Australian Journal of Education, Vol. 33, No.

3, 1989, 256-266

Perpetuating Gender Inequity: Attitudes of

Teacher Education Students

Carol A. Christensen and David Massey

Brisbane College of Advanced Education

The role of schools in perpetuating social inequalities has come under increasing
scrutiny in recent years. However, less attention has been paid to the impact of teacher
education programs in influencing teacher attitudes which can contribute to discrimi-
natory practices. To begin to address this question in relation to gender equity, attitudes
of 7S1 teacher education students to traditional sex-role stereotypes were measured on
a 32-item questionnaire. One three-way ANOVA was conducted on the total score (all
items summed) and another on each item. The independent variables were age, gender
and length of enrolment of the student. A consistent main effect for gender was
obtained; women were more egalitarian in their attitudes than men. There was, how-
ever, no effect for length of enrolment. This was interpreted to indicate that the current
teacher education program in which the students were enrolled had a limited impact
on traditional gender-related stereotypes.

The last 20 years have witnessed a steady accumulation of data which suggest that
schools play a major role in perpetuating discriminatory attitudes, values and
practices which tend to limit the range of professional, social and economic
opportunities available to women. One mechanism which schools traditionally
employed to discriminate between boys and girls was to exclude students from
particular curriculum areas on the basis of their gender. For example, home
economics is for girls and metal work is for boys (Porter, 1986).
Curriculum materials, textbooks and readers demonstrate clear sex-role stereo-
typing (Bartl, Bender, Brown, Eaton, Jacobs, and Stefan, 1975). The male role is
portrayed as one of daring, heroism, and adventure. Boys are seen as innovative,
active, positive and decisive. They are expected to excel academically and to be
successful in their careers. In contrast, the female role is seen as passive, sub-
"-
missive, tentative and domestic. Girls are often seen as frightened or fearful,
while boys act as their protectors.
Many facets of classroom organisation and management are sex segregated
(Delamont, 1980). Girls and boys are assigned to separate lines, use separate
cloakrooms, have separate washrooms and, in some cases, have separate play-
grounds. King (1978) illustrates the manner in which teachers can use sex
segregation in statements such as, 'Boys, close eyes. Girls, creep out quietly, get
your coats. Don't let the boys hear you' (p.S2). Practices such as these, which are
overtly sexist in nature, have attracted a great deal of criticism and, given the
current social awareness of gender discrimination, have been subject to specific
social and political action. For example, each state department of education in

256
 Gender Inequity 257

Australia has developed policy statements on sexism in schools (Porter, 1986).

The Commonwealth Schools Commission (1986) has also developed a clear
statement of action expressed in its National Policy for the Education of Girls.
While overt sexism is relatively easy to identify and to target for policy, more
COvert or hidden practices have often been overlooked. Teacher attitudes and
values to issues of gender and sex-role stereotyping are often deeply rooted in
traditional social attitudes. These attitudes constitute a potent force in creating
discriminatory school practices which result in inequitable opportunities for girls
and women. Evans (1987) reported that many teachers attempted to eliminate
'petty' sexism, for example, by assigning chores equitably to both boys and girls.
Nevertheless discrimination on the basis of gender continued unabated through
the informal, hidden currculum. Evans gives the example of teachers asking
students to prepare for an excursion by asking their mothers to prepare a packed
lunch or special clothing.
In addition to teacher comments which convey conventional female and male
stereotypes, a number of researchers have found that the frequency and nature of
teacher-student interaction differs for girls and boys. Jones (1971) found that
teachers asked boys more direct and open-ended questions. They also tended to
express more disapproval, praise and approval to boys. Evans (1987) found sub-
stantial individual differences among teachers in their patterns of interactions
with students. One important factor in determining the nature of these differ-
ences Evans termed 'gender-critical' teaching. In keeping with Jones's findings,
he found that teachers who were least gender-critical-that is, least concerned
with providing an egalitarian curriculum-tended to discriminate most in favour
of boys in teacher-initiated interactions.
Similarly in Britain, Orr (1985) reported that a number of policy initiatives at
~overnment, local authority and school level have resulted in only limited change
In school practice. His explanation for this lies in the fact that school practices are
deeply embedded in existing cultural and social structures.
Thus it appears that, although policy initiatives have attempted to reduce gen-
der discrimination in schools, real change has been somewhat elusive, very slow
and in some ways superficial. This seems to be the result of the inextricable
relationship between schools and society. Teacher attitudes, values and beliefs
Which help to shape school practice are entrenched in the broader social context.
In turn, schools contribute to the nature of the society by assisting in the social-
isation of students. Thus they not only reflect the discriminatory practices of
S?ciety but also could potentially help either to reform or maintain those prac-
tices. Teacher attitudes and behaviour playa pivotal role in this process.
StUdies of teacher attitudes to sex-role stereotyping suggest that there is limited
sUPPOrt for the implementation of practices to facilitate gender equity in schools.
In 1973, Ricks and Pyke reported that generally teachers held broad gender-
related stereotypes. For example, boys were seen as active and girls as passive.
They also found that the majority (56%) of the 60 secondary school teachers they
SurveYed felt that it was not the teacher's responsibility to facilitate changes in
 258 Australian Journal of Education

sex-role stereotyping. In addition, teachers demonstrated a broadly based prefer-

ence for 'maleness'. For example, teachers who expressed a preference for
teaching either male or female students generally preferred to teach male
students. Ricks and Pyke also reported differences in attitudes between male and
female teachers. More men (86%) than women (56%) felt that girls believed that
they should be treated differently from boys. Similarly more men (73%) than
women (31%) believed that the woman's role should remain in the home.
Although there have been some changes, more recent data suggests that these
trends have been retained. Pratt (1985) reported that males were more likely than
females to be opposed to practices designed to encourage gender equity. He also
reported that, while the majority of teachers expressed favourable attitudes to
gender equity in principle, there was a substantially lower commitment to spe-
cific practice designed to eliminate discrimination. For example, in discussing
policies to facilitate the enrolment of students in non-traditional subject areas, he
states that 'the relatively high proportion of teachers who were unsure about or
thought efforts to encourage non-traditional choice were misguided suggests that
many schools are acting without a firm foundation of commitment or even a clear
idea from teachers about the validity of the policy' (Pratt, 1985, p.33).
Subject choice has been identified by a number of writers as a major obstacle to
gender equity. The tendency for girls to be excluded from or to avoid scientific
and technological areas results in a significantly restricted range of occupational
options. Spear (1985) examined teachers' attitudes towards girls undertaking
technologically based courses. She found that there was limited support for gen-
der equity in schools. Teachers in general and science teachers in particular
expressed the view that a technological education was more important for boys
than girls. Echoing Pratt's findings, Spear reported that teachers expressed more
positive attitudes towards principles involved in gender equity than they did to
specific methods to implement those principles. Spear concluded that many
science teachers felt that it was relatively unimportant for girls to achieve qualifi-
cations in technological areas. She contended that this attitude could have serious
negative consequences for girls who are frequently tentative about entering male-
dominated fields of science and technology.
These studies indicate that deeply entrenched teacher attitudes may playa vital
role in the covert practices which perpetuate discrimination on the basis of gen-
der in schools. Thus, if schools are to become truly egalitarian, a great deal more
needs to be learnt about teacher attitudes to gender and sex-role stereotyping so
that subtle effects of bias and discrimination can be investigated. In particular,
one important area which has been neglected in the past is preservice teacher
education. Studies of the attitudes of non-teacher education college students
using the Attitude Towards Women Scale (Spence & Helmreich, 1972) have
generally found that female students express significantly more egalitarian atti-
tudes than their male peers (Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1973). However other
researchers have found that, while total scores indicated female students hold
more non-traditional views than male students, this trend was not maintained for
 Gender Inequity 259

specific items (Haworth, Pevey, & Clift, 1986; Spence & Helmreich, 1972;
McKinney, 1987). Haworth, Povey, & Clift (1986) found that women held fairly
traditional attitudes to the idea of women drinking and swearing and that men
held more liberal attitudes to the idea of women paying an equal share of the costs
of dates. The same pattern of results was reported by McKinney (1987).
McKinney reported that age was positively related to egalitarian attitudes. How-
ever Spence and Helmreich (1979) found that both female and male college
students had significantly more liberal attitudes than their parents. These appar-
ently conflicting results may be due to the relatively restricted age range in the
McKinney study.
Little is known about the attitudes of teacher education students. Skelton
(1987) suggested that students attending the teacher education program which
she examined appeared to be aware of and sensitive to issues of gender equity
when applied to their own position. However the institution which they attended
not only failed to strengthen their emerging non-traditional attitudes but actually
appeared to act to dismantle such beliefs. She reported that 'the assumptions
student teachers have about girls and boys that they bring with them to their
training, together with the images conveyed by the course, all conspire to mask
the Covert nature of gender discrimination in the primary field' (Skelton, 1987,
p.173). Skelton argued that students failed to challenge gender discriminatory
assumptions conveyed to them by their teacher education program partly because
of the preconceived stereotypical notions about boys and girls which they had
acquired as a consequence of their own schooling.
Given the significance of attitudes towards gender roles, it is perhaps surpris-
ing and unfortunate that there is so little data available, particularly data on
student teachers. A great deal more needs to be learnt about both the attitudes
held by student teachers and the manner in which their teacher education experi-
ences either counter or confirm gender discriminatory assumptions. The purpose
of the present study was to examine the former issue-preservice student teach-
ers' attitudes to gender-related issues. This information is important because not
only will it enable the current situation to be ascertained, but it will also make it
POssible to monitor changes over time. This is particularly important considering
the Widespread policy initiatives currently being implemented (Commonwealth
Schools Commission, 1986; Porter, 1986). Moreover the study can inform us
abOUt which attitudes in the complex gender domain are most resistant and most
amenable to change.

METHOD
SUbjects
Subjects were 751 primary teacher education students enrolled at a college of
advanced education in Queensland. Two courses in primary education are
offered within the school; the Diploma of Teaching which is a three-year under-
graduate diploma, and the Graduate Diploma of Teaching which is a one-year
260 Australian Journal of Education

course for students holding a university degree. At the time of data collection, 815
(208 males, 607 females) students were enrolled in the Diploma of Teaching, and
62 (15 males and 47 females) were enrolled in the Graduate Diploma.

Instruments
A 32-item questionnaire was developed. It presented a variety of commonly held
stereotypes of role-appropriate female and male behaviour. Items were loosely
based on the Attitude Towards Women Scale (Parry, 1983) and a questionnaire
devised by Taylor and Mardle (1986). Students responded to each item on a 5-
point Likert scale (1 = strongly agree; 2 = agree; 3 = not sure; 4 = disagree;
5 = strongly disagree).
Items tapped attitudes to a variety of domains including adult social roles (e.g.
'It is worse for a woman than for a man to swear'), domestic roles (e.g. 'The father
should have the final say in family matters'), professional roles (e.g. 'Men make
better school principals than women') and attitudes to education and children
(e.g. 'A good background in mathematics is more important for boys than girls').
All items are listed in Table 1. Data were collected on the age, enrolment status
and sex of students.

Table 1 Means and Standard Deviations for Female and Male

Respondents on Each Item

Item Female Male p

1 Men are better decision makers than women. 4.43" 3.61 .000
(.69) (1.03)
2 Girls are naturally better than boys at reading. 3.93 4.06 NS
(.86) (.96)
3 Teachers should use both male and female examples in 1.50 1.80 .000
all classroom discussions. (.66) (.90)
4 Boys should be expected to do as much housework as 1.67 2.31 .000
girls. (.82) (1.08)
5 Men and women should have the same opportunities 1.32 1.81 .000 ...
for jobs and promotions. (.61) (1.00)
6 Men are more suitable to positions of responsibility 4.52 3.57 .000
than women. (.70) (1.18)
7 Boys make better classroom leaders than girls. 4.45 3.62 .000
(.72) (1.05)
8 It is more important for boys than for girls to go to 4.63 3.80 .000
university or college. (.73) (1.13)
9 It is acceptable for a wife to earn more than her 1.83 2.05 .002
husband. (.81) (.92)
10 Boys more than girls need corporal punishment. 3.93 3.80 NS
(.93) (1.08)
11 The father should have the final say in family matters. 4.18 3.67 .000
(.94) (1.10)
 Gender Inequity 261

Table 1 continued

Item Female Male p

12 It is more important for boys than girls to excel 4.54 3.89 .000
academically. (.63) (.94)
13 Men are not naturally suited for bringing up children. 4.11 3.76 .000
(.84) (1.06)
14 Women should be less concerned with equality and 4.21 3.34 .000
more about being good wives and mothers. (.95) (1.20)
15 Men make better school principals than women. 4.26 3.32 .000
(.85) (Ll7)
16 More men should be employed as secretaries. 2.40 2.99 .000
(.78) (.95)
17 Both parents should be equally responsible for bringing 1.29 1.46 NS
up children. (.64) (.68)
18 It is worse for a woman than for a man to be drunk. 3.60 3.37 NS
(1.20) (1.24)
19 Boys are better suited than girls to do heavy chores in 3.39 2.79 .000
the classroom such as opening windows or carrying (l.12) (1.23)
projectors.
20 A good background in mathematics is more important 4.46 3.94 .000
for boys than girls. (.66) (.90)
21 Girls should share the cost of dates with their 2.17 1.91 .000
boyfriends. (.86) (1.02)
22 Boys are naturally better than girls at logical thinking. 4.32 3.72 .000
(.73) (.97)
23 I would find it difficult to work for a woman boss. 4.35 3.67 .000
(.73) (1.13)
24 A woman's place is in the home. 4.60 3.88 .000
(.66) (1.02)
25 It is important for a teacher to say 'he or she' when 2.65 2.88 NS
using an example which could refer to a male or (1.09) (1.22)
female.
26 Boys are naturally more suited to using computers than 4.46 4.07 .000
girls. (.65) (.81)
27 There should be more women working as engineers. 2.35 2.82 .000
(.81) (.83)
28 It is worse for a woman than for a man to swear. 3.47 3.12 .001
(1.21) (1.25)
29 Schools should have separate staffrooms for men and 4.65 4.51 NS
women. (.59) (.73)
30 It is inappropriate for junior primary boys to dress up 3.90 2.96 .001
and play with dolls. (.93) (Ll8)
31 Because 'boys will be boys' teachers should be more 4.51 3.98 .000
lenient towards boys than girls. (.56) (.87)
32 Girls should be permitted to participate along with 1.87 2.71 .000
boys in all sporting teams (e.g. cricket and football). (.98) (1.31)

a Responses made on a 5-point scale, 1 = strongly agree; 5 = strongly disagree.

262 Australian Journal of Education

Procedure
Questionnaires were distributed during a regularly scheduled lecture in the first
three weeks of first semester, 1987. Of the 877 students in the population, 751
(i.e. 552 female, 197 male, 2 unknown) returned completed questionnaires, re-
sulting in a return rate of 85.6%.

RESULTS
Data were collected on three independent variables. They were enrolment status
which had four levels (Diploma of Teaching: year 1, year 2, year 3, and Graduate
Diploma), age (mature age, i.e. those over 25 years of age, and other students) and
gender (female and male).
The data were first analysed as a total scale with scores on the 32 items sum-
med. The items were scored so that five represented an egalitarian perspective
and one a traditional perspective. Thus, for the purpose of this analysis but not for
the subsequent individual item analyses, several items were reversed. Possible
scores on the scale ranged from 32 to 160, with the actual range being 59 to 160.
The internal consistency of the scale was acceptably high (Cronbach's alpha
= .91).
A three-way ANOVA was conducted using the total scale score as the depend-
ent variable. This resulted in a significant main effect for gender (F(1,721) =
173.l5,p = .000). The results showed that females (x = 133.32) were more egali-
tarian than the males (x = 117.29). There were no significant main effects for
enrolment status or age.

Table 2 Items on which a Main Effect for Enrolment Status was

Obtained

Item Enrolment Mean p

19 Dip. Teach. 1 3.0 .000 ...

2 3.19
3 3.62
Grad. Dip. 3.48

28 Dip. Teach. 1 3.22 .002

2 3.34
3 3.47
Grad. Dip. 3.98

30 Dip. Teach. 1 3.44 .000

2 3.69
3 3.82
Grad. Dip. 3.95
 Gender Inequity 263

Table 3 Items on which Significant Interaction Effects were Obtained

Gender
Item p
Male Female

16 Mature age 2.29 2.29 .000

Other 3.11 2.42
31 Mature age 4.32 4.55 .000
Other 3.93 4.51
31 Enrolment status 1 3.89 4.51 .002
2 4.11 4.48
3 4.0 4.55
Grad. 3.71 4.6

Since several studies of college students' attitudes have found differences

between males and females on overall scores which did not hold for individual
items, further analyses were undertaken on each of the items to provide a richer
and more detailed analysis of the results. Once again, a three-way ANOVA (age
X enrolment status X gender) was conducted, on each of the 32 items. Because
of multiple tests, a conservative significance level was set by dividing .05 by the
number of tests performed. Thus a p value of < .002 was accepted as the cut-off
for a significant difference.
Only three items (19,28 and 30) showed a significant main effect for enrolment
status (see Tables I and 2). One item (16) showed a main effect for age. Mature-
age students scored significantly lower (x = 2.29) than other students (x = 2.61;
P = .002). However 25 of the 32 items showed a main effect for gender (see Table
1). In addition, two items showed significant interaction effects (see Table 3).

DISCUSSION
In interpreting the results, it should be noted that, on the individual item analysis,
the magnitude of the mean does not consistently indicate either an egalitarian or
a traditional stance. For example, on question 1 ('Men are better decision makers
than women') a score of one (strongly agree) would indicate a traditional per-
spective while five (strongly disagree) would indicate an egalitarian position.
However the reverse is the case on question 3 ('Teachers should use both male
and female examples in discussions').
It can be seen that mean scores generally tend towards an egalitarian direc-
tion. In a number of cases, however, students did not reach a mean level of agree-
ment or disagreement which indicated rejection of traditional stereotypes. For
example, on item 30 ('It is inappropriate for junior primary boys to dress up and
play with dolls') neither female nor male students reached a mean level of rejec-
tion of the statement. Overall male students failed to adopt an egalitarian stance
on 25 of the 32 items.
 264 Australian Journal of Education

When the pattern of results is examined across the items, two aspects of the data
are quite striking and potentially disturbing. First is the consistent main effect for
gender which was obtained. Second is the relative lack of an effect for enrolment
status. Female students consistently expressed significantly more strongly egali-
tarian attitudes than male students. This, together with the fact that on the
majority of items men failed to reach a mean level of agreement with an egali-
tarian stance, seemed to indicate that, as a group, male students' position could be
characterised as ambivalent rather than weak acceptance of feminine equality.
Given the extremely traditional and highly sexist sentiments that were expressed
in many of the items, this is an extremely troubling finding for those committed
to equal opportunity policies. It suggests that policy initiatives may well be
thwarted unless this issue is considered.
This pattern of results is not totally surprising. Differences between men and
women have been found in studies of practising teachers (Pratt, 1985; Ricks &
Pyke, 1973; Spear, 1985) and studies of college students enrolled in other courses
(Haworth, Povey, & Clift, 1986; Helmreich, Spence, & Gibson, 1982; McKinney,
1987; Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1983). In addition, a more conservative atti-
tude by women on items relating to behaviour such as drinking has been reported
by Haworth, Povey, and Clift (1986) and McKinney (1987) as has a more egali-
tarian attitude by men towards women sharing the costs of dates. Given the vital
role which these potential teachers could play in the socialisation of children, it
could have been hoped that they would have adopted a slightly more egalitarian
stance than students enrolled in other faculties.
The survey could only tap data that students were willing to report about their
attitudes. It is possible that the nature of the questionnaire could have prompted a
socially appropriate response so that students expressed more egalitarian attitudes
than they in fact held. If this is the case, the extent of the lack of commitment to
equality for women and girls, particularly among male teacher education stu-
dents, could be masked, even by these results.
Perhaps an issue which is even more perturbing than the consistent differences
between men and women is the lack of an effect for the teacher education pro-
gram in which these students are enrolled. While longitudinal data need to be
collected to confirm the finding, it appears that the length of time that studerits
spent in the program had virtually no impact on their attitudes towards this issue.
This points to a pressing need for teacher educators to clarify their goals relating
to issues of gender equity with a view to developing programs which are likely to
facilitate attitude change. This is particularly so, given Skelton's (1987) evidence
that teacher education programs may actually reinforce traditional orientations
rather than strengthen egalitarian attitudes.
It is not clear from these data what impact expressed attitudes have on class-
room interaction and, in turn, influence students' attitudes, values and be-
haviour. It could be argued that it is the nature of teachers' behaviour in
classrooms more than their expressed attitudes that is of crucial importance.
However there is some evidence to suggest that teacher attitudes do have a sig-
 Gender Inequity 265

nificant impact on their interactions with students (Evans, 1987). While this study
does not examine this issue, it indicates the necessity for further research to
investigate the relationship between the nature of attitudes expressed by student
teachers and their classroom behaviour. Nevertheless it is astonishing that male
teacher education students could not reach a level of mean disagreement with
statements such as 'A good background in mathematics is more important for
boys than girls'. The study indicates that there is a need for educators to pause,
reflect and act on these important issues. In particular, there would appear to be
an urgent need for teacher educators to challenge the assumptions about gender
which students bring with them to college and to examine the policies, messages
and practices operating in their courses.

Keywords
equal education sex discrimination teacher attitudes
role perception student teachers teacher education programs

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AUTHORS
Dr Carol Christensen and David Massey are Lecturers in the Department of Studies in
Education at the Brisbane College of Advanced Education, PO Box 284, Zillmere,
Queensland 4034.