The Paradox of Critical Mass for Women in Science Henry Etzkowitz, Carol Kemelgor, Michael Neuschatz, Brian Uzzi, Joseph Alonzo Science, New Series, Volume 266, Issue 5182 (Oct. 7, 1994), 51-54. Stable URL: hutp:/inks,jstor.org/sici?sici=0036-8075%28 1994 1007%293%3A266%3A5182%3C5 1 %3A TPOCMF%3E2.0. ‘Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at hhup:/www.jstororg/about/terms.huml. JSTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission, Science is published by American Association for the Advancement of Science, Please contact the publisher for further permissions regarding the use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at hup:/www jstor.org/journalsaaas.himl Science (©1994 American Association for the Advancement of Seience ISTOR and the ISTOR logo are trademarks of ISTOR, and are Registered in the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office. For more information on ISTOR contact jstor-info@umich.edv. ©2002 JSTOR hupslwww jstor.org/ Wed Feb 6 17:59:18 2002the NIH budget will not keep up with in- flation. Of the grant applications selected as scientifically promising, fewer than one in. four were funded last year (19). But, if basic research is s0 cost-effective, one may ask, ‘why isn fully supported by the insurance or pharmaceutical or biotechnology indus- tries? Because scientific inquiry can take years nd lead in unexpected directions, the potential financial returns on any single scientific investigation may not justify the investment in the short run. Like the con- struction of interstate highways, biomedical Innovation pays for itself times over in the aggregate, but it is too big an endeavor for fany private investor, The provision of this kind of public good is an appropriate role of the government. Although biomedical innovation was ignored in the Clinton health plan in Congress, there has been strong bipartisan, support for increased investment in bio- ‘medical research as part of health care reform. Many members of Congress are recognizing the importance of «raining scientists and physicians, maintaining re- search hospitals and facilities, and con- tinuing the flow of new discoveries. De- spite the current dwindling of discretion- ary spending, several senators and repre- sentatives have proposed a Medical Trust Fund which would provide 1% of health care insurance premiums for biomedical research. The fund is based on the prin- ciple that just as industey invests in re search with a profit motive, some part of health care reform should invest in bio- ‘medical research with a goal of cost sav ing and quality improvement. ‘After the inevitable political compro- mises to enaet health care reform, it is critical that the resulting policy includes ‘appropriate incentives for cost-reducing novation and adequate public funding for NIH to support basic biomedical research. Federal support for biomedical research, which has focused on the benefits t0 health, should incorporate a realistic ac~ counting of the contribution of innova- tive research to cost control as well. Past biomedical innovation has made major contributions in advancing medicine and significant contributions to cost redue- tions in spite of skewed incentives. With corrected incentives, the promise of fu- ture biomedical innovation to reduce costs is enormous. Only innovation will enable the dramatic and sustained cost seuctons required for succes health REFERENCES 1. US, Caras ior sea Conta and Prevention, 2, US. Congresonal Reco Hausa, 28 iro 1006 S008, Atrepratone Carns, Labor, Heath and Human Senos, Ecucaton Subcommittee Fpeeserttve sir Pot FL, 8. ata A'Nagowa, U- Watarabe, K, Kava J ‘ir Gasractaa 18,245 (1964) 5.5. Boom ord 5 keoun 17,58 (1008). NEL Foneany Arana, Mea 484, 7211000 1 Ape, Sone 260, 1591009, ‘nents, (1008), Barn Labor (004) Daparant teeth and-uaran Senos, Nana Ieee of Ott Resoachy National Petite ot oath rss ease, Oocorba 180, 8, Bay By 102, 8. Dial Ludum career A Comprahanshe Toate, ‘Pinu New Yor, 1077, Por Beco, 285-07 10. 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Sahoo, personal commusicaton, 18, Nal nt Heath pub, 967267 (183, The Paradox of Critical Mass for Women in Science Henry Etzkowitz," Carol Kemelgor, Michael Neuschatz, Brian Uzzi, Joseph Alonzo A minority group (especially one that has traditionally been discriminated against) is ‘easly marginalized when only smal pes. fence in a larger population; its continued presence and survival si constant jeapar- dly, eequiring outside intervention and asi tance to prevent extinction. As the group's presence and level of participation grows, at ‘ particular point the perspective of mem- bers of the minority group and the character ‘of relations between minority and majority changes qualitatively In theory, the minor ity is incteasngly able to organize itself and insure its survival from within and effects a transition to an accepted presence, without external asistance, in a selesistaining pro- cess (1). The dserete point at which the presence of sufficient number brings about qualitative improvement in conditions and accelerates. the dynamics of change is known as “critical mass” and has been de- fined as a strong minority of at least 15% (2). Change, without strugele, however, is less likely than conflict with determined resistance. Under certain conditions, a or- ranizational transformation. culminates in ‘minority group members achieving and re- taining positions of real power and author ig thr were previo Beer ther ap Tier and Kemelgr wen tie Sono Bows, Sato Unvorsty of Non York at Purch, Purse, NY 10577, USA M.Nousta to Eaveaton a Em pojent States Don Arena tute ot Py fe! Catoge Pare MD 20700, USA. Uz isthe Keiogs Sono! of Merageren, Nochwesion Uetra ‘bean, 10802, Usa Aonzolsnte Sooty Deporte, Graduate Facity, Now Schl fr Soc search 65 Fn Avra, Naw Yar NY 10008, US "Fras adcress: Gonputr Source Daparivat. Co ta Urey, Now Yor, NY 10027, USA SCIENCE + VOL. 266 + TOCTORER 1994 To evaluate the dynamics and effects of these transitions forthe problem of incteas- ing paeticipation of-women in science, we studied 30 academic science departments in. five disciplines (biology, chemistry, physics, ‘computer science, and electrical engineer. fing), comparing those departments that had been relatively successful in graduating fe- male Ph.D. to those that had not (4). We also compared departments where a critical ‘mass of women existed to departments where it was lacking. ‘A key finding was that as the number of women faculty members in a department increased, they divided into distinet sub- ‘groups that could be at odds with each ‘other, Senior femalé scientists typically shared the values and work styles of older men; their narrow focus failed to meet the ‘needs of most younger women. In contrast, some younger women (and a few men) struggled to create an alternative scientific role, balancing work and nonwork issues, ‘The scientific role thus bifurcates along generational and gender fault lines. These developments have significant unintended consequences for the socialization of female scientists, for example, the availability of relevant role models. As long as the rela- tively few women in academic science were willing to accept the strictures of a work- place organized on the assumption of a so- cial and emotional support structure provid ced to the male scientist by an unpaid fall time housewife or done without, issues of ‘women in science were not attended 0. A. ‘modest increase in the numbers of women, in science, without a change in the struc tute of the scientific workplace, creates a paradox of critical mass.Attaining Critical Mass Alice Ross’s question of almost 30 years ago “Why so few women in science?” must be revised to reflect changing parters of partic- ipation (5). The proportion of women among doctoral scientists and engineers doubled be- ween 1975 and 1991. Bur while all fields howed gains the starting points and rates ge have varied widely from discipline ro iscipline (6) fomen-friendly subfiels have em in the life sciences and in biologically ori- tented subfields in chemistry, biochemistry; in computer science, artificial intelligence where cognitive processes and psychologi- cal links are prevalent; and in the bioelec- trical_subfield_of electrical engineering ‘These fields tend to be ones that women ect or are subtly or not so subtly directed into. In a snowball effect, as numbers in- eased, mote women were atracted. ‘We found that moxlest increases in the number of women did bring about some change in departments. In this respect, critical mass does work smoothly: There i more support and safety in. numbers. A female stodent observed that, "One good thing is that there were fel Fl) members. It definitely changes the ati tude of how male students react to wom- en. They must take them seriously and this is positive.” When senior females were present, overt male behavior toward women improved (for example, invidious public sexual joking and stereotyping de- clined); this change is a threshold effect of critical mass Involvement of respected senior foculty members also was the key to some instances of actual departmental reform. A “revolution from above" opened up a tenure slot for a ‘woman when members of a male leadership sroup in one department became aware of, and decided to eliminate, implicitly dscrim ‘matory practices. A cultural change was init ated as well, making the department amena- ble to the presence of women. Sympathetic ‘men as well as women served as change agents. For these reasons in departments with no women faculty, female graduate students ‘often had high expectations about the pres- fence of a female faculty member. A female graduate student said: T wish we had a woman because che men doa’t understand the ines that the women are con ‘cermed about I thought about going tothe chait ‘and calling him co put all che new graduate st ‘ens in the same ate of the bullding because i's realy helped un gee though the first year But he ‘may sy, “why? Maybe that’s not important to the men. But if there war's woman sho ws hngher up chen I could say this is really cool to hhave some companions, some support system Thee, and she might say, “Yeah, that’ really a sce thought” 2 SSM TERER Another female graduate student ex: pressed the need to learn how to comport herself as a woman in professional situa Te Thad the choice of female advised, I would cchoore one. She would bea role model in regard te how to dress how to act at conferences, what to do when someone is cure to you, Lam more than willing to admit that there ae diferences in the genders. T would like to have someone who can thow that T-can do it. 1am looking for feniicvty abou the lnues that [perceive that ‘deal with, Men and women have differen ites However, particularly in the absence of a critical mass, expectations about the abil- ity of individual female faculty, especially those who are untenured, to bring. about change in departmental conditions are unlikely co be realized. A junior female faculty member recounted the perils: My gut level feeling was het the atrition for females was higher. {just went in, seat of the pants, and looked over the past 10 years. You ould se bythe number of women admitted, and then ina 6-year-rame sift of how Tong it akes to on. With out rma a Teagues you need hard data, or ele they won cept t Sof took a particular year and lowed the Sealent and within the fst 2 yeu 50% ofthe Sera hal ef. The mals were 17%. I mentioned ‘histo one of my male clears, who wold me Tha Jost my mind. He jus said fe was posse for his facie to be tue. They dot real. They have 92 concept Once confoned wich actual rarer eed fecple hey 3, “well, we cughe to know about cis, Nobody's ever td us” Fiat dete’ genera dbl ‘Then yu tow them che data and they lok at ae ‘theyte honey shocked. They pesonally don ee ‘ance tin dhe everyday ives. One (oleae told sme T wn Hing. They sid wy don't yo give a resentation to dhe faculty at fecal, meeting and ‘sc che face Shom us he hard das" nt se ‘hae [wane to pur ysl onde or sea ke ha. Get ‘pin Fon ofthe whole fay As strongly 8 el shot this T dont wane to-mbjeee mel to what might posbly happen by sanding up in front ofa ‘goup of chee people andeeling them what going fn in the department ‘As an isolated individual, there was litle she ‘could do given expectations of an invidious response Even worse, in some case, stigmatiza- tion of women accompanied the breakdown ‘of gender uniformity. Seemingly innocuous measures like calling together an informal [group of women were sometimes perceived negatively and forestalled. Untenured wom- en, concerned that participating in activi ties for women would set them apart, were sometimes unwilling to participate The Paradox of Critical Mass We found that attainment of critical mass only party resolved the dilemma of women in academic departments. The fallacy of critical mass as a unilateral change strategy is that female faculty pursue strikingly dif SCIENCE + VOL. 266 + 7 OCTOBER 1994 AAT A STS ETE ferent strategies. Despite some progress, or- ‘ganizational structures within departments, and the divisions they engendered, contin- ued o isolate women. Furthermore, the dis- persal of women students into male-domi- nated research groups sustained isolation even when there was a critical mass ina department. Nor did an improvement in the total number of women in a department necessarily overcome an underlying situa- ‘ion of subfield fragmentation that Furth increased the isolation of women. Trolation is widely recognized as a prob lem foe women in academic scence, eary- ing with it variety of negative ‘conse- quences inclding stigma, depletion of self Gonfidence, and exclusion from access t0 informal sources of professional informa- tion Informal networks are indispensable to professional development, career advance ment, and the scientific proces. Contiguty Of helpful colleagues improves the condi tions for scientific achievement; lack of sympathetic interaction depresses Isolt= ef individuals not only lack social psycho- logical support, but aso the social capital underlying succes (7). As ousiders, some female scientists developed strategies 10 make up for these deficits The differentiation of female faculty prdlces isolation even when the rurabers reach critical mass. Even when there are several female faculty members present, f- male graduate student expectations” for change may be thwarted In this depart tment, "you ate either a superstar or youre marginal. [came hereto find a critical mass of women faculty who would be cohesive. Bur they're not. They are isolated from each other.” Even when isolation should be reduced by the presence of several women faculty members in @ department, their dissensus was apparent. Indeed, female graduate ste dents in our sample expressed surprise and discouragement at encountering this unex pected phenomenon, This is especially the fase foF entering female graduate sualents with tle or no awareness of the appropri- tion of the male model of dong stence by women fculy or of the pressures on them. Such fae assumptions on the part of fe- male graduate stxdents often lead to disap- ointment, frustration, and even anger oF despa. “Male” and “Female” Models (One reason for continued isolation and the paradox of critical mass was that female Scientists spit into subgroups following one fof two paths, “the traditional male” and “the relational female” models. Thus, as it was achieved, some of the expected effect of critical mass dissipated. A modest increase in the number of women has brought abouta breakdown of a unitary male model, but the growing number of women students of- ten lack viable role models in the interim, as normative change takes hold. Some fe- male scientists singularly focused on scl- ence, and their identity was narrowly based fon research and career achievement. Mat- riage and children were secondary for these yomen; most waited une after achieving tenure to marry and start a family, if they chose to do so at all. A senior female sci- centist described her cohort “The ones who did [science] were realy rough cook: Jes, Now ifs easier to got Atone time ft wan't ven acceptable to tar. Soyo sted bck then you were tough co begin with. T have quivering sromen coming through who ate very smate aking an they compete with men, ard can they compete fa very competitive eee playing eld Ofcourse they ean. They jus are not taught co be compet tive They don’ expac to win The reason wy Cam succesfl is because T never fl thi way. ‘Their experience in overcoming discrimi- nation led these scientists to expect that women had to be better than men in order to succeed; they trained their female stu- dents accordingly. A female graduate stu dent described her adviser: “The generation ‘of women scientists that [my adviser] be- longs to, some of them feel they have to 20 that extra professional push ro be taken seriously oF to gain the same respect from, their peers that men do. [My adviser] said you have to be careful how you present yourself. You have to be more rigorous.” ‘They felt they had to be tougher on womnen, students than men, to prepare them to meet the higher standards they would be held to Female scientists following the male model believed they were helping thei fe- male advisees by toughening them up 10 survive in a harsh environment. A female ‘graduate student reported that: T happened to pick a woman adviser... which tumed out tobe somewhat of mistake Tat under the impression that having a woman sdvse would snake ies lle bi ers. [eturmed out tbe wore... Thee motto is sik or itn. My ‘vise? approach was to put i too far out of my erp.” This response from a woman was experi- enced as debilitating and depressing and was taken more negatively than if it had come from a man, Fear of stigmatization led some women, who have made it to deny the existence of gender-related obstacles. Calling attention to difficulties overcome could lead to coun- tercharges of special privileges received, de- valuing their achievements. Frustrated by the emergence of women's issues, they re garded such concerns as indicative of lack of commitment to science. They believed women's groups and programs to improve the condition of women harmed female sci- centists by making them appear “different,” and by implication less competent. Most ‘women following the male model are from a courageous older generation itis premature to conclude thar academic science has opened up sufficiently to make thei stin- ent approach, which was highly adaptive in the past, irrelevant today. Only a relatively few women are willing to follow the male model and even some men would like to modify it. Some males, both students and faculty, are_strugling with some of the same isstes of balancing career andl family as women. Some junior male faculty were more sympathetic men- tors than some senior female faculty. Ie is not only the number of women faculty members that aids female students; a con- duit of information about negotiating the social structure of science, both is hidden and visible rules, is crucial. This informa: tion ean come from women of men. “Thus, some women sientiss whom we in- terviewed have formate an alternative sien- tific le and work style based on creating a collegial and! supportive environment in. heir research groups (8) Viewing science as only one ar oftheir entity, they strived to balance the demands of career and family. Inegrating fence and personal life was the paramount ise foe women studens. A female chemist si, "The biggest problem women stents have as to do with the whole eure: How do you do Isience and have a normal life? I’ constant ‘problem, They ask me when they should have hilen, can'T take a parcsime postdoc and then get hack in? don't know the answee) 1 cant help them.” These female scientists strugeled to find the best time to schedule their pregancies, piven a rigid academic career structure de. smanding early achievement (9). They viewed themselves and theit hushands asthe mutual primary careaivers of theiechikren andl were trwiling to turn this responsibilty over to ‘others Nevertheless, they were interested in high-quality child care asa secondary support system and often fel frustrated at the low Driovity this need was given at most univers ties. A female faculty member sac 1 have seen female grahnte sens come to this keparment who are exceptional, who del not lave beesec of academics whatcever, Otbined rny of the men by ona of magnitude, and they gone ‘And U comer chat sch wate [look at these peorle as being excellent people who could goon and bin scared they eave wih muster because they sy they doa wane to live Uke this They see ‘hac people have edo to succeed in academia. They Teak 2 janie mae fay member and what they Ihave todo, and they extapolste what they wuld Inve to do forthemelves The women want to have nother ifthe wane fly tl beable to socialise fn the weekend Ir dost hve tobe like tha ut ‘hac’ what they se; working on the weekend a vey igh ‘Women scientist’ unmet needs have posed SCIENCE + VOL.265 + 7 OCTOBER 1994 LICY FORUM several other problems as well: The limited acceptance ofa female relational model and a mentor’s career sethack were discussed by a female graduate student ‘Tasso upset when fd out hat she dd get ene attisune becase sh} teen ich an anette and ‘many other women that [ow a men, As someone I ecu ook a and sy cull he dee soe Ary, Someone who acl groves the rely hat hee fan be a prfor [her] who inom Ra you can ‘ite to She rae met im noc ture wht wan 2 ko ih now, be T wanted have te pet of ‘minging cademcscpen She seared an pen fn thardecton, When te doo was clo er en fl the door was lal on me to. ‘Without such role models, women are les willing to attempt careers in academic sei= ence. Invidious definitions of female affili- ation highlight the structural nature of the problem and the need to address isolation at the highest levels of academic and science policy (10), Policy Implications Critical mass was expected to be achieved through affirmative action, 10 clear up blockages in the pipeline on the premise that a sufficient number of persons fom a previously excludéd social category will fs- fer inclusion of others from that hack ground. From the 1970s, eflors to increase the number of women in academic sience departs have langely reside in firma tive action programs, reqiting fll consier- ation of female and minority candidates However, in the 1980s lack of vigorous en- forcement reduced the spirit ofthe law into a bpreaucratc requirement that beeame a rou tine part of the paperwork of the academic hiring proces, often with ite o no effect on recruitment and no impact upon retention (11), Nord his strategy, focused on geting entrants into the sytem adres the heklen Incqutes of aademic departments The paradox of critical mass and the intrest of many female scientists i. reat- ing an alternative relational mode of doing science suggests that a significant increase in the number of women in academic sei ence is unlikely to oeeur simply by inereas- ing the numbets of women who embark on a scientific career. Encouraging more wort- en wo enter the pipeline is futles if 30 few emerge as professional scientists. At each tuansition point the number of women de- creases ata significantly higher rate than for ‘men: For women the pipeline isan exceeg- ingly leaky vesel. Inthe face of exclusion- ay. practices, both explicit and implicit, bute into the research university system, many women Ph.Ds, secing the handwrit- ingon the wall and seking to balance work and personal life sought: employenene in industry and teaching colleges. As our ob- servations emphasize, the pipeline, a sup-ply-side approach, needs to be supplement txt bya focus on changing the institutional structures where science takes place. ‘A key factor in overcoming the prob- Jems posed by the paradox must be univer sijwide policies and programs reganding child care, parental leave, recruitment and retention, and slowing of the tenure clock (12). At the departmental level, junior fac- tly who assume mentoring and role mod- cling fanetions shouldbe credited in tenure reviews. Tokenism must be eschewed: Many departments agaresively court a few female stars while most women languish it continued discrimination, Some reforms must come from internal initiatives, overcoming divisions arising from the emergence of subgeoups following male and female models. Female scientists Jn acaleimia and industry have undertaken innovative efforts to reduce isolation and provide information and support t0 grace te students. Electronic mail lists, such a8 SYSTERS for women in computer science and an electronic mentoring project, drew geographically isolated individuals together Jit an informal nerwork (13). Some depar- mental secretaries took upon themselves, or were assigned, the task of organizing support groups. Univesity counseling staff also pro Vid a resource for female students. Another change strategy, owganizing retreats and sup- port groups, was sponsored by some depart- ‘ments and National Science Foundation (NSF) Engineering or Science Centers Nevertheless the ability of departments to defend traditional academic practices a8 gender neutral should not be underestimat- eel nor should willingness to reform them- selves be overestimated. Unable to reform themselves, outside pressures provide the necessary incentive for most departments A representative of WISE (Women in Sci- ence and Enginesring at Columbia Univer. Siy) recently suggested tha the NSF cutoff grants (© universities without a minimum umber of female faculty in science’and engineering departments. Indeed, NSF has ‘mandated that absence of women at con- ferences that it funds will he taken as prima facie evidence of discrimination. Single-sex graduate departments have also been pro- posed to addres the persisting exclusion of females from male inner circles (14). Legal ation sa final resort. Until quite recently, cours were generally unwilling to review academic decisions on substantive rounds; only matters of procedure were typically subject to judicial review. Gender discrimination has now been accepted a5 a valid basis for law suits challenging academ- ic decisions, following widespread accep- tance ofits legitimacy in other workplaces. Jenny Harrison, a University of Califo, Betkeley, mathematician, was recently sranted tenure after such a suit. The recos- nition she received fora series of significant results made the initial negative decision a matter of some embarassment to the mathe ematical community. Academic exception- lism, whether in the courts or Congress, is disappearing as universities are held to eth- ical, legal, and financial standards common to all public institutions. Participation of all groups in society is a basis for the public support of science. The legitimation of science, the moral injunc- tion to achieve equity, and the strateyic national interest in utilizing talent to its fullest extent are reasons for change. Neal Lane, the director of NSF, has called upon the research community to act in its own self-interest and make a conscious effort “to integrate itself into the larger community” by more closely reflecting the demographic composition of the population (15), Equal representation of women and men in scien- tific professions would counter the elitist image of science and hopefully earn in- creased support for allocation of public re- sources to science. REFERENCES AND NOTES 1. Kantor, Man and eran ofthe Corporation (Base, Now Vor, 1977 Spangler, M.A. ox Gen. F.M Pin, J Soc 88, 169 (197 v BAlexanser and PA. Tots, Secs Foros 68 £32 (089) B.A, Gutek, Soe ana ro Vonpece UUoetoy Bae, San Prancion, 185). Kone fad, thesia. Caromont Graduate Schoo. Clare Front GA (1968), 2. MOsters, Scence 289, 1299 (195) 3. 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