Crip Eye for the Normate Guy: Queer Theory and the Disciplining of Disability Studies

Author(s): Robert McRuer

Source: PMLA , Mar., 2005, Vol. 120, No. 2 (Mar., 2005), pp. 586-592
Published by: Modern Language Association

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/25486189

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586 Conference on Disability Studies and the University PMLA
Subsequent church practice often lost
sight of this broader vision. Historically,
church-based charities have provided humane
care, funds for medical research, and indis
pensable financial support. Yet this has often
served only to segregate people with disabili
ties from the Christian community. While
engaging in individualistic charity and heal
ing, the Christian church has neglected the
social and political needs of people with dis
abilities, failing to place as central emphases
political engagement and social inclusion.
Our task is not simply one of correcting
some faulty texts or even of building greater
architectural access. The Christian church
must develop a theology of disability, emerg
ing from the lives and even the bodies of those
with disabilities. Such a theology must be con
strued not as a "special-interest" perspective
but, rather, as an integral part of reflection on
Crip Eye for the N?rmate Guy:
Queer Theory and the
Disciplining of Disability Studies
ROBERT McRUER
George Washington University
IN "SEEING THE DISABLED: VISUAL RHETORICS OF
Disability in Popular Photography," Rose
marie Garland-Thomson argues that represen
tations of disability in photography, over more
than a century, have generally fallen into four
broad categories: the wondrous, which places
the disabled subject on high and elicits awe
from viewers because of the supposedly amaz
ing achievement represented; the sentimental,
which places the disabled subject in a dimin
ished, childlike, or custodial position, evoking
pity; the exotic, which makes disability strange
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Christian life. We must come to see disability
neither as a symptom of sin nor as an opportu
nity for virtuous suffering or charitable action.
The Christian community as a whole must
open itself to the gifts of persons with disabili
ties, who, like other minority groups, call the
church to repentance and transformation.
Note
A longer version of this essay appears in the Sept.-Oct.
2002 issue of the Other Side (theotherside.org/archive/
sep-oct02/eiesland.html).
Work Cited
American Lutheran Church. "Reports and Actions,
Part I." Action General Convention. 80.6.109.
and distant?a freakish or perhaps transgres
s?e spectacle; and the realistic, which brings
disability close, potentially minimizing the
difference between viewer and viewed. In the
essay, which first appeared in print in the im
portant disability studies anthology The New
Disability History, Garland-Thomson reiter
ates some of the central disability studies in
sights that have transformed scholarship in
the humanities over the past decade. Simul
taneously, she takes disability studies in new
directions, providing a critical taxonomy that
those of us in the field can use as a foundation
for countless other projects.
Disability studies projects are every
where, it seems: classes and even programs are
cropping up in several countries; hundreds of
scholars are linked to the Disability Studies
in the Humanities e-mail list; and disability is
 i 2 o . 2 Conference on Disability Studies and the University 587
one of the most popular topics in the academic
publishing world. In 2002, the MLA published
the landmark anthology Disability Studies:
Enabling the Humanities?meaning that a
volume now exists bearing the imprimatur of
the largest, most important professional or
ganization for those working in modern lan
guages and literature (the volume includes a
shorter version of Garland-Thomsons "Seeing
the Disabled," titled "The Politics of Staring").
"[S]omeday soon," Michael B?rub? writes in
the afterword to Disability Studies, "disabil
ity studies will be widely understood as one
of the normal?but not normalizing?aspects
of study in the humanities, central to any ad
equate understanding of the human record"
(343). In many locations, today looks a lot like
the day B?rub? imagines. All things just keep
getting better.
My use of the refrain "All things just keep
getting better" allows me to put my consid
eration of Garland-Thomson's essay and my
disability studies introduction on hold as I
consider a different, more recent, and perhaps
unlikely cultural phenomenon. Queer Eye for
the Straight Guy, in which five gay "experts"
in grooming, fashion, interior design, din
ing, and "culture" make over a "straight guy"
whose supposedly disastrous appearance and
living space provide the premise for the show,
premiered in June 2003 and scored Bravo TV
record ratings. Each week, to the beat of Sim
one Denny's vocals on "All Things (Just Keep
Getting Better)," the stars are introduced
by their area of expertise, and as they walk
through a drab, black-and-white semiurban
space, it is instantly transformed into living
color. The so-called Fab Five have made Queer
Eye a gay media phenom; no other gay or
lesbian show has had such a meteoric rise to
prominence. NBC, Bravo's corporate partner,
consequently broadcast shorter versions of
some of the episodes, and Jay Leno signed up
to have The Tonight Show done over by the Fab
Five. Clinique reportedly wanted to send Kyan
Douglas, grooming expert, "every product it
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has ever made or ever will make in hopes he'll
use some of them on the air" (Glitz 40).
The dish on Clinique groveling for some
queer attention makes it clear why, in many
ways, Queer Eye functions as an easy tar
get for cultural theorists. In Subculture: The
Meaning of Style, Dick Hebdige famously
argues that dissident subcultures inevitably
face two kinds of incorporation: commodi
fication?evident in Queer Eye, which basi
cally functions as a queer commercial for
everything from Bed, Bath, and Beyond to
Urban Outfitters?and ideological dilution.
Ideological dilution ensures that the poten
tial threat to the dominant culture posed by
the subculture is "trivialized, naturalized, do
mesticated" (97). This too is evident in Queer
Eye, not least in what it asks us to consent to
before we start watching: the reassuring idea
that there are two distinct types of "guys,"
queer and straight. Forget about queerness as
a descriptor for what doesn't fit neatly within a
heterosexual-homosexual binary; forget about
queerness as a critique of compulsory hetero
sexuality or as a critical lens for denaturaliz
ing all sexual identities. In many ways, Queer
Eye naturalizes sexual identity and stages for
viewers a rapprochement between gay men
and straight men. "Straight guys are so much
fun," fashion expert Carson Kressley says in
one episode, but if part of the fun of queer
theory (not to mention more than a century
of queer subcultural practice) has been watch
ing that compulsory identity unravel, that is
no longer the case. As long as we agree that
gay men and straight men are distinct, and as
long as we're looking at the straight guy, sup
posedly, we can all get along.
Most queers, of course, could easily com
plicate that critique, before?perhaps?re
doubling it. There is limited pleasure in the
transformative power these men wield, power
that resonates with the fantasies of many gay
people. When the show came out, I joked, for
instance, that my own drab gray department
was suddenly filled with beautiful Benjamin
588 Conference on Disability Studies and the University PMLA
Moore colors the day I walked in. This was
merely a joke, but it nonetheless attempted to
mark what Matthew Tinkcomm, in his book
on camp, capital, and cinema, calls "working
like a homosexual." "Working like a homo
sexual"?which Tinkcomm defines in relation
to filmmakers such as Andy Warhol and John
Waters?consists of a camp luxuriating in the
potentially excessive cultural values that gay
people produce when "paradoxically it would
seem that no subject is ever prohibited from
exerting him- or herself on capital's behalf"
(5). In other words, Tinkcomm, shifting the
discussion of camp from the realm of con
sumption to the realm of production, argues
that even as we are compelled to produce our
selves as commodities, "the passionate failure
to strive for a compulsory identity" is possible
and desirable (15), and that instead of simply
producing ourselves as blank commodities
and generating objects that erase entirely the
history of their production, we might produce
commodities (including ourselves) that bear
the mark of queer labor and that thus hint at
alternative values.
Queer Eye, however, makes it difficult to
work like a homosexual. The show emerges in
an overwhelmingly normalizing period: the
dominant gay movement has a slick, corporate
feel; marriage rather than a feminist critique
of marriage occupies everyone's attention; me
dia invisibility has been replaced by innumer
able figures who "just happen to be gay"; and
a minority thesis that formerly emphasized
positionality has been largely superseded by a
naturalizing minority thesis that emphasizes
essence: some guys (and girls) are straight,
some queer. Attending to this larger historical
context for Queer Eye, I draw two conclusions:
first, the camp pleasures of the show partially
obscure how it participates in the normaliz
ing processes we are currently enduring, and,
second, the seemingly marginal flashes of dis
ability in the show at the same time attest to
those processes. "That's so mental-institution
chic" (or, more directly, "He's so retarded!"),
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one of the Fab Five will readily say when they
first arrive at the straight guy s home or at the
end, when they are watching?stout cocktails
in hand?his performance on closed-circuit
television. If his face is twitching, "Maybe he's
got Tourette's"; if he fumbles in the kitchen or
elsewhere, "It s like he has a mechanical hand";
if he seems confused at all, "Guys, I think we
have a real live Rain Man on our hands." Yes,
queer theory and disability studies have come
together in incredibly generative ways over the
past few years, but that academic fact should
not lead us to discount the more widespread
cultural fact that our normalizing moment
(like all normalizing moments) depends on
identifying and containing?on disciplin
ing?disability. It also depends?paradoxi
cally, given how much a version of queerness
is supposedly on display?on containing, on
disciplining, queerness.
Such paradoxes bring me back to the
somewhat different disciplinary issues with
which I started. "More analysis than evalua
tion," Garland-Thomson insists in her essay
on photography, as she moves from the won
drous, through the sentimental and exotic, to
the realistic mode, "the discussion here does
not suggest a progress narrative in which the
culture marches invariably toward a state
of egalitarian enlightenment" ("Seeing"
339). I want to be convinced by this thesis,
but?given the larger essay, which ends with
something of a fanfare on a realistic-mode
photograph of Bill Clinton's undersecretary
of education, Judith Heumann?I can't help
feeling that the thesis requires me, as a reader,
to engage in a disavowal: I know that asser
tions of decisive differences between our pres
ent and a problematic past, appeals to things
like a seemingly unprecedented "climate of
integration and diversity" (366), and trium
phant conclusions are generally the necessary
components of a progress narrative and, when
present, sufficient for constituting said narra
tive, but in this case, I consent to not see it.
Call it a queer eye for the progress narrative,
 i 2 o . 2 Conference on Disability Studies and the University 589

but you will have gathered that I dissent: Sec moral values: country, army, family, honour,
retary Heumann, in Garland-Thomson's essay, reckless heroism" (92). None of these moral
is as counterposed to the closeted Franklin values magically inhere in any given photo
Delano Roosevelt as her era is to his; the real graph of a politician, whether the photograph
istic mode that brings disability close is three is of the right-wing Pierre-Marie Poujade for
times "radical" in the space of two pages, and Barthes or of the neoliberal John Kerry for us.
it explicitly displaces the wondrous, sentimen Mythmaking, however, makes these moral
tal, and exotic modes. Moreover, the full-page values seem self-evident; ventriloquizing the
concluding photograph of Heumann flanked images, Barthes imagines them saying, natu
by flags in her Education Department office rally, "[L]ook at me: I am like you" (91).
arguably participates in progress-centered, "Seeing the Disabled," it is important to
and very American, narratives of arrival. emphasize, purports to acknowledge such
There is one other argumentative strand ideological maneuvers; Garland-Thomson
that troubles me in "Seeing the Disabled," insists that "the rhetoric of realism is just as
this time because I am at least inclined to constructed and convention-bound as the
be convinced by portions of it: "Realism rhetorics of the wondrous, sentimental, or
aims to routinize disability, making it seem exotic" (344). This claim, however, is at least
ordinary. As such, it has the most political partially undone by the disavowed progress
power in a democratic order, although one narrative and by the subordination (through
could argue that the transgressive most effec a brief dismissal) of the transgressive. The act
tively achieves social change in democracies" of quickly subordinating the transgressive, in
(363). My first question about this seduc other words, makes it seem as though there
tive argument is: if one could argue that the were something inherently better, less bound
transgressive most effectively achieves social by the conventions of the past, about the re
change?and in a post-Stonewall, post-HEW alistic mode. But since we're talking about
takeover, post-ACT UP, post-ADAPT, post bondage, let me say a few things about Bob
Sex Panic! world, such an argument would Flanagan, the self-proclaimed "supermasoch
have a lot going for it?then why not argue it? ist . . . famous for pounding a nail through
And my second question may partially answer his penis" (Garland-Thomson, "Seeing" 358).
my first: if we are in the realm of routinizing As Garland-Thomson notes when she brings
a particular cultural construction and mak his photo forward as an example of the ex
ing it seem ordinary, are we not potentially otic (in the longer version of the essay, that
in the realm of ideology? "Routinizing and is; he is not included in the shorter, more
making something seem ordinary" is actu disciplined MLA version), Flanagan incor
ally a fairly good description of what Roland porated into photographs and performances
Barthes called mythmaking. From soap pow "cape, chains, piercings, and the oxygen mask
ders to wrestling matches, Barthes's queer eye characteristic of cystic fibrosis to discomfort
for the French bourgeoisie of the 1950s pin his viewers" (358). In an installation at the
pointed the ways mythmakers appropriated Museum of Modern Art, Flanagan and his
cultural and historical objects or signs and partner-mistress Sherry Rose staged a perfor
attached new meanings to them. This new, mance that included a beating characteristic
second order of signification was then made of their erotic practices together. The beating
to seem natural. In the essay "Photography was at once therapeutically useful for Flana
and Electoral Appeal," for instance, Barthes gan (clearing the respiratory system, keeping
contends that political "photography consti the lungs as free of mucus as possible) and,
tutes ... a veritable blackmail by means of presumably, erotically satisfying for both

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590 Conference on Disability Studiesand the University PMLA
participants. Flanagan's life and his relation
ship with Rose were documented in Kirby
Dick's 1997 film Sick: The Life and Death of
Bob Flanagan, Supermasochist. "I was so ex
cited to learn about an artist with cf," one
admirer wrote on the second anniversary of
Flanagan's death. "Wherever I am today, I will
burn a candle for you, Bob" (Compton). And
CF individuals and communities were not
alone burning those candles; after Flanagan's
death in 1996, BDSM chat groups and e-mail
lists were abuzz with what they perceived as
an incalculable loss. "Bob Flanagan Is Dead,"
the e-mail's subject line proclaimed, over and
over again, in posting after posting.
In place of a progress narrative, avowed or
not, we might recognize that any photographic
rhetoric for disability can (and at times will)
be deployed in the service of a fifth mode,
which we might term the hegemonic. By ex
tension, however (and more encouragingly),
any photographic rhetoric can be deployed in
a counterhegemonic fashion. In our historical
moment, Flanagan's photographs indeed seem
to put forward counterhegemonic possibilities:
"sick," they scream, in an era obsessed with
narrow understandings of the body, health,
and fitness; "pervert," they insist, in the face
of docile family values or a benign and "tol
erant" multiculturalism. And the fact that, in
the wake of his death, we can distinctly per
ceive alternative communities and communal
norms ("norms without producing effects of
normalization," as David Halperin might say
[109]) attests more than anything to the coun
terhegemonic role Flanagan played.
It is more difficult for the Department
of Education photograph to perform such a
function. Garland-Thomson argues that the
realistic mode holds the most political power
in a democratic order. While not entirely dis
puting that assertion, I would amend it to
suggest that the realistic mode of representing
disability has hegemonic power in a particu
lar moment in the history of liberal democ
racy?namely, neoliberalism. The hegemonic,
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neoliberal mode is already operative in the
Clinton-era photograph, but it's even clearer
in another set of photos, accompanying the
World Bank's press release announcing Heu
mann's appointment as its new "Adviser,
Disability and Development." Again, the pho
tographs in question are generally official or
semiofficial shots, though representations of
Heumann are this time included alongside a
collage of other people, presumably from the
World Bank's client countries. These client
country photos can perhaps be read as distant
or exotic, at least as far as viewers in the West
are concerned, in that we are encouraged to
read these images as "elsewhere." I would
suggest, however, that the realistic mode is
more discernible in this collage and that the
text of the press release invites such a read
ing: "Disability is not a tragedy," Heumann
points out, "but rather a normal part of life.
It is a tragedy when disabled people are ex
cluded from the economic mainstream of so
ciety. Discrimination has denied hundreds of
millions of disabled people around the world
their right to receive education, health care,
housing, transportation, and equal employ
ment opportunities" ("Disability"). As long as
people with disabilities are denied such basic
rights, talking points like these remain indis
pensable, and they make evident Heumann's
history as a disability activist and educator
from the early 1970s. Inevitably framing a
viewer's reading of the collage, such talking
points bring the disabled subject of the pho
tograph close, minimizing the distance that
might otherwise exist between, in this case, a
disabled or nondisabled (Western) viewer and
(non-Western) viewed.
I cannot discount the genuine pleasure
we as readers and viewers are likely to take
in the spotlighting, in the press release, of
Heumann's decades-long activism. But as the
World Bank makes a particular construc
tion of disability identity seem ordinary, two
other maneuvers are obscured: first, that the
World Bank is basically capitalizing on dis
 i 2 o . 2 Conference on Disability Studies and the University 591
ability, on these images; and second, that the
World Bank's general policies (privatization
of public services; imposition of user fees
for?to echo Heumann?education, health
care, housing, and transportation; subordina
tion of genuinely populist notions of freedom
to what Marx and Engels called "that single,
unconscionable Freedom?Free Trade" [469] ;
minimization of government or public regu
lation of markets) might be understood as
antidisabled regardless of these pictures, re
gardless of what's happening in the Office of
Disability and Development. In other words,
disability, and even disability activism, made
to seem ordinary, can still be deployed in the
service of normalizing dominant mytholo
gies?in this case, neoliberalism, trickle-down
economics, the Washington consensus.
The often-insidious normalizing processes
at work in the media industry that brings us
Queer Eye and in the economic consensus
that brings us the World Bank are also at
work in the humanities today. And especially
in the era of the corporate university, resisting
these processes (perhaps even working like a
crip theorist) is necessary if disability studies
is to become, as B?rub? imagines, a normal
but not normalizing part of the humanities.
Perhaps it will take a crip eye for the n?rmate
guy to facilitate such resistance. N?rmate is
an indispensable theoretical concept coined
by Garland-Thomson: "This neologism names
the veiled subject position of cultural self, the
figure outlined by the array of deviant others
whose marked bodies shore up the normate's
boundaries. The term n?rmate usefully desig
nates the social figure through which people
can represent themselves as definitive human
beings" (Extraordinary Bodies 8). A crip eye
for the n?rmate guy, I propose, would not
just be a disability version of the Bravo hit, no
matter how much pleasure imagining such a
show has given me: "Sweetie, your university
is an accessibility nightmare1. Don't worry,
honey, it is your lucky day that disabled folks
are here to tell you just what's wrong with
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this place!" Rather, a crip eye for the n?rmate
guy (and because we're talking about not a
real person but a subject position, somehow
"n?rmate guy" seems appropriate, regard
less of whether he rears his able-bodied head
in men or women) would mark a "critically
disabled" capacity for recognizing and with
standing the vicissitudes of compulsory able
bodiedness (McRuer 95-97). The capacity is
needed because, regardless of who actually
populates the "array of deviant others," com
pulsory able-bodiedness always requires such
an array to function efficiently?or perhaps I
should say "flexibly," since I'm linking these
processes to the current moment in the his
tory of capitalism. It takes a crip eye for the
n?rmate guy to see this flexibility in action.
Rewriting a disability studies truism
helps me bring these points home. Sooner or
later, if we live long enough (so we often say),
we will all become disabled. Another twist on
the truism is that disability is the one identity
that each of us will, at some point in our lives,
inhabit. I don't want to dispute these foun
dational disability studies points?as long as
we endure systems of oppression like com
pulsory able-bodiedness (which have gener
ally prohibited people with disabilities from
becoming subjects because it was assumed
they could not exert themselves on capital's
behalf), they are worth emphasizing?but I
do want to invert them: sooner or later, if we
live long enough, we will all become n?rmate.
And if the established disability studies point
is worth repeating, again and again, the queer
disability studies point I'm excavating is
worth resisting, especially as disability stud
ies becomes, rightly and desirably, one of the
normal aspects of study in the humanities.
The fact that, if we live long enough, all of
us will become n?rmate is arguably the domi
nant story of the gay movement at the turn of
the century. Resistance to becoming n?rmate,
consequently, has over the last decade engen
dered some of the most critically queer work
around, from Gay Shame counterfestivals in
592 Conference on Disability Studiesand the University PMLA

New York and San Francisco (festivals that
protest both narrow understandings of gay
embodiment and the fact that Gay Pride is
now brought to you by Budweiser) to queer
theory?by Michael Warner, Lisa Duggan,
Duggan, Lisa. The Twilight of Equality? Neoliberalism,
Cultural Politics, and the Attack on Democracy. Bos
ton: Beacon, 2003.
Garland-Thomson, Rosemarie. Extraordinary Bodies:
Figuring Physical Disability in American Culture and
Literature. New York: Columbia UP, 1997.

Phillip Brian Harper, Samuel Delany, and -. "The Politics of Staring: Visual Rhetorics of Dis
others?that relentlessly draws our attention
to the ways in which our most vital public
-. "Seeing the Disabled: Visual Rhetorics of Disabil
cultures are being circumscribed or priva
tized out of existence. It may be impossible
to say, right now, that someday soon that cir
cumscription will cease?it's hard to deny the
bleakness of the world we currently inhabit.
But, keeping a crip eye on the horizon, we
should nonetheless continue to demand ac
cess to a world shaped otherwise.
Works Cited
Barthes, Roland. "Photography and Electoral Appeal."
Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. 1957. New York:
Hill, 1972. 91-93.
B?rub?, Michael. "Afterword: If I Should Live So Long." Sny
der, Brueggemann, and Garland-Thomson 337-43.
Compton, Michelle. "Rumination." Dragonfly pond. 4 Jan.
1998. 17 Sept. 2004 <http://www.dragonflypond.com/
rumination/bob.html>.
Delany, Samuel R. Times Square Red, Times Square Blue.
New York: New York UP, 1999.
ability in Popular Photography." Snyder, Bruegge
mann, and Garland-Thomson 56-75.
ity in Popular Photography." The New Disability His
tory: American Perspectives. Ed. Paul K. Longmore
and Lauri Umansky. New York: New York UP, 2001.
335-74.
Glitz, Michael. "Queer Eye Confidential." Advocate
2 Sept. 2003: 40-44.
Halperin, David M. Saint Foucault: Towards a Gay Hagi
ography. New York: Oxford UP, 1995.
Harper, Phillip Brian. Private Affairs: Critical Ventures in
the Culture of Social Relations. New York: New York
UP, 1999.
Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London:
Routledge, 1979.
Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. "Manifesto of the Com
munist Party." The Marx-Engels Reader. Ed. Robert C.
Tucker. 2nd ed. New York: Norton, 1978. 469-500.
McRuer, Robert. "Compulsory Able-Bodiedness and
Queer/Disabled Existence." Snyder, Brueggemann,
and Garland-Thomson 88-99.
Sick: The Life and Death of Bob Flanagan, Super masochist.
Dir. Kirby Dick. Lions Gate, 1997.
Snyder, Sharon L., Brenda Jo Brueggemann, and Rose
marie Garland-Thomson, eds. Disability Studies: En
abling the Humanities. New York: MLA, 2002.

"Disability in the Mainstream: Bank Appoints Prominent Tinkcomm, Matthew. Working Like a Homosexual: Camp,
New Disability Adviser." DevNews Media Center. 3 June Capital, Cinema. Durham: Duke UP, 2002.
2002. World Bank Group. 17 Sept. 2004 <http://web Warner, Michael. The Trouble with Normal: Sex, Politics,
.worldbank.org>. and the Ethics of Queer Life. New York: Free, 1999.

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