25-27, finds that while the liturgical
texts developed " from simplicity and brevity to an ever greater richness
and prolixity," the evolution was just the opposite in the case of the
liturgical readings of Holy Scripture and in the case of the anaphoras.
24 H. Lietzmann, Die Liturgie des Theodor von Mopsuestia, 19-20.
20 Brightman, 50 : " Whom the heavens hymn and the heavens of the
heavens, and all the host of them, the sun, moon, and all the choir of stars,
earth, sea, and all that is in them [italics are mine] ; Jerusalem, the
heavenly assembly, church of the first born who are written in the heavens,
Chrysostom and in the Nestorian Liturgy are also good examples of

the shortened prayer, but in the Liturgy of Basil, though not as
long as in the older Liturgies, it still is rather lengthy.26 While
this Liturgy of Basil and that of St. James do not speak of the work
of redemption in this Prayer, the Liturgies of Chrysostom and of
the Nestorians refer to it here, as well as again in the Post-Sanctus
Prayer.
3.
THE SANCTUS
This hymn of praise, found in all the Liturgies, is always intro
duced by a reference to the seraphim, whom Isaias in a vision heard
singing : " Holy, holy, holy, the Lord God of hosts, all the earth is
full of His glory." 27 It is always sung by the congregation. Theo
dore's Liturgy contains no more than the simple form, that of the
seraphic choir of Isaias' vision; Cyril of Jerusalem shortens even
this form, but Apostolic Constitutions add a phrase, seemingly a
foreshadowing of the Benedictus of later times : " Be Thou blessed
forever. Amen." The writings of St. John Chrysostom show the
use of only the simple form, but, as Lietzmann points out, "the
passages cited do not prove the lack of additions or of the Bene
dictus." 28 However, Theodore's testimony seems an argument in
favor of the simple form also in Antioch. In later centuries this
simple form was enlarged by the words of another Scriptural hymn :
" Hosanna in the highest. Blessed is He that cometh in the name
of the Lord. Hosanna in the highest." This addition is found in
the Greek Liturgy of St. James as well as in the Liturgies of Basil
and Chrysostom and of the Nestorians.20
spirits of just men and prophets, souls of martyrs and apostles, angels,
archangels, thrones, dominions, principalities, authorities, and dread powers,
the many-eyed cherubim and the six-winged seraphim. . . ."
"Brightman, 321-323; 283-284.
27 Is. 6: 3.
26 Lietzmann, 20.
" Brightman, 50-51; 323-324; 284.
4.
THE POST-SANCTUS PRAYER
After the congregation has returned to respectful silence, the
priest continues the Prayer. As was suggested above,30 there may
have been in Theodore's Liturgy a deacon's admonition to stand in
silence at this point. Such, however, would be a ceremony peculiar
to this Liturgy.
The priest picks up the interrupted Prayer with an elaboration of
the people's Sanctus. In accord with the trinitarian form of the
first part of his Bucharistic Prayer, Theodore continues with a
reference to the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, whereas Apostolic
Constitutions, having mentioned only the Father and Son before the
Sanctus, speak now only of these two Persons. Then both Liturgies
recount how after the earlier benefits of divine providence the
Father sent His only-begotten Son to redeem mankind. Theodore
offers only a summary of the redemption, or " Economy " as he
calls it, but Apostolic Constitutions give a lengthy and detailed
account up to and including Christ's sitting at the right hand of the
Father.
St. Cyril of Jerusalem makes no mention of this continuation of
the Prayer; since it was said by the priest, he would have felt it
unnecessary to dwell on this point. Brightman, however, inserts
here other passages of the Catecheses which " may be assumed to re
present the contents of the paragraph " 31 between the Sanctus and
the Epiclesis. One of these, the exposition of the words, " Let us give
thanks to the Lord," which sets forth the work of redemption as a
reason for thanksgiving, we have considered before.32 Another pas
sage corresponds to the other Liturgies' conception of the work of
redemption by Christ as the perfection of divine providence : " Who
by the law and the prophets has instructed us unto Christ." 33
Although Brightman does not cite any passage from Chrysostom's
writings as references to this prayer, Probst finds one in the homily
in Matt. 25, 4- Chrysostom there regards the work of redemption
30 Cf. above p. 128. 31 Brightman, 465, 469. 32 Cf. above p. 130.

33 St. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses 4, 33 (PG 33, 496).
as the best of God's innumerable benefits, speaking of it as the

" economy," and considers the climax therein to be that God placed
Himself on the altar for us, thus relating the economy of redemptior
to the Eucharist. Probst thinks that Chrysostom here has refer
ence to the Post-Sanctus Prayer because of the agreement of his
words with what the Fathers and Apostolic Constitutions have to
say about this part of the Liturgy.34 We may add, too, that his
agreement with Theodore's Post-Sanctus Prayer is a further argu
ment for believing that he is here speaking of a similar prayer in
the Antiochian Liturgy.
Theodore's summary corresponds closely with the Post-Sanctus
Prayer of the Greek Liturgy of St. James, of the .Liturgies of
Basil and Chrysostom, and of the Nestorian Liturgy.35 These all
proceed in a trinitarian form, recalling mainly the work of redemp
tion, which James and Basil call oiKovofiia. However, Basil's Liturgy
is more lengthy at this point, relating in brief, frequently in Scrip
tural phrases, the whole story from the creation to the redemption,
which it does not mention before the Sanctus. The Liturgy of
Basil and that of St. James also include the name of the Blessed
Virgin Mary as the Mother of Christ in their account of the
Incarnation—an addition to the fourth century Liturgies.
5.
THE WORDS OF INSTITUTION
The Woeds of Christ not Considered as the " Form " of Consecration
At this point in the prayers of the priest the account of the
Institution of the Eucharist is given. Apostolic Constitutions and
the writings of St. John Chrysostom are clear in this regard. In
Theodore's instruction there is here no clear statement of the words
81 Probst, " Die antiochenische Messe nach den Schriften des hi. Johannes
Chrysostomus dargestellt," ZkTh 7, 286-287.
85 F. E. Brightman, 51 ; 324-327 ; 284-285. It is interesting to note that
in the cushapa (silent prayer) of the priest following the Sanctus in the
Nestorian Liturgy are contained the words of Isaias 6:5: " Woe is me !
for I am undone, because I am a man of unclean lips and mine eyes have
seen the Lord of Hosts." And Theodore quotes this passage in the course
of his explanation of the Sanctus: Mingana, 101.
and actions of Christ with which He instituted the Eucharist. His

only indication of the Institution at this point is the following:
" for the sake of which, when our Lord was about to draw nigh unto
His Passion, He instructed His disciples that all of us who believe
in Christ had to receive them and perform them through these
(elements)." 36
Lietzmann explains this passing and veiled indication of the
Institution of the Eucharist in this way :
Tnat the passage itself is not cited verbatim or treated in detail may be
drawn from the same motive which brought about its omission in the manu
scripts of the Nestorian Liturgy: the mysterious aversion to expressing the
holy words outside the sacramental use.37
Such may be one reason but not the only one. As a matter of
fact, Theodore speaks considerably in detail about the Words of
Institution earlier in his sermons. He says :
It is with justice, therefore, that when He gave the bread He did not say:
" This is the symbol of my body," but : " This is my body " ; likewise when
He gave the cup He did not say : " This is the symbol of my blood " but :
" This is my blood," because He wished us to look upon these ( elements )
after their reception of grace and the coming of the Spirit, not according
to their nature, but to receive them as if they were the body and the blood
of the Lord.38
In the institution of the Sacrament He [Christ] said : " Take, eat, this is
my body which is broken for you for the remission of sins," and : " Take,
drink, this is my blood which is shed for you for the remission of sins." *"
The chief reason for this present vague reference to the Insti
tution is this that Theodore considers not the Words of Institution
but the Epiclesis of the Holy Spirit as that which changes the bread
and wine into Christ's Body and Blood.40 Hence he devotes more
86 Cf. A. Riicker, Ritus Baptismi et Missae quern descripsit Theodorus
ep. Mopsuestenus in sermonibus catecheticis (Opuscula et Textus, Series
Liturgica 2), 31: " ut per eos (scil. apostolos) acciperemus ea et perfice-
remus ea." He notes Mingana's translation and adds that " the Syriac
version permits both translations.
37 H. Lietzmann, Die Liturgie des Theodor von Mopsuestia, 20. Of. H.
Lietzmann, Messe und Herrenmahl, 33; 54.
88 Mingana, 75.
89 Mingana, 74.
40 Cf. below p. 141, above pp. 16 ff. This same reason accounts for the
omission of the Words of Institution in the Nestorian Liturgy.
time to an explanation of the Epiclesis and merely summarizes the

priest's prayers from the Sanctus to the Epiclesis, among which
prayers is the account of the Institution of the Eucharist.
This reasoning is further supported by a comparison with St.
Cyril's treatment of this part of the Liturgy. He says nothing about
the continuation of the Prayer after the Sanctus but goes immedi
ately from the Sanctus to an explanation of the Epiclesis. Hence,
omitting even such a summary as Theodore offers, he does not
mention the Institution at all but goes on to the more important
Epiclesis. Brightman says on this point:
He [St. Cyril] is only expounding the salient points of the rite and for
the purposes of his exposition the whole passage between the Sanctus and
the Intercession would be a single paragraph with the form of Invocation
for its essential point. The Institution is not mentioned; but for St.
Cyril it does not belong to the ' form ' of consecration and he has already
given lecture XXII to the exposition of it.41
However, we may suppose that the Liturgy of Jerusalem also

included the usual reference to the Institution of the Eucharist.
For this reason Brightman inserts in his reconstruction of that
Liturgy St. Cyril's account of the Institution as found in the
twenty-second lecture, or the fourth mystagogical catechesis.42
Probst likewise believes the account of the Institution belongs at
this place in the Liturgy of Jerusalem.43
The Words of Institution are to be found also in the later
Liturgies, accompanied by ceremonies befitting their importance.
As Lietzmann remarks, however, these holy words are not found in
the manuscripts of the Nestorian Liturgy.44 But Brightman inserts
the usual Words of Institution as evidently belonging in that
Liturgy as well.45
The question of the consecratory power of the Words of Institu
tion has already been sufficiently examined.46 We need only sum-
41 Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western 1, 469.
"Loe. cit.
44 Lietzmann, Die Liturgie des Theodor von Mopsuestia, 20.
" Brightman, 285.
48 Cf. above pp. 16 fif.
marize here. Theodore clearly does not consider them the " form "
of consecration. Apostolic Constitutions and especially St. Cyril
of Jerusalem seem not to consider them the "form" of consecration.
St. John Chrysostom, however, explicitly states that the Words of
Institution effect the transubstantiation, but since he also attributes
the change to the work of the Holy Spirit,47 we conclude that in
this question his doctrine is still undetermined.
6.
THE ANAMNESIS
A Criticism of Ltetzmann's Idea of the Anamnesis
IN THE LlTUKGY OP MOPSUESTIA
Apostolic Constitutions offer the best example of the Anamnesis,
in calling to mind Christ's " passion and death and resurrection, and
ascension into the heavens, and His future second coming." St.
John Chrysostom and Cyril do not mention this portion of the
Liturgy, although it probably belonged also to their Liturgies, since
they consider the Liturgy to be the representation of the sacrifice
of the cross, the fulfilling of Christ's command: "Do this in
commemoration of Me."48 In the later Liturgies there is always
found an Anamnesis similar to that of Apostolic Constitutions.49
Lietzmann 50 thinks that Theodore refers to the Anamnesis when,
" Cf. below p. 142.

" John Chrysostom, de Poenitentia 9, 1 (PG 49, 345) : " The mystic table
is prepared, and the Lamb of God is immolated for you . . . spiritual fire
descends from heaven, the Blood in the chalice is shed from the immaculate
side [of Christ] for your purification." De Proditione Judae 1, 6 (PG 49..
381 ) : " You approach an awesome and holy sacrifice. Ponder the reason
[biroBeoiv] of the oblation, Christ lies immolated."
Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses Mystagogicae 5, 8 (Quasten, Monumenta
Eucharistica et Liturgica Vetustissima, 102 ) : " After the spiritual
sacrifice, the unbloody service, is completed, over that sacrifice of propi
tiation we entreat God . . . and we offer this sacrifice."
Catecheses Mystagogicae 5, 10 (Quasten, 102) : "We offer Christ immo
lated for our sins, appeasing the benevolent God for these [the departed]
and for ourselves."
"Brightman, 52-53; 287; 328-329.
60 Lietzmann, op. ext., 21. Cf. Riicker, op. cit., 31.
speaking of the Institution of the Eucharist, he says: "And we

commemorate the death of our Lord through this awe-inspiring
service . . . and in this way to commemorate by stages the death
of Christ our Lord." 51 We admit that these words could refer to
the Anamnesis, since the passage is part of the summary of the
prayers of the priest and therefore Theodore could combine the
two thoughts—the Institution and the Anamnesis—in such a
summary.
Admitting this, however, brings up the difficulty of Theodore's
calling to mind only the death of Christ. Apostolic Constitutions,
we have seen, call to mind Christ's passion, death, resurrection,
ascension, and second coming; and Lietzmann notes that the old
liturgical tradition since Hippolyte always includes both the death
and the resurrection.52 In regard to Theodore's peculiarity Lietz
mann remarks that this has a surprising counterpart in some Gal-
lican Liturgies, which call to mind only the death of Christ, and
he then explains this peculiarity as the result of " a later biblical
influence: Paul mentions indeed only the death as an object of
remembrance in I Cor. 11 : 26,53 the passage which begins the
Anamnesis and from which chiefly flows this part of the Liturgy." 54
Such an explanation is good enough, but why defend a " peculi
arity " the existence of which appears rather doubtful—a " peculi
arity " which finds no counterpart in any related Oriental Liturgy
but only in the Gallican Liturgy ? A glance at the passage in which
are found the supposed references to the Anamnesis will show that
the words quoted could also be merely a part of the explanation of
the Institution. That Theodore should thus unite the thought of
the death of Christ to his reference to the Institution of the
Eucharist would not be peculiar, for in an earlier part of his instruc
tion he adduces Christ's Words of Institution as testifying to the
doctrine that the Eucharistic food has its source in the death of
Christ.55
slCf. above p. 114.
"Lietzmann, 21.
™ For as often as you shall eat this bread and drink the cup, you
proclaim the death of the Lord, until he comes.
" Lietzmann, 21.
65 Mingana, 74; Cf. above p. 31.
Besides, Theodore at other times explicitly calls the Eucharist a

remembrance of both the death and resurrection of the Lord. Thus
he says :
It is indeed evident to us that when we perform either baptism or the
Eucharist we perform them in remembrance of the death and resurrection
of Christ. ... As for the communion of the holy Sacrament he [Paul]
said : " As often as ye eat this bread and drink this cup, ye do show the
Lord's death till He come." . . . From all this it is clear that both the
service and the Communion are in remembrance of the death and the
resurrection of Christ.5"
The priest does the same thing [i. e. the breaking of the bread] after the
service has come to a complete end . . . and the remembrance of the death
and the resurrection has been accomplished.57
Indeed, Theodore goes even further and teaches exactly what

Apostolic Constitutions call to mind in the Anamnesis—namely,
that the Eucharist commemorates the passion, death, resurrection,
and second coming of Christ. He says that we contemplate " with
our eyes, through faith, the facts that are now being re-enacted:
that He is again dying, rising, and ascending into heaven."58
Therefore the whole Economy of Christ—the whole work of re
demption is re-enacted. And the Parousia, too, is foretold, since
this sacramental reenacting of the Economy of Christ gives the
faithful an earnest of the full realization of the work of redemption
which will be theirs after the resurrection of the body, i. e. after
the second coming of the Lord.59 Thus Theodore says: "The
priests of the New Testament are believed to perform sacrament-
ally . . . these things which we believe that Christ our Lord per
formed and will perform in reality." 60
It seems, then, that in the question of the Anamnesis Theodore's
Liturgy should agree with that of Apostolic Constitutions—as it
does in so many other instances—and not with a few of the Gal-
lican Liturgies. Therefore, we should not consider those words:
" And we commemorate the death of our Lord . . . and in this way
to commemorate by stages the death of Christ our Lord," as refer
ences to the Anamnesis. Instead, it seems better to see the Anam-
58 Mingana, 20-21.
"Mingana, 106-107. 59 Cf. above p. 64.
nesis referred to in the sentence immediately following the passage

concerning the Institution. There Theodore explains : " The priest
says these and similar things in this holy service and in his remem
brance of the things that had taken place previously." 61
Eeading the summary of the priest's prayers preceding these
words,62 we shall see what are meant by " these and similar things "
which " the priest says in his remembrance of the things that had
taken place previously." There Theodore speaks of the Economy
of Christ, His suffering, death, resurrection, and participation of
the faithful in the future benefits. We need not be surprised at his
rather vague reference to the Anamnesis, for Cyril of Jerusalem did
not think it necessary even to mention this part of the Liturgy to
his neophytes.
7.
THE SACRIFICIAL PRAYER
Probst points out that "the Anamnesis, Sacrificial Prayer, and
Epiclesis are in the closest union with the Consecration, on account
of which they follow it in the assigned order in all Liturgies." 63
But while it is true that every writer, speaking of the Eucharistic
Liturgy, emphasizes its sacrificial character, even Probst admits
little evidence of a definite sacrificial prayer in the Liturgies which
we are considering. Apostolic Constitutions add in conjunction
with the Anamnesis : " We offer to Thee, King and God, according
to His command this bread and this chalice." 64 The Greek Liturgy
of St. James and the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom are similar,
adding a few words to the Anamnesis as a prayer of offering. Thus
in the former is added : " We offer to Thee, O Master, this fearful
and unbloody Sacrifice 65 and in the latter: " We offering Thine
own of Thine own in behalf of all and for all. . . ." 66 Neither St.
Cyril nor St. John Chrysostom speaks of this prayer, just as they
omit reference to the Anamnesis. But in both the Liturgy of Jeru-
81 Cf. above p. 114. Italics are mine.
M Cf. above pp. 112, 114.
03 F. Probst, Liturgie der drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte, 250.
64 Cf. above p. 117.
65 Brightman, 53.
" Brightman, 329.
salem and that of Antioch such a prayer very probably could be

included, for they certainly consider the Eucharist as a sacrifice
offered to God. Throughout St. Cyril's fourth and fifth mysta-
gogical catecheses the sacrificial character of the Eucharist is
stressed. The same may be said of many of Chrysostom's refer
ences to the Liturgy.67
Similarly, although Theodore says nothing of a special sacrificial
prayer in connection with the Anamnesis, he clearly teaches his
neophytes that the Sacrament of the Eucharist is an unbloody repe
tition of Christ's bloody sacrifice on the cross. Thus, for example,
he explains : " We must first of all realize that we perform a sacri
fice of which we eat . . . not a new one and one that (the priest)
performs as his, but it is a remembrance of that other real sacrifice
(of Christ)."68 And again, describing the offertory procession, he
says : " We must also think of Christ being brought to His Passion,
and at another time stretched out on the altar to be sacrificed for
us."69 Hence, the presence in this Liturgy of some sort of prayer
explicitly offering the sacrifice is very probable.
8.
THE EPICLESIS IN THE FOURTH CENTURY AND IN
THE LATER LITURGIES
The calling down of the Holy Spirit upon the oblation Theodore
regards as that which effects the change of the bread and wine into
the Body and Blood of Christ. His account of the priest's prayer
clearly indicates this, as well as does his further explanation. He
says:
When the priest, therefore, declares them to be the body and blood of
Christ, he clearly reveals that they have so become by the descent of the
Holy Spirit, through whom they have also become immortal, inasmuch as
the body of our Lord, after it was anointed and had received the Spirit,
was clearly seen so to become. In this same way, after the Holy Spirit
has come here also, we believe that the elements of bread and wine have
received a kind of an anointing from the grace that comes upon them, and
87 Cf. above p. 137, note 48 and below p. 151.

88 Mingana, 79.
89 Mingana, 85. Cf. above pp. 56 ff.
11
we hold them to be henceforth immortal, incorruptible, impassible, and
immutable by nature, as the body of our Lord was after the resurrection.70
Both Apostolic Constitutions' and St. Cyril's Liturgies seem to

call down the Holy Spirit for this same purpose.71 St. John Chry-
sostom also refers frequently to an Epiclesis of the Holy Spirit, and
yet, as was seen above/2 he explicitly says that the Words of Insti
tution "transform the offerings." This has occasioned much dis
cussion, but a good explanation seems to be that Chrysostom's
doctrine on the question of the " form " of consecration is unde
termined; he perhaps tries to coordinate the two views on the
question.73 Probst believes that Chrysostom taught that the Holy
Spirit through His coming down upon the sacrifice effects the
cleansing and sanctification of souls.74 Thus the Invocation of the
Holy Spirit of which Chrysostom speaks seems rather to corres
pond to the Invocation for the congregation.75 As will be seen in
the consideration of that part of the Liturgy, that calling down of
the Holy Spirit in order that the people might fruitfully participate
in the sacrificial banquet flows immediately out of the Holy
Spirit's descent to effect the transubstantiation.
However, it is noteworthy that, as Chrysostom speaks of a prayer
that grace may descend upon the sacrifice, so also does Theodore
say : " The priest offers prayer that the Holy Spirit may descend
and that grace may come therefrom upon the bread and wine . . .
so that they may be seen to be truly the body and blood of our
Lord." From this it appears that in the Liturgy of Antioch the
descent of the Holy Spirit and the coming of grace were intimately
connected. Theodore, on the one hand, teaches that by this coming
of the Holy Spirit the bread and wine are changed and also that
through Him and His grace is effected a fruitful communion. On
the other hand, Chrysostom seems to consider the coming of the
Holy Spirit only in its role of purifying and cleansing souls.
It is from Chrysostom's writings that we see that as the priest
says the Epiclesis, he holds his hands uplifted toward heaven.
The Greek Liturgy of St. James, the Liturgies of Basil and
"Mingana, 104. Cf. above pp. 16 ff 73 Cf. above p. 24.

71 Cf. above p. 24. 74 Cf. above p. 18.
72 Cf. above pp. 115, 117. 75 Cf. below pp. 143-145.
Chrysostom, and the Nestorian Liturgy all contain an Epiclesis more

elaborate than those of the fourth century Liturgies.76 That of the
Nestorian Liturgy, however, does not call down the Holy Spirit
explicitly in order to change the bread and wine into the Body and
Blood of Christ; it seems rather an Invocation of the Holy Spirit
for the people—" for the pardon of offenses and the remission of
sins and for the great hope of resurrection from the dead and for
new life in the kingdom of heaven." But undoubtedly the Nes-
torians ascribed the transubstantiation to the Epiclesis. The
Nestorian bishop Narsai clearly witnesses to this,77 as does also the
fact that the Nestorian Liturgy omits the Words of Institution.78
9.
THE INVOCATION OF THE HOLY SPIRIT ON THE PEOPLE
AS A CONTINUATION OF THE EPICLESIS
Closely associated with the calling down of the Holy Spirit so
that He might effect the transubstantiation is the prayer that He
and His grace may descend upon the faithful to make fruitful their
participation in the Communion. This prayer may be an Invo
cation of the Holy Spirit either upon the people or for the people.
Theodore's is of the first type—upon the people. He says first that
the priest prays that the Holy Spirit and grace may come upon the
bread and wine. Then immediately after having explained why the
Holy Spirit must descend, he goes on to say that
the priest prays that grace of the Holy Spirit may come also on all those
present, ... in order that they may be knit here as if into one body by the
communion of the flesh of our Lord, and in order that they may embrace
and follow one purpose with concord, peace, and diligence in good works . . .
not to receive the communion of the Holy Spirit for punishment . . . but
to be considered worthy to receive ( that communion ) .7S
The Invocation in Apostolic Constitutions is rather for the

people, since the Holy Spirit is called down only upon the sacrifice
and not directly upon the congregation. The effect upon the
people—that is, the making fruitful of their participation in the
"Brightman, 53-54; 329-330; 287-288.
"O/. R. H. Connolly, The Liturgical Homilies of Narsai (Texts and
Studies 8, 1), 21-22.
78 Cf. above p. 136. ™ Mingana, 104-105.
Body and Blood of the Lord—appears here to be asked as a result

of the Holy Spirit's coming and His changing the bread and wine.
The Epiclesis is set forth as but one prayer calling down the Holy
Spirit to effect the transubstantiation in order that the partaking of
the Body and Blood of Christ may be fruitful unto a strong piety,
remission of sins, deliverance from the devil, eternal life, unto being
filled with the Holy Spirit and becoming worthy of Christ. How
ever, whether the Invocation is upon or for the people, clearly the
idea is fundamentally the same, although in the latter case there is
expressed a relationship of cause and effect between the Holy Spirit's
action upon the bread and wine and the people's fruitful participa
tion in the sacrificial banquet. In any case, in both Theodore's
and Apostolic Constitutions' Liturgies the coming of the Holy
Spirit has a two-fold purpose.
We saw above 80 that in St. John Chrysostom's writings the calling
down of the Holy Spirit seems to have only one purpose—-the
second mentioned by Theodore and the Constitutions—namely, to
make fruitful people's participation in the Communion. Strangely
enough, St. Cyril of Jerusalem exhibits the other extreme, speaking
solely about the first of the two-fold purpose; his invocation of the
Holy Spirit is only to effect the transubstantiation. It seems that
the Church of Jerusalem should certainly agree with the other
Liturgies in including an Invocation upon the congregation. Yet
if it does thus agree, it is difficult to conceive why St. Cyril fails
to mention this fact. This, it is true, is a prayer said by the priest
alone, but its relationship to the congregation's participation in the
Communion would seem to urge that the second purpose of the
coming of the Holy Spirit be explained to the neophytes as well as
the first.81
The Greek Liturgy of St. James as well as the Liturgies of Basil
and Chrysostom show close parallels with Theodore and Apostolic
Constitutions on this point. The second purpose of the coming of
the Holy Spirit flows immediately out of the first. They continue,
80 Cf. above pp. 18, 142.
Cyrillus," Der Katholik (1884), 1, 258-260, avoids this difficulty by his
explanation of the Epiclesis as the perfecting of the sacrifice, which per
fecting consists in the Holy Spirit's work of sanctification on the souls of
the faithful.
after asking that the Holy Spirit may change the bread and wine
into the Body and Blood of Christ, to ask
that they may be to those who partake of them [the Body and Blood of the
Lord] unto sobriety of soul, unto remission of sins, unto the communion of
the Holy Spirit, unto the bearing of fruit of good works unto life ever
lasting.82
While the Liturgy of St. James and that of Chrysostom are closer
to Apostolic Constitutions with their calling down of the Holy
Spirit being for the people, that of Basil is the closest parallel to
Theodore's Liturgy. There the priest prays that the Holy Spirit
may descend " upon us and upon the laid-out gifts." 83—an Invo
cation upon the congregation.
The Nestorian Liturgy, as was noted above,84 agrees with St.
John Chrysostom in calling down the Holy Spirit upon the offering
that there might result a fruitful participation in the Communion,
making no reference to the changing of the bread and wine.
And may there come, O my Lord, Thine Holy Spirit and rest upon this
offering of Thy servants and bless it and hallow it that it be to us, O my
Lord, for the pardon of offenses and the remission of sins and for the
great hope of resurrection from the dead and for new life in the kingdom
of heaven.86
Here again are asked the same fruits of participation in the Com
munion as are asked in the other Liturgies.
Between the Invocation of the Holy Spirit upon the people and
the Intercession in the Liturgy to which Chrysostom refers Bright-
man adds the direction that " he [the priest] makes the sign of the
cross over the oblation." 86 While the text he quotes, "This [the
cross] is seen on the holy table, in the ordinations of priests, again
with the body of Christ in the mystical banquet," 87 shows a clear
reference to the use of the sign of the cross during the Eucharistic
Liturgy, it gives no definite position to that use.
82 F. E. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, I, 54; 329-330.
88Brightman, 329.
80 Brightman, 287.
86 Brightman, 474; 480.
87 St. John Chrysostom, Quod Ghristus sit Deus 9, (PG 48, 820).
Probst thinks that in this same place there belongs a confession of

sins, placing it there in agreement with Apostolic Constitutions'
reference to " remission of sins " in the prayer of the Epiclesis.88
Not only Apostolic Constitutions but also the other Liturgies speak
thus of the remission of sins. But in all cases this seems to be
asked as an effect of participation in the Communion. However, it
is true that in these words there is contained a general acknowledg
ment of sins; and in this sense we may admit here a confession
of sins.
10.
THE INTERCESSION FOR THE LIVING AND THE DEAD
The Diptychs and the Reading of Individual Names
a doxology as the end of the anaphoea
After he has prayed in a special way—in the Invocation upon
the People—for those who are participating in the divine service,
Theodore explains that the priest proceeds to pray for all for whom
the Church regulation requires intercession be made, first for the
living and then for the dead. Such an intercession is common to all
the Liturgies. Theodore, however, differs in this that the reading
of the diptychs does not occur at this point but earlier, immediately
before the Preface Dialogue.89 Apparently, only now are the
prayers said for those whose names had been mentioned earlier,
which prayers are said silently by the priest.90
Apostolic Constitutions have a lengthy Intercession very similar
in content to the Diaconal Litany. St. Cyril's description and
Chrysostom's references give evidence of Intercessions in their
Liturgies agreeing in content with that of the Constitutions. We
may suppose that Theodore's Liturgy also agrees in this regard with
the contemporary Liturgies. The reading of the diptychs, or the
Chrysostomus dargestellt," ZkTh 7, 293-294.
89 Cf. above pp. 100-101.
80 A. Riicker, Ritus Baptismi et Missae quern descripsit Theodorus Ep.
Mopsuestenus in sermonibus catecheticis (Opuscula et Textus, Series Litur-
gica 2), 33, translates the Syriac text thus : " Harum orationum flnem
faeiens " instead of Mingana's : " The priest recites quietly these prayers."—
Cf. above p. 118.
mentioning of those for whom the prayers are to be said, is con

tained in these Intercessions themselves. Yet in these Liturgies
it is not strictly speaking a reading of individual names. Apostolic
Constitutions give an example of how this was done, first mention
ing a person or a group of persons and adding immediately a short
suitable prayer, but mentioning these persons or groups only in a
general way. Such general remembrances were the custom of the
earlier Liturgies,81 and diptychs containing the names of individuals
developed only later. Theodore's reference to the reading of names
from the church books is not clear enough for a certain judgment
on the matter, but since he changes the position of the reading of
the diptychs, he is perhaps also an example of the beginning of this
development in the diptychs.92 At any rate the later Liturgies
contain the reading of individual names for whom intercession is to
be made, an example of which we find in the Nestorian Liturgy.98
From St. John Chrysostom's scattered references to the Inter
cession only a conjecture can be made regarding its full content
and the order of its parts, but Probst gives a good reconstruction of
it.94 In this he places the Intercession for the Dead near the be
ginning, probably to agree with the order of Apostolic Constitutions.
Although this arrangement may be correct, the order found in the
other two contemporary Liturgies permits the supposition that the
prayers for the dead were said at the close of the Intercession.
Chrysostom clearly witnesses to the fact that the Intercession was
at his time made only for the departed faithful, even the catechu
mens being denied a share in it. Theodore intimates some restric
tion when he speaks of making " mention of those who have departed
in the faith," and earlier in his sermons he is even more explicit,
91 F. Probst, Liturgie der drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte, 405-408.
03 Cf. Peregrinatio Aetheriae 24, 2 (CSEL 39, 71 Geyer) : In the Vigil
or Night-office " Episcopus . . . primum dicet orationem pro omnibus ;
commemorat etiam ipse nomina, quorum vult, sic benedicet catechumenos."
This is a reading of the diptychs, an unusual procedure outside of the
Eucharistic Liturgy; as A. Bludau, Die Pilgerreise der Aetheria, 49, notes:
" None of the old authors are acquainted with the use of the diptychs
outside of Mass."
" Brightman, 275-281.
Chrysostomus dargestellt," ZkTK 7, 297.
saying that the sacrifice is " offered for all, not only for those who
are present but also for those who are absent, as long as they were
in communion with us in faith and were counted in the Church of
God and had finished their life in it." 95 St. Cyril similarly de
scribes the Intercession as a prayer " for all who have fallen asleep
among us." These restrictions, however, of Theodore and St. Cyril
do not seem to exclude the departed catechumens from the benefits
of the Intercession.
The later Liturgies similarly have lengthy Intercessions, in con
nection with which in the Greek Liturgy of St. James and in the
Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom the diptychs are read by the
deacon.96 The content of these Intercessions, while substantially
the same as that of the earlier Liturgies, is to some extent enlarged.
One notable addition is the commemoration of the Blessed Virgin
along with that of the usual saints. The commemoration in these
Liturgies appears to beg the intercession of the saints for the
deceased and for the living.97 The Greek Liturgy of St. James is
the closest to Theodore and St. Cyril with the Intercession for the
Dead after that for the Living, restricting it, too, to those " who are
of the true faith." 98 On the other hand, the Liturgies of Basil and
Chrysostom pray for the dead, as does the Liturgy of Apostolic
Constitutions, in the first part of the Intercession; and from the
words, " those who have fallen asleep in the hope of a resurrection
to life eternal," 99 this prayer here, too, is seen to be said only for
the departed Christians.
Likewise, the Nestorian Liturgy contains an Intercession, but,
as was noted before, this Liturgy agrees with Theodore in placing
the reading of the diptychs not here but before the beginning of the
Eucharistic Prayer.100 However, here the Intercession precedes the
Anamnesis and the Epiclesis, although some phrases of the prayer
after the Epiclesis also resemble parts of the Intercessions of other
Liturgies.101
00 Mingana, 95. 98 Brightman, 57.
86 Brightman, 54-58; 330-337. 00 Brightman, 332.
"Cf. below p. 150. 100 Brightman, 285-287; 275-281.
101 Brightman, 288 : " Grant, O my Lord, that thy tranquillity and peace
may abide on the four corners of the world and especially within thine
holy catholic church, and grant peace to the priesthood with the realm
It will be noticed that Theodore speaks of but two parts of the

Intercession, prayer first for the living and then for the dead. Thus
he throws no light upon the interesting question regarding the in
clusion here of a prayer to the saints begging their intercession
especially for the dead. Cyril clearly includes this prayer to the
saints in the Liturgy of Jerusalem. After the prayer for the
living he adds : " Then we commemorate all those who have fallen
asleep before us, patriarchs, prophets, apostles, and martyrs, that
at their prayers and intercessions God may receive our prayer ; " 102
then follows the prayer for the dead. Chrysostom, too, is explicit
on this point, telling his hearers :
Therefore, ... we name them [the departed] with the martyrs, confessors,
and priests. For we all are one body . . . and it is possible from every
part to gather pardon for them by prayers, by gifts offered for them, by
those who are named with them." 103
In Apostolic Constitutions the intercession of the saints is not

asked, but the sacrifice is offered for them and for the deceased.
The priest says : " We offer [wpoo-^tpoitev] to Thee for all who have
pleased Thee from the beginning, saints, patriarchs, prophets, . . .
and all whose names Thou knowest." 104
Probst105 believes, though, that the practice of praying to the
saints was the older custom.106 He would place the development of
and makes wars to cease in all the world and scatter the divided peoples
that delight in war, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all
sobriety and godliness."
102 Cf. above p. 120.
103 Cf. above p. 123.
104 Cf. above p. 121.
105 -p Probst, " Die hierosolymitanische Messe nach den Schriften des hi.
lo* Neither Funk nor Harnack-Gebhardt, however, agree with his opinion
that prayer to the saints is spoken of in the Epistle of Clement of Rome to
the Corinthians I, 56 (Funk 130) : "Let us pray for them . . . for the
remembrance of them which is made in mercy before God and the saints
will be fruitful to them." Funk says : " Clemens de intercessione agit,
quam presbyteri et alii apud Deum et fideles (071'ous) pro poenitentibus
faciunt." 0. de Gebhardt-A. Harnack, Patrum Apostolicorum Opera, Fasc.
I, Part I, Ed. II, 91-93, discard " the faithful " and " martyrs " as explana
tions of robs iylovs, and choose " angels " as the best explanation.
prayer for them as occurring during the latter part of the fourth
century, since from that time dates the testimony he cites as evi
dence of the reaction to the custom of praying to the saints. Thus
he cites the attacks of Vigilantius and Jovinian against the venera
tion of the saints and Epiphanius' distinction between the honor
paid to Christ and the commemoration of the saints107 as such
evidence.108 This, then, would mean that the controversy regarding
prayer to the saints or for the saints was in progress at the time
when Theodore lived. The desire to avoid this disputed question
in his instruction to the neophytes may have induced him to omit
all reference to the saints in his explanation of the Intercession.
At any rate, the Greek Liturgy of St. James and the Liturgy of
Basil continue to pray to the saints. After commemorating the
saints, the Liturgy of St. James adds : " in order that they standing
around Thy fearful and dreadful throne may remember our misery,
and we shall find grace and mercy in Thy presence, O Lord, unto
seasonable assistance ; " 109 and that of Basil asks : " at whose suppli
cations, visit us, O God." 110 The Liturgy of Chrysostom asks the
saints' intercession but also offers the sacrifice for them : " We
offer Thee this rational worship for those who have died in the
faith, fathers, patriarchs, prophets . . . and all Thy saints, at whose
supplications, visit us, O God." 111 The Nestorian Liturgy, however,
without asking their supplication, offers the sacrifice " for the holy
catholic church and for all the just and righteous fathers . . . and
for all the prophets and the apostles and for all the martyrs and
confessors." 112
107 Epiphanius, Adversus Haereses 75, 8 (PG 42, 513) : "We make men
tion alike of the just and sinners ... of the just, fathers and patriarchs,
prophets, apostles, evangelists, martyrs, confessors, bishops, anchorites,
and that whole company, so that, honoring Him with a certain singular
honor, we separate the Lord Jesus Christ from the rank of men, and offer
due worship to His majesty, knowing that the Lord is not to be compared
with any men, although some be adorned with a certain infinite or even
greater justice."
108 Probst considers the passage in Apostolic Constitutions (above) as an
interpolation. Cf. Probst, op. cit. 263.
io» F. E. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western 1, 56-57.
110 Brightman, 330-331.
111 Brightman, 331-332.
112 Brightman, 285
The Intercession, furthermore, is more than a simple prayer for

the living and the dead; it is an offering of the sacrifice for them.
Apostolic Constitutions introduce the various parts of the Inter
cession sometimes with : " We pray unto Thee, O Lord," and some
times with : " We offer unto Thee." The same thought is expressed
by Cyril when he relates : " Over that sacrifice of propitiation we
entreat God . . . and in a word for all who need help we pray and
offer this sacrifice." Chrysostom likewise understands the Inter
cession in this way. " Help him [the departed one]," he says, " not
by tears but by prayers and supplications and alms and offerings. . . .
The common expiation of the whole world is set forth. Therefore
with confidence we then entreat for the whole world." Although
Theodore does not at this point comment on this aspect of the
Intercession, earlier in his instruction he explains that " a public
sacrifice . . . [is] about to be offered for all, not only for those
present but also for those who are absent." 113
In Apostolic Constitutions the Intercession closes the entire
Eucharistic Prayer, ending with a doxology to which the people
respond, "Amen." Theodore and St. Cyril, however, make no
mention of a closing doxology, although it seems that they should
have done so if their Liturgies had one, since they should have
instructed their neophytes to answer the "Amen." Perhaps in
Jerusalem there was no such doxology, since it is the Lord's Prayer
which concludes the Eucharistic Prayer.114 And although Theo
dore does not include the Lord's Prayer in his commentary on the
Liturgy, this omission of a closing doxology gives us a reason to
suspect that the Lord's Prayer might close the Eucharistic Prayer
also in his Liturgy.115
Brightman thinks Chrysostom's reference to the people's " Amen "
in reply to the phrase " for ever and ever " at the end of the
" blessing " shows a doxology at the end of the Intercession.116 On
the other hand, Probst is of the opinion that the Lord's Prayer and
its doxology at the end form the conclusion of the Eucharistic
Prayer in the Liturgy to which Chrysostom refers. But he does
not exclude the possibility of two doxologies as the end of the
Mingana, 95. 115 But of. belowi pp. 172, 180.

Cf. below pp. 154, 170. 116 Brightman, 480.
Thanksgiving Prayer one closing the Anaphora proper and the

other at the end of the Lord's Prayer. The first, however, was
according to the more ancient custom. He says on this point :
But [the fact that the Lord's Prayer forms a doxology] does not exclude
this [doxology] from being likewise the conclusion of the Thanksgiving
Prayer. On the contrary it [the doxology] came to be included in the
text of Holy Scripture in this way: originally only a conclusion formula of
the Thanksgiving Prayer, it was considered as a part of the Our Father and
added to the Gospel text by some unlearned copyist. From the time of the
Apostle Paul the Thanksgiving Prayer, said by the bishop, had closed with
a doxology, to which the people responded " Amen." But since many
churches took the Our Father into the Liturgy later, i. e. at a time when
the doxology was treated as a part of the Our Father, they contained two
doxologies as the conclusion of the Thanksgiving Prayer.117
The Greek Liturgy of St. James and the Liturgies of Basil and
Chrysostom close the Intercession likewise with a doxology,118 while
containing another at the end of the Lord's Prayer.
ai y. Probst, " Die antiochenische Messe nach den Schriften des hi.
Johannes Chrysostomus dargestellt," ZkTh 7, 298.
118 Brightman, 58 ; 337.
CHAPTEE III
From the Lord's Prater to the Dismissal

The concluding portion of the Liturgy, which is the content of
this chapter, consists of the Lord's Prayer, the greeting of peace
(in the Clementine Liturgy), the breaking of the Bread, the
diaconal litany of intercession and preparation for Communion, the
priest's prayer before Communion, the deacon's admonition and
the elevation, the Communion, the signing of the senses, and the
thanksgiving and dismissal. A comparative examination of the
sources will give the following picture :
153

Lord's Prayer Lord's Prayer
" Then, after these things, we say
that prayer, which the Savior de
livered to His own disciples, with a
pure conscience calling God Father
and saying, ' Our Father, who art
in heaven . . . Hallowed be Thy
Name . . . Thy Kingdom come . . .
Thy will be done on earth as it is in
heaven . . . Give us this day our
substantial bread . . . And forgive
us our debts as we also forgive our
debtors . . . And lead us not into
temptation, O Lord . . . But deliver
us from evil.' . . .
" Then after the completion of the
prayer, you say, ' Amen.' "
Catech. Mystag. 5, 11-18
(Q 103-107)
Greeting of Peace Greeting of Peace
Breaking of the Bread Breaking of the Bread

" The priest recites quietly these
prayers [Intercession], and immed
iately after, takes the holy bread
with his hands and looks towards
heaven, and directs his eyes up
wards. He offers a prayer of thanks
giving for these great gifts and
breaks the bread. While breaking it
he prays for the people, that the
grace of God may be upon them, and
From the Lord's Prayer to the Dismissal 155
Lord's Prayer
" This also Christ ordered us in
the prayers to say always praying:
' Hallowed be Thy Name.' "
In Ps. 112, 1
(PG 55, 301)
" If we shall have accomplished
that [been reconciled with those who
injured us], we shall be able to
approach with a pure conscience
that holy and awe-some table and
say with frankness those words
[* Forgive us our debts, etc.'] con
tained in the prayer. The initiated
understand what is said."
In Gen. 27, 8
(PG 53, 251)
" Therefore at the end of the
prayer [Lord's Prayer] he shows the
kingdom and power and glory of
God, saying : ' For Thine is the
kingdom and power and glory for
ever. Amen.' "
De Angusta Porta et in
Orationem Dominicam 5
(PG 51, 48)
Greeting of Peace Greeting of Peace

" Let the bishop say : ' The peace
of God be with you all.'
" And let all the people reply :
' And with thy spirit.' "
8, 13, 1
(F 515)
Breaking of the Bread Breaking of the Bread

" ' The bread which we break, is it
not a communion of the Body of
Christ! ' . . . But why does he add.
says thus : ' May the grace of our
Lord Jesus Christ be with all of
you.' The people accept this and
answer with the usual words.
" And with the bread he makes
the sign of the cross over the blood,
and with the blood over the bread,
and he unites and joins them to
gether. . . .
" The priest, at the end of the
Anaphora, rightly breaks the bread
and joins it with the blood, while
making the sign of the cross, and
then likewise brings the blood near
the bread. . . .
" It is customary to throw the
vivifying bread [little by little] into
the chalice. . . .
" At the end all the bread is
broken, so that all of us who are
present may be able to receive (com
munion ) ."
(M 105-107)
Diaconal Litany Viaconal Litany

" When everything comes to an
end, the Church crier shouts and
mentions in short words those for
whom everyone ought to pray, and
before any other thing he says : ' We
ought to pray for those ( or : the
one) who presented this holy offer
ing,' as if one were saying: for
those who (gave us the occasion) of
becoming worthy of this offering;
and for this let us also pray that
we may be found worthy of looking
at it, standing by its side, and par
taking of it."
(M 108)
' Which we break ? ' Because in the
Eucharist this is what is seen to be
done; on the cross not this but the
opposite to this ; for it is said, ' A
bone of Him shall not be broken.'
But what He did not suffer on the
cross, this He suffers in the oblation
for you and submits to be broken
in order that He might fill all."
In I Cor. 24, 2
(PG 61, 200)
Diaconal Litany Diaconal Litany

" And let the deacon further an " Not in vain does he who stands
nounce : at the altar (4 irapearws tw Svaiaa-
' Let us beseech God again and -niplio) cry out when the tremendous
again through His Christ ; mysteries are celebrated, ' For all
' Let us pray for the gift which is who have fallen asleep in Christ and
offered to the Lord our God, that the for those who perform commemora
good God may accept it through the tions for them.' "
mediation of His Christ unto His In I Cor. 41, 4
heavenly altar for an odor of sweet (PG 61, 361)
ness.
' Let us pray for this church and
the people.
' For the whole episcopate, the
whole presbytery, the whole dia-
conate and ministry of Christ, the
whole congregation of the Church. . . .
12
St. Cyril of Jerusalem Theodore of Mopsuestio
Prayer of Priest Prayer of Priest

" The Priest finishes the prayer by
imploring that this sacrifice may be
acceptable to God, and that the
grace of the Holy Spirit may come
upon all, so that we may be able to
be worthy of its communion, and not
to receive it to punishment, as it is
much and immeasurably higher and
loftier than we are. After he has
finished the prayer with words such
as these and has blessed the people
with ' peace be unto you,' they
answer him with the usual words
which are recited by all those pre
sent, while duly bowing their heads."
(M 108)

' For kings and those in au
thority. . . .
* Let us be mindful of the holy
martyrs that we may be thought
worthy to become partakers of their
trial.
' Let us pray for those who have
departed in faith.
' For the good temperature of the
air and perfect maturity of fruits
' For the newly enlightened by
baptism. . . .
' Let us all pray for one another.
' Raise us up, O God, in Thy grace.
' Standing, let us dedicate our
selves to God through His Christ.' "
8, 13, 2-9
(F 515-517)
Prayer of Priest Prayer of Priest

" And let the bishop say : ' O God,
who art great and whose name is
great, great in counsel and mighty
in works, God and Father of Thy
holy child Jesus our Savior, look
down upon us and upon this Thy
flock, which Thou hast chosen
through Him unto the glory of Thy
Name ; and sanctifying our body and
soul, grant that we, cleansed from
all uncleanness of flesh and spirit,
may obtain the appointed good
things, and do not judge any of us
unworthy, but be Thou our com
forter, helper and protector, through
Thy Christ with whom glory, honor,
praise, glorification, and thanksgiv
ing be to Thee and the Holy Spirit
for ever.'
"All say: 'Amen.'"
8, 13, 10
(F 517)

" Sometime after the priest has
finished this prayer [above], and
after all the above services have
been brought to an end, and while
everyone of those who is about to
receive the communion is looking,
the Church crier shouts : ' Let us be
attentive.' "
(M 108)
Elevation Elevation
" After these things the priest " And the priest says loudly : ' The
says: 'Holy things to the holy holy thing to the holies.'
ones.' . . . "All answer and say: 'One holy
" Then you say : ' One holy, one Father, one holy Son, one holy
Lord Jesus Christ.' " Spirit ' . . .
Catech. Mystag. 5, 19 " And they add : ' Glory be to the
Father, to the Son, and to the Holy
(Q 107) Spirit, for ever and ever. Amen.' "
(M 108, 110)
Communion Communion
" After these things you hear the " After all these things have taken
chanter inviting you with a sacred place, and all the service has come to
melody to the communion of the holy an end, all of us hasten to receive
mysteries and saying : ' Taste and the communion. . . . Those who
see that the Lord is sweet.' . . . wait at the altar and are appointed
"Approaching, therefore, come not for Divine service draw nigh unto
with the wrists of your hands ex the altar and partake of the Divine
tended nor with your fingers spread food, while the rest partake of it
apart; but having made your left from a distance. . . . The priest
hand a throne for the right as for who is offering the sacrifice draws
that which is about to receive a nigh first and partakes of (it). . . .
king, and having hollowed your palm, Each one of us draws nigh while
" Let the deacon say : ' Let us
attend.' "
8, 13, 11
(F 517)
Elevation Elevation
"And let the bishop address the " But nevertheless He does not
people thus: retire but remains and asks from us
' Holy things to the holy.' to drink not water but holiness;
" And the people reply : for he gives holy things to the holy
' One holy, one Lord, Jesus Christ, ones."
to the glory of God the Father In Matt. 7, 6
blessed for ever. Amen. (PG 57, 80)
' Glory to God in the highest and
on earth peace, good will to men.
' Hosanna to the Son of David.
' Blessed be the Lord God, who
came in the name of the Lord and
appeared to us.
' Hosanna in the highest.' "
8, 13, 12-13
(F 517)
Communion Communion
" And after that let the bishop "There are occasions when the
partake, then the presbyters, dea priest does not differ from those
cons, subdeacons, readers, singers, under him as when we are to enjoy
and ascetics, and of the women the the awful mysteries; for all of us
deaconesses, virgins, and widows; alike are considered worthy of the
then the children, and then all the same things, not as under the Old
laity in order with reverence and Testament the priest ate some things
awe without tumult. and those under him other things
" And let the bishop give the ob and it was not lawful for the people
lation saying : ' The body of Christ.' to partake of those things of which
the priest partook ; but now not so,
but for all one body is set forth
and one chalice."
In II Cor. 18, 3
(PG 61, 527)

receive the body of Christ, saying looking downwards and stretching
over it. ' Amen.' . . . out both hands. ... To receive the
" Then [after the communion of Sacrament which is given, a person
the Body of Christ] draw near also stretches out his right hand, and
to the chalice of the Blood, not under it he places the left hand. . . .
stretching forth your hands but When the priest gives it he says:
bending and saying with an air ' The body of Christ.' You say after
of worship and reverence, ' Amen,' him : ' Amen.' . . . The same thing
sanctify yourself, also partaking of happens in the communion of the
the Blood of Christ." chalice."
Catech. Mystag. 5, 20-22 (M 110-113)
(Q 108-110)

" And let him who receives reply : " One table is set for all . . . the
' Amen.' same drink is given to all, rather
" Then let the deacon take the not only the same drink but also to
chalice and giving it say: "The drink from one chalice. For the
blood of Christ, the cup of life.' Father, since He wished to draw us
" And let him who drinks reply : into mutual love, effected that we
' Amen.' drink from one chalice."
" Let the thirty-third psalm be In Matt. 32, 7
said while all the rest are par (PG 57, 386)
taking.
" And when all, men and women, " It is necessary to speak to you
have partaken, let the deacons, tak [deacons, 8iaKovfi4vovs~\ so as to dis
ing what remains, carry it to the tribute these gifts with much care.
sacristy." There is no small punishment for
8, 13, 14-17 you if, being conscious of wicked
(F 517-519) ness in any man, you allow him to
partake of this table."
In Matt. 82, 6
(PG 58, 744)
" Let us also, then, touch the hem

of His garment; or rather, if we
wish, we have Him entire. His Body
is set before us now; not His gar
ment only but also His Body ; not so
as to touch it only but also to eat
and be filled. Let us, therefore,
draw nigh with faith. . . . When
you see the priest delivering it to
you, do not think that the priest
does that but that the outstretched
hand is that of Christ."
In Matt. 50, 2-3
(PG 58, 507)
" Yet it is held in the hands but

for a time, whereas it is dissolved
entire into that [the soul]."
In Eph. 3, 4
(PG 62, 28)
" This psalm must be diligently
considered, for this is the one hav

Signing of the Senses Signing of the Senses
" Then after having carefully sanc " As to you, after you have re
tified your eyes by the touch of the ceived the body, you offer adoration
holy Body, partake of it, giving heed as a confession of the power placed
lest you lose any portion of it. . . ." in your hands. . . . You press it
[After partaking of the Blood] . . . with great and true love to your
" and while the moisture is still on eyes and kiss it, and you offer (to
your lips, having touched it with it) your prayers as if to Christ our
you hands, sanctify your eyes and Lord. . . . You pray, while con
brow and other organs of sense." fessing your weakness, the great
Catech Mystag. 5, 21-22 number of your sins, and your great
unworthiness for such a gift. You
(Q 108-110) glorify also in a fitting manner the
One who granted these things to a
person such as you. . . . You re
ceive the communion with these and
similar (devotional acts), and you
send the participation of the Sacra
ment inside."
(M 113-114)
Thanksgiving Thanksgiving
" Then waiting for the prayer, " After you have received the com
give thanks to God who has ac munion you rightly and spontane
counted you worthy of so great mys ously (from you and to you), offer
teries." thanksgiving and praise to God. . . .
Catech. Mystag. 5, 22 " And you remain ( in the Church ) ,
(Q no) so that you may also offer thanks
giving and praise with everyone,
according to the regulations of the
Church, because it behoves all those
who received this spiritual food to
offer thanksgiving to God publicly
for this great gift."
(M 114)
ing those words with which the
initiated continually respond, say
ing ; ' The eyes of all hope in Thee
and Thou givest them their food in
the proper time.' For you are made
a son and enjoy the spiritual table,
eating the body and the blood
which regenerated you; therefore
give thanks for such a great
benefit."
In Ps. 144, 1
(PG 55, 464)
Signing of the Senses Signing of the Senses
Thanksgiving Thanksgiving
" After the singer has stopped, let " Do you wish me to say whence
the deacon say : ' Having received arise the tumult and noise? Because
the precious body and precious blood we do not close the doors to you
of Christ, let us give thanks to Him during the whole time, but we allow
who has thought us worthy to par you to get up before the last thanks
take of His holy mysteries and let giving and to return home; which
us beseech that it may not be unto itself is a great contempt. What do
condemnation, but unto our salva you do, man? With Christ present,
tion, unto the advantage of soul and the angels standing by, that tre
body, unto the preservation of piety, mendous table set forth, while your
unto remission of sins, unto the life brethren are still participating in
of the world to come. the mysteries, you get up and leave.
' Let us arise. . . . While that holy sacrifice still
' In the grace of Christ let us is being performed, you leave and go
dedicate ourselves to the only unbe- away . . .? Do you wish me to say
gotten God and His Christ.' whose work they do who depart
" And let the bishop give thanks : before the completion and do not
' O Lord God Almighty, the Father offer the hymns of thanksgiving at
of Thy Christ ... we thank Thee the end of the meal? When he had
that Thou has thought us worthy to partaken of the last supper, Judas
partake of Thy holy mysteries. . . . on that last night, while all the
0 Thou who hast separated us from others were receiving at table, arose
the communion of the wicked, unite and went out. They, therefore, who
us with those who are consecrated to leave before the last thanksgiving
St. Cyril of Jerusalem Theodore of Sfopsuestia
Thee in holiness; confirm us in the imitate him. . . . He [went out]
truth by the coming of Thy Holy with the Jews, but they [the apos
Spirit; reveal to us those things of tles], having sung a hymn, went out
which we are ignorant; supply those with the Master. Do you see that
things in which we are defective; the last prayer after the sacrifice
confirm us in what we know. Pre becomes a type in relation to that
serve the priests blameless in Thy one? "
worship; keep the kings in peace, De baptismo Christi 4
and the rulers in justice, the air (PG 49, 370-371)
in good temperature, the fruits in
abundance, the world in an all- " Hear how many of you do not
powerful providence ; pacify the war wait for the last prayer of the
ring nations, convert those who go mysteries; this is a symbol of that
astray. Sanctify Thy people . . . [i. e., ' and having sung a hymn,
those in virginity . . . those in mar they went to the mount of olives'].
riage . . . those in chastity . . . He gave thanks before He gave [the
infants . . . the newly initiated . . . Bread] to the disciples, so that we
catechumens: . . . and gather us all also might give thanks. He gave
together into the kingdom of heaven, thanks and sang a hymn after He
through Jesus Christ our Lord . . . had given [the Bread] so that we
Amen.' " also might do the same."
8, 14, 1-15, 5 In Matt. 82, 2
(F 519-521) (PG 58, 740)
Dismissal Dismissal
" And let the deacon say : ' Bow " Sending you away from this
down to God through His Christ and gathering, he [the deacon] begs this
receive the blessing.' [peace] for you, saying: ' Depart in
" Then let the bishop pray, say peace.' "
ing : ' O God almighty, true and Adv. Jud. 3, 6
incomparable. . . . [Here follows a (PG 48, 870)
series of praises of God] . . .
graciously hear me for Thy name's
sake and bless those who bow down
their necks unto Thee, and grant
them the petitions of their hearts;
which are useful, and do not reject
any one of them from Thy kingdom,
but sanctify, guard, protect, and
assist them, deliver them from the
adversary and every enemy; keep
their houses, and guard their com
ings in and their goings out. For
to Thee belongs glory, praise, ma-

From the Lord's Prayer to the Dismissal
Apostolic Constitutions Theodore of Mopsuestia

jesty, worship, and adoration, and to
Thy Son Jesus, Thy Christ, our Lord
and God and King, and to the Holy
Spirit, now and always, for ever and
ever. Amen.'
" And let the deacon say : ' Depart
in peace.' "
8, 15, 6-10
(F 521)
1.
THE LORD'S PRAYER
While neither Theodore nor Apostolic Constitutions speak of the
Lord's Prayer as a part of the Eucharistic Liturgy, St. Cyril clearly
places it after the Intercession in the Liturgy of Jerusalem. St.
John Chrysostom refers to it as a part of the Liturgy, although he
does not say in what place it belongs. Brightman and Probst agree
that it should be placed here at the close of the Intercession. " As
a prayer of petition it belongs to it [the Intercession], provided no
positive statements assign another place to it.1 Besides, Chrysostom
speaks of it as " in the prayers " and in connection with approaching
" that holy and terrible table " 2—apparently references to a position
in the Liturgy of the Faithful before Communion. Chrysostom
concludes this prayer with a doxology, but Cyril makes no mention
of this addition. The usual practice was that the congregation
recited the Lord's Prayer; thus in his instruction Cyril explains:
" You say," " you pray." Probably the priest said it with them.3
The omission of a record of the Lord's Prayer in the two above-
mentioned Liturgies is indeed strange, for from the earliest times
it seems to have been a part of the Eucharistic Liturgy. St. Jerome
claims that Christ Himself had ordered its inclusion in the Liturgy :
" He [Christ] taught his disciples that daily in the sacrifice of His
Body the faithful should make bold to say : ' Our Father, who art
in heaven. . . .' " 4 And Gregory the Great says : " We say the
Lord's Prayer shortly after the Prayer [i.e. the Canon], because it
was the custom of the apostles. ..." 5 One might contend, however,
that the Lord's Prayer actually did not appear in the Liturgy before
the third century, since before Tertullian there are no certain signs
of its being a part of the Eucharistic Liturgy.6 Yet, even granting
1 F. Probst, " Die antiochenische Messe nach den Schriften des hi. Johan
nes Chrysostomus dargestellt," ZkTh 7, 297.
2 Cf. above p. 155.
8 F. Probst, Liturgie der drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte, 409-410.
4 St. Jerome, Adv. Pelag. 3, 15 (PL 23, 585).
6 St. Gregory the Great, Epistola IX, 26 (MGH Registrum Epistolarum
II, 1, 59-60).
"Tertullian, de Oratione 1-9 (PL 1, 1149-1165).
this, we cannot thus explain its omission in Apostolic Constitutions

and in Theodore's explanation, lor these treat of Liturgies after
the third century.
Probst offers a reasonable explanation of the omission in Apostolic
Constitutions based on the assumption that this work was a com
pilation from two sources.7 The first of these, Probst says, sup
plied the Liturgy of the Catechumens and the Liturgy of the
Faithful up to the Intercession at the end of the Eucharistic Prayer,
without including the Lord's Prayer. Then the completion of the
Liturgy was derived from the other source, which began with
another Intercession—the Diaconal Litany just before the Com
munion. In the Liturgy, however, described in this second docu
ment, the Lord's Prayer must have come before the Diaconal Litany.
The compiler, since he could certainly not add it between the Inter
cessions, omitted it; the importance of the Lord's Prayer necessi
tated its being either at the beginning or at the end of the Inter
cession. And then he omitted adding it at the end of the second
part of the Intercession (i.e. at the end of the Litany), because
that would have been thought an extraordinary change.
Even though this may explain the absence of the Lord's Prayer
from Apostolic Constitutions, it does not clarify Theodore's omis
sion of it. Apparently either he simply omitted a reference to this
prayer in his commentary on the Liturgy, considering his earlier
instruction on it 8 as sufficient, or the Liturgy of which he speaks
did not contain this prayer. There are evidences that, while it was
generally a part of all Liturgies, in some cases it was omitted. For
example, St. Augustine says, speaking of the Eucharistic Prayer:
"Almost every church concludes the whole petition [Eucharistic
Prayer] with the Lord's Prayer." 9 And furthermore, Augustine
does not find fault with the Pelagians for their omission of the
Lord's Prayer from their Liturgy; hence, even though St. Jerome
blames them on this score, we need not think they were the only
7 Probst, op. cit., 255.
Studies 6), 1-16.
" St. Augustine, Epist. 149, 16 (PL 33, 636) : " Quam totam petitionem
fere omnis Ecclesia Dominica oratione concludit." Italics are mine.
ones to omit it. Perhaps, then, Theodore's Liturgy is one of the

few that do not include the Lord's Prayer, although it seems more
probable that it is included and that Theodore merely refrains from
a second commentary on it, since he had devoted an earlier in
struction to it.
But if it is thus included, whether it is said here or later is a
difficult question. If his omission of a doxology at the end of the
Eucharistic Prayer implies the Lord's Prayer as the conclusion of
that Prayer, it should have been recited at this point.10 But, his
explanation that the Breaking of the Bread comes immediately after
the Intercession seems to exclude it here, and so it would have to be
said later. We shall see that the evidence seems to show that its
place is with the prayers of preparation for Communion.11
In the Greek Liturgy of St. James and in the Liturgies of Basil
and Chrysostom the Lord's Prayer cannot be considered the con
clusion of the Eucharistic Prayer, similar to the case of the Liturgy
of Jerusalem. It seems rather to be a part of the preparation for
Communion, since it is recited in the midst of the prayers of
preparation for Communion.12 The Nestorian Liturgy recites this
prayer shortly before the Communion, the Breaking of the Bread
occurring between it and the Eucharistic Prayer.13 In all these
Liturgies the Lord's Prayer is said by the people and concludes with
a doxology. We see, therefore, that in the course of time the Lord's
Prayer came to be looked upon as a preparation for Communion
rather than as a part of the Intercession. Theodore's Liturgy is an
early example of this change, if, as we believe, the Lord's Prayer is
to be included in his Liturgy with the prayers of preparation for
Communion.
Perhaps this view of the Lord's Prayer accounts for the fact that
Theodore quotes from this prayer when teaching his neophytes how
to prepare for a worthy reception of the Sacrament. To illustrate
the necessity of practicing mercy toward others as a preparation
for Communion he says : " Our Lord, who ordered those who pray
to say, ' Forgive us our debts as we also have forgiven our debtors,'
12 F. E. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western 1, 58-61 ; 338-341.
added : ' For if ye forgive not men their trespasses, neither will
your Father who is in heaven forgive your trespasses,' " 14
However, it is also worthy of note that in his commentary on the
Lord's Prayer, Theodore does not consider the petition : " Give us
to-day our necessary bread," as referring to the Eucharist. To him
this is a petition for the necessary sustenance of the body. He ex
plains : Our Lord said here :
" Give us to-day our necessary bread," in the sense of the necessary food
of which we are in need as long as we are in this world, and He did not
prohibit nor did He forbid the food, drink and raiment which are necessary
to the sustenance of the body.15
2.
THE GREETING OF PEACE IN THE CLEMENTINE LITURGY
In Apostolic Constitutions immediately after the conclusion of
the Intercession comes a greeting of peace, said by the bishop or
celebrant and responded to by the people. Since none of the other
three Liturgies contain such a greeting at this point, it is difficult
to assign an exact position to that of the Constitutions through a
comparison with them. The references of Chrysostom to the custom
of this exchange of greeting are not sufficiently explicit to permit
more than the possibility of his having in mind such a greeting at
this place.10
This greeting precedes the Diaconal Litany, which according to
the other Liturgies is joined with the Breaking of the Bread. Apos
tolic Constitutions do not mention this latter ceremony at all, but
it must have occurred about this time in the Liturgy, for it was
necessary to break the large consecrated loaves for the distribution
of Communion. Hence, this must have taken place in the Liturgy
of the Constitutions before the Communion. Perhaps, then, this
exchange of greetings accompanies the Breaking of the Bread. In
that case, the Bishop's words, " The peace of God be with you all,"
would correspond to Theodore's explanation that "while breaking
[the bread] he prays for the people and says thus : ' May the grace
of our Lord Jesus Christ be with all of you.' "
14 Mingana, 115.
3S Mingana, 12.
"St. John Chrysostom, Adv. Judae. 3, 6 (PG 48, 870) ; de s. Pentecoste
1, 4 (PG 50, 458) ; cf. above pp. 81, 83.
13
If, on the other hand, that greeting has no connection with the
Breaking of the Bread, it would appear to be a foreshadowing of the
later usual practice of the Eastern Liturgies, which include immedi
ately after the Intercession some sort of benediction upon the people.
The Greek Liturgy of St. James proceeds from the doxology con
cluding the Intercession thus : " The priest : ' Peace be to all.' The
people : ' And with thy spirit.' " 17 The Liturgies of Basil and
Chrysostom in the same place say : " The priest : ' And the mercies
of the great God and of our Savior Jesus Christ shall be with you
all.' The people: ' And with thy spirit' " 18
3.
THE BREAKING OF THE BREAD
The Beginning of a More Elaborate Ceremony as Seen
in the Liturgy of Mopsuestia
Theodore's explanation goes from the Intercession directly to the
Breaking of the Bread, and his words seem to imply an immediate
connection between these two parts of the Liturgy. He says : " The
priest recites quietly these prayers [Intercession], and immediately
after, takes the holy bread with his hands, etc." According to his
Liturgy, the priest first says a prayer of thanksgiving, while holding
the consecrated bread in his hands and while looking towards
heaven; then he breaks the bread, praying meanwhile for the
people : " May the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you all,"
to which the congregation gives the usual response. Then after
making the sign of the cross with the bread over the chalice and
with the chalice over the bread,19 he drops a piece of the bread into
the chalice. Finally all the bread is broken into small portions for
distribution in Communion.
Such a detailed description of this ceremony is particularly use
ful, since none of the other early Liturgies say much of it. Apostolic
17 Brightman, 58.
18 Brightman, 337.
18 It is not clear whether Theodore means that the sign of the cross
was made with the chalice of consecrated wine over the consecrated bread
or that the bread was actually signed with a few drops of the consecrated
wine, as was sometimes the custom.
Constitutions and St. Cyril do not mention it at all, but surely the
Breaking of the Bread was necessary in all these early Liturgies,
because they used in the sacrifice loaves of some size, which were
unsuitable for the Communion unless broken. St. John Chrysostom
speaks clearly of this Breaking in the Liturgy of Antioch, but from
his words there appears no sign of much ceremony joined to it.
Theodore, it seems, shows the beginning of the more elaborate cere
monial of the Fraction which developed later into the very com
plicated Breaking of the Bread in the Eastern Liturgies.
In the Greek Liturgy of St. James this ceremony follows the
Elevation and the Tit ayta rois aylovs, but otherwise it closely re
sembles Theodore's account, except that it has the Litany during
the Breaking whereas Theodore places it after the Fraction. While
the deacon leads the congregation in the short litany, the priest
breaks the bread first into halves, makes the sign of the cross with
these halves, dips one half into the chalice, breaks a piece into each
chalice, and finally divides all the bread into small portions; suit
able prayers accompany all these ceremonies.20
Likewise in the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom the Fraction
follows the Elevation. There is, however, no evidence of an elabo
rate ceremony, but only this that the priest " takes pieces from the
holy Body and drops [them] into the holy chalice and says : ' Unto
the fullness of the Holy Spirit.' " 21
The Breaking of the Bread in the Nestorian Liturgy is accom
panied by prayers and an elaborate ceremonial, very like that de
scribed by Theodore. The priest raises his eyes to heaven as he
takes up one of the consecrated hosts ; 22 he breaks it in halves,
makes the sign of the cross with one half over the chalice and over
the other half, dips a portion into the chalice, and finally drops
that portion into the chalice. Then occurs the blessing : " The
grace of our Lord Jesus Christ and the love of God the Father and
the fellowship of the Holy Ghost be with us now and ever and world
without end ; " the people respond : Amen." 28
ao Brightman, 61-63.
21 Cf. Brightman, 341. The words of the priest seem to complete the reply
of the congregation to the ra 0710 rois 071015.
** Cf. Brightman, op. ext., 572, Bread VI : "A round leavened cake,
2 x 21/i in., stamped with a cross-crosslet and four small crosses. Called
buchra ' first-begotten.' "
** Brightman, 289-293.
4.
THE DIACONAL, LITANY OF INTERCESSION AND PREPARATION
FOR COMMUNION
After the consecrated bread has been broken, Theodore explains
that a short litany is said by the deacon; according to the usual
custom the people doubtlessly responded " Kyrie eleison " to each
invocation. This litany is apparently a sort of intercession, for in
it are mentioned "those for whom everyone ought to pray" and
especially " those who presented this holy offering." 24 Finally, it
is also a prayer of preparation for Communion—" that we may be
found worthy of . . . partaking of it [this offering] ."
Apostolic Constitutions, too, present a Diaconal Litany of inter
cession both for the living and the dead, concluding with two
invocations which might be understood as a preparation for Com
munion.25 Although there is no mention of it in St. Cyril's account,
it is possible that the Liturgy of Jerusalem also contained such a
litany. Cyril may have omitted to speak of it for the same reason
that he did not mention the Diaconal Litany at the beginning of the
Liturgy of the Faithful—namely, because this form of prayer was
not unknown to the neophytes. St. John Chrysostom's reference
to the fact that he who stands at the altar, i. e. the deacon, an
nounces a prayer " for all who have fallen asleep in Christ and for
those who perform commemorations in their behalf " may allude, as
Brightman thinks, to this Diaconal Litany. However, it could
refer to the Diptychs as well, which also are read aloud by the
deacon. Brightman considers Chrysostom's reference to the com
mand : " Let us all pray together," 26 as also pointing to this
litany.27 But we have seen that this alludes rather to the deacon's
admonition before the. Offertory Procession.28
31 The Syriae text (Mingana, 248) here says: "the one who presented,
etc.," but the synopsis of this chapter (Mingana, 97; 235) has: "Those
who presented, etc." Theodore's explanation : " As if one were saying :
for those who ( gave us the occasion ) of becoming worthy of this offering "
(Mingana, 108) indicates that the plural is also intended here.
** " Raise us up, O God, in Thy grace."
" Standing, let us dedicate ourselves to God through His Christ."
*" St. John Chrysostom, in Eph. 3, 5 (PG 62, 29).
" Brightman, 480. 28 Cf. above p. 94.
There are evidences of a Diaconal Litany at this point in the later

Liturgies as well. As the priest is concluding the Intercession in
the Greek Liturgy of St. James, the protodeacon says :
And for the peace and stability of all the world and of the holy churches
of God, and for those things for which each one made his offering or
according to the desire he has, and for the people standing around and
for all men and all women."
And again while the priest says the first part of the prayer before
Communion, the archdeacon leads the people in a very short litany.30
Later, during the Breaking of the Bread, the deacon and congre
gation recite a sort of litany of intercession for the living and the
dead.81 The Liturgy of Chrysostom has merely the beginning of
some sort of Diaconal Litany immediately before the prayer of
preparation for Communion and two incomplete invocations just
before the Lord's Prayer ; 32 perhaps these mark the beginning and
the end of the litany said during the priest's prayer. The Liturgy
of Basil only mentions the existence of a litany.33 During the pre
paration for Communion the Nestorian Liturgy contains a litany,
not of intercession but only for a worthy reception of Communion.34
5.
THE PRAYER OF THE PRIEST BEFORE COMMUNION
The Lord's Prayer as a Preparation for Communion
Besides the diaconal litany there is also a prayer said by the
priest in preparation for Communion, asking that all may be worthy
to partake of the Body and Blood of the Lord. Here again Theodore
and Apostolic Constitutions are in close agreement, but neither
Cyril nor Chrysostom speak of such a prayer. Probst, though,
" Brightman, 57.
,0 Brightman, 58-59.
" Brightman, 62-63.
" Brightman, 338 : Oivrav t&v iylav (/AviHiovevaavres tri Kal tri h elp^vg
kt\>
339: 'AvriXafioi (aaaov i\it]<rov KtX}
Tijv iiftipav iraaav <kt\>
** Brightman, 338 : Ko! rot duxk&vov iroioivroi -ri)" niarjv eix1?"-
"Brightman, 294-295.
believes that a prayer of this kind is to be supposed in the Liturgy

of Jerusalem, basing his argument on a letter which St. Jerome
wrote from Palestine to Pope Damasus.35 Jerome told the Pope
about " the error—although pious, nevertheless to be reproved—of
those who in their prayers and sacrifices dare to say : ' Who sitteth
upon the Cherubim and Seraphim.' " 36 Probst says that if " such
words were present in it [the Syro-palestinian Liturgy] in the year
370, therefore clearly the prayer to which they belong also was
present." 37 And that the prayer to which these words belonged
was the prayer of preparation for Communion he demonstrates by
showing that these words are to be found in that prayer in other
Liturgies.3,8 Now that we have Theodore's evidence for such a
prayer in the Liturgy of neighboring Antioch, it seems that Probst
is correct in supposing the prayer to be present in the Liturgy of
Jerusalem.
It is with the later Liturgies that the Constitutions and Theodore
in particular may be especially compared. As was noted above,39
the Greek Liturgy of St. James proceeds from the conclusion of
the Intercession with a greeting of peace to the people. Immediately
following this comes the prayer of preparation for Communion,
asking for purity of heart and soul, similar to the corresponding
prayer in Theodore's and Apostolic Constitutions' Liturgies. In
the midst of this prayer the Lord's Prayer is recited by the people,
who also respond " Amen " to the doxology which the priest adds
to the Lord's Prayer. Then again the priest and people exchange
the greeting of peace : " Peace be to all "—" And with thy spirit,"
and the deacon announces : " Let us bow our heads to the Lord."
Thereupon the priest continues silently the prayer of preparation
for Communion : " Send forth upon us, O Master, Thy rich grace
and blessing and sanctify our souls and bodies and spirits, so that
85 P. Probst, " Die hierosolymitanische Messe nach den Sehriften des hi.
Cyrillus," Der Eatholik (1884), 1, 267.
"St. Jerome, Epist. 18 ad Damasum (CSEL 54, 98).
" Probst, op. cit., 267.
88 Cf. Greek Liturgy of St. James (Brightman, op. cit., 58) : "0 God . . .
who sitteth upon the Cherubim and art praised by the Seraphim." The
game words are found also in the Liturgy of St. Mark (Brightman, op. cit.,
137).
we may become worthy communicants and partakers of Thy holy

Mysteries unto the forgiveness of sins and unto life everlasting."
Finally he says aloud : " And the grace and mercies of the holy and
consubstantial and uncreated and adorable Trinity shall be with us
all " ; and the people give the usual reply.40
The Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom proceed from the Inter
cession with a blessing begging the mercies of God upon all. Next
they contain some sort of diaconal litany, following (or during)
which the priest prays for a worthy reception of Communion.
During this prayer the people say the Lord's Prayer, after which
the priest announces : " Peace be to all," and the deacon commands
the people to bow their heads. Then while they thus bow their
heads, the priest concludes the prayer of preparation for Com
munion.41
The similarity of these later Liturgies with those described by
Theodore and Apostolic Constitutions is most striking, notably in
the matter of the content of the prayers of preparation for Com
munion. The only major difference lies in this that the Breaking
of the Bread in Theodore's Liturgy (and perhaps also in the Con
stitutions 42 ) takes place before these prayers, while in these later
Liturgies it occurs after them.
A lesser variance among the Liturgies is to be found in the
several exchanges of the greeting of peace or similar blessings. Thus
Theodore has the prayer : " May the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ
be with all of you," said during the Fraction. The peace greeting
in Apostolic Constitutions may correspond to this,43 but the other
Liturgies do not include such a greeting with the Fraction. Their
closest approach to this x«Pls_greeting of Theodore's Liturgy is in
the case of Basil and Chrysostom the tAoj-greeting immediately
after the Intercession and in the case of St. James either the
iraxrw after the Intercession or the x^pis-greeting at the end of the
prayers of preparation for Communion.
However, the blessing : " Peace be unto you," with which Theo
dore concludes the prayer for a worthy reception of Communion
corresponds to the elpyvq nwiv which the later Liturgies place be
tween the Lord's Prayer and the continuation of their prayer before
40 Brightman, 58-61. a Cf. above p. 173.
" Brightman, 337-341. " Cf. above p. 173.
Communion. This correspondence seems especially clear from the

fact that, as in these Liturgies this greeting is associated with the
prayer said while the people bow their heads, so also Theodore says :
" After he [the priest] . . . has blessed the people with ' peace be
unto you,' they answer him with the usual words which are recited
by all those present, while duly bowing their heads." 44 He differs
with the others, though, in this that he does not speak of a continu
ation of the priest's prayer-^—i. e. the inclination prayer of later
times—but apparently concludes the prayer with this blessing of
peace.
Because of this general agreement of Theodore's Liturgy with the
later Liturgies at this point, we conclude that, if the Lord's Prayer
is to be supposed in his Liturgy, it should be placed here either
before or after this greeting of peace, where it is found in these
later Liturgies. And also since it is evident that Theodore's
Liturgy here is much more similar to the later Liturgies than is
that described in Apostolic Constitutions, once again we find Theo
dore showing a progress beyond that of his contemporaries toward
the usages of later times.
6.
THE ELEVATION
THE DEACON'S ADMONITION
THE DATE OF ORIGIN OF THE (U fi^lOS-ACCLAMATION
As the time for Communion approaches, the deacon, according to
Theodore and Apostolic Constitutions, announces : " Let us be
attentive." Of this admonition neither Chrysostom nor Cyril make
mention. The Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom include it,45 but
the Greek Liturgy of St. James and the Nestorian Liturgy do not.
Then all of the four Liturgies in the comparative tables above
contain the priest's address to the communicants : " The holy things
to the holy." This usual part of the Liturgy is continued in the
later Liturgies. In the Greek Liturgy of St. James and those of
Basil and Chrysostom it is preceded by a short introductory prayer,
and these Liturgies also add the direction that the priest here
44 Cf. above p. 158. Italics are mine.

46 Brightman, 341 : Hp6a%aiiev.
elevates the holy Bread.46 We may rightly suppose this elevation

belongs generally to this part of the ceremonies. The Nestorian
Liturgy enlarges the phrase : " The holy thing to the holies is
fitting in perfection." 47
As J. Quasten has shown, Theodore's account of the response of
the people to this announcement is a valuable addition to liturgico-
historical studies.48 While Cyril of Jerusalem and Apostolic Con
stitutions present this a? ayios-aeclamation in a christological form,49
Theodore gives it in a trinitarian form. Cyril's acclamation is very
short, but the Constitutions enlarge it, including the Gloria, Hos-
anna, and Benedictus. Theodore's Liturgy also has an enlarged
form, though shorter than that of the Constitutions; this addition
in Mopsuestia is trinitarian in form, corresponding to the trini
tarian form of the <I« ayios itself. On the other hand, the Greek
Liturgy of St. James and the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom
" Brightman, 61-62; 341.

" Brightman, 296. A. Riicker, Ritus Baptismi et Missae quern descripsit
Theodorus Ep. Mopsuestenus in sermonibus catecheticis (Opuscula et
Textus, Series IAturgica 2), 36, offers this note: " Liturgiae Nestorianae
locum : ' Santa Sanctis, quod decet in perfectione ' explicans Abraham bar
Lipheh dicit : ' Hoc Interpres explicavit, et non audemus nos de eo dicere '
(ed. R. H. Connolly, Anonymi auctoris expositio offieiorum ecclesiae II,
Text. p. 179, Vers. p. 165)."
48 J. Quasten, " Der alteste Zeuge fur die trinitarische Fassung der litur-
gischen els S7ios-Akklamation," ZhTh 58, 253-254.
48 Chrysostom makes no clear reference to this response, although Probst,
" Die antiochenische Messe nach den Schriften des hi. Johannes Chrysos-
tomus dargestellt," ZkTh 7, 300-301, thinks that his allusion to a hymn in
de Baptismo Christi 4 (PG 49, 370) : "Who would say that it does not
belong to a mind of stone to think that at that time [of Communion] one
is occupied with earthly things, not singing with the angels, with whom
you pronounce that mystic hymn, with whom you sing to God that trium
phal canticle," and in ad Eph. 3, 5 (PG 62, 29) : "You have sung the
hymn; you have declared yourselves to be of the number of all those who
are worthy. . . . Why stay and yet not partake of the table? " are refer
ences to the people's answer to the " Sancta Sanctis." F. Brightman,
Liturgies Eastern and Western 1, 480, considers the hymn spoken of in
de Baptismo Christi 4 as a reference rather to the Sanctus. Whatever may
be the interpretation of these passages, we may be sure of the existence of
some sort of reply of the congregation in the Antiochian Liturgy, since this
was the common practice.
return to the shorter acclamation, christological in form.50 That of

St. James adds only a short doxology, while those of Basil and
Chrysostom drop the doxology completely.
The enlargement of the eU ayios-acclamation to a confession of the
Trinity is a peculiarity of the Syrian Liturgies,51 and Peterson,
quoting Baumstark, claims that the trinitarian form was used first
by Narsai and then by the Nestorians, Jacobites, Copts, and Abys-
sinians.52 The Nestorian Liturgy which we are considering thus
has the trinitarian form.53 But now that we find Theodore pre
senting in his Liturgy this acclamation in a trinitarian form about
a hundred years before Narsai, the introduction of the trinitarian
eZs Syios-acclamation must be placed a century earlier than Peterson
and Baumstark thought. As Quasten concludes : " In view of the
fact that Apostolic Constitutions, compiled only a little earlier
[i.e. than Theodore's commentary], still have the purely christo
logical form, the position which the new discovery makes possible
for us is of special worth." 54 Thus we are now able to say that the
trinitarian form of the *U a-yios-acclamation originated at some time
during those few years between the compilation of Apostolic Con
stitutions (380) and the presentation of Theodore's commentary
(during his episcopate, 392-428).
7.
THE LITURGICAL RITE OF THE COMMUNION
Naturally, all the Liturgies contain this ceremony, the partici
pation in the Holy Sacrifice by the reception of the Body and Blood
of Christ; and the various accounts of the Communion show a
general uniformity in this ceremony. A study of these accounts,
however, is especially useful, since details omitted by some are
50 Brightman, 02; 341.
61 Cf. A. Baumstark, Die Messe im Morgenland and J. M. Hanssens,
Institutiones liturgicae de ritibus orientalibus III, De missa rituum orien-
talium pars altera 2, 500.
63 E. Peterson, " EIS 9E02. Epigraphische, formgeschichtliche und reli-
gionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen," Forschungen zur Religion und Litera-
tur des Alten und Neuen Testaments, Neue Folge, 24 Heft, 138.
03 Brightman, 296.
54 Quasten, op. ext., 254.
happily supplied by others. Our comparison of the explanations of

the Communion as presented by the Liturgies with which we are
dealing will offer us an excellent description of this important cere
mony as it was performed at the end of the fourth century.
After the Elevation and the congregation's eh ayios-acclamation
all approach to receive Communion.55 The celebrant and those
who minister at the altar partake at the altar, after which the
others receive some distance away, as Theodore explains. The cele
brant first communicates himself. He then proceeds to give Com
munion to the others, the celebrant distributing the consecrated
Bread and, according to Apostolic Constitutions, the deacon ad
ministering the chalice. Neither Theodore nor Cyril nor Chrysos-
tom speaks of the deacon as an assisting minister of the Communion ;
but on the strength of the testimony of Apostolic Constitutions we
conclude the general custom to be that the deacon administers the
chalice. Chrysostom implies that it is also the deacon's duty to
see that no one who is known to be unworthy partakes of the
Communion.56
The communicants approach and receive in a definitely arranged
order, as described by Apostolic Constitutions ; it is noteworthy that
also the children are there numbered among them. Chrysostom
says that the consecrated Bread is received by the faithful in their
hands, but Theodore and Cyril give a more complete explanation
on this point. They explain that the communicant stands with his
eyes cast down and with his hands stretched out before him, his
right hand—palm upwards and fingers close together—resting upon
his left. The celebrant places a piece of the consecrated Bread into
the right hand, saying : " The Body of Christ ; " and the com
municant replies : " Amen." After he has signed his senses with the
holy Bread, he puts It in his mouth and swallows It. Cyril notes
that, when receiving the Precious Blood, the communicant does
not stretch out his hands; he drinks of the chalice, bending
(kvtttwv) but not kneeling. To the words of the deacon: "The
Blood of Christ," he answers : " Amen." Both Theodore and Cyril
"Cf. below p. 185; above pp. 48-49.
M Cf. St. John. Chrysostom, In Matt. 82, 6, above p. 163, and Probst's
comment on this text in his " Die antiochenische Messe nach den Schriften
des hi. Johannes Chrysostomus dargestellt," ZkTh 1, 301-302.
explain the signing of the senses with the Body of Christ, and
Cyril describes also the signing with the Precious Blood.57 During
the reception of Communion, Apostolic Constitutions say, the thirty-
third Psalm is chanted, in which occur the words quoted by St.
Cyril : " Taste and see that the Lord is sweet." 58
The sixth century Paten from Biha on the Orontes in Syria,
which is at present in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection in Washing
ton, most clearly portrays the rite of Communion and offers a
valuable pictorial commentary on Theodore's words. According to
D. Talbot Bice, "it is probably to be assigned to Antioch and
shows the work of the sixth century at its best." 69 O. M. Dalton
thus describes this paten :
The most remarkable early paten is that found ... at Riha. It bears in
relief the subject known as the Communion of the Apostles and around
the border a Greek dedicatory inscription: For the repose of Sergia,
daughter of John, and for that of Theodosius ; also for the salvation of
Megalos, Nonnos and their children. The figures on this paten, which are
still grouped with a regard for perspective, and merely aligned, are marked
by great individuality; we have thus a combination of Hellenistic design
and Syrian intensity of expression characteristic of the art of Antioch in
the fifth and sixth centuries.80
On the paten Christ is pictured with His Apostles at the Last
Supper. Standing at the table, upon which are bread, a chalice,
and two other vessels, He is represented twice. On the right of
the paten Christ is shown giving the bread to six Apostles, while
on the left He is giving them to drink of the chalice. Beceving
Communion the Apostles stand, bending low. The one to whom
Christ is giving the holy bread holds his hands outstretched, his
right hand resting upon his left, just as Cyril and Theodore ex
plain. ' It will be noticed, however, that those approaching the
chalice also come with outstretched hands and the Apostle who is
drinking of the chalice holds a cloth apparently to prevent any
drops of the Blood of Christ from falling to the floor. In these
"Of. below pp. 186-187.
F. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, 1, 480, suggests
Chrysostom's words regarding Psalm 144 (cf. above pp. 163, 165) as a
reference either to the Communion hymn1 or to a part of the thanksgiving.
59 D. Talbot Rice, Byzantine Art, 163.
"o O. M. Dalton, East Christian Art, 330.
PLATE IV
Paten from Riha on the Orontes in Syria of the Sixth Centuby

Communion of the Apostles
The Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
Washington, D. C.
two points the rite pictured on this paten differs from St. Cyril's
explanation to the communicant to " draw near also to the chalice
of the Blood, not stretching forth your hands." The paten thus
shows either a local custom or a later development of the general
custom described by St. Cyril.61
In earlier times the custom had been that all who were present
received Communion. However, at the end of the fourth century
this custom began to disappear. Although neither Theodore nor
Cyril nor Apostolic Constitutions make mention of any of the con
gregation not partaking, Chrysostom speaks strongly against the
practice of those who refrain from receiving Communion. He says :
Tell me, suppose some one were invited to a feast and were to wash his
hands and sit down and be all ready at the table, and after all not partake,
is he not insulting the man who invited him? Were it not better for such
a one never to have come at all? Thus you, too, have come here. . . . Why
stay and not partake of the table ? "
The Communion in the later Liturgies is much like that found
at the close of the fourth century. The Greek Liturgy of St.
James,63 however, and the Nestorian Liturgy 64 present a more
elaborate ceremony ; but the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom con
tain little more than a mention of the Communion.65 All agree in
this that a hymn is sung at this time. The Liturgy of James says
al Plate IV. Cf. J. D. Stefanescue, L'Illustration des Liturgies dans
I'art de Byzance et de I'Orient, 121 ; Peirce and Tyler, L'Art Byzantin 2,
115; J. Braun, Das Christliche Altargerat, 202.
"Ad Eph. 3, 5 (PG 62, 29) Probst, op. cit., 301, also proposes the pas
sage from de Baptismo Christi 4 (PG 49, 370-371), (cf. above p. 165) as a
further evidence of this practice. He thinks that this passage means that
the doors were opened at the Communion and those who did not partake
then departed ; from this he concludes that " the sacrifice of the Mass did
not consist in the reception of the Sacrament but in the sacrificial action
accomplished from the Offertory up to the Communion." But from the very
context of the passage this conclusion seems rather strained. Even though
the church doors were allowed to be opened while Communion was being
distributed, those of the faithful who left without partaking could have
been present at least for the celebrant's Communion. But Chrysostom
rebukes them rather because they do not remain for the thanksgiving after
the Communion; and comparing them to Judas, he could mean that even
they received Communion before leaving.
" Brightman, 63-65. " Brightman, 297-309. 66 Brightmau, 341-342.
that the chanters sing: "Taste and see that the Lord is sweet."
Basil and Chrysostom speak here of the singing of the komwikov,
as is called the proper hymn sung during the Communion, and the
Nestorian Liturgy offers an example of this hymn sung alternately
by a chanter and the people. The people continue to receive the
species of bread from the priest and the species of wine from the
deacon, and while none of these Liturgies refer to the fact we may
suppose the consecrated bread is given to the communicants in their
hands. It is noteworthy that the words said by the priest and
deacon at the giving of the Communion are amplified, as decribed
in the Nestorian Liturgy :
And when the priest gives the body he says, " The body of our Lord to
the discreet priest or to the deacon of God or to the circumspect believer:
for the pardon of offences."
And the deacon says over the chalice, " The precious blood for the pardon
of offences, the spiritual feast for everlasting life to the discreet priest or
to the deacon of God " and every one according to his degree."
8.
THE SIGNING OF THE SENSES
a Protection against the Demons and a Health-giving Remedy
St. Cyril of Jerusalem is one of the earliest certain witnesses for
the custom of the communicants' signing their senses with the Body
and Blood of Christ. As F. J. Dolger has shown,67 Aphraates
(336-345) is the first to give clear references to this practice,68 with
88 Brightman, 298.
07 F. J. Dolger, " Das Segnen der Sinne mit der Eucharistie," Antike und
Christentum 3, 234.
88 Aphraates, Demonstratio, 7, 21 (J. Parisot, Patrologia Syriaca, Pars
Prima I, 350) : " Et Dominum diligunt, ejusque vulnera delingunt, dum
ipsius Corpus suscipientes, sibi ante oculos propositum lingua lambunt,
sicut canis herum delingit."
Demonstratio 9, 10 (Parisot, 431): "Lingua tua silentium amet, qua
Domini tui vulnera lambis. Caveant a dissensione labia tua, quibus Regis
Filium oscularis."
Demonstratio 20, 8 (Parisot, 906): " Cumque ait: Canes veniebant et
lingebant vulnera ejus [Lazari] ; canes qui veniebant, gentes sunt quae
lambunt ulcera Salvatoris nostri, quando Corpus ejus tollunt ponuntque
coram oculis suis."
R. H. Connolly, The Liturgical Homilies of Narsai (Texts and Studies 8,
Cyril of Jerusalem following soon after. Now we find Theodore

likewise instructing his neophytes in this regard. Apostolic Con
stitutions make no mention of it nor do the later Liturgies, al
though the Nestorian Liturgy says that just before the Breaking
of the Bread the priest " kisses the biichra [i. e. the host] in the
form of a cross, not bringing it to his lips, but figuratively, above
and below and right and left." 69 The Ecloga quod non indigne
accedendum sit ad divina mysteria, horn. 47,70 which is ascribed to
St. John Chrysostom, speaks of this signing of the senses, saying:
" When the moisture still remains on the lips let us with our hands
touch our eyes and forehead with it. Also the other senses are
sanctified." Whether these are actually the words of Chrysostom or
not, they offer us an " explanation of the practice of the Antiochian
Liturgy." 71
According to both Theodore and Cyril, the communicant touches
his eyes with the holy Body. Theodore adds that he also kisses It,
which probably also was done in Jerusalem, since, as Dolger shows,
the kissing of the Body of the Lord is spoken of not only at later
times but even as early as the time of Aphraates.72 Then the com
municant consumes the Eucharistic Bread and partakes of the
chalice. Strangely, Theodore does not speak of the signing with
the Blood, although if Chrysostom's (?) text above is an " ex
planation of the Antiochian Liturgy," the signing with the Eucha
ristic Wine as well should have been the custom of Theodore's
Church. Cyril, however, explains that the communicant touches
his moistened lips with his hand and then sanctifies his eyes, brow,
and other senses. When he and the other writers speak of the
" other senses " together with the eyes and forehead, they mean
especially the mouth.
Dolger suggests that the touching of the eyes and forehead with
moistened hands may mean
1 ) , 29, footnote 1 : " And in VII, 21 and XX, 8 he [Aphraates] says that
the receivers put the Body of our Lord ' upon their eyes ' (not ' ante oculos '
or ' coram oculis ' as Parisot renders ) ."
89 Brightman, 290.
™ PG 12, 898.
71 F. J. Dolger, " Das Segnen der Sinne mit der Eucharistie," Antike und
Christentum 3, 237.
-"Ibid., 238.
either that [the communicants] cover their face, a gesture which as a sign
of recollection and meditation today is often the custom after Communion,
or that they make with their moistened fingers the sign of the cross over
their senses."
But that the latter seems the case he demonstrates especially from
the clear testimony of an old-Armenian Liturgy, which the pub
lisher Catergian refers to St. Gregory of Nazianzen, dating it be
tween 370-380.74 This old Liturgy directs that after the Com
munion of the chalice "the priest touches with the finger of his
right hand his moistened lips and signs his senses, his head, and
his breast." The verb signs is translated by the Latin signat or
the Greek a^payl^a, which in the manner of speaking of the fourth
century means to make the sign of the cross. And Dolger adds that
the ceremony described in the old Armenian Liturgy seems to have been
universally practiced in the territory south, north, and east of Antioch.
It was done by the priests, but also by the simple faithful, who likewise
signed their senses with the Eucharistic Wine in the form of a cross.70
In this connection he cites a custom of the people of Jerusalem at
the close of the fourth century, which shows the laity also signing
their senses, although in that case not with the Eucharistic Bread
and Wine. The pilgrim Aetheria narrates that popular custom.
Speaking of the adoration of the cross on Good Friday, she relates
that the faithful and catechumens " one by one come, bowing, first
touching the cross and inscription with their forehead and then
with their eyes, and finally kissing the cross they move on, but
no one touches it with his hand." 76
The reason for this sense signing is quite evident in the light of
the Christian thought of the time. It is only natural that the faith
ful should wish to sign their forehead, eyes, and mouth with the
Eucharist, for they often made the sign of the cross on these parts
of their body, attributing to this sign of the cross the power of
"Ibid., 239.
'4 Cf. P. Ferhat, " Denkmaler altarmenischer Messliturgie 2 : Die angeb-
liche Liturgie des hi. Katholicos Sahak," Oriens Christianus: Neue Serie
III (1913), 29. According to him the manuscript belonging to Sahak, the
Armenian Katholik (389/390-439/440) goes back to a Greek original.
™ Dolger, op. ext., 241.
" Peregrinatio Aetheriae 37, (CSEL 39, 88, Geyer).
driving away the demons. Thus Hippolyte says: "Let us drive

him away who tries to bring ruin, signing our forehead and eyes
with our hand." 77 Similarly Cyril of Alexandria 78 and James of
Batna in Sarug 79 speak of this signing as a protection from harm,
comparing it to the signing of the Jews' doorposts with the blood
of the Paschal Lamb. Furthermore, the ancient world highly con
sidered human blood as a health-giving remedy, and the Christians
similarly regarded the blood of the martyrs.80 Hence the faithful
would attribute to the Blood of Christ an even greater efficacy.
Apparently, then, this signing of the senses in conjunction with
the Communion, originating, if not earlier, at least about the middle
of the fourth century, became a general practice especially in the
Syrian Church. Since, however, it was frequently rather a private
devotion, we may understand why such strictly liturgical works as
Apostolic Constitutions and the later Liturgies which we have been
considering, do not include it. Instructions to the neophytes, such
as are Theodore's and Cyril's catecheses, naturally would speak of it.
9.
THE THANKSGIVING AND THE DISMISSAL
After the Communion the Liturgy quickly draws to a close.
Theodore speaks first of a private thanksgiving and then a public
one. Cyril, too, instructs his hearers to wait for the prayer, of which
Apostolic Constitutions offer an example. This prayer, introduced
by the deacon, is said by the celebrant while the people stand; it is
a prayer of thanks for the Eucharist as well as a petition for
further blessings, summarizing the petitions of the litany which the
deacon and congregation recited at the beginning of the Liturgy of
the Faithful. Chrysostom clearly refers to the thanksgiving prayer,
vigorously rebuking those who fail to remain for it.
The Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom have only a short thanks-
77 Hippolyte, Traditio Apostolica 80 (Hauler, 121).

78 St. Cyril of Alexandria, Glaphyrorum in Exodum 2 (PG 69, 428).
78 Jakob von Batna in Sarug, " Gedicht iiber die Decke vor dem Antlitze
des Moses," Bibliothek der Kirchenvater 6, (1912), 350 f. Landersdorfer.
Cf. F. J. Dolger, " Gladiatorenblut und Martyrerblut," Vortrage der
Bibliothek Warburg 3, 196-214.
14
giving, said by the priest.81 However, the Greek Liturgy of St.

James and the Nestorians show a more elaborate thanksgiving,
begun by the deacon and containing two prayers of the priest—one
of them an inclination prayer; in the course of these prayers the
greeting of peace (dprjvr) mo-iv) is exchanged.82 At this point these
later Liturgies are very similar to Apostolic Constitutions.
Theodore's and Cyril's accounts of the Liturgy close with the
thanksgiving, but they probably mean to include under it also the
dismissal. A special reference to this would be unnecessary, for the
neophytes were well acquainted with that sort of ceremony, having
frequently heard the dismissals at the end of the Liturgy of the
Catechumens. Apostolic Constitutions offer an example of the
fourth century type—a prayer said by the priest over the congre
gation, standing with bowed heads, and the deacon's announcement :
" Depart in peace." Chrysostom, too, refers to this announcement.
In the Peregrinatio Aetheriae we find the dismissal of the Church
of Jerusalem described :
First thanksgiving is offered to God and prayer is said for all; afterwards
the deacon announces that all should bow their heads; thus they stand and
the bishop, standing between the inner gates, blesses them, and then he
departs.88
While the Nestorian Liturgy does not include the deacon's words :
" Depart in peace," but only the priest's prayer, at the end of this
prayer we find this direction : " And the priest and the people give
peace to one another." 84 The Liturgy of St. James and those of
Basil and Chrysostom have both the deacon's announcement and
the priest's prayer, similar to Apostolic Constitutions.85
83 Brightman, 65-67; 301-303.
"'Peregrinatio Aetheriae 25, 3 (CSEL 39, 75 Geyer).
88 Brightman, 67-68; 343-344.
CONCLUSION
Having completed our study of the Eucharistic doctrine and

Liturgy which Theodore of Mopsuestia explains in his Catecheses
to the neophytes, we may conclude with a resume of the foregoing
chapters.
In the first place Theodore clearly teaches the doctrine of the
Eeal Presence. He tells his hearers that the real, glorified Body
and Blood of Christ are present under the appearances of bread
and wine. Explicitly denying a merely symbolic presence of Christ
on the altar, he offers the first formal sign of reaction to the use
of the phrase avrlrmrov oxujouiros (cai aijuaTos Xpurrov. He uses the
terms " signs " and " symbols " simply to explain the sacramental
character of the Eucharistic food and the commemorative character
of the Eucharistic sacrifice.
Bread and wine mixed with water, Theodore explains, constitute
the sacramental matter of the Eucharist. The sacramental form—
that which changes the bread and wine into Christ's Body and
Blood—he teaches, is the Epiclesis or the calling down of the Holy
Spirit upon the oblation. His outspoken testimony for the Epi
clesis as the "form" of the Eucharistic consecration is of special
importance, since it leads us to conclude that also the references of
St. Cyril of Jerusalem and of the Apostolic Constitutions to the
Epiclesis of the Holy Spirit ascribe the transubstantiation to the
work of the Holy Spirit ; thus it is seen that the end of the fourth
century should not be considered a time of synthesis or transition
in the question of the sacramental " form " of the Eucharist.
Theodore calls the Eucharist the spiritual food of the faithful.
By Baptism the Christian in a symbolic or sacramental way is born
into and begins to live the immortal life of heaven, which he will
live in reality after the second coming of the Lord. Just as he will
be maintained in that real immortal existence in heaven by the
grace of the Holy Spirit, which Theodore calls the true food of im
mortality, so the Christian is sustained in the sacramental participa
tion in or foretaste of that immortal life by the Eucharist, which is
therefore the sacramental food of immortality. And as the new
191
birth of Baptism has its source in the death of Christ, so the Eucha
ristic food has its source in His death. The death of Christ and His
subsequent exaltation at the right hand of His Father made possible
His followers' entrance into the immortal life of heaven. Hence,
the sacramental participation through Baptism and the Eucharist
in that exaltation to the life of heaven—just as the real entrance
into immortal life—is the fruit of Christ's death.
Theodore further points out that besides being the spiritual
nourishment of the faithful, the Eucharist is also the sign of their
union with Christ and with one another as well as the means of
strengthening that bond. He explains, too, that the reception of
the Eucharist increases holiness in the communicant, helps him
avoid sin, and remits venial sin.
The minister of this sacrament, Theodore teaches, is the priest,
but strangely he says nothing of the deacon's administering the
chalice at the Communion. Baptism and freedom from mortal sin
are the chief requisites for partaking of the Eucharist, according to
Theodore; but to these he adds as further preparation for Com
munion a good life lived in accord with the commandments and
repentance for venial sins. Before receiving Communion those
who have fallen into mortal sin must be forgiven in the Sacrament
of Penance. Theodore is one of the few early writers to speak of
the Sacrament of Penance. He says that the sinner confesses in
secret to the priest, who then applies the remedy; the performance
of the penance, he seems to imply, is public.
The spiritual food of the Eucharist, Theodore goes on to explain,
is effected by means of a sacrifice. The Christians perform a sacri
fice of which they eat. He admits the universal priesthood of all
the faithful, teaching that all make the offering, but at the same
time he shows the need of special, ordained priests to offer the
sacrifice in the name of all; the deacons, he says, assist the priest
in offering the sacrifice. And he teaches that the Eucharistic
sacrifice is offered for all the faithful, living and dead.
Theodore's explanation of the Eucharistic sacrifice is particularly
interesting. It is a sacrifice, he says, because it is the representation
of the sacrifice of Christ. It is not a mere likeness or symbol of
Christ's sacrifice, but an objective remembrance—a commemoration
in which the reality itself is present in a sacramental or hidden
Conclusion 193
manner. Therefore, because Christ's sacrifice could only be a

heavenly sacrifice, the Eucharistic sacrifice is a heavenly service;
because Christ's sacrifice is one, there can be but one sacrifice of the
New Law. Hence, too, the priest represents Christ and the deacons
represent the angels, who ministered to Christ's sacrifice. Insti
tuted as the commemoration of Christ's death, the Eucharistic
sacrifice re-enacts before the faithful the whole sacrifice of Christ.
Since Christ's sacrifice, Theodore teaches, is simply His whole
work of redemption, begun on earth and perfected in heaven, the
Eucharistic sacrifice re-enacts the work of redemption; it is the
drama of the work of redemption. This is performed in a sacra
mental manner ; the reality is hidden. But because the Eucharistic
sacrifice is an objective remembrance, the reality of the work of
redemption is present under the sacramental sign. Hence, partici
pating in this sacrifice, the faithful sacramentally participate in
the work of redemption; sacramentally they are already in heaven,
enjoying the benefits of redemption. Thus, then, when they eat
of this sacrifice—when they partake of the Eucharistic food—they
are fed with an earnest of what will be theirs in reality in heaven ;
they are nourished by the hope of the future benefits. Sacrament
ally born through Baptism into the immortal life of heaven, the
faithful sustain that new life by their sacramental foretaste of the
benefits of redemption through the Eucharistic sacrifice and the
Eucharistic food.
Therefore, we may rightly conclude that Theodore considers the
Eucharistic service a Christian mystery worship. The Christian
worship has as its object the uniting of the faithful with God in
the kingdom of heaven, there to enjoy the benefits of redemption.
Since by Christ's sacrifice—i. e. the work of redemption—the way
was opened for the exaltation of His followers, in order to attain
that entrance into the benefits of redemption the Christians must
realize in themselves the death and resurrection of Christ. Only
after the second coming of the Lord will this exaltation be a reality
for them. But now through the sacramental, objective remembrance
of the work of redemption and especially of Christ's death and
resurrection, they sacramentally realize in themselves the death
and resurrection of Christ and thus sacramentally enjoy the bene
fits of redemption. Thus sacramentally they realize their own
exaltation and entrance into the benefits of redemption, their en

trance into the kingdom of heaven, their union with God.
The Eucharistic Liturgy which Theodore describes is generally
said to be very similar to the Clementine Liturgy of the Apostolic
Constitutions. Our study has shown this to be true, but it has also
demonstrated that there is also a marked similarity between Theo
dore's Liturgy and the Liturgy described by St. Cyril of Jerusalem,
and that referred to in St. John Chrysostom's Antiochian writings.
Such similarity among these four Liturgies is to be expected, since
they all belong to the same general type—the Syrian family of
Liturgies. By the fourth century the earlier variety of liturgical
practice had crystallized into four general types ; hence the members
of one of these types would be much alike.
However, the not infrequent encountering of local variations
from the general practice demonstrates that at the end of the
fourth century uniformity of liturgical usage even within the
general families of Liturgies was not absolute. Development was
still in progress. Our comparison of the fourth-century Liturgies
with later Liturgies of the same family has shown that continuing
development. It is especially valuable to note that in many in
stances Theodore's Liturgy is in advance of those of his contem
poraries toward the usages of later times.
At the very beginning of his description Theodore's placing the
offertory procession at the opening of the Liturgy of the Faithful
indicates the start of the development of the Great Entrance of
later times. On the strength of his testimony, too, it seems possible
to suppose that in the fourth-century Liturgies of Antioch and
Jerusalem this procession occurred near the beginning of the Liturgy
of the Faithful instead of immediately before the Eucharistic
Prayer.
The ceremonies of the offertory procession, the opening diaconal
litany, the priest's prayers at the start of the service, and the kiss of
peace are apparently common to all the Liturgies. While the wash
ing of the priesfs hands occurs in the early Liturgies, this ceremony
is lacking in the later Liturgies except in the case of the Xestorian
Liturgy. Usually it is found after or during the exchange of the
kiss of peace, but Cyril of Jerusalem and the Xestorians place it
before the kiss of peace.
Conclusion 195
Theodore breaks with the usual order of ceremonies by placing

the reading of the diptychs immediately after the washing of the
hands. In this he is followed by the Nestorian Liturgy. Generally,
however, the diptychs are read in conjunction with the intercession
for the living and the dead.
The deacon's admonition, "Look at the oblation," which Theo
dore describes just before the beginning of the Anaphora, should
be considered a remnant of the offertory procession, which formerly
occurred at this point. Theodore is one of the first to explain this
admonition as a preparation for the Anaphora or sacrifice proper,
as is its character in the later Liturgies.
In regard to the Eucharistic Prayer Theodore's Liturgy is an
example of the change from a lengthy prayer, such as the Clemen
tine Liturgy contains, to the shorter form of the later Liturgies.
In addressing this prayer to the Holy Trinity he shows an even
further development than does the Greek Liturgy of St. James.
The simple form of the Sanctus (without the Hosanna and Bene-
dictus) seems the usual form of the fourth-century Liturgies, the
enlarged form appearing only later. Theodore's reference to a
diaconal command to the congregation to stand with bowed heads
in reverence and silence may mean that such an admonition follows
the Sanctus; such would be a peculiarity of the Church of Mop-
suestia.
Theodore's agreement with Apostolic Constitutions in mentioning
the work of redemption only in the post-Sanctus prayer and not
before the Sanctus leads us to conclude this to be the general cus
tom of the fourth-century Liturgies.
An account of the institution of the Eucharist, including the
words of institution, is a usual part of all the Liturgies. Theodore's
vague reference to it and Cyril's omission of it can be explained by
their wish to stress in their instructions rather the Epiclesis, which
to them is more important.
The Anamnesis is generally the same in all the Liturgies, calling
to mind the whole Economy of redemption and joining thereto a
sacrificial prayer. Also common to all the Liturgies is the Epi
clesis of the Holy Spirit by which the bread and wine are changed
into the Body and Blood of Christ. To this is generally added an
invocation of the Holy Spirit on the congregation for a fruitful
participation in the Eucharist. Strangely, though, Cyril says noth

ing about such an invocation.
Likewise, all the Liturgies contain a similar intercession for the
living and the dead, to which usually—except in the Liturgies of
Theodore and of the Nestorians—is added the reading of the
diptychs. The reading of individual names from the diptychs
seems to have originated later than the fourth century.
A doxology is the usual conclusion of the Anaphora. Cyril of
Jerusalem demonstrates the earlier custom of closing the Anaphora
with the Lord's Prayer and its doxology, but the later Liturgies
conclude that part of the service only with a doxology, moving the
Lord's Prayer to a position nearer the Communion. Whether the
Clementine Liturgy and the Liturgy of Antioch retain the earlier
practice or agree with the later usage in regard to the position of
the Lord's Prayer, it is difficult to ascertain. However, that the
Lord's Prayer is included somewhere in these Liturgies is certain.
While we conclude that the Lord's Prayer is to be supposed some
where in Theodore's Liturgy in agreement with the general custom,
the evidence points to its being included at a later point. We may
suppose, though, the usual doxology as the conclusion of the Ana
phora in the Liturgy of Mopsuestia.
The breaking of the Bread is found in all the Liturgies, but Theo
dore shows the beginning of the elaborate ceremony connected with
this part of the Liturgy. Another diaconal litany of intercession
and preparation for Communion is also a usual part of all the
Liturgies.
Likewise common to all the Liturgies is the priest's prayer of
preparation for Communion. To this prayer the later Liturgies
join the Lord's Prayer, and because of the close agreement at this
point of Theodore's Liturgy with the later Liturgies, we conclude
that the Lord's Prayer is to be supposed here also in his Liturgy.
Thus his Liturgy is an early example of the change of position of
this prayer and of its new character as a preparation for Com
munion.
All the Liturgies contain the priest's words : " The holy things to
the holy," to which generally is added an elevation of the consecrated
Bread. Theodore's account of the people's response to these words is
of great importance. He shows the el? ayios-acclamation to be
Conclusion 197
trinitarian in form a century before the time of Narsai, who until

the discovery of Theodore's account was thought to have introduced
that trinitarian form. And since Apostolic Constitutions retain
the christological form, the origin of the trinitarian form can now
be placed during the few years between the compilation of Apostolic
Constitutions and the presentation of Theodore's commentary.
There is a general uniformity in the ceremonies of the Com
munion, although it is strange to find Theodore omitting to mention
the deacon as administering the chalice. The custom of the com
municants' signing their senses with the Body and Blood of Christ
apparently originated at least about the middle of the fourth cen
tury, and Theodore and Chrysostom show the continuance of this
practice. That Apostolic Constitutions and the later Liturgies do
not mention this sense-signing may be explained by the fact that it
is rather a private devotion, which strictly liturgical explanations
would omit.
The usual conclusion of all the Liturgies is a public prayer of
thanksgiving, followed by the dismissal prayer of the priest and
the deacon's announcement : " Depart in peace."
INDEX TO SCRIPTURE REFEEENCES
Genesis 49: 11 33 Romans 1:4. . . 25

6:3-5 . . . 30
Deuteronomy 32: 14 . . . 33 8: 11 . . . 25
Isaias 6:3 132 8: 34 . . . 58
6:3-7 42 Hebrews 8:4-5 . . . 57
6:5 134 9: 14 . . . 56
I Corinthians 5 : 1-5 . . . 53
Matthew 5 : 23 ff. . . . 93, 98 5: 11-13 . . 53
9: 13 42 10 16 . . . 40
26:26-28 . . 31,42 10 17 . . . 39
26 : 29 .... 33 11 26 . . 31, 138
John 6: 41 11 14 : 16-17 . . 123
6:48 11 II Corinthians 2 6-7 . . . 53
6:51 11 13: 13 . 126
6: 63 25 II Timothy 4: 2 . . 53
198
INDEX
Abromowski, R., 2 birth, true, 20, 28, 35; source of

acclamation, eh (87105, 181-182, 196- new, 30-31, 34
197 bishop, prayer for, 77, 79
admonition of deacon, 55, 81, 84-85, Bishop, E., 18
93-94, 101-102, 127, 133, 160-161, blessing of water, 34
180, 195 blood, as remedy, 189
Aetheria, 95, 147, 188, 190 Bludau, A., 147
Ambrose, VII Body, Mystical, 32, 39-40, 118, 123
amen, 95 Braun, J., 91, 185
Anamnesis, 114, 117, 137, 195 bread, 22, 26, 29, 32, 42, 76, 89-91,
Anaphora, 128; as consecratory 99, 115-117, 141, 154-155, 191;
prayer, 16; of St. Mark, 100 appearance of, 14, 191 ; breaking
Anathema, 26 of, 31, 61-62, 173-175, 179, 196;
Anazarbus, 4 mixed with wine, 35; necessary,
angel, represented by deacon, 58-59, 173; substantial, 154; symbol of
60, 70, 87, 91, 94, 165, 193 Body of Christ, 14; vivifying, 35,
anticipation, 26-27, 64 156
Antioch, 3, 90, 93, 178 breaking of bread, 31, 61-62, 154-155,
antitype, 14 173, 175, 179, 196
ivrirvwov, 13-14, 191 Brightman, P. E., 5, 6, 93-94, 102,
Aphraates, 186, 187 129, 130, 133, 136, 151, 170, 175,
aphtharsia, 35 184
Apostles, Communion of, 184-185 huchra, 175, 187
Apostolic Constitutions, 5, 14, 24, burial, clothes of, 22, 60; represent
47-48, 50, 93, 95-100, 102, 126-128, ed, 60-61
132-134, 137-140, 142-144, 146, 147, Byzantine chalice, 90
149, 170, 171, 173, 175-177, 179-
185, 187, 189-191, 194
appearance of bread and wine, 14; Casel, O., 30, 38, 56-57, 62, 64, 66-68
of Christ after resurrection, 61-62 Catecheses, contents of, 1
Aeropagite, Dionysius, 100 catechumen, departed, 147-148;
ascension, remembrance of, 117, 137 prayer for, 121, 167
as if, 9-10 ceremonies, director of, 43
athanasia, 35 chalice, 44, 60, 76, 90, 117, 163, 183;
Augustine, VII, 171 size of, 90-91
change of elements, 11
Baptism, 20, 28, 35, 38-41, 44, 49, chanter, 160, 186
50, 54, 66, 67, 69, 114, 139, 191, Cherubic Hymn, 90, 97
192; of children, 47; use of water, children, Baptism of, 47; Com
33-34 munion of, 47-48, 161, 183; place
Basil, Liturgy of, 5-6, 90, 92, 96 ,97, in assembly, 47
99, 100, 103, 127, 131, 132, 134, 140, Christ, death of, 20-21, 30-31, 68, 69;
142, 144, 145, 148, 150, 152, 172, immortality of, 20; natures of,
174, 175, 177, 178-181, 185, 186, 25; priesthood of, 57-58; principal
189, 190 priest, 16; represented by priest,
Battifol, P., 13-14, 17, 24 15, 58-59, 70; risen, on the altar,
Baumstark, A., 27, 95, 96, 98, 126, 13, 22, 23, 31 ; union with, 40
128, 129, 131, 182 Chrysostom, cf. John Chrysostom
Benedictus, 132, 181 church crier, 43, 49, 82, 127, 156,
benefits, future, 20, 35-38, 62, 67, 160
112, 114, 140, 193; of redemption, cleanliness from sin, 94, 99-100
63 ; of sacrifice, 72 cleansing of Isaias' lips, 42
199
200 Index
Clementine Liturgy, 4, 24, 47, 194; source of life and food, 30-31, 34,
cf. Apostolic Constitutions 68-69, 138, 192
clothes of burial, 22 De Jerphanion, G., 71-72
coal, hot, 42 demon, power against, 188-189
commemoration of Christ's death, Denzinger, H., 26
60, 114, 138, 193; of Christ's sacri Devreesse, R., 2
fice, 58; of Economy, 72 Dialogue, Preface, 106-107, 126
communicants, all present, 48; dis Didache, 128
position of, 43; order of, 32 Didascalia, 17
Communion, 28, 32, 40, 43, 47, 143- Diekamp, F., 66
144, 160-161, 182 ff.; of Apostles, Dionysius the Areopagite, 100
184-185; of children, 47-48, 183; diptychs, 84, 100-101, 146-148, 176,
in hands, 12, 160, 162-164, 183- 195, 196
186; necessity of, 45; preparation director of ceremonies, 43
for, 41, 172, 176, 177 ff., 196; pro dismissal, 49-50, 85, 102, 169, 190,
cession, 48, 183; reception of, 12, 197; of penitents, 50, 94; of sick,
197; requisities for, 44 50
confession, 53-54, 146 disposition of communicant, 43
Confirmation, 66 doctrine, relation to Liturgy, 3
Connolly, R., 50, 186 DOlger, F., 186-189
consecration, moment of, 16 door, closed, 85; open, 185
consecratory prayer, 16 doxology, 151, 152, 170, 172, 178,
Constitutions, cf. Apostolic 196
creed, 103 drama of redemption, 66, 67
crier, church, 43, 49, 82, 127, 156, Drews, P., 131
160 Duchesne, L., 3, 4, 5, 6, 95
cross, adoration of, 188; fruit of, 30, Dumbarton Oaks Collection, 91, 184
68; sign of, 12, 34, 61, 89, 145, 156,
174, 175, 188 earnest, 29, 36, 66, 68, 139, 193; of
curtain, 87, 91, 94 future benefits, 15, 38, 67
Cyril of Alexandria, 26, 189 east, looking toward, 128
Cyril of Jerusalem, 4-5, 14, 17, 24, Economy, 15, 29, 36-38, 59, 63, 67,
93-95, 98-100, 102, 126, 130-133, 72, 112, 113, 133, 134, 139, 140,
136, 137, 140-142, 144, 146, 148- 195
149, 150, 170, 175-177, 180, 181, effect of Eucharist, 35, 41
183-187, 190, 191, 194 elfrt*ti vaaiv, 179, 190
els 47ios-acclamation, 181-182, 196-
Dalton, O. M., 184 197
eiaodos neyi\ii, 90, 98
deacon, 43, 70, 76, 96, 130, 163, 189; greeting, 179
admonition of, 55, 81, 84-85, 93- elements, change of, 11; two, 34, 61
94, 101-102, 127, 133, 160-161, elevation, 160-161, 181, 196
180, 195; at Communion, 183, 186, energumens, prayer for, 79, 121
192, 197; at offertory procession, Engberding, H., 126, 131
87, 90-91; garments of, 71-72; Entrance, Great, 27, 90, 92, 97, 194
keeps order, 83, 85 ; Litany of, 76- Epiclesis, 11, 16 ff., 33, 35, 61, 116-
77, 92, 95-96, 156-157, 176 ff., 179, 117, 129, 135, 136, 141 ff., 144, 191,
194, 196; represents angels, 58- 195; of Logos, 16; necessity of,
59, 91, 193; washing of hands, 84, 22, 24; Theodore's explanation of,
99 19-24
dead, 72, 192; diptychs of, 84; In Epiphanius, 150
tercession for, 72, 100, 118, 121, Eschenbach, J. E., 42
147 ff., 176-177, 196 Eucharist, 67, 109; Institution of,
death of Christ, 20, 30, 69, 193; 64; mystery of, 66
commemoration of, 60, 114, 137, Eucharistic Prayer, 102-104, 106-
138, 140; manifestation of, 34; 107, 128
reenacted, 59; remembrance of, evxal Truniiv, 97
12, 31, 37, 55, 61, 67, 117, 139; exegesis of John 6, 13
Index 201
faith, 43, 50 image, 36, 38, 56, 59, 63

Faithful, prayer of, 92, 97 immortality, of Christ's Body, 20-21,
fan, 22, 61, 76, 87, 91 23, 25-26; food of, 12, 13, 22, 29,
Ferhat, P., 188 35 ff.; gift of Holy Spirit, 21, 22,
figure, 14, 38, 66, 115 25-26; real food of, 19-20, 28-29,
firstfruits of Holy spirit, 28-29, 30; 36; sacramental food of, 20, 29,
of immortality, 15 36
Flabellum, 91 initiated, 77, 83, 108, 113, 155, 165,
food, Eucharistic, 09; immortal, 12, 167
13, 15, 49, 60; of immortality, Institution of Eucharist, 64; Words
real, 19-20, 28-29, 35 ff., 191; of of, 16, 19, 114-115, 134 ff., 142,
immortality, sacramental, 20, 23, 195
29 ff., 63, 191; necessity of, 29-30, Intercession of Christ, 58 ; for dead,
33, 41, 45; sacramental, 32; 147; Litany of, 176-177; for liv
source of, 30-31, 34, 68; spiritual, ing and dead, 72, 100-101, 118,
15, 28, 37, 60, 65, 114, 160, 164, 121, 146 ff., 176-177, 196; for
191; suitable, 15, 28; symbolical, saints, 121, 149-150; of saints,
32 120, 149-150
form of elt 4710s, 181-182, 197; of Invocation of Holy Spirit, 18, 40, 51,
Eucharistic Prayer, 133-134, 195; 118-119, 142 ff., 195-196
of Post-Sanctus prayer, 133-134, involuntary sins, 42, 52
195; of the sacrament, 35, 191; Irenaeus, 16
of transubstantiation, 16, 137, 142 Isaias, 42, 108, 132
Fortescue, A., 6
fraction, cf. bread, breaking James, Liturgy of, 5, 6, 90, 92, 95,
fruit of the Cross, 30, 08 97, 98, 100, 102, 126, 127, 130-132,
Funk, F., 149 134, 140, 142, 144, 148, 150, 152,
future benefits, 20, 35-38, 62, 67, 112, 172, 174, 175, 177, 178, 180-182,
114, 140; good things, 38 185, 190
James of Batna, 189
Gallican Liturgies, 138, 139 Jerome, 170-171, 178
garments of deacon, 71-72; of priest, Jerusalem, Liturgy of, 93, 136, 178
89 John Chrysostom, 5, 17, 18, 24, 48,
Gaudentius of Brescia, VII 95, 97-98, 99, 102, 129, 132; Li
Gediichtnis, obiectives, 50-57 turgy of, 5-6, 92, 96, 97, 100, 103,
grace, 19-20, 28, 30, 41, 142, 191 126, 127, 131, 132, 134, 137, 140-
greeting, 179; of peace, 65, 80- 152, 170, 172-175, 177, 179-181,
81. 97-99, 154-155, 158, 173, 179, 183, 185-187, 189, 190, 194
190 Jovinian, 150
Gregory the Great, 170 Judas, 165
Gregory of Nazianzen, 188 Justin, 16, 34
Gregory of Nyssa, VII
Karalevskij, C, 4
hands, Communion in, 12, 160, 162- king, prayer for, 79, 118, 121
164, 183-186; uplifted, 142; wash kiss of Christ's Body, 187; of peace,
ing of, 84-85, 99-100, 194 39, 82-83, 93, 97-99, 194
Hanssens, J., 66, 99, 182 Koinonia, 39
harmony of faithful, 39-40 KOIVUVIKOV, 186
Harnack—Gebhardt, 149 Kultmysterium, 66
Hippolyte, 34, 189 Kyrie Eleison, 95, 176
holiness, given in Baptism, 41, 44,
49, 50; increase of, 41, 192 Law, New, priests of, 58; New,
Holy Spirit, cf. Spirit sacrifice of, 58; Old, priests of,
hope, 35, 36, 38, 63, 114, 193; cause 58; Old, sacrifices of, 58; Old,
of, 36-37 signs of, 66
hymn, Cherubic, 90, 97; at Com Leader in prayer, 43
munion, 184, 186 Leclercq, H., 91
202 Index
Leonine Sacramentary, 34 necessity of breaking bread, 173,
Lietzmann, H., 1, 3, 10, 90, 99, 101, 175; of Communion, 45; of Epi
127, 130-132, 135-138 clesis, 22, 24; of minister, 43;
likeness, 56, 63 of repentance, 45; of Sacrament
linens of altar, 22, 60, 76, 90 of Penance, 53 ; of spiritual food,
Litany, diaconal, 76-77, 92, 95-96, 29-30, 33, 41, 45
156-157, 175-176, 179, 194, 196; Nestorians, Liturgy of, 5-6, 90, 92,
universal, 95 96-98, 100, 103, 127, 131, 132, 134-
Liturgy, of Antioch, 93, 94, 103, 136, 143, 145, 147, 148, 150, 172,
178; of Basil and Chrysostom, 5-6, 175, 177, 180-182, 185-187, 190,
cf. Basil, Chrysostom; Greek, of 194; Theodore's relation with, 6
St. James, 5-6, cf. James; Galil New Law, 58
ean, 138, 139; image of Economy, non-communicants, 48, 49, 50, 77,
36; of Jerusalem, 93, 136, 178; of 92, 94, 185
St. Mark, 128, 178; Nestorian, nourishment, sacramental, 36 ; of
5-6, cf. Nestorian; old-Armenian, soul, 28, 114; spiritual, 34
188; relation to doctrine, 3;
Syrian, 90; types of, 3 oblation, 76, 104
living, 72, 192; Diptychs of, 84; offertory, by the faithful, 92, 99;
Intercession for, 72, 100, 118, 121, prayers, 97 ; preparation for, 83,
176-177, 196 85; procession, 22, 60-61, 87, 89,
Logos, Epiclesis of, 16 90 n\. 103, 194; sacrificial charac
Lord's Prayer, 151, 152, 154-155, ter of, 101
170 ff., 178 ff., 196 oUoi'onia, 134
love, 43, 50 Old Law, 58, 66
orarion, 71; cf. stole
Mark, Anaphora of, 100; Liturgy oratio pro fidelibus, 94
of, 128, 178 Orontes, 184
married, 52
martyr, blood of, 189 Parousia, 38, 64, 117, 137, 139
Mary, 96, 134, 148 participation in death and resurrec
Masius, A, 131 tion, 38-39
matter of Eucharist, 32 Passion, manifestation of, 34; re-
medicine for sin, 53 enacted, 59-60; remembrance of,
mercy, practice of, 172 12, 61, 117, 137-139
Mingana, A., 1, 37-38, 44, 46, 56-57, paten, 60, 90; of Riha, 184-185
171 peace, greeting of, 65, 80-81, 97-99,
minister, necessity of, 43; of sacra 154-155, 158, 173, 179, 190; kiss
ment, 192; cf. deacon, priest of, 39, 82-83, 93, 97-99, 194;
Mischna, 126 prayer for, 118, 121; procession of,
moment of transubstantiation, 16 99
Mopsuestia, 3-4, 49, 128 Peirce and Tyler, 185
mortal sin, 43, 44-45, 52, 192 Pelagians, 171
Mother of God, 96 Penance, Sacrament of, 45, 47, 52-54,
Mysterium, 56 192
Mystery, 38, 46, 47, 50, 56-57, 65, penitents, dismissal of, 50, 94
66, 68, 78, 85, 87, 96, 97, 103, 107, Peter Chrysologus, VII
109, 111, 113, 121, 123, 157, 160, Peterson, E., 182
161, 164, 165, 167, 179; Worship, petition, prayer of, 96-97
Christian, 65-70, 193 physician of sins, 53
Mystical Body, 32, 39-40, 118, 123; Post-Sanctus Prayer, 112-113, 133,
sacrifice, 119 195
prayer, for catechumens, 121, 167;
names, reading of, 147, 196 of children, 77; Eucharistic, 102-
Narsai, 50, 143, 197; agreement with 104, 106-107, 128, 195; of the
Theodore, 2 faithful, 92, 94, 97; inclination,
natures of Christ, 25 180; leader in, 43; Lord's, 151,
Index 203
152, 154-155, 170 ff., 178 if., 196; repentance, 42, 192; necessity of, 45
Offertory, 97; for peace, 118, 121; representation of Christ's sacrifice,
of priest, 78-79, 92, 96-97, 158-159, 22, 62, 66, 137, 192; of Economy,
194, 196; Post-Sanctus, 112-113, 67
133, 195; sacrificial, 140, 195; requisities for Communion, 44
thanksgiving, 128 Resurrection, 28, 137, 138, 139, 140;
Preface Dialogue, 106-107, 126 of Christ, 21, 112, 193; reenacted,
preparation for Communion, 50 fif., 59, 61 ; remembrance of, 31, 37,
172, 176, 177 ff., 196; for Offer 67, 117
tory, 83, 85; for sacrifice, 103-104, Riha, 184
195 Rice, D. T., 184
Presence, Real, 9, 20, 23, 115, 135, Ross, 31. C, 91
191; symbolic, 9, 13, 191 Riicker, A., 2, 6, 9-10, 45-47, 135,
priest, 39, 43, 53, 64, 69, 106, 115, 14(5, 181
192; of New Law, 58; of Old Law, Rush, A., 22
58; prayer of, 78-79, 92, 94, 96-
97, 158-159, 177 ff.; principal, 16; Sacrament, 14, 30, 38, 57, 69; form
represents Christ, 15, 58-59, 70, of, 35
193; visible, 16, 119 sacramental food, 32, 36, 63 ; repre
priesthood of Christ, 57-58, 67, 70; sentation, 56, 67
special, 70, 192; universal, 69, 192 Sacramentary, Leonine, 34
Probst, F., 17-18, 24, 92, 93, 103, 126, sacrifice, 22, 26, 55 ff., 93, 104, 141,
129-131, 133, 136, 140, 142, 144, 151, 160, 165, 167, 191; heavenly,
146, 147, 149-152, 170, 171, 177, 57, 67, 193; mystical, 119; of New
178, 183, 185 Law, 58; of Old Law, 58; one, 11,
procession, Communion, 48, 183; 58, 67, 193; perfect, 117; prepara
Offertory, 22, 60-61, 87, 89, 90, 99, tion for, 103-104; of propitiation,
103, 194; of peace, 99 118; public, 104; remembrance of
propitiation, sacrifice of, 118, 151 Christ's sacrifice, 56, 137, 141,
192; unbloody, 111, 118, 141
Quasten, J., 68, 181-182 sacrificial, character of Offertory,
101 ; prayer, 140, 195
readers, 90, 161 sacristy, 163
reading of diptychs, 84; of names, Salaville, S., 17, 18
147 salvation, work of, 70; cf. redemp
real birth, 20, 28 ; food of immortal tion
ity, 19-20, 28, 36; future benefits, sanctification of bread and wine, 16-
38; Presence, 9, 20, 23, 115, 135, 17
191 Sanctus, 110-111, 127, 132, 195
reality, future, 38, 66; in the Mys Schermann, T., 131
tery, 67; true, 68 secret, confession in, 54, 192
reasonable service, 111 senses, signing of, 12, 164, 183-184,
redemption, benefits of, 63, 193; 186 ff., 197
drama of, 66, 67, 193; reenacted, seraphim, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113,
26, 62, 193; symbol of, 65; 130, 132
thanksgiving for, 96 ; work of, 36, Sergios, the deacon, 71
59, 68, 129-130, 132, 195 sick, dismissal of, 50; prayer for, 79
remembrance of ascension, 117; of sign, 13-15, 32, 37, 191; of the cross,
Christ's sacrifice, 15, 56, 59, 141; 12, 34, 61, 89, 145, 156, 174, 175,
of death, 55; of death and burial, 188; of Old Testament, 66; of
60-61; of death and passion, 12, unity, 39-40, 192; visible, of the
61, 117; of death and resurrection, Sacrament, 32
31, 37, 61, 67, 117, 139; objective, signing of the senses, 12, 164, 183-
57, 67, 68, 192, 193; of Parousia, 184, 186 ff., 197
117; of redemption, 65, 78 silence, 61, 76, 78, 90, 103, 106, 112,
remission of venial sins, 41-43; of 127, 133
sin, 119, 144, 145, 146, 165, 192 similitude, 14
204 Index
Bin, confession of, 146; of human transubstantiation, form of, 16;

weakness, 42 ; involuntary, 42, 52 ; moment of, 16
medicine for, 53; mortal, 43, 44- Trinity, 131, 195; in eh S7ios-accla-
45, 46-47, 52, 192; physician of, mation, 182, 197; in Post-Sanctus
53; remission of, 119, 144-146, Prayer, 133-134
165, 192; venial, 41-43, 44, 52, 192
singer, 161, 165 unbloody sacrifice, 111, 118
Skehan, P., 46 uninitiated, 87
sorrow for venial sins, 41-42 unity, sign of, 39-40, 192; with
Soueida, basilica of, 71 Christ, 40
soul, nourishment of, 28 unmarried, 52
source of Eucharistic food, 30, 31,
34, 68, 138, 192; of new birth, 30- Vaihte, S., 4
31, 34, 68, 192 veil, 87
Spirit, grace of, 28, 36, 41, 191; venial sin, 41, 42, 43, 44, 52, 192
Holy, coming of, 16, 19, 31, 42, 61, vessels, sacred, 76, 90, 99
142; Holy, giver of immortality, Vigilantius, 150
21, 23, 25-26; Holy, Invocation of, Virgin Mary, 96
18, 40, 51, 142, 143, 195-196; vivi
fying, 21, 23 Walters Art Gallery, 90-91
Stefanescue, J., 185 washing of hands, 84-85, 99-100, 194
stole, 71 ; cf. orarion water, in Baptism, 33-34, 91 ; bles
subdeacon, 161; at doors, 85; at sing of, 34 ; instead of wine, 87 ;
washing of hands, 85, 99 mixed with wine, 29, 32-34, 91-92,
symbol, 13-15, 30, 37, 38, 66, 114, 115, 191
135, 191; of blood, 33; of Christ's weakness, sins of, 42
sacrifice, 15, 56; of real new birth, wine, 22, 26, 76, 87, 89-91, 99, 116,
20, 28, 35, 38; of redemption, 65; 141; appearances of, 14, 191;
of spiritual food, 15, 28, 38; full- mixed with bread, 35, 42; mixed
of-reality, 68; suitable, 32-33 with water, 29, 32-34, 91-92, 115,
symbolic character of hand washing, 191 ; symbol of blood, 33
99-100; food, 32, 36; presence, 9, withdrawal from Mysteries, 46, 47,
13, 191 49-50
avvairr^t KafoXiio}, 95 Words of Institution, 16, 19, 114-
aivaia, 109 115, 134 ff., 142, 195
work, 41, 43, 50, 52, 118; of redemp
to 4710 toi'j iytois, 44, 175, 196 tion, 36, 59, 66, 68, 129-130, 132,
temple, Christ's Body, 20, 25 195; of redemption reenacted, 26,
Tertullian, 170 62, 193; of salvation, 70
Testamentum Domini, 27, 34, 48, 71 worship, Christian mystery, 65-69,
thanksgiving, 78, 96, 164-167, 189- 193
190, 197; prayer of, 128 worthiness, prayer for, 96-97
Theodore of Mopsuestia, Catecheses
of, 1-2; commentary of, 10; Li
turgy of, 6; relation with Nesto- Xapis greeting 179
rians, 6; et passim
tongue of community, 106 Zeno of Verona, VII
RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT
TOa# 202 Main Library 1
2 3
5 6
ALL BOOKS rtAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS

1-month loans may be renewed by calling 642-3405
6-month loans may be r echarged by bringing books to Circulation Desk
Renewals and recha rqes may be made 4 days prior to due date
DUE AS STAMPED BELOW
1 REC. CIR.APP ?2 77
1 mo,, mo nn A UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELbY

■ FORM NO. DD 6, BERKELEY, CA 94720
©i

The Eucharistic Doctrine and Liturgy of The Mystagogical Catecheses of Theodore of Mopsuestia - F. Reine

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Eucharistic Doctrine and Liturgy of The Mystagogical Catecheses of Theodore of Mopsuestia - F. Reine

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

This is a reproduction of a library book that was digitized

by Google as part of an ongoing effort to preserve the

STUDIES IN CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITY

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

OF THE MYSTAGOGICAL CATECHESES

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA

and on the Eucharist would be very interesting. However, I con

PART I. THE EUCHARISTIC DOCTRINE

PART II. THE EUCHARISTIC LITURGY

CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorura

on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist (Woodbrooke

tion," JL VI (1926), 113-204

Warburg III (1926), 196-214

Liturgien," JL IX (1929), 138-143

Rituum Orientalium, pars prima et pars altera, Rome, 1930-1932

gien (Bibliothek der Kirchenvater V), Kempten und MUnchen, 1912

Schermann, T., " Eüxapurr/a und eüxaPI<rr£'" in ihrem Bedeutungswandel

The Catecheses of Theodore of Mopsuestia are divided into two

1 The manuscript, Cod. Mingana Syr. 561, is contained in the Mingana

E. Abramowski likewise is lavish in his praise of Theodore's

Lietzmann has drawn up the order of the Mass described by Theo

8 H. Lietzmann, Die Liturgie des Theodor von Mopsuestia ( Sonderaus-

fragan of the metropolitan see of Anazarbus, which in turn was a

12 S. Vailh6, " Anazarbe," Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Gtographie Eccl4-

the eighth book of the Apostolic Constitutions, and the Liturgy of

since it is contemporary with the Liturgy of Theodore and is the

THE EUCHARISTIC DOCTRINE

The Eeal Presence of Christ in the Eucharist

But certainly Theodore intends it to express not an unreal but a

Later, in speaking of the Eucharistic Sacrifice, Theodore im

After the explanation of the Epiclesis, Theodore's commentary

Again he explains that the communicant must be holy "because

The communicant is instructed to extend his hands to receive " the

17 Mingana, 105. Cf. Note 19, p. 174 n Mingana, 112.

the grace of the Holy Spirit that is vouchsafed unto us there

With such a constant and clear insistence on the presence in the

** Mingana, 117. 28 Mingana, 104.

diTiTunw troi/iciTos /cai ai/uiTos Xpioroii or some such equivalent phrase

Christ; these elements are substantially changed into His Body

Again, he calls the Eucharist the symbol or figure of the sacrifice

We shall consider these points of Theodore's teaching more in

Mingana, 71. Mingana, 83.

"Justin, Apologia 1, 66 (J. Quasten, Monumenta Eucharistica et Litur-

44 Didascalia 6, 21, 2 (Funk, Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum 1,

views regarding the "form" of the Eucharistic consecration.51

Probst thinks that Chrysostom ascribes the transubstantiation to

of the Words of Institution. Bather he clearly teaches that the

66 Cf. above p. 9. 60 Mingana, 110.

from the dead and made it immortal, so now in the Eucharist it

So also in the Eucharistic Liturgy it is necessary that the grace

88 Cf. below p. 116.

he compares the unity of the two natures of Christ to the unity of

88 Woodbrooke Studies 5, 90.

were, the presence of Christ on the altar at the offertory. Baum-

We conclude, therefore, that the only really unwarranted or

"A. Baumstark, " Rits et FStes Liturgiques," Mnikon 11, 6 (1934),

The Eucharist as a Sacrament

This is a spiritual food, a nourishment of the soul.

Just as he calls Baptism a symbol of that true birth which comes

1 A. Mingana, Commentary of Theodore of Mopsuestia on the Lord's

Thus for Theodore, the Eucharist is the food of immortality.6

Similarly from the necessity of natural food for natural life