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International Schools and

International Education: a
relationship reviewed
Mary Hayden & Jeff Thompson
Published online: 07 Jul 2006.

To cite this article: Mary Hayden & Jeff Thompson (1995) International Schools and
International Education: a relationship reviewed, Oxford Review of Education, 21:3, 327-345,
DOI: 10.1080/0305498950210306

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 Oxford Review of Education, Vol. 21, No. 3, 1995 327

International Schools and International Education: a

relationship reviewed

MARY HAYDEN & JEFF THOMPSON

ABSTRACT Although used currently in common educational parlance, the term 'inter-
national education' is neither particularly extensively documented, nor well-defined. The
history of international education as a formal area of study within the wider educational
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sphere is a recently short one and the evolution of the concept is consequently at a
relatively early stage. Similarly, the concept of the 'international school' is one which has
developed rapidly over the past 40 years and is still relatively thinly researched.
This paper summarises some of the most significant literature sources in relation to the
development of our current understanding of international schools and international
education and documents a range of interpretations which arise in the process. The notion
that the term 'international education' is concomitant with the term 'international school'
is challenged as an assumption, by examining the concept of what it means to be
'international' and its application both to the school as an institution and to education as
a process. The paper includes an exploration of attempts which have been made both to
define and to categorise international schools, and to clarify the distinction between such
schools and schools which exist as part of a national system. Initiatives intended to
introduce international education into the formal school system through specially designed
programmes, from kindergarten through to pre-university, are also reviewed, and prelim-
inary work undertaken at the University of Bath is summarised as a possible pointer to
clarification of the relationship between international schools and international education.

INTRODUCTION
The history of 'international schools' and of 'international education' is in each case a
relatively recent one in formal terms, with the last 50 years having seen particularly
rapid developments resulting in substantial diversity with respect to both areas. This
paper will explore the two phenomena, both in their historical development and in their
current forms, as well as the relationship between international schools and inter-
national education. Assumptions concerning the completeness of the identity between
the two will also be explored.

INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION: DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES

The concept of 'international education' is a well-used one, both in common vocabu-
lary and in educational discourse. It is not, however, well denned. While the term itself
is encountered widely in educational literature, even a relatively brief consideration of
the relevant sources will reveal it to have a number of different interpretations, ranging

0305-4985/95/03/0327-19 © Carfax Publishing Ltd

 328 Oxford Review of Education

from the general to the specific. At the general end of the spectrum are interpretations
such as that of Husen & Postlethwaite (1985, p. 2660) describing international edu-
cation as including ' ... all educative efforts that aim at fostering an international
orientation in knowledge and attitudes', or of Fraser & Brickman (1968, p. 1), who
claimed that international education
connotes the various kinds of relationships—intellectual, cultural and educa-
tional—among individuals and groups from two or more nations ... [involv-
ing] a movement across frontiers, whether by a person, book or idea ... [and
referring] to the various methods of international cooperation, understanding
and exchange. Thus, the exchange of teachers and students, aid to under-
developed countries, and teaching about foreign education systems fall within
the scope of this term.
More specific, though consistent with Fraser & Brickman's interpretation, are those
which see international education primarily as an instrument for the preparation of
young people to cope with life in an increasingly interdependent world, where expan-
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sion of the international market place, development of sophisticated and rapid forms of
travel and communication networks and potential for damage to the environment and
mass destruction of human life, make it increasingly impossible for individuals to
disclaim knowledge of and responsibility for events on a larger scale than their own
village, city or nation. Such an interpretation is to be found in the editorial preface to
the 1985 Harvard Educational Review special issue on international education:
International, global, cross-cultural and comparative education are different
terms used to describe education which attempts—in greater or lesser de-
gree—to come to grips with the increasing interdependence that we face and
to consider its relationship to learning.
The diverse content of contributions to that special issue including, inter alia, a
consideration of Jesuit education as an agent for social change in El Salvador (Beirne),
an exposition by the then President of Tanzania of the principles underlying the
Tanzanian educational programme (Nyerere), a consideration of the relationship be-
tween education and racism in South Africa (Dube), and a discussion of the develop-
ment of international schools and the International Baccalaureate programme (Fox),
illustrate the differing manifestations in practice of an underlying commitment in
principle to the central place of education in the development of a concept which can
be taken to embrace what has been described elsewhere variously as 'global citizenship'
(UNICEF, 1991), 'education for international understanding' (UNESCO, 1968) and
'worldmindedness' (Sampson & Smith, 1957). Such ideology arises, at least in part,
from a growing concern evident in the years since the Second World War with the
development of international cooperation as a means of avoiding further large-scale
conflict. Scanlon (1960) documented the vision of those inspired by UNESCO after its
founding in 1942, of a concept of 'the promotion of mutual understanding among
nations, educational assistance to underdeveloped regions, cross-cultural education,
and international communications'.
If one form of international education relates to an ideology based on mutual
understanding across nations, other forms exist in a less ideologically focused frame-
work. Starr (1979) documented the growth of a nationwide campaign in the USA to
'internationalise' education, and proposed the establishment of a series of specialist
'International High Schools' which, while teaching all the normal courses, would place
special emphasis on foreign languages and the international dimension of such subjects
 International Schools and International Education 329

as history, economics, geography and sociology. The main rationale for such schools in
this framework would appear to be related less to ideology than to a perception that, as
the economic well being of the USA has come to depend to a large extent upon nations
with languages and cultures very different from those of the United States, only benefit
could result from a curriculum placing emphasis upon foreign languages and inter-
national studies and thus adding 'one more arrow to the quiver of one's career options'
(Goodman, quoted in Starr, 1979) [1].
Fasheh (1985) acknowledged this view of international education, with its emphasis
on improving familiarity with other cultures and languages as a means of, in his view,
'establishing multi-national corporations that help distort healthy, authentic and appro-
priate development in (foreign) countries, standardizing tastes, attitudes and needs
around the world', and clearly found it lacking. His impassioned plea for an alternative
form of international education which 'should be mainly concerned with the develop-
ment of a sense of responsibility toward ourselves, toward others, and toward future
generations' would almost certainly strike a sympathetic chord with many of those
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working towards an ideologically based goal of international cooperation and harmony.

Fasheh's helpful highlighting of two approaches to the concept of international edu-
cation—what might perhaps be termed the pragmatic and the ideological—illustrates
the varying range of interpretations which may be made of this concept. Any attempt
to explore it in depth will find, however, a 'dearth of writing about the philosophical
underpinnings of international education in all of its forms' {Harvard Educational
Review, 1985).
Much of what has been written in this field could in fact be classified more accurately
as comparative education. Crossley & Broadfoot (1992) consider that the differences in
emphasis which distinguish comparative education from what they describe as 'inter-
national studies in education' are illustrated by Postlethwaite's (1988, p. xvii)
clarification of the relationship between the two as follows:
Strictly speaking to 'compare' means to examine two or more entities by
putting them side by side and looking for similarities and differences between
or among them. In the field of education, this can apply both to comparisons
between and within systems of education. In addition, however, there are
many studies that are not comparative in the strict sense of the word which
have traditionally been classified under the heading of comparative education.
Such studies do not compare, but rather describe, analyse or make proposals
for a particular aspect of education in one country other than the author's own
country. The Comparative and International Education Society introduced
the word 'international' in their title in order to cover these sorts of studies.
In Postlethwaite's view, therefore, international education relates to a perception of
meaning of 'international education' as relating to a national system other than one's
own although, arguably, the word 'international' should more accurately be interpreted
as relating in some way to links between or across nations, certainly in terms described
by Fraser & Brickman. A further but related interpretation, upon which this paper will
focus, is one which has emerged rapidly in the past 30 years, one about which it was
said that' ... in 1964 ... the aims of international education were ... unclear' (Jonietz
& Harris, 1991, p. 4). This interpretation of the concept of international education is
that which relates to children attending the growing number of international schools
worldwide. The rapid evolution of this sector of the education market bears testimony
to the increasingly globally mobile environment in which many professionals now
 330 Oxford Review of Education
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National Experience.

operate: diplomats, aid workers, employees of large multinational commercial organisa-

tions and international bodies such as the United Nations, are just some of those
displaced from their home countries at frequent intervals whose families consequently
take up and put down in different parts of the world their 'portable roots' (Gordon &
Jones, 1988). In pursuing a clearer understanding of the various interpretations put on
'international education', therefore, and the phenomenon of global mobility and its
manifestations in differing contexts, it may be helpful at this stage to consider in a little
more depth the concept of 'international' itself.

THE CONCEPT OF 'INTERNATIONAL'

An interesting definition of the concept of international in this context is provided by
Stobart (1989) quoted in Jonietz (1991), who proposed a model based on concentric
circles which links the concept to the level of intensity of 'international living':
Stobart's Circle 1 encompasses those with 'general awareness' of places other than their
own national location through classes in school and general interest satisfied through
the media. Those who experience other places through travel on short business trips
and vacations are included in circle 2, while circle 3 encompasses those*who reside for
relatively long but fixed periods in another country but do not change their perception
of 'home' in so doing; students based at an overseas university for a year, or employees
living and working in a housing compound established by the employer, would fall into
this category. The fourth circle includes those who make a more permanent move to
another country for extended periods of time, being exposed to the culture, language
 International Schools and International Education 331
and people in a way which engenders the ability to judge and understand others by their
standards rather than one's own, or 'cultural relativism' (Gollnick & Chin, 1991,
p. 15). These 'international people' Qonietz, 1991) may live in many countries and can
usually speak a number of different languages. Their 'home' may not be the country of
their passport and may not be, either, the country in which they grew up; for them the
'foreign' location becomes home, with all that entails in terms of establishing a
home-base, links with local support services and with members of the local community.
In Stobart's definition of international (which could be criticised as being rather
simplistic), the families for whom international schools and international education are
relevant are those in circles 3 and 4, for whom the international school may be a very
important part of the experience of 'being international': 'one essential part of making
a family home in the international community is the international school experience '
Qonietz, 1991). It is the children of those in Circle 4, in particular, who may be
described as Third Culture Children: 'neither a product of the culture of the country
in which they are studying nor of the country of their legal nationality, because for most
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of their lives they have lived in a variety of alien settings' (European Council of
International Schools, 1993, p. xiii). Research suggests that Third Culture Children
carry through many of the traits associated with this phenomenon into adulthood, with
many 'Adult Third Culture Kids' (Cottrell & Useem, 1993) continuing their inter-
national involvement, being adaptable, and feeling equally at home everywhere—or
conversely not really feeling at home anywhere.
Similarly, the Global Nomad (Kingston, 1993) tends to have extensive knowledge of
the world and a broad perspective on issues, as well as a facility with several languages
and much broader career opportunities than most children normally enjoy. These
advantages may be weighed, however, against the disadvantages of such an upbringing,
including 'a lack of cultural identity, the trauma of constantly leaving behind people
and places and a common distrust of emotional intimacy and long-term relationships'.
A related phenomenon, 'Trans-Language Learners' Qonietz, 1991), are individuals
who 'move from their maternal language and culture to competence in an additional
environment/instructional language and culture' and in doing so expand their broader
view of the world. These individuals often experience multiple acculturations, in
adapting to or adopting different cultures, building on the enculturation Qonietz, 1991)
of their earlier development through national school systems.
It is children such as these, with their transient lifestyles and absence of identification
with one culture, language base or concept of home, who very often look for their
education to the international school.

THE INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL

The education of children away from their own national system is not an entirely new
phenomenon. Birdsey Grant Northrop (in Fraser & Brickman, 1968, pp. 201-205), for
instance, writing in the USA in 1873, pointed out that:
The practice of educating youth abroad has been steadily growing for a long
period. But the present year has witnessed an unprecedented exodus of our
youth to Europe ... The fancied superiority of European schools ... and a
vague ambition for 'foreign culture' have alike contributed to this result. More
than all, fashion has given it sanction and created a furor in favor of European
education ... Circulars [of foreign schools], some of them offensively preten-
 332 Oxford Review of Education
tious, are sent widely over this country ... Connecticut cannot render a better
service to her own schools or to the country, than by helping to check a
fashion which practically disparages our own institutions, and withdraws the
sympathies of those who would otherwise liberally support them.
More recently, and somewhat more positively, the 1964 Yearbook of Education
suggested that the demand for such education was still relatively small, implying that
only politicians, diplomats, missionaries and volunteers with social welfare organisa-
tions really lived overseas for any period of time, and proposing in one of its final
chapters 'the existence of a new concept—international schools founded with the
specific purpose of furthering international education' (Bereday & Lauwerys, quoted in
Jonietz & Harris, 1991, p. ix). The Yearbook concluded by identifying about 50
international schools worldwide and making the observation that 'International edu-
cation at present is ... not only short on means and not far-reaching enough in its
spread, but uncertain of its aims and fundamental premises' (Bereday & Lauwerys,
quoted in Jonietz & Harris, 1991, p. ix).
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The growth since 1964 of international education of this form charted by Jonietz &
Harris (1991) has been remarkable but whether, taken across the spectrum of contexts
in which it may be found, its aims and fundamental premises are much more certain
than they were in 1964 is debatable. While the group of approximately 50 schools
identified in 1964 has grown in number to the point where in 1995 a closer estimate
would be 1,000, even a brief consideration of some of the schools which might be
classified as international schools will reveal a wide variation in the nature of the
institutions which could be considered to belong to this category. Many such schools
have grown up in response to local circumstances on a relatively ad hoc basis and,
although there are certainly subgroupings controlled by central organisations (such as
the network of international schools supported by Royal Dutch Shell), for the most part
the body of international schools is a conglomeration of individual institutions which
may or may not share an underlying educational philosophy. Some are essentially
national schools catering for children away from their home country, such as the Gyosei
International School, the UK prospectus of which (1993) explains that
Japan's rapid growth in economy in recent years has brought about the
internationalisation of businesses and as a result more and more Japanese are
working overseas. They are faced with the severe problem of their children's
education. Gyosei International School UK ... provides a Japanese education
system and gives returnees every access to higher education in Japan.
Similar schools operating worldwide have the same raison d'etre, offering British, French
or American education programmes, for example, to their own expatriate nationals.
Others are less obviously designed to cater for the needs of one particular national
group and may include children and members of teaching staff from a wide range of
different populations amongst their number.
While they might seem, up to the present time, almost to have been a well kept secret
in terms of their visibility in the community as a whole, international schools in their
many guises are rapidly becoming an influential force on a global scale. Even though
many may have grown up on a largely ad hoc basis, it might be assumed nonetheless
that a common thread of some description relating to a concept of 'international
education' should form a bond between them. A starting point for considering the
possible nature of such a thread might be the European Council of International
Schools (ECIS), a grouping of schools which, while originally all based in Europe, has
 International Schools and International Education 333
now extended to include schools on a worldwide basis and is the 'oldest, largest
association of international schools' (ECIS, 1993, p. xii). Consideration of the ECIS
Directory, which lists over 700 'international schools' in total, suggests that far more
schools and colleges consider themselves to be 'international schools' than simply those
including that term in their title. While the expression 'international school' is not
defined by ECIS, a description of the variety of schools associated with the organisation
is given in their documentation (ECIS, 1993, p. xii), highlighting diversity in terms of
size (very small versus very large), of location (urban versus rural), of student popu-
lation (dominated by one nationality versus fewer than 10% of any one group) and of
curriculum (US, British, German, French, Swiss, International, for example), as well as
similarity in terms (very often) of independence of government control, of absence of
competitive entry, of catering for a range of needs and abilities, of catering for children
of parents who are employees of multinational organisations or government agencies, of
tending to use English as a language of instruction, and of catering for 'third culture'
children. Brief descriptions provided of ECIS member schools serve to highlight both
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the variations and the similarities evident around the world.

As the number of 'international schools' has continued to expand, and as a corre-
sponding number of teachers and administrators have built careers around this sector
of the education world—some remaining for many years in one school away from their
'home' country, while others lead a somewhat transient existence based on two or three
year contracts in different locations—increasing efforts have been made to investigate
the phenomena of international schools and international education, with a view to
establishing systematically the underlying respects in which they are similar or in which
they differ. Terwilliger (1972), for instance, perceived there to be four main requisites
for a school to be classified as international: the enrolment of a significant number of
students not citizens of the country in which the school is located (but not all from one
other country), a board of directors made up of 'foreigners and nationals in roughly the
same proportions as the student body being served', a teaching body made up of
teachers who have themselves 'experienced a period of cultural adaptation', and a
curriculum which is a 'distillation of the best content and the most effective instruc-
tional practices of each of the national systems', which will allow students to transfer to
other international schools, to schools in their home education systems, or to university
either at home or in some other part of the world. Interestingly, Terwilliger's
classification appears unusual in considering the composition of the board of directors
to be an important feature, thereby suggesting that policy formulation is an influential
element in determining the character of such a school.
The notion of identifying the characteristics of an 'international school' was rejected
by Matthews (1988), who pointed out that attempting to generalise about international
schools is 'likely to produce little that is worthwhile, given the variety of the institutions
which describe themselves by that umbrella term' and instead attempted, as had others
before him, to categorise international schools according to their observable character-
istics. The first published attempt to categorise in this way the growing body of
international schools was by Leach (1969) [2], who summarised their problems at the
time as lying in the 'dichotomy between expatriate and local populations, in the
decision as to which language is to be used as the language of instruction, in the gap
between privilege and under-privilege and in the tension between attachment to known
national systems of examination for university entrance and the desire to experiment
with genuine multilaterally international certificates' (Leach, 1969).
Leach estimated a total of less than 300,000 students attending international schools,
 334 Oxford Review of Education

and proposed a four-fold categorisation of such schools to include those simply serving
students of several nationalities, those 'overseas' schools serving the expatriate com-
munity of a particular nation (such as French International, American International),
those founded by joint action of two or more national groupings (such as the Colegio
Anglo-Colombiano in Bogota, or the European Schools), and those schools affiliated to
the International Schools Association (ISA), which had as their aim the educating of
'young people to be at home in the world anywhere' (Leach, 1969) with no one
government, national grouping, religious body or ideological point of view controlling
the school or being accorded any special privilege. Implicit in Leach's categorisation
was the notion of a hierarchy, in which the latter category came closest to aspiring to
an ideal which had not necessarily been attained: while the school at which Leach
himself taught, the International School of Geneva, was believed by him to be the only
'true' international school, even that school had, in his perception, 'too much Swiss
influence, too many British staff, too many American students'! Some would consider
Leach's idealism impractical. Peterson, for instance, perceived Leach's vision to reflect
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an unrealistic purism in expecting an even balance of nationalities represented, since

one would expect a special influence of the host country and a student body
that reflected the local composition of the expatriate community ... [as well
as] a high proportion of the teachers in international schools to come from
English-speaking countries. (Peterson, 1987, p. 36) [3]

Others working in this field have arrived at different, though related, categorisations of
international schools which tend to include, as did those of Leach, what Fox (1985) [4]
referred to as 'realistic' as well as 'idealistic' features. As numbers of schools have
continued to increase, so the numbers of categories of 'international schools' have
increased. From Leach's estimate of fewer than 300,000 international school students
in the mid-1960s, Sanderson (1981), for instance, estimated a number double that,
identifying seven types of international school, including those founded as international
schools which have 'consistently tried to develop and practise a distinctive form of
international education', such as the United Nations International School in New York,
Washington International School, the International School of London, the Inter-
national School of Vienna and the United World Colleges [5], all of which have
adopted the International Baccalaureate (IB); schools which do not offer the IB, but
which 'claim to be international because their students come from many countries';
schools founded as expatriate national schools (overseas schools), originally firmly
rooted in a national tradition and—while accepting pupils of many nationalities—con-
tinuing to organise their objectives and teaching on the basis of that national tradition;
and schools founded as expatriate national schools, again originally firmly rooted in a
national tradition but more recently having begun to adopt more international aims,
'usually implemented by adopting the IB'. Other types of international school included
in Sanderson's categorisation were regional or bi-national schools, such as the nine
European Schools offering education aimed primarily at the children of those working
for European Community institutions, or those based on two educational traditions,
(even though they might accept children of more than two nationalities) and 'Interna-
tionally minded schools which have traditionally welcomed foreign pupils and at-
tempted to create an international dimension within the school ', some of which have
adopted the IB for reasons connected to serving a multi-ethnic community (such as
Hammersmith and West London College in UK, which counts 70 nationalities
 International Schools and International Education 335

amongst its student population) or as a 'solution to the problem of early specialisation

in England' or because of its reputation for excellence in the USA.
More recently, Matthews (1988) arrived at an approximation of the current size of
the international school network as in the region of 1,000 schools, 50,000 teachers and
half a million students distributed around the world, being 'equivalent in size to that of
a nation with a population of 3-4 million, but with the significant difference that 90%
of the students passing through the system go on to higher education'. Writing at a
similar time, Ponisch (1987) was able to distinguish 11 types of international school,
extending the earlier groupings of Leach and Sanderson to include schools with
involvement to differing extents with the International Baccalaureate, as well as those
serving a 'voluntarily mobile body' (such as the United World Colleges) and those
which have evolved into 'true' international schools from one of the other categories.
Ponisch's categorisation included those schools founded specifically to meet the needs
of particular groups of internationally mobile families (such as UN organisations,
OPEC, EEC and NATO); schools founded with a specific philosophy and set of aims
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(such as the United World Colleges, which encourage 'voluntary mobility'); schools
whose original purpose has changed radically since foundation (such as the Vienna
International School: once a primary school serving allied occupation forces and now
a large international school); proprietary international schools (often headteacher
owned, some of which may offer the IB programme and many of which follow national
systems such as those of the UK or USA); national overseas schools founded to serve
one national or linguistic group; and schools offering international programmes which
nonetheless retain strong links with a national system. Other types of school included
in this categorisation included geographically limited schools taking children from one
region only (such as the nine European Schools); bilingual or trilingual schools based
on two or three national systems; national schools which welcome foreign pupils and
provide the IB or some form of international programme; IB schools which have
essentially a mono-national intake and no previous commitment to international
education, and have adopted the IB for reasons connected with the solution of
problems of early specialisation by broadening the curriculum, with academic excel-
lence, or with providing an appropriate programme for a group from a variety of ethnic
backgrounds; and schools operated by a company (such as the Regional International
School at Eindhoven in the Netherlands, serving the needs of children of employees of
Philips).
Clearly, in a diverse and constantly changing context, the number and nature of
categories into which international schools can be subdivided is to some extent
arbitrary, with categories less likely to be discrete groupings than broad areas which
may often overlap. Indeed, there are those such as Belle-Isle (1986) [6] who would
challenge the basis on which a number of schools included in categories developed by
Leach, Sanderson and Ponisch are classified as being international:
those schools [are not] international which, despite their names and overseas
locations, have remained closely related to their national systems through their
curricula and programmes. A school cannot claim the status of an inter-
national institution simply because 70 or 80% of its clientele represent a
variety of nationalities, races and cultures.
Others such as Gellar (1981) would accept a more general, all-embracing, definition of
an international school as one which 'welcomes pupils of many nations and cultures,
that recognises that such pupils have differing aims, and actively adjusts its curriculum
 336 Oxford Review of Education

to meet those aims'. More recently, Renaud [7] (in Jonietz & Harris, 1991, p. 6)
revealed a perception that often an international school fits more closely the 'realistic'
rather than the 'idealistic' model of Fox by being, very often, simply
an institution offering several national streams in a kind of educational
department store ... [with] different communities being juxtaposed more than
integrated ... [and satisfying the] need to prepare students for national
school-leaving examinations each with very different requirements.
It is interesting to note in this connection the fact that the particular requirements of
students with special needs—including quite severe physical and mental disabilities—
have in some contexts been used to effect integration in a way which has brought
benefit to all students throughout the international school (Hollington, 1994) [8].
It is clear that underlying the wide range of different types of international schools
and the associated differences in perception as to what may or may not be considered
to be such a school, is a fundamental issue of philosophy. Even within an individual
school it may not necessarily follow that a single philosophy is extant, and tensions may
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operate in respect of the nature of the philosophy which should be dominant, as

illustrated by Fox's (1985) quoting of a parent of children attending the United Nations
International School (UNIS) in New York, one of the more well-established inter-
national schools since its extension to include a secondary section in the late 1950s:
what is difficult to provide for our children is the standard of specific skills
which they must have if they are not to become incapacitated for a pro-
fessional life in their own countries. These are the specific needs that any
sound education is designed to meet. Without such an education, very few of
us would have qualified for our present jobs ... Should (UNIS) try to evolve
some new 'international' style of teaching, or should it adopt, for practical
purposes, the standard syllabus and methods of a given country, leaving it to
the good sense of the teachers (and indeed of the children themselves) to
reduce any nationalistic elements to their right proportions? ... Most parents
are more immediately interested in a school's academic achievement than in
its 'philosophy' ... Most parents will rather pay for an existing, recognised and
tried form of education for their children than let them be used as raw material
for experimentation.
The greatest specific need of United Nations parents is for some form of
education which will be a distinct alternative to the locally available American
education.
In attempting to categorise international schools according to their observable charac-
teristics, or ethos, Matthews (1988) concentrated, rather than on generating a long list
of categories of international schools, on divergences of underlying philosophy which he
believed led to a broad dichotomy between what he termed 'ideology driven' schools
such as those 'founded for the express purpose of furthering international understand-
ing and cooperation such as UNIS, the International School of Washington and four of
the six United World Colleges' [9] and 'market-driven' schools, essentially 'all the other
international schools which have arisen from the needs of particular expatriate com-
munities [and which may be established and operated by] individuals, community
groups, delegates of multinational companies or government agencies'.
There would appear to be some logic in Matthews' dichotomy, in that there are
clearly schools which can be seen to fit easily into the two broadly based groups. United
World Colleges such as Atlantic College in South Wales, for instance, with 'a
 International Schools and International Education 337
significantly international student body and staff, with entry open to all students and
teachers, irrespective of race, nationality and religion, who accept and support the ideas
of the United World College movement' (International Council of the UWC Move-
ment Guidelines, in Peterson, 1987, p. 107) would fit unambiguously into the first
category of 'ideology driven' in the sense that their whole raison d'etre is an ideological
one, which brings together students from many different parts of the world specifically
to benefit from an education based on the philosophy they espouse, where

young people of all nations and backgrounds ... live and learn together at the
most formative period of their adolescence and so form those ties of friendship
and understanding that ... last them through their lives. (Charles, Prince of
Wales in Peterson, 1987, p. vii) [10]
Similarly, there are clearly schools which fit into the second category of 'market driven'
in having essentially developed in response to the needs of a group of students who are
not catered for by the education provided in local, nationally based, schools. What is
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unfortunate, however, is the interpretation which could be placed on Matthews'

dichotomy suggesting that the division between the two groups is watertight, and that
schools which are market driven may not also be underpinned by a sound ideological
philosophy. It could be argued, for instance, that a school such as the well-established
and arguably first ever international school, the International School of Geneva
(founded in 1924) is market driven in the sense that it provides an education for
children from many different national backgrounds whose families are based in Geneva.
Few would doubt, however, the ideological base of this particular school's philosophy
which led in the 1960s to the development of the International Baccalaureate, and is
reflected in their 'mission ... to help our children appreciate their own diversity so they
can ... create a better world' (International School of Geneva, 1994).
A more accurate description of the nature of many international schools might be a
combination of the ideological and the market driven so that, while responding to the
needs of a particular community, they may still be consistent with Gellar's (1993)
perception of what it is that makes an international school different from other schools:
Not so much curriculum, but what takes place in the minds of children as they
work and play together with children of other cultures and backgrounds. It is
the child experiencing togetherness with different and unique individuals; not
just toleration, but the enjoyment of differences; differences of colour, dress,
belief, perspective. International schools are about the building of bridges, not
walls ... We would define international by what schools do in nurturing
[multicultural] understanding; that cooperation, not competition, is the only
viable way to solve the major problems facing the planet, all of which
transcend ethnic and political borders. Thus any school in the world, public
or private, can be international.
The view that any school can be international is an interesting one, highlighting as it
does the question of whether in fact an ideological philosophy applied to an otherwise
apparently national school can lead to that school being in some sense international.
Hill (1994) makes a helpful comparison in this respect between international schools
and national schools, believing that international schools are those
whose students and staff are representative of a number of cultural and ethnic
origins, where the IB and/or a number of different national courses and
 338 Oxford Review of Education
examinations are offered and where the ethos is one of internationalism as
distinct from nationalism. Such schools:
• may serve a local and varied expatriate community of business people,
diplomats, armed forces personnel;
• may attract resident students from all over the world;
• are usually either proprietary schools, owned and controlled by one or
two individuals, or are private schools governed by a board of directors
consisting mainly of parents; and
• are usually fee-paying or scholarship-funded (such as the United World
Colleges) or both.

where as a national school is:

one whose students and staff are predominantly from one country, where the
curriculum and examinations of that country only are offered, and where the
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ethos is national as distinct from international. National schools:

• serve principally the students of one nationality;
• are usually located within the one country where they may be government
or private fee-paying schools with a parent governing board; and
• may be located overseas to serve their own expatriates such as the numerous
American, British and French schools, many of which are funded and
staffed by the national government at home and some of which are private.

Clearly, in Hill's definition, not every school has the potential to be international. What
is also particularly interesting to note is Hill's categorisation of national schools abroad
as essentially national schools rather than as a category of international school, sug-
gested by Leach, Sanderson and PSnisch. Whether or not we choose to define
particular schools as international schools, however, is perhaps less important than the
nature of the education experienced by students in those schools, which brings us back
to the question of what constitutes an international education, and leads on to the
question of the relationship between such an education and the schools in which it may
be experienced.

INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL

SCHOOLS
In many cases international schools and international education are clearly linked
together in the perception of those responsible for education provision, and in the
expectations of many parents subscribing to such institutions. Matthews (1989a,
1989b), for instance, in discussing the nature of international schools, made only a
small number of references to their relationship to international education and no
attempt to define the latter. The assumption that international education is de facto
what takes place in international schools needs, however, to be challenged, as it has
been by Belle-Isle (1986):
An international school whose diploma serves as a passport for admission to
universities and colleges at large is not necessarily providing an international
education ... The ... mission of international education is to respond to the
intellectual and emotional needs of the children of the world, bearing in mind
 International Schools and International Education 339
the intellectual and cultural mobility not only of the individual but, most of
all, of thought.
Gellar's (1981) point that as the number of 'overseas' schools worldwide grew,
for want of a better one, the term 'International Education' gained currency—
a term that meant all things to some people and meant very little to many—a
good example of Wittgenstein's 'bewitchment of intelligence by means of
language',
is a helpful one, leading to his suggestion that
The concept of international education demands a curriculum which is both
concrete and specific, aimed at giving the student the skills that he needs to
achieve the goal he has chosen and broad enough to include those subjects
that enable him to see the world from a much wider perspective than is
generally required in national systems.
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Cole-Baker (in Hill 1994), headmaster of the International School of Geneva during
the 1960s and one of the founding fathers of the International Baccalaureate pro-
gramme, believes that both international and national schools (as distinguished by Hill)
may offer an international education, which he sees as being essentially about intercul-
tural understanding. In international schools with students from many different cultural
backgrounds, Cole-Baker believes that the formal curriculum is only a contributing
factor, with an environment based on personal contact amongst students and staff
being more powerful in creating an environment in which suspicion and hatred
disappear. In national schools, however, in the absence of a culturally varied student
and staff population, Cole-Baker perceived the formal curriculum to play a more
important role in developing intercultural understanding.
If international education were to be defined as what transpires in institutions
offering an international curriculum (with curriculum interpreted in its narrowest sense
of the formal programme taught within school), then those schools which offer an
international education would be relatively easy to identify. As the numbers of inter-
national schools have grown, so too has the pressure from those schools based on an
ideological philosophy for the development of curricula which are more appropriate to
the needs of their students than curricula imported from a national education system.
The most well established of the 'international curricula' on offer is the International
Baccalaureate (IB), the growth of which has been charted by, amongst others, Fox
(1985) from its early development in the late 1950s at the International School of
Geneva, and by Goodman (1985) who confronted the challenge of developing a model
which is dynamic rather than static in nature. In 1994 the IB programme was offered
to students of the 16-19 age range in some 500 schools in 77 countries (IBO 1994a).
Ponisch (1987) identified 23 different combinations offered in international schools of
national curricula and of national curricula offered with the IB, while Matthews
(1989a) put forward the arguably oversimplified view that a correlation could be
assumed between the 'ideology driven schools' and 'schools which offer only a curricu-
lum based on the IB'.
More recently, the age range for which especially constructed international curricula
are available has been expanded, with the development of the IB Middle Years
Programme (IBMYP) [11] for the 11-16 age range (IBO, 1994b), and the Inter-
national Schools Curriculum Project (ISCP) developed for ages 3-12 (Bartlett, 1993)
[12]. Other 'international' curricula available to and offered by international schools are
 340 Oxford Review of Education
the International GCSE at 16 + (University of Cambridge Local Examinations Syndi-
cate, 1992), the newly developed Advanced International Certificate of Education
(AICE) for the 16-19 age range (University of Cambridge Local Examinations Syndi-
cate, 1993) and the Advanced Placement (AP) offered by the College Board in the
USA, which is 'currently positioning itself to serve the varied interests of students
worldwide' (Lewis, 1994). It is perhaps worth noting that the IGCSE, AICE and AP
are arguably less 'international' than the IB, IBMYP and ISCP, in the sense that they
are essentially national programmes offered overseas, as opposed to programmes
developed and offered by organisations which claim to be international in their
underlying philosophy. Many assumptions appear to be made that offering an 'inter-
national curriculum' such as the IB, IBMYP, IGCSE, ISCP, AICE or AP, by definition
constitutes the offering of an international education. Peterson (1987), however, made
the point that the IB (as the only example of an international curriculum which was
operational at that time) could in fact be justified simply as an administrative device
necessitated by an increasingly mobile population, incorporating international dimen-
sions only as a means of catering pragmatically for students of different nationalities.
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Peterson described this type of international education as 'informative'—advantageous

for a student in equipping him or her to operate as an adult in the international
marketplace of business, but not sufficient in the eyes of many, including Peterson
himself, in terms of its ideological basis. There are echoes here of the distinction by
Fasheh (1985) referred to earlier, and of the dichotomy of international schools
proposed by Matthews (1988). Starting from the premise that education, as the 'fullest
development of the powers of the individual mind', should be more than simply an
informative process, Peterson argued that the nature of international education should
be that which the United World Colleges were established to provide and which the
founders, teachers and students of the IB worked to develop, an education which 'goes
well beyond information and includes an appreciation of the art of other cultures and
a discussion of the basis of morality in other cultures (and is therefore) inevitably
involved in the development of attitudes' and which, in embracing the affective as well
as the cognitive domain, will 'not simply help the next generation to know better their
enemies or their rivals, but to understand and collaborate better with their fellow
human beings across frontiers'.
This vision of international education as something more than simply learning
alongside, or learning about, others from different cultures is echoed by Renaud
(quoted in Jonietz & Harris, 1991, pp. 8-9) who, while acknowledging that 'the
cognitive component of an (international) educational system is fundamental for the
acquisition of intellectual and professional skills' believes that 'even more important is
the acquisition of attitudes in the learning process in a context of cultural exchanges'.
Renaud, in fact, suggests that the relatively informally assessed 11-16 IBMYP pro-
gramme is more likely to correspond to the philosophy of an international system of
education than the 16-19 IB programme, 'since the perspective of an examination is
remote enough to allow more freedom to schools and teachers' Qonietz & Harris, 1991,
p. 9).
Clearly in the perceptions of a number of key protagonists of international education
there is more to the concept than simply educating together children of different
cultures and linguistic backgrounds, and more than a curriculum based in the cognitive
domain. This view is supported by the results of a small scale study carried out with
undergraduate students at the University of Bath in the UK who, prior to going to
university, had experienced at school what might be described using the range of
 International Schools and International Education 341
definitions already considered as an 'international education'. Details of the study,
conducted by the Centre for the study of Education in an International Context
(CEIC) [13], which formed a preliminary enquiry to a larger scale survey of the
perceptions of some 3,000 students and 300 teachers in schools worldwide of what it
means to experience and to provide an international education, appear in Hayden &
Thompson (1995). CEIC, through the experience of individual staff members and links
with over 900 teachers in more than 40 countries currently engaged in studies relating
to their practice in international schools, is working towards a clearer definition of
international education, and of its relationship to international schools and to the
'international curricula' currently available.
Distinct messages emerge from the preliminary enquiry of the importance of informal
aspects of international education in the development of an 'international attitude'—a
concept initially identified by Hayden (1993) through interviews with teachers and
students experienced in the world of international schools and international education.
In terms of perceived importance in this respect, formal aspects of school such as
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subjects taught were placed lower than informal aspects such as mixing with students
of other cultures both inside and outside school. While based on a small-scale study, if
the perceptions which came across strongly in this enquiry were to be replicated in the
larger scale context they would be of interest in terms of challenging any notion of the
formal curriculum being almost totally dominant in the context of provision of an
international education, a view taken by many at the present time. Also of interest, if
replicated on the larger scale, would be perceptions that international schools and
international education do not necessarily go hand in hand. That international edu-
cation does not grow only out of international schools was proposed by one undergrad-
uate, who commented that
Both schools I have attended so far do not consider themselves as inter-
national schools, but I think they ... [offer an international education] ... for
they offer you opportunities to develop an 'international attitude' (e.g. by
dealing with international issues or typical foreign issues, by offering trips
abroad/exchange programmes).
Conversely, the notion that international schools necessarily provide an international
education was challenged by another undergraduate, who made a point about her own
experience of having not received an international education 'in class'. Though she
attended an international school, she received a 'western education, because everything
I was taught was delivered in a western point of view since all the teachers were from
the west'. The same student believed she had, however, experienced an international
education 'out of class' as, through clubs and societies at school, she was 'exposed to
many different cultures and began to appreciate them, especially since some of my
closest friends were not of the same culture as me'. This student's perceptions of the
outcome of her own 'international education' are summed up in her assessment of her
current situation, where
I still have my own set of values and am still greatly influenced by my culture,
but I don't expect everyone to be like me, or to believe in everything I believe
in. I can appreciate other cultures and at university I have made friends with
people from cultures to which I have never been exposed—yet I can still
appreciate them and value them for what they are.
It is to be hoped that the relative shortage of research-based literature to which
reference has already been made will, as a result of research programmes such as that
 342 Oxford Review of Education
instituted by CEIC, gradually be reduced and that a clearer picture of the nature of
international education and of the complex relationship between international edu-
cation and international schools will emerge as a result. Much excellent work is being
carried out by dedicated professionals in international schools the world over, some of
which is reported in newspapers and journals produced by and for schools, as well as
in theses and dissertations from graduate masters and doctoral students, often teachers
with experience in this field who are studying on a part-time or a full-time basis. Such
work is gradually contributing to the database of research available in this field and
which is systematically being assembled at the University of Bath, and it is hoped that,
as a result, the so far largely unsung achievements of those working through inter-
national education, whether or not in international schools, to build a path towards a
more peaceful coexistence will continue to receive greater recognition and increasing
support.

NOTES
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[1] Dorothy Goodman was founding Director of Washington International School

from 1966 until 1985.
[2] Bob Leach taught for many years at the International School of Geneva and in the
early 1960s was one of the founders of the International Baccalaureate pro-
gramme.
[3] Alec Peterson, as Director of the Department of Educational Studies at the
University of Oxford, was closely involved in the 1960s in the development of the
International Baccalaureate programme and became the first Director General of
the International Baccalaureate Organisation.
[4] Elisabeth Fox taught for a number of years at the United Nations International
School (UNIS), New York, one of the most well-established international
schools.
[5] The United World College movement grew out of the founding in 1962 by Kurt
Hahn of Atlantic College in South Wales, where students from many different
nationalities are educated together with a view to breaking down national and
racial prejudices. In 1995 there are nine United World Colleges; in Wales, Italy,
Canada, USA, Hong Kong, Swaziland, Singapore, Venezuela and Norway.
[6] Robert Belle-Isle was Director of the United Nations International School
(UNIS), New York.
[7] Gerard Renaud was closely involved, as a teacher at the International School of
Geneva, in the development of the International Baccalaureate in the early 1960s
and subsequently succeeded Alec Peterson as the IBO's Director General.
[8] An account of the way in which students with severe special needs can be
integrated into the mainstream of an international school, with consequent
benefit to students of all abilities and needs.
[9] Two of the UWCs (Swaziland and Singapore) joined the movement as already
established colleges.
[10] The Prince of Wales became President of the United World College Movement
after the assassination in 1979 of Lord Mountbatten, the first holder of that
office.
[11] The IBMYP was previously known as the International Schools Association
Curriculum (ISAC) prior to its incorporation into the International Baccalaureate
Organisation.
 International Schools and International Education 343

[12] Kevin Bartlett is Coordinator of the ISCP programme and has recently moved
from Vienna International School to Windhoek International School, Namibia.
[13] CEIC is the International Centre established within the School of Education of
the University of Bath, UK to research issues relating to education within the
international context.

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