Vêtus Testamentum L X , 1 (1990)

H I D D E N POLEMIC IN T H E C O N Q U E S T
OF DAN: JUDGES XVII-XVIII

by

YAIRAH AMIT

Tel-Aviv

1. Introduction
Polemic is manifest throughout the diverse writings of the Old
Testament. Ideological battle is waged in the scriptural corpus
against the world of beliefs and outlooks within which the Bible was
created and for the shaping of a new Weltanschauung. Moreover,
since this literature was written over a period of approximately a
thousand years, it is obvious that ideological debates appear in the
Bible itself. The various types of scripture—whether
historiographie or law-giving, wisdom literature, psalms or
prophecy—are all clearly polemical in nature. For the reader it is
evident what the author of a particular text prefers and what he
opposes.
The authors of the Old Testament literature did not limit them-
selves to open polemic. Alongside that overt polemic, they
employed the technique of hidden polemic. This article will concern
itself chiefly with the formulation of tools for uncovering the
implicit polemic in the biblical literature.
I shall use the narrative of the conquest of the city of Dan to
illustrate the phenomenon of hidden polemic. My intention is to
show that, along with the openly levelled criticism against the city
of Dan and its ritual, this story constitutes, at the same time, in a
hidden fashion, a severe indictment against Beth-El and its cult.

2. The Open Polemic in Judges xvii-xviii

The reader of J u d g . xvii-xviii will have no difficulty in noting the
open polemic which appears in these chapters. The polemic is
directed against the regime at the time of the judges. Occurrences
 HIDDEN POLEMIC IN THE CONQUEST OF DAN 5

in the hill country of Ephraim and the instance of the conquest of

the city of Dan and its establishment as a ritual centre constitute a
concrete example illustrating the negative character of the period.
The deeds of Micah and the Lévite and the exploits of the tribe of
Dan are, according to the story's author, a direct result of the lack
of a king; and the author finds different ways in which he protests
against this situation.

2.1 The Direct Design

The shaping of the polemic against the regime of the period of
the judges was accomplished directly by including a judgemental
statement of the narrator at transition points in the chapter. 1 The
critical character of this statement is achieved not by its content but
by its context, i.e., by means of the examples which the author uses
in order to illustrate the statement.
The unit consists of three episodes or three stories: (1) the
establishment of Micah's sanctuary; xvii 1-5; (2) the appointment
of the Lévite as priest in Micah's sanctuary: xvii 7-13; (3) the con-
quest of Dan and the establishment of its shrine: xviii lb-30. 2 In the
transition from the first to the second episode, the judgemental
utterance appears in its complete version consisting of two parts:
" I n those days there was no king in Israel; every man did what
seemed right in his own eyes" (xvii 6). The inclusion of this verse
at that juncture affords it the character of both a summation and
an opening at one and the same time. 3 O n the one hand, it serves
as a critical summary of what had been described previously; and
at the same time, it constitutes an introduction, casting a negative
light on the events to come. The repetition of the judgemental state-

1
For a detailed discussion about the structure of the story and the place of
Judg xvii 6 and xvni l a see my work, The Art of Composition in the Book of Judges
(dissertation, Tel-Aviv University, 1984), pp 107-10 (Hebrew), and my article,
"The Ending of the Book of Judges' ', Proceedings of the Ninth World Congress of Jewish
Studies (Division A, Jerusalem, 1986), ρ 79, η 7 (Hebrew)
2
T h e second episode ends with v, 30, and v, 31 is attached to ch xvni to pro­
vide a connection with what follows See Y Zakovitch, ' ' T h e Associative Principle
in the Arrangement of the Book of Judges and Its Use in Examining the Stages
in the Book's E v o l u t i o n " , in A Rofé and Y Zakovitch (ed ), Isac Leo Seeligmann
Volume Essays on the Bible and the Ancient World 1 (Jerusalem, 1983), ρ 179
(Hebrew) See also my Art of Composition, pp 121-2, esp η 49
3
See M Sternberg, The Poetics of Biblical Narrative Ideological Literature and the
Drama of Reading (Bloomington, 1985), pp 417-18
6 YAIRAH AMIT

ment at the second connecting juncture is partial and relates only

to the first part of the statement " I n those days there was no king
in Israel' (xvm la) However, the device of repetition and the con-
tiguity of the two statements cause the reader to assign to the partial
repetition the significance of the entire statement, and the reader
thinks of the days without a king as that period in which "every
man did what seemed right in his own eyes" (xvii 6b) At this junc-
ture, as well, the partial statement serves the same dual purpose of
an introduction to what follows and a summary of the material
which has directly preceded it 4
Still, it should be emphasized that the negative significance of
this judgemental statement is actually determined by the context
In other words, had the preceding and subsequent material pro-
vided us with information which conformed with positive biblical
norms, there would be a tendency to interpret this statement as
advocating a régime where there was no king O u r understanding
this verse or a part of it as a negative criticism arises from the fact
that the occurrences with which it deals are not consistent with the
ideals found in other parts of the Bible Therefore, it is no wonder
that the reader understands the judgemental statement as direct,
openly negative criticism of the described happenings

2 2 The Indirect Design

The use of indirect means to conduct an open polemic is more
varied Along with the direct expression, the author employs the
diverse elements of the story in order to convince the reader that
all that is happening in the Mountain Region of Ephraim and
everything connected with Dan and its sanctuary is negative The
plot and the characters, the analogic and linguistic
infrastructures—all contribute to the persuasion and to the develop-
ment of an unequivocal stance on the part of the reader against
Micah's sanctuary and against the cult in Dan It is therefore
reasonable to assume that even if the story had not presented its
design directly, and had not made use of judgemental utterances,
the reader would still have reached negative conclusions regarding
the period Indeed, the evidence supporting such a convinction

4
T h e function of xix l a is also to be understood in a similar vein O n the dif
ficulty in the placing of xix l a see my Art of Composition, pp 133 5
 HIDDEN POLEMIC IN THE CONQUEST OF DAN 7

would have been indirect, but the conclusion would still have been
inevitable.

2.2.1 Development of the Plot. The story outline conveys the impres-
sion of existing anarchy. To the central plot axis—the conquest of
Dan and the establishment of its sanctuary—are attached two sub-
plots: the story of Micah and the story of the Lévite. A separate
examination of each of the three narratives shows us that they all
end in contradiction of desired norms: Micah, who tried his best to
please his God, was punished; the Lévite, who sold his services to
the highest bidder and renounced the values of gratitude and
faithfulness, benefited; and finally, the people of Dan, the
plunderers, were victorious and achieved their goal. In the progres-
sion of each of the three stories, it is difficult to find a development
towards a didactical resolution, and, apparently, the development
in contradiction of biblical norms is meant to indicate a situation
of crisis, whose results are moral decline and the deterioration of
values.

2.2.2 Characterization of the Personages. The narrator presents only

undesirable characters, whose words and deeds complement each
other. Already in the first episode, Micah appears as a negative per-
sonality: thief, maker of graven and molten images, appointer of
his own son as a priest. Even when he is described as the victim of
robbery, he does not evoke identification and sympathy but rather
derision (xviii 24-6). Micah, who cries out about the plunder of the
god whom he has made, is a ludicrous character rather than one
who arouses pity. By means of Micah's image, the author criticizes
what has been happening in the Mountain Region of Ephraim and
what was later transmitted from there to Dan.
Also the Lévite and the tribe of Dan, who at first were regarded
as victims of circumstance, lacking a means of livelihood and lack-
ing an estate, are later revealed to be representatives of the world
of plunder and extortion, faithlessness, and lack of gratitude. The
sons of Dan, as here described, are not interested in morality but
only in their own and immediate needs. 5 They are attackers of the
weak, and worshippers of a stolen idol. Even the lustre from the

5
T h e tribal " m a t e r i a l i s m " emerges in the way the spies describe Laish to their
brothers and convince them of the profitability of the conquest; cf. xviii 7 with xviii
9-10.
8 YAIRAH AMIT

achievement of conquering the city of Dan is dimmed by repeated

emphasis of the fact that the city had been calm, confident and
isolated (xviii 7,27-8). 6 The Lévite too, who did not protest about
the deeds of the members of the tribe of Dan and who immediately
transferred his allegiance to the more powerful camp, is painted in
a negative light. Even Micah's mother, who promised to consecrate
the money to God and actually contributed only 200 shekels of
silver from the eleven hundred returned to her, becomes suspect in
this story (xvii 2-4), and the deprecatory nuance clings to her as
well. 7
The negative criticism is conveyed to the reader only by indirect
means, i.e., through the words and deeds of the heroes, and not by
direct statements by the narrator. Thus, in our story, it is not possi-
ble to find a negative characterization resembling, for example,
that found in 1 Sam. xxv 3: " b u t the man was hard-hearted and
evil in his deeds". This negative criticism in J u d g . xvii-xviii is
presented not as due to the deeply rooted character of the heroes,
but rather as a matter of circumstance. The situation in which the
heroes acted is seen as the central factor in understanding the per-
sonages and their behaviour. In this way, the reader becomes con-
vinced that had there been a central government, one could
reasonably assume that the personalities involved would not have
degenerated to the level of the actions described.
2.2.3 The Linguistic Infrastructure Throughout the story, we find the
use of many expressions having negative connotations for the
reader of biblical literature. " T h e graven image" (xviii 17, 20, 30),
" t h e molten image" (xviii 17, 18) or " a graven image and a molten
image" (xvii 4 [twice], xviii 14), 8 and also: "the graven image of
the ephod" (xviii 18), 9 " M i c a h ' s graven image" (xviii 31), "ephod
6
See M Noth, " T h e Background of J u d g e s 17-18", in Β W Anderson and
W Harrelson (ed ), Israel's Prophetic Heritage Essays in Honor of James Mmlenburg
(London, 1962), ρ 76
7
See G F Moore, Judges (Edinburgh, 1895), ρ 376
8
It does not matter whether the words " a graven i m a g e " and " a molten
i m a g e " are combined or separated In any case, the connotations are of idolatry
e g Exod, xx 4, Isa xliv 15 (a graven image), Exod xxxiv 17, Lev xix 4, Deut
ix 12 ^a molten image), Deut xxvn 15, N a h ι 14, and see also Isa xlvni 5 (a
graven image and a molten image)
9
O n the suggestions for correcting the combination, " t h e graven image of the
e p h o d " , see, e g , Moore (η 7), ρ 396, J Α Soggin, Judges (London, 1981), ρ
275 In any case the M T also has negative connotations, and cf Gideon's ephod
(Judg vni 24-7)
 HIDDEN POLEMIC IN THE CONQUEST OF DAN 9

and teraphim'' or " t h e ephod, and the teraphim'' (xvii 5, xviii 14,
17, 20), and ''teraphim'' alone without ephod (xviii 18). 10 " M y
God which I m a d e " (xviii 24) or " M i c a h ' s graven image, which
he had m a d e " (xviii 31). 11 Also: "consecrated one of his sons, who
became his priest" (xvii 5). 12 And finally, they all did what seemed
right in their own eyes (cf. Deut. xii 8).
The reader connects these loaded expressions with reproaches
from the Law and from the Prophets, and realizes that most of the
critical darts are directed first and foremost at the happenings in the
Mountain Region of Ephraim, and, certainly, at what was going
to occur in the sanctuary of Dan.
2.2.4 The Analogous Infrastructure. The first two episodes, the story
of the establishment of Micah's sanctuary and the story of the hir-
ing of the Lévite, prepare the analogical infrastructure for what
occurs in the third episode: the story of the migration of Dan and
the foundation of its sanctuary. The analogical structure provides
an additional perspective for critical consideration of the events des-
cribed.
In the first two episodes, the narrator provides a detailed descrip-
tion of negating the ritual of Micah's sanctuary. He emphasizes the
fact that Micah stole money, used the loot for his shrine (vv. 3-4),
enticed the Lévite to come and serve God there (vv. 9-12), and was
convinced of the righteousness of his ways (v. 13). From the third
episode, the reader infers that Micah's shrine has been destroyed
by the Danites.
These motifs return systematically in the third episode, in
reference to the Danites. The third episode concludes with the men-
tion of the cult in the city of Dan (xviii 30). The members of the
tribe of dan are referred to as plunderers of ritual objects (vv. 14-
18), as having used these stolen objects to establish their shrine (vv.
30-1), and as having persuaded the Lévite (v. 15) to transfer his
10
In most of the cases, the word " e p h o d " occurs in a positive context, but see
J u d g . viii 27; Hos. iii 4. T h e word " t e r a p h i m " always has a derogatory connota-
tion. T h e r e is no doubt that when " e p h o d " and " t e r a p h i m " appear beside " a
graven i m a g e " and " a molten i m a g e " , the reader is compelled to understand all
these cultic terms in a negative light.
11
C o m p a r e too the descriptions of making idols: Isa. xliv 8-20, xlvi 6; J e r . χ
2-9; and see also Exod. xx 23, xxxii 2-8, 20-4; Deut. ix 16.
12
When this idiom is used in describing a legitimate priest's appointment, its
meaning is positive, but in our case, the appointment is illegitimate, and cf. 1
Kings xiii 33.
10 YAIRAH AMIT

allegiance to their shrine (vv. 19-20). They too, feeling persecuted,

were convinced that their behaviour was justified (v. 25), and with
the exile of the land, their shrine, too, was destroyed (v. 30).
This analogical structure makes a double rhetorical impression:
on the one hand, the negative criticism of the happenings in the hill
country of Ephraim serves indirectly to criticize, from another
angle, the actions of the Danites and to present them as a parallel
to the pernicious doings of Micah; on the other hand, the similarity
between the behaviour of the Danites and the actions of Micah con-
stitutes yet another chastising rod for the happenings in the Moun-
tain Region of Ephraim. The result is that Micah and the tribe of
Dan, or the Mountain Region of Ephraim and the city of Dan com-
plement each other in reinforcing the adverse criticism.

2.3 Combining the Two Means of Design

Combining the two structural tools leads to the mutual reinforce-
ment of their negative effect. The negative context which results
from eploying the indirect methods removes from the thematic
judgemental verses the quality of neutral background factors which
merely describe the circumstances of the period ("in those days
there was no king"), the setting ("Israel"), and the customs of the
time and place ("every man did what seemed right in his own
eyes"). Thus, the reader is led to understand these verses as having
a solely negative significance. The reader receives different forms
of confirmation regarding the negative character of the narration
and he has no need to deliberate. During the process of reading, he
receives enough guidelines to reinforce his conclusion that the
negative actions both in the hill country of Ephraim and in Dan
were possible in that period, in which no king ruled in Israel.
So far we have seen that chs xvii and xviii constitute an open
polemic. The polemic is an open one primarily because the reader
knows what is the subject of the polemic, this being the case even
when it makes use of indirect design. This open polemic draws
attention to the question: what is the hidden polemic in these
chapters; and how is it fashioned?

3. What is Hidden Polemic and How Can the Dangers Accompanying its
Discovery Be Avoided?
Stories having a hidden polemic are stories which employ only
hints ( = signs) and do not employ direct means to take a stand on
 HIDDEN POLEMIC IN THE CONQUEST OF DAN 11

a particular subject about which different opinions have been

expressed in the biblical literature ( = the cause of the polemic).
One of the important messages of these stories is their hidden cen-
sure or recommendation.
The danger in this definition is that it affords an opening for
unlimited interpretation, which at times may become far removed
from the built-in significance of the story. Conceivably, it would be
possible for any reader to argue that some story, in some implicit
manner, also polemicizes against this or that hidden phenomenon.
In other words, the danger attendant upon discovering hidden
polemic is the free reign given to an unending abundance of
exegetical associations and the legitimization of interpretations
which would encumber understanding of the writings rather than
facilitate their clarification. There is no escape from this danger
even in the sphere of interpretation which deals with the overt and
not the hidden. But in order to avoid it, as much as possible, I have
noted that the author aims for the same effect by means of various
signs. That is to say that hidden polemic cannot be shaped by direct
means, but by indirect ones only, and that this same phenomenon
is the cause for polemic in other biblical material as well. It is
necessary that the exegete who maintains that any story contains a
hidden polemic must point to the existence of a number of elements
whose interweaving in the fabric of the story was meant to hint at
the same phenomenon. Also, the polemic argument needs to be
based on other writings in the Bible, which testify openly to the con-
troversy surrounding the subject under discussion at a certain time.
Furthermore, in order to be convinced that the hidden-polemic
interpretation attributed to any unit is not the wild invention of the
later commentator, interested in assigning to the text a specific
meaning to suit his purpose, it is best for the interpreter to have
found supporting evidence for the subject of the polemic in the
exegetic tradition. This last limitation is also intended to ensure
that the interpretation will be faithful to the tradition of simple
literal analysis and will not digress into homiletic or allegorical
interpretation.
So far, we may summarize by saying that in order for any text
to be interpreted as including hidden polemic, it needs to meet the
test of the four following criteria:
(1) Avoidance of explicit reference to the phenomenon which the
author wants to censure or advocate.
12 YAIRAH AMIT

(2) The existence of signs, even including the odd and the difficult,
used by the author to lead to the polemic, so that, in spite of the
absence of specific reference, the reader finds sufficient landmarks
to reveal the polemic.
(3) Additional evidence from biblical material regarding the
existence of open polemic in connection with the same
phenomenon.
(4) Discovering the implicit subject of the polemic in the tradition
of exegesis.

4. Chapters xvii-xviii Are A Hidden Polemic Against Beth-el

The hidden polemic in the portion which we are considering
takes a stand on the question of the ritual status of Beth-el. It is a
well-known fact that Beth-el is not mentioned in our story, and we
will now examine the extent to which the assumption of hidden
polemic meets the test of the three additional criteria enumerated
above.

4.1 Signs of the Polemic

The signs, i.e., the indirect means hinting about Beth-el in our
story are many:
4.1.1 Preferring the Name of a Region to that of a Specific Place. In this
portion, the fact that the house of Micah is located in the Mountain
Region of Ephraim is mentioned four times (xvii 1, 8b, xviii 2b,
13), and we ask why the author preferred to mention the name of
the region rather than the particular name of the place. We know
this is not customary for the biblical narrator because of his
tendency to refer to local topographical indicators, which are some-
times very specific. This, for example, we find, in J u d g . xiii 2, xxi
19; and elsewhere. 13 Moreover, in the specific instance of our story,
there is no doubt that Micah's dwelling place was not a single house
on a mountain but rather a place of settlement with houses
elongside his home (xviii 14,22). This settlement lies in the hill
country of Ephraim, north of Kiryath—jearim (xviii 11-13) and

13
For more examples see my article, " T h e Function of Topographical Indica-
tions in the Biblical Story", Shnaton 9 (1985), pp. 15-30 (Hebrew).
 HIDDEN POLEMIC IN THE CONQUEST OF DAN 13

south of Laish (xviii 14,28-9). And here, in spite of all the indicators
supplied to us, the actual name of the place is not mentioned, and
it would seem that this is not accidental. 14
4.1.2 The Mountain Region of Ephraim as a Synonym for Beth-el. In some
places in the Bible, apparently the Mountain Region of Ephraim
is mentioned as a synonym or an additional name for Beth-el. In
Jer. iv 15 " M o u n t Ephraim' ' serves as a parallel synonym for the
city of Dan. The term " a v e n " ( = affliction) is mentioned in close
proximity to the name " M o u n t E p h r a i m " , and the local and
alliterative connection between Beth-el and Beth-aven is known. 1 5
Thus, it is reasonable to assume that in this case " M o u n t
E p h r a i m " , which is also the name for the Mountain Region of
Ephraim, is a synonym for Beth-el. 16 If this hypothesis is correct,
the mention of " M o u n t E p h r a i m " or the " M o u n t a i n Region of
E p h r a i m " in certain contexts evoked in the readers the possible
association with Beth-el.
4.1.3 The House of God and Beth-el. The combining form ' 'house-of-
god" which appears in J u d g . xvii 5 is found in two additional
biblical passages—surprisingly, in connection with the aetiological
story which fixes the antiquity of Beth-el's sanctity (Gen. xxviii
17,22). In almost all other instances where this combining form is
mentioned, it appears along with the definite article " t h e " or with
possessive suffixes.17 It would seem, therefore, that the formulation

14
Some interpreters ignore this problem. T h u s , e.g., Moore (n. 7), pp. 102,
373; R. G. ^oXing, Judges (Garden City, New York, 1975), p. 255; Soggin (n. 9),
pp. 52, 265. Others try to identify the specific place in the hill country of Ephraim,
e.g. F. M . Abel, Géographie de la Palestine 2 (2nd edn, Paris, 1938), p. 271; Y. Kauf-
m a n n The Book of Judges (Jerusalem, 1962), 269, cites the tradition of our Sages
in B. Sanh. 103b; and see also para. 4.3 and n. 27 below.
15
O n the local connection between Beth-el and Beth-aven and the play on
words in the n a m e Beth-aven see N . N a } a m a n , "Beth-el and Beth-aven", Zion 50
(1985), pp. 15-25 (Hebrew).
16
See S. Talmon, "Divergences in calendar-reckoning in Ephraim and
J u d a h " , VT 8 (1958), p. 52; and idem, "Judges Chapter 1 " , Studies in the Book
of Judges (Jerusalem, 1966), pp. 25-6 (Hebrew); and his notes on pp. 573-5. His
argument is based on some other instances where the suggestion of Beth-el solves
the difficulties in the mentioning of " M o u n t E p h r a i m " : Josh, xvii 15; 2 Kings ν
22; J e r . iv 15.
17
T h e phrase " H o u s e of G o d " occurs 97 times in the Old Testament: 91 times
with the definite article or with possessive suffixes. " H o u s e of G o d " appears three
times in Psalms and three times in prose: once in our story and twice in the story
of J a c o b ' s d r e a m at Beth-el.
14 YAIRAH AMIT

emphasizing the combination "House-of-god" was also meant to

hint at a connection with Beth-el, especially when speaking of the
"house-of-god" at Mount Ephraim

4.1.4 Beth-el as an Associative Appendage of Dan. The ritual sites of

Beth-el and D a n were associated with each other ever since the rise
of Jeroboam I, as we learn from 1 Kings xii 26-33. They are men­
tioned together again in 2 Kings χ 29. 1 8 Still, we may also learn of
the centrality of Beth-el and its supremacy over Dan from the fact
that it was " t h e king's chapel" and " t h e king's c o u r t " (Amos vn
13) and also from its having served as the setting and the symbol
for the description of the sins of the northern kingdom (see
paragraph 4 2 below).
4.1.5 The Golden Calves of Dan and Beth-el. The use of the pairing of
"graven i m a g e " with " m o l t e n i m a g e " in our story conjures up the
combination of a " m o l t e n calf". Thus, the additional connection
is made between Micah's graven image which was removed from
Mount Ephraim ( = Beth-el) to Dan and the calves which
Jeroboam placed in exactly these same two cities: Dan and
Beth-el 1 9

4.1.6 Appointment of Priests The appointment of priests of the high

places, especially in Beth-el and at other altar sites as well, is men­
tioned in 1 Kings xii 26-xiii 34. There is a close linguistic relation­
ship between the description of the appointment of the priests in the
kingdom of Jeroboam (1 Kings xiii 33) and the appointment of the
priests by Micah (Judg. xvii 5, 12). In both instances the narrator
emphasizes the illegitimate action by the use of the legitimate
expression " t o consecrate". Moreover, from chs xvii-xviii it
appears that the Lévite served for a very short time on Mount
Ephraim, and the priests who served in Micah's shrine before the
arrival of the Lévite, and probably after his departure as well, were

18
Some interpreters claim that the mention of the calves in Dan and Beth-el
is secondary in this verse, see e g BHS, J A Montgomery, The Books of Kings
(Edinburgh and New York, 1951), ρ 412 However, the M T proves that whoever
may have added this clause thought of these two towns in the same context
19
T h e phrase " a molten c a l f appears m Exod xxxn 4, 8, Deut ix 16, Ps evi
19, and see also Hos xin 2 T h e identification of M i c a h ' s graven image with the
calf was already made by Rashi, and see Rashi an Β Sanh 103b It is also
accepted by m a n y modern interpreters, and see Β Halpern, "Levitic Participa­
tion in the Reform Cult of J e r o b o a m I " , JBL 95 (1976), pp 36-8, and more
bibliography there See also Soggm (n 9), ρ 267, η 5
 HIDDEN POLEMIC IN THE CONQUEST OF DAN 15

priests by virtue of "whomsoever desired it, he consecrated" like

the priests appointed by Jeroboam I. The close link between the
deed of Micah and that of Jeroboam again strengthens the bond
with Beth-el and Dan, like the connection between the graven
images of Micah and Jeroboam.
4 1 7 Broad Exposition In our story, unusual structure is also in
evidence. T h e long opening exposition is an exceptional
phenomenon in biblical narrative. 2 0 We have noted that the
passage consists of three episodes: two short ones (xvii 1-5 + 7-13)
and a third, longer one (xviii lb-30), with the first two providing
an exposition for the third episode. They furnish supplementary
information for the reader about the sanctuary at the Mountain of
Ephraim. O n the one hand, the two earlier episodes fulfil the usual
function of exposition, i.e., introducing the characters, furnishing
details about the scene of the action and the customary behaviour
of the world of the personages. O n the other hand, it is clear that
this unit which combines two independent stories is indeed a long
exposition. 21 It would hypothetically be possible to condense most
of the expositional information and state its essentials in xviii 4.
Instead of using a summarizing style of rhetoric—"Thus and thus
hath Micah done unto m e " — t h e author could have expanded the
words of the Lévite by the use of flash-back, thus limiting the
exposition to a minimal account. In this case it would have been
possible to dispense completely with ch. xvii and begin directly with
ch. xviii. The reader would fill in whatever missing details were
needed in order to understand the plot, as was customary in many
other biblical stories. 22 Thus, it would seem that the existence of a
broad exposition arranged as two independent episodes serves an
additional purpose to that of providing background details. Com-
pressing the two earlier episodes would have restricted the attack on
Micah's sanctuary at Mount Ephraim and would have focused the
20
O n the usual short length of biblical expositions and the function of their
exceptions see my article " Biblical U t o p i s m " , Reflections on the Bible Selected Studies
of the Bible Circle in Memory of Yishai Ron (Tel-Aviv, in the press)
21
O n the demonstration of these two stories as independent see my Art of Com-
position (n 1), pp 107-13
22
T h e phenomenon of a multiple system of gap-filling in biblical narratives is
the main subject of M Perry and M Sternberg, " T h e King Through Ironic Eyes
T h e Narrator's Devices in the Biblical Story of David and Bathsheba and T w o
Excursuses on the Theory of the Narrative T e x t " , Hasifrut 1 (1968), pp 263-92
(Hebrew) and recently Sternberg (n 3), pp 186-229
16 YAIRAH AMIT

reader's attention on the fate of the tribe of Dan and its shrine. The
exapansion of the exposition is meant, therefore, to turn the
reader's attention to the city in the hill country of Ephraim which
was the source of evil. Thus, we find that the expositional expan­
sion is a tendentious divergence which even prepares the basis for
analogical relations between the cult at the Mountain Region of
Ephraim ( = Beth-el) and that at Dan.

4.1.8 Summary. We have seen that Beth-el is not explicitly men­

tioned in these two chapters; but linguistic and associative signs
(Mountain Region of Ephraim, Dan, graven and molten image,
the house of god, to consecrate) as well as peculiarities of structure
(broad exposition) and of design (avoidance of explicit reference to
the name of the place) all refer in various ways to Beth-el as the
scene of the action. None of the indicators mentioned above con­
stitutes absolute proof, but their accumulated weight serves to cor­
roborate the presumption that Beth-el is the city of Micah in the
Mountain of Ephraim.

4.2 Beth-el as a Biblical Object of Polemic

In biblical literature, Beth-el is the subject of two kinds of tradi­

tion: those which point to its ancient sanctity, and those which
sharply criticize its historic role. Beth-el constitutes, therefore, a
cause for polemic. O n the one hand, the ritual traditions of Beth-el
are anchored in the period of the Fathers (Gen. xii 8, xxviii 10-22,
xxxi 13, xxxv 1-6; Hos. xii 5). O n the other hand, already in pre-
Deuteronomistic as well as Deuteronomistic literature, we read of
open polemic and struggle against the cult conducted in the city.
Hosea referred to the city as ''Beth-aven" (Hos. iv 15, ν 8, χ 5, and
see also χ 8) and openly criticized its ritual. Beth-el appears as a
prominent subject in the attack on ritual by Amos (iii 14, iv 4, ν
5, and see also vii 10, 13). In the Deuteronomistic historiography
Beth-el along with Dan represents the cult of the calves (1 Kings xii
28-33; 2 Kings χ 29), where the rites of Beth-el are subject to par­
ticular censure (1 Kings xiii; 2 Kings xxiii 15). Furthermore, the
Bible bears witness that the struggle against the cult of Beth-el con­
tinued even after the destruction and exile of the northern kingdom
of Israel. 2 Kings xvii 28 tells us of the importance of the city as
a ritual centre after the exile, and this argument is supported by the
 HIDDEN POLEMIC IN THE CONQUEST OF DAN 17

description of the reform of Josiah (2 Kings xxiiii 4, 15, 19)

emphasizing that the ritual site of Beth-el was defiled with the bones
of the dead. Jeremiah, too, saw in Beth-el a symbol of the cultic
worship of northern Israel (Jer. xlviii 13). This ambivalent situa-
tion of a holy city whose cult is despicable illustrates that Beth-el
was a subject of polemic in biblical literature.

4.3 Treatment of Beth-el in the Exegetic Tradition Regarding Chapters

xvii-xviii
In Midrashic tradition there is already a tendency to associate
Micah with Beth-el or with personages or events connected with
Beth-el. In the Talmudic tractate Sanhédrin Micah is identified
with Nebat, father of Jeroboam builder of the calf.23 According to
Midrash T a n h u m a , it was Micah who made the calf at the time of
the desert generation. 24 In the Alphabet of Ben Sira, Micah is iden-
tified with the old prophet from Beth-el (1 Kings xiii 11-32). 25
Rashi too, in his interpretation of the story of the conquest of Beth-
el in J u d g . i 22, supported by Midrash T a n h u m a , includes Micah
in the story of the conquest of the city. 26 The treatment of Beth-el
in modern exegesis either identifies Mount Ephraim with Beth-el,
or connects Micah's graven image with the calves of Jeroboam. 2 7
Thus, we can conclude that from the days of the Sages until now,
there have been exegetes who have indeed found a close connection
between our story and the cult of Beth-el in spite of the city not
being specifically mentioned.

23
See Β Sanh 101b and Rashi on Β Sanh 103b (cf I Epstein, The Babylonian
Talmud 3 [London, 1935], ρ 704, η 7), and also L Ginzberg, The Legends of the
Jews 4 (Philadelphia, 1913), ρ 53, 6 (1928), ρ 214
24
See Midrash Tanhuma, Ki Tissa, 19, and also J H e i n e m a n n , Methods of Aggada
(2nd edn, Jerusalem, 1954), ρ 29
25
See E Yassif, The Tales of Ben Sira in the Middle-Ages A Critical Text and Literary
Studies (Jerusalem, 1984), ρ 266 (Hebrew)
26
See Midrash Tanhuma, Ki Tissa, 14 It is interesting also to note that in this
Midrash the episode which follows the conquest of Beth-el deals with the conquest
of Laish
27
See J Halévy, "Recherches Bibliques", Revue des Etudes Juives 21 (1890), pp
207-17, esp pp 211, 215-17 M y thanks are due to Professor Nadav Na D aman
who drew my attention to this important article T a l m o n has given some evidence
regarding the identification of " M o u n t E p h r a i m " with Beth-el in our story and
in some additional stories, and see nn 16 and 19 above Τ Rudin-O'Brasky
follows him in " T h e Appendices to the Book of Judges (Judges 17-21)", Beer-Sheva
2 (1985), pp 150-1, 164 (Hebrew)
18 YAIRAH AMIT

5. Why Hidden Polemic?

The hidden polemic constitutes a technique of indirect polemic,

which eliminates from the narrative material the initial opposition
which polemic by its very nature is likely to arouse, while making
a cumulative impression and shaping the reader's attitudes. The
hidden polemic resembles a delicately fine rain whose accumulating
drops make a suitable setting for the story to come. In this way the
author creates a negative atmosphere around all that is related to
Beth-el and its ritual. 2 8 Apparently, these polemic stories had an
important rhetorical function during the period in which they were
written. The preference of Jerusalem over other cities, such as,
Beth-el which had a background of old historical traditions, was a
long drawn-out process entailing a difficult struggle; and in order
to determine the outcome, it was necessary to employ different
types of offensive including open polemic as well as hidden polemic
The advantage of the latter lies precisely in its indirect approach,
which at times succeeds more easily in convincing. 2 9 Besides the
rhetorical function, it is reasonable to assume that the hidden
polemic had also a censorial function, and at certain times for fear
of a hostile milieu " t h e polemic went u n d e r g r o u n d " and became
hidden.
An additional question is: why must Beth-el be attacked via a
hidden polemic when open polemics against it also exist? The
answer to this question is connected both to the function of this
polemic and to the period in which the story was written It is
widely assumed that this story was written after the exile of Dan or
the exile of northern Israel, 3 0 and I have already noted that the exile
of Israel did not diminish the ritual centrality of Beth-el. Beth-el
was apparently adversely affected only with the reform of Josiah,

28
A different opinion is expressed by Rudin-O'Brasky, pp 150-1 She asks the
simple question why Beth-el is not mentioned explicitly by n a m e In her opinion
this fact serves the intentions of the narrator not to censure Beth-el
29
This confrontation is already discussed in the Midrashic literature, and see
a representative collection in Β Ζ Kriger, " B e t h - e l " , Morashah 9 (1975), pp 71-
80 (Hebrew) This subject is also emphasized by Halévy (η 27), pp 216-17 It
is apparent that this confrontation characterizes the Second Temple days too, see
J Schwartz, "Jubilees, Bethel and the Temple of J a c o b " , HUCA 56 (1985), pp
63-85 H e argues that Jubilees xxxi-xxxn and other sources reflect the attempt of
Beth-el to regain cultic primacy
30
See J u d g xvm 30 This view is accepted by most critical interpreters, and
see, e g , Soggin (η 9), ρ 269
 HIDDEN POLEMIC IN THE CONQUEST OF DAN 19

therefore, it may be assumed that our story was written in the

intermediate stage after the destruction of Dan (732 B.C.) and
before the openly undertaken deeds of Josiah (622 B.C.). At that
time devastated Dan was openly censured, while Beth-el, active
and sanctified, received a hidden censure. Not only did the indirect
censure serve as an additional tool in the confrontation with the
cultic city Beth-el, but it may be that the recourse to this tool also
points to a situation where there was apprehension in regard to con-
ducting an open attack.

6. Conclusion
In this analysis I have tried to show that J u d g . xvii-xviii contain
a harsh criticism of the rites of Beth-el, even more severe than that
directed against the shrine of Dan. 3 1 According to our story, the
ritual of Dan was inspired by that of Beth-el, which is to say that
Beth-el "is the beginning of the sin to the House of Israel". The
author preferred not to mention it by name and to make use of the
technique of the hidden polemic due to considerations of censorship
or rhetoric.
Moreover, I note that this technique appears not only in our
story but on many occasions in the Bible, and here, I will draw
attention to only a few examples. In the story of Bochim (Judg. ii
1-5) which also, as becomes clear from the L X X translation of verse
1, concerns Beth-el, the technique of the hidden polemic is again
used. 32 Further, the story of the binding of Isaac (Gen. xxii 18) or
the story of the meeting between Melchizedek, king of Salem (and
not Jerusalem. Gen. xiv 18) adopts the technique of the hidden
polemic in order to connect Jerusalem with the early tradition of the
Fathers; the story of the concubine of Gibeah uses the hidden
polemic technique against Saul and his house, etc. It is true that
each hint which I have noted is worthy of detailed discussion or a

31
Halévy (η 27), ρ 216, highlighted the fact that the condemnation of Beth-el
is stronger than that of D a n See also Β Ζ Dinor, Studies in the Book of Judges (n
16), pp 562-4
32
There is reason to ask why J u d g e s begins and ends with two hidden polemics
regarding Beth-el I think that this fact is not accidental, and it hints at the time
when the entire book was edited and not only chs xvn-xvin See also the con­
siderations on the time (after the destruction of the northern kingdom of Israel)
and place of the redaction of the book of Judges (Judah) in my Art of Composition
(n 1), pp 386-405
20 YAIRAH AMIT

separate article, which would describe in detail the network of signs

in each of the stories, the polemic distortion, the findings of the
exegetic tradition, and the goals of the polemic. Still, I suggest that
these hinted references create the impression that J u d g . xvii-xviii is
not an isolated case of a story whose design includes hidden
polemic.
 ^ s
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