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Racism, Reconstructed
Multiculturalism and Antiracist
Education
a
Mike Cole
a
Senior Lecturer in Education, School of Education, University
of Brighton
Published online: 06 Jul 2006.

To cite this article: Mike Cole (1998) Racism, Reconstructed Multiculturalism and Antiracist
Education, Cambridge Journal of Education, 28:1, 37-48, DOI: 10.1080/0305764980280104

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 Cambridge Journal of Education, Vol. 28, No. 1, 1998 37

Racism, Reconstructed
Multiculturalism and Antiracist
Education
MIKE COLE
Senior Lecturer in Education, School of Education, University of Brighton
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ABSTRACT To the long-standing debate over the relative merits of multicultural and antiracist
education, Short and Carrington have added a new dimension. It is their contention that in
order to challenge racism, educators should promote a reconstructed form of multiculturalism in
addition to conventional antiracism. Their argument is that a new form of racism has emerged
in which culture assumes a pivotal role and, accordingly, that a revised form of education is
required to deal with it. While accepting the crucial role that culture plays in racism in
contemporary societies, I question in this paper Short & Carrington's virtually exclusive concern
with cultural racism, which is based on a relatively uncritical acceptance of Martin Barker's
concept of the 'new racism'. Instead, I offer a reformulation of the concept of racism which
incorporates both biological and cultural elements, but which also includes seemingly positively
evaluated characteristics in addition to the more obvious negative ones. This paper notes a
number of problems with Short and Carrington's concept of reconstructed multiculturalism and
concludes with a critique of their associated liberal pluralist conception of 'the unity of the
nation'.

INTRODUCTION
Short & Carrington (1996) have suggested that, in the light of what they
perceive to be the emergence of a new form of racism, a new form of
education—reconstructed multiculturalism—is required to challenge it [1]. Their
argument runs as follows.
(1) Although old racism based on negative stereotypes and hierarchies
exists, the pre-eminent form of racism in Britain is a new cultural racism.
Cultural racism represents the right-wing desire to preserve white and Christian
British identity and to exclude those it perceives to be different or 'alien'.
(2) Since culture is the key concept in this new racism, there is no
alternative but to use multicultural education to combat it. This is to be in
addition to antiracist education, since the latter ignores cultural racism. Tra-
ditional multicultural education may well have intensified racism by stressing
difference. New multicultural education, on the other hand, in stressing similar-
ities and at the same time ignoring or underplaying differences, avoids contro-
0305-764X/98/010037-12 © 1998 University of Cambridge School of Education
 38 M. Cole

versial aspects of other people's cultures, such as the ritual slaughter of animals.
Therefore, a reconstructed multiculturalism is called for. This has two elements.
First, it should include controversial items, with the caveat stressed to the
children that while they may well find some aspects of other cultures unaccept-
able and feel the need to argue for proscription, it is wholly wrong to go any
further than this and discriminate against the culture in any other way. Second,
before teaching about other cultures, a ground-clearing operation is essential to
clear misconceptions about other people's cultures prior to imparting new
knowledge.
(3) Countering cultural racism involves acknowledging that cultural differ-
ence, along, for example, with social class differences, does not constitute a
threat to the unity or stability of the nation. Children also need to be given
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information to enable them to challenge suggestions that British Asians and

British African-Caribbeans, for example, are necessarily a threat to Britain
because of their 'supposed dual loyalties'.
There are a number of problems with these propositions and I will deal
with each in turn, under the following headings: 'Race' and racism; Recon-
structed multiculturalism and antiracist education; Cultural racism and the
unity and stability of the nation.

'RACE' AND RACISM?

'Race' as a concept is problematical. Robert Miles has argued cogently against
the notion that there exist distinct 'races' (Miles, 1982, pp. 9-16). After a review
of the literature, and following Bodmer, he gives three reasons for this. First, the
extent of genetic variation within any population is usually greater than the
average difference between populations. Second, while the frequency of occur-
rence of possible forms taken by genes does vary from one so-called 'race' to
another, any particular genetic combination can be found in almost any 'race'.
Third, owing to interbreeding and large scale migrations, the distinctions
between 'races', identified as dominant gene frequencies, are often blurred
(Miles, 1982, p. 16).
If 'race' has no genetic validity, it still has use as an analytical concept (in
comparing and contrasting 'race' with other equality issues, for example). In
addition, it does, of course, also exist as 'a social construct' in discourse. It is
therefore still necessary to use the term. When this is the case, for the reasons
outlined above, I would argue that it should be put in inverted commas.
Since the early twentieth century there have been major changes in the way
in which 'race' and nation have been conceived. Colonial empires, once
legitimated by racism, have been broken up. The nineteenth century doctrine of
scientific racism (genetic or biological inferiority) has been discredited, though
not eliminated, thus making the explicit expression of forms of nineteenth
century racism in the formal political arena difficult (Miles, 1993, p. 71). In an
influential book Martin Barker (1981) claimed to have identified a 'new racism'.
This is interpreted by Short and Carrington as being no longer concerned with
 Multicultural and Antiracist Education 39

negative stereotypes or hierarchies (as was old or biological racism), but

connected to the desire of the radical right to protect the cultural integrity of the
nation (Short & Carrington, 1996, p. 65). It is thus a cultural racism. Despite
Short & Carrington's assertion that 'the old racism' persists and prevails (op.
cit.j p. 67), the whole tenor of their paper suggests the predominance of cultural
racism. Short and Carrington's belief that cultural racism has now become the
norm is based on a relatively uncritical reading of Martin Barker's book.
Robert Miles, for one, has provided an important critique of Barker's
concept of the 'new racism'. Of major relevance here is the fact that the
empirical object of Barker's analysis, in being confined to the texts and speeches
of leading members and supporters of the Conservative Party, leaves out a
considerable range of ideological productions, such as the biological racism of
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neo-fascist political parties and certain forms of working class racism, which are
based on biological or scientific racism typical of the nineteenth century.
Moreover, the Conservative Party's new leadership of the 1970s and 1980s was
engaged in political mobilisation in a context where biological racism was a
significant ideological force, but where there were pressures not to articulate it
in the formal political arena (Miles, 1993, p. 73). As Miles puts it (drawing on
the research of Reeves, 1983):
[t]he emergent right-wing leadership sought to legitimate and incor-
porate the racism which had been used to build political support for
the National Front during the 1970s, but it was necessary to do so in
a way which did not entail the articulation of the explicitly racist
constructs voiced in the bus queue and workplace. Barker identified as
the 'new racism' that part of the official discourse with which this was
achieved, but he largely ignored the wider everyday discourses which
created the possibility of such an incorporation. (1993, p. 73)
That overt biological racism is still a potent force in British society is witnessed
by the continued persistence of 'monkey chants', directed at black players, on
the terraces of football stadia and the periodic successes of the fascist parties
such as the British National Party, including its local election victory and
subsequent defeat in East London, in the early 1990s.
The above discussion is not intended to underestimate the importance of
the phenomenon of cultural racism. On the contrary, rather than seeing racism
as pre-eminently biological (see for example Mason, 1994) or pre-eminently
cultural (see for example Short and Carrington, 1996), my own view is that
racism might be more accurately described as a matrix of biological and cultural
racism (cf. Cole, 1996, 1997a,b).
Short and Carrington are right to highlight the significance of cultural
racism; they are also correct in emphasising the importance, in any discussion
of educating against racism, of a consideration of anti-semitism (Short &
Carrington, 1996, p. 73; see also Short, 1994; Short & Carrington, 1995; Cole,
1996, 1997a,b). What is lacking in their analysis, however, is a precise definition
of the overall parameters of the concept of racism. This is necessary both for
 40 M. Cole

conceptual clarity and in order to enact effective (educational) initiatives against

racism, whatever form it may take. I will now attempt to formulate such a
definition. This will entail a re-evaluation of both conventional definitions with
respect to the biological/cultural distinction and the hitherto exclusive concern
with characteristics that are defined in an obviously negative way. I will deal with
each in turn. First, however, it should be remembered that racism can be both
intentional and unintentional. A distinction needs to be made between those
people who, by their words or actions, openly advocate or promote in various
ways notions of biological and/or cultural inferiority, on the one hand, and
those, on the other, who out of ignorance are being racist without realising it.
Intentional racism needs to be dealt with in a more combative way; uninten-
tional racism in a more gentle and understanding way. Education, it should be
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stressed, has a role to play in challenging both intentional and unintentional

racism.

Biological and Cultural Racism

I have suggested that racism might best be thought of as a matrix of biological
and cultural racism. In that matrix I would argue that racism can be based
purely on biology (as in the statement 'black children are not as clever as white
children') or purely on culture (e.g. Islamophobia, as in Peregrine Worsthorne's
words, 'Islam ... has degenerated into a primitive enemy', cited in Richardson,
1992, p. xi).
Quite often, however, it is not easily identifiable as either or is a combi-
nation of both. A good example of the latter, in fact, is the quotation cited by
Short and Carrington as an example of cultural racism, when Margaret
Thatcher, at the time of the Falklands war, referred to the people of the
Falklands as 'an island race' whose 'way of life is British' (Short & Carrington,
1996, p. 66). Here we have a conflation of notions of 'an island race' (like the
British 'race' who, Mrs Thatcher believes, built an empire and ruled a quarter
of the world through its sterling qualities; Thatcher, 1982, cited in Miles, 1993,
p. 75) and, in addition, a 'race' which is like 'us' culturally; 'their way of life is
British'.
The racist term 'Paki' is another case in point. Relatively unrelated to
Pakistan, it has become a generic term for anyone who is perceived to be from
a specific alien stock (biological racism) and/or is believed to engage in certain
alien cultural practices, based, for example, around religion, dress or food
(cultural racism). The fact that it is being written by racists as 'packy' in the
singular and 'packies' in the plural (The Guardian, 17 February 1995) is
indicative of how far it has become removed from the geographical area of
Pakistan. Indeed, 'the Paki shop' has almost replaced 'the Indian shop' as a
ridiculous description of small local shops, often situated at the end of a row of
houses (corner shops) owned by people whose origins lie in the Indian sub-
continent [2]. Even when 'Pakistani', rather than 'Paki' is used in perhaps
unintentional racist discourse, it is highly unlikely that it is used in a knowledge-
 Multicultural and Antiracist Education 41

able way to refer to an (ex-) inhabitant of, or British-born person with connec-
tions in, that particular South Asian country [3].

Negative and Seemingly Positive Characteristics

Racism has traditionally referred to a situation where people are seen as causing
negative consequences for other groups or as possessing certain negatively evalu-
ated characteristics. While this has seemingly been the dominant form of racism
throughout history and must be retained as a central aspect of racism, I would
argue that it is necessary to extend this definition to include 'seemingly positive
characteristics' (cf. Cole, 1996, 1997a,b). This is because negatively evaluated
characteristics include such instances of biological and intentional racist dis-
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course as 'black children are not as clever as white children', but excludes such
seemingly positive though biological statements as 'black children are good at
sports' [4]. While this latter assertion can lead to individual and/or group short
term enhancement (an unmerited place in the school football team for the
individual or enhanced status for the group as a whole in an environment where
prowess at sport is highly regarded), it is potentially racist and likely to have
racist consequences. This is because, like most stereotypes, it is distorted and
misleading and typically appears as part of a discourse which works to justify the
channelling of black children into sport, rather than academic activities.
Distinguishing between 'seemingly positive' and 'ultimately damaging' dis-
course is also important with respect to anti-semitism. Nazi propaganda por-
trayed Jewish people as alien and morally sub-human and, therefore, a threat to
the Aryan 'race'; a description which was part of a process that led eventually
to the holocaust. However, Jews were also characterised as a clever 'race' and (at
least implicitly) superior in terms of ability. Thus, along with perceived threats
of German 'racial degeneration', were fears that, through having superordinate
skills of organisation, the ability to dominate and act collectively as one entity,
the Jews were able to control the world. This 'clever', 'super-able' stereotype, a
perception which, on the surface, could seem positive, led to allegations that
Jewish people were part of a conspiracy to take over the world, a notion which
was also in part responsible for the holocaust [5].
To take an example pertaining to contemporary Britain, people of Asian
origin tend to be stereotyped as having a 'strong culture', an attribute which is
used to pathologise people of African-Caribbean origin, who are in turn stereo-
typed (ridiculously) as having a weak culture or as having no culture at all!
While this may serve to enhance the status of the former at the expense of the
latter, in the context of racist discourse it can result in accusations that people
of Asian origin are failing to integrate or are 'taking over' and are therefore a
threat to 'our way of life', which can lead to violence and other forms of hostility
against people of Asian origin.
Racism is thus redefined as follows to include both seemingly positive characteris-
tics and biological and cultural racism. Racism is a process, which can be intentional
or unintentional, whereby social relations between people are structured by the
 42 M. Cole

significance of human biological and/or cultural characteristics in such as way as to

define and construct differentiated social groups. Such groups are assumed to have a
natural, unchanging origin and status. They are seen as being inherently different and
as causing negative consequences for other groups and/or as possessing certain evaluated
characteristics. Since these evaluated characteristics are stereotypes, they are likely to be
distorted and misleading. If they are at first seemingly positive rather than negative,
they are likely to be ultimately negative (cf. Cole, 1996, 1997b) [6].

RECONSTRUCTED MULTICULTURALISM AND ANTIRACIST EDU-

CATION
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What then is the role of educators in challenging racism? Short and Carrington's
paper forms part of a long-standing debate on the relative merits of multicultural
and antiracist education (see for example Modgil et al., 1986; Hessari & Hill,
1989, ch. 2; Cole, 1992a,b, 1997a; Leicester, 1992a,b; Troyna, 1993). Short
and Carrington argue that antiracists have neglected cultural racism, but provide
no evidence for this. Certainly, in my own teaching I have been aware of the
cultural/biological matrix, as I suspect have most other antiracist educators.
That antiracists have concentrated their efforts on racism rather than multicul-
turalism is of course true. Short and Carrington are right to point to the dangers
of traditional multicultural education in stressing difference and thereby intensi-
fying racism (1996, p. 74). They are also right to point to the dangers of (more
recent) new multicultural education in stressing similarities and at the same time
ignoring differences (ibid.) [7].
Short and Carrington's solution to these shortcomings is what they describe
as a reconstructed multiculturalism, the parameters of which they attempt to
tease out in their paper. They begin by making a suggestion about how to deal
with controversial aspects of other cultures. The example they give is the ritual
slaughter of meat by Muslims, included as part of a programme on Islam in an
'all white' primary school. Their solution, as 'action researchers', (and pre-
sumably one which they feel teachers might adopt) to this 'dilemma' is to stress
that while children may find some aspects of Muslim culture unacceptable 'and
feel the need to argue for their proscription it is wholly wrong to go further than
this and discriminate in any way against other aspects of Islam' (Short &
Carrington, 1996, pp. 74-75). This is highly problematical for a number of
reasons. First of all, given the degree of racism directed at the Muslim com-
munities in Britain, the use of the term 'discriminate' and the implication that
it is acceptable to 'discriminate against limited aspects of Islam' are most
unfortunate.
Second, their example is unqualified and decontextualised. This, in turn,
has two aspects. First, if religious debate is to take place in schools (a conten-
tious issue in itself), while the need for open and rational discussion is to be fully
supported, it needs to be conducted in the presence of experts (it is all to easy
to impart false and misleading information). This presence need not, of course,
 Multicultural and Antiracist Education 43

be physical. Information technology, the Internet, CD ROMs and so on-provide

exciting possibilities for receiving information first hand. Second, practices like
ritual slaughter need to be contextualised and seen in the light of the way
animals are treated in society as a whole. This should include the question of the
morality of killing of animals in general and might also include, for example,
how animals are kept and transported—in Britain in the supposed context of
Christian morality (obvious examples being the transportation of calves and the
practice of battery farming). Certainly, many, if not most, vegetarians and
vegans would see the killing of animals for any reason, and in any way, as
immoral [8].
Reconstructed multiculturalism, according to Short and Carrington, fo-
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cuses in particular on children's misconceptions before imparting new knowl-

edge and understanding (1996, p. 75). This is, at face value, an appealing
proposition. However, it can be subject to the same criticisms as both traditional
and radical or new multiculturalism. While I would argue that at the present time
in Britain educators should adopt antiracist, as opposed to multicultural edu-
cation, it is the practice rather than the principle of multicultural education
which is problematical. Put simply, just who are these primary school teachers,
for example, who are able to interpret the intricacies of Islam and presumably
all the other world religions in a meaningful way to young children? Given a
society where racism was less of a serious problem and which had a work-force
of teachers who were both representative of the ethnic diversity of the society
and knowledgeable about that diversity, then multicultural education would be
more of a viable proposition. Even then, complex questions about religion (as
discussed above) might best be left to experts. Again, however, the important
and increasing contribution of information technology, in making accurate and
authentic information pertaining to multicultural Britain more possible (see for
example Cooner & Loveless, 1997), needs to be stressed.

CULTURAL RACISM AND THE UNITY AND STABILITY OF THE

NATION
Short and Carrington cite with enthusiasm the work of Tariq Modood and, in
particular, his distaste for an antiracism which 'narrowly focusses (sic) on colour
and class and fails to engage with cultural racism' (Short & Carrington, 1996,
p. 67). Modood (e.g. 1992) adopts a position of nationalism, of hostility to
Marxism and utilises the sociological paradigm of functionalism. He has an
unproblematical vision of progression towards a viable ethnic pluralism, with
education having the basic role of induction into the common society in the
quest for a morally strengthened order (Cole, 1993a, p. 23), so his worries about
class-based analysis are understandable. While, as I have argued throughout this
paper, antiracism should not deal solely with the question of colour, I believe
that social class should be central to the antiracist perspective.
It is not without coincidence that Short and Carrington cite Modood's
work, since, like him, they adopt a perspective of nationalism and liberal
 44 M. Cole

pluralism. In fact, complementary to their very laudable purpose of forestalling

the question of repatriation (Short & Carrington, 1996, p. 67), a reconstructed
multiculturalism is advocated to make children recognise that cultural differ-
ences 'do not necessarily constitute a threat to the unity of the nation', that 'the
social fabric of the UK has long been able to withstand the cultural variations
stemming from different religious affiliations, as well as those relating to social
class, ethnicity, region and generation' (ibid., p. 75).
Despite their assertion that a 'curriculum which embodies a nationalistic
and patriotic leitmotif... is an inadequate one in many respects' (ibid., p. 75),
Short and Carrington believe that the National Curriculum can be utilised to
counter Norman Tebbit's fear of dual loyalties (ibid., p. 75) [9]. Their national-
ism is also revealed elsewhere in the paper, when they refer, as if it were
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unproblematical, to 'British Asians', 'British Afro-Caribbeans' and 'British

Africans' (op cit., p. 68; for critical analyses of nomenclature in Britain see
Anthias, 1992; Mama, 1992; Cole, 1993b, 1996, 1997a) [10].
Reporting on a research finding among a group of 7 and 8 year olds that
indicated that many thought Jews were not English, Short and Carrington
comment, '[a]s a number of the children thought that ... most Jews spoke
Hebrew at home, their perception of this ethnic group as alien is hardly
surprising' (1996, p. 74). While it is important to address children's misconcep-
tions, surely another crucial point, not addressed by Short and Carrington here,
is to teach children that even if someone does speak another language at home,
they should most definitely not be considered as 'alien'.
All this seems to indicate that the position adopted by Short and Carrington
is in stark contrast to the internationalist and class-based position adopted by
antiracists. Bland statements about unity and the social fabric of the UK, in a
society divided increasingly on lines of social class, 'race' and gender (Rowntree,
1995; Commission on Social Justice/Institute for Public Policy Research, 1994;
see also Cole & Hill, 1998; Hiron & Cole, 1998; Waller et ah, 1998), are
unconvincing to those who advocate antiracist education and, therefore, recon-
structed multiculturalism, as described by Short and Carrington, could not be
adopted (contrary to their claims) alongside antiracist education.
I will conclude with an example of how the different approaches might
work in practice. Ten years ago British primary school teachers attempted
projects on the Australian bi-centennial. A reconstructed multiculturalist ap-
proach in Britain would stress the multicultural nature of Australia and would
portray accurately the way in which the different cultural groups, including the
Aboriginal communities, have contributed to the society, producing an interest-
ing variety of musical styles, of art and of music. Children would be encouraged
to challenge the interpretation of Australian life which stresses 'Britishness' and
instead to remember that, in addition to Anglo-Australians, there are Aboriginal
Australians, Greek-Australians, Chinese-Australians and so on. The emphasis
would be on the common contribution made to the social fabric of the Australian
nation and to its unity by the various minority ethnic groups. With respect to
religious beliefs, similarities as well as differences would be mentioned. Children
 Multicultural and Antiracist Education 45

would be encouraged to engage in an open and rational debate and it would be

stressed that if they felt the need to argue for the proscription of limited religious
or other practices, they must not discriminate against other aspects of the
religion or culture.
In the antiracist classroom in Britain, on the other hand, the focus would
be different. Children would learn that although some people view what
happened 200 years ago as 'a discovery', Aboriginal people and their supporters
view it as an invasion. Given access to a comprehensive range of resources
pertaining to life in Australia, children would discover that, in reality, multicul-
tural Australia is a society rigidly stratified on lines of class, 'race' and gender,
with Australian-born and English-speaking male immigrants at the top of the
hierarchy and women of the numerous Aboriginal communities at the very
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bottom, some living in conditions approximating to those of 'the developing

world'. They would learn about the struggles of Aboriginal women and men and
their demands for equality, they would learn about 'land rights' and the
economic and ecological arguments pertaining to these rights. They would
relate these struggles to other struggles for social justice and equality in Australia
and would in turn relate all these struggles to struggles going on worldwide.

CONCLUSION
Short and Carrington are right to stress the importance of the need to correct
misconceptions in children about cultural practices within minority ethnic
communities. Though a laudable aim, to be fully effective a reconstituted
education system is needed, where members of minority ethnic communities are
fully represented in the teaching profession, where attention to debate and
critical thinking is paramount, where a common curriculum goes beyond the
bounds of a narrow nationalism (Hillcole Group, 1991, 1997). In such a
scenario multicultural education might be more of a viable proposition. A new
education system will also entail a radically re-oriented teacher education system
(Hill et al, 1997; Hill, 1998) where adult students of all ages are educated,
rather than trained, to challenge the racism and to appreciate the cultural
diversity of the world in which we live, in all its manifestations.
Short and Carrington are also correct to highlight the phenomenon of
cultural racism. However, as we work toward the goal of a new education
system, we should as a priority, as part of a broad-based push for equality, alert
the next generation to the dangers of all forms of racism; intentional and
unintentional, biological and cultural, racism based on negative stereotypes and
on seemingly positive ones.
In the context of a European Union where imagined dreams of nation and
'race' are becoming more widespread, where racism and anti-semitism remain
rife and in a wider Europe and indeed world, torn apart by assumed 'racial' and
ethnic divisions, this task becomes ever more urgent.
 46 M. Cole

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank Anna Cole, Helen Haji-Alexandrou, Dave Hill and Scott
Poynting for their comments on this paper. Any inadequacies, of course, remain
mine.
Correspondence: Mike Cole, School of Education, University of Brighton,
Falmer, Brighton BN1 9PH, UK.

NOTES
[1] In this paper I deal with conceptual issues. For an analysis pertaining to current education
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policy issues with respect to racial equality see Hatcher (1997a,b). For a more general
analysis of education and social justice under 'New Labour' see Cole & Hill (1997), Hatcher
(1997c) and Nightingale (1998). V
[2] 'Indian shop' or 'Pakistani shop' would make some sense if a shop referred to as such sold
predominantly Indian or predominantly Pakistani produce. This is, of course, not the case.
[3] It is difficult to say whether such references are intentionally racist or unintentionally racist. It
depends very much on the way the references are made and on the context in which they
occur. The important point here is that educators and others must get across the fact that
the term 'paki' is highly offensive and that they must educate against its use. In addition, it
is essential that the geographical locations of countries in the Indian sub-continent are made
known, together with their long-standing connections with the British Isles. This would
entail a thorough understanding of British imperialism and of patterns of migration to
Britain.
[4] I am using the term 'black' in the British context to refer to children of African/Caribbean
origin (see Cole, 1993b).
[5] Thus, writing in 1941 for Das Reich, a German weekly controlled by Nazi propaganda
minister Joseph Goebbels, Elizabeth Noelle-Neuman declared, with respect to the United
States:
Jews write the newspapers, own them, and have close to a monopoly over the
advertising agencies that open and close the doors to advertising for each news-
paper. They control the film industry, own the big radio stations, and all the
theatres. Due to their cleverness [my emphasis], Jew journalists are not the most noisy
advocates for war. When they reach for public opinion, they don't move as a group,
but instead come from various directions (Cornwall, 1997, p. 21)
[6] This definition is derived in part from the work of Robert Miles and as the result of
communications with Smina Akhtar. My thanks to both of them.
[7] James Lynch (1983, 1987) has advocated focusing one's teaching on beliefs, values and
practices which various minority ethnic groups have in common, rather than on differences
(see also Leicester; for example 1986, 1992a). For an interchange of views on new
multicultural and antiracist education see Cole (1992a,b) and Leicester (1992a,b).
[8] Clive Bates, in a letter to the Guardian pertaining to general concern at the threat of 'mad
cow disease', made his point succinctly; first, peace-loving vegetarians are force fed with
diseased offal, then driven to madness and death by its contagion. Now there is talk of
bovine genocide, because the horror might affect the human species (Guardian Outlook, 23
March 1996, p. 26). There were more than 11 million cows in the UK's beef and dairy herd
at the time, but, apparently, the possibility of killing the entire herd was regarded as
impractical by the industry, partly because of what to do with the carcasses! (Guardian 23
March 1996, p. 5).
 Multicultural and Antiracist Education 47

[9] For suggestions on how to utilise the British National Curriculum to promote equality in the
interim period before a new Common Curriculum see Cole et al. (1997) and Hill & Cole
(1998).
[10] The extent to which the notion of being 'British' is relevant to antiracists is limited
(historically) to struggles against a racist state to defend the legal rights of resident minority
ethnic individuals, groups and communities and the inhabitants of colonies and ex-colonies
to British citizenship on a par with white indigenous communities. Beyond that, antiracists
would want to distance themselves from any other association with the historically imperial-
ist and ongoing essentialist concept of 'Britishness'. For an excellent analysis of the myth of
the 'nation state' see Anderson (1993).

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