Standard language

A standard language (also standard variety, standard dialect, and standard) is

a language variety that has undergone substantial codification of grammar and
usage and is employed by a population for public communications.[1][2] The term
standard language occasionally refers to a language that includes a standardized
form as one of its varieties, referring to the entirety of the language (or an ensemble
of similar, standardized varieties) rather than a single, codified form.[3][4] Typically,
the language varieties that undergo substantive standardization are the dialects
spoken and written in centers of commerce and government;[5] which, by processes
that linguistic anthropologists call "referential displacement"[6] and that
sociolinguists call "elaboration of function",[7] acquire the social prestige associated
with commerce and government. As a sociological effect of these processes, most
users of this language come to believe that the standard language is inherently
superior or consider it the linguistic baseline by which to judge other varieties of
language.[8]

The standardization of a language is a continual process, because a language-in-use

cannot be permanently standardized like the parts of a machine.[9] Typically, the
standardization process includes efforts to stabilize the spelling of the prestige
dialect, to codify usages and particular (denotative) meanings through formal
grammars and dictionaries, and to encourage public acceptance of the codifications
as intrinsically correct.[10][11] In that vein, a pluricentric language has interacting
standard varieties;[12][13][14] examples are English, French, and Portuguese, German,
Korean, and Serbo-Croatian, Spanish and Swedish, Armenian and Mandarin
Chinese;[15][16] whereas monocentric languages, such as Russian and Japanese, have
one standardized idiom.[17]

In Europe, a standardized written language is sometimes identified with the German

word Schriftsprache (written language). The term literary language is occasionally
used as a synonym for standard language, especially with respect to the Slavic
languages,[18] where a naming convention still prevalent in the linguistic traditions
of Eastern Europe.[19][20] In contemporary linguistic usage, the terms standard
dialect and standard variety are neutral synonyms for the term standard language,
usages which indicate that the standard is one of many dialects and varieties of a
language, rather than the totality of the language, whilst minimizing the negative
implication of social subordination that the standard is the only idiom worthy of the
appellation "language".[21][22]

Contents
Linguistic standardization
Examples
Chinese
English in the United Kingdom
Greek
 Hindi-Urdu
Irish
Italian
Latin
Portuguese
Serbo-Croatian
Somali
See also
References
Bibliography
Further reading

Linguistic standardization
The term standard language identifies a repertoire of broadly recognizable
conventions in spoken and written communications used in a society and does not
imply either a socially ideal idiom or a culturally superior form of speech.[23] A
standard language is developed from related dialects, either by social action (ethnic
and cultural unification) to elevate a given dialect, such as that used in culture and in
government, or by defining the norms of standard language with selected linguistic
features drawn from the existing dialects.[24][25] Typically, a standard language
includes a relatively fixed orthography codified in grammars and normative
dictionaries, and includes linguistic features drawn from exemplary texts from the
literature, law, and religion of a society.[25] Whether grammars and dictionaries are
created by the state or by private citizens (e.g. Webster's Dictionary), some users
regard such linguistic codifications as authoritative for correcting the spoken and
written forms of the language.[26] Consequently, the codified usage of speech and
writing render the standard language as a more stable idiom of communication than
purely spoken dialects; the codifications are also the bases for further linguistic
development (Ausbau).[25] In the practices of broadcasting and of official
communications, the standard functions as a normative reference for acceptable
speech and writing. It also informs the version of the language taught to non-native
learners.[27]

In those ways, the standard variety acquires social prestige and greater functional
importance than nonstandard dialects,[27] which depend upon or are heteronomous
with respect to the standard idiom. Standard usage serves as the linguistic authority,
as in the case of specialist terminology; moreover, the standardization of spoken
forms is oriented towards the codified standard.[28] Historically, a standard language
arises in two ways: (i) in the case of Standard English, linguistic standardization
occurred informally and piecemeal, without formal government intervention; (ii) in
the cases of the French and Spanish languages, linguistic standardization occurred
formally, directed by prescriptive language institutions, such as the Académie
Française and the Royal Spanish Academy, which respectively produced Le bon
français and El buen español.[29][27]
A standard variety can be conceptualized in two ways: (i) as the sociolect of a given
socio-economic stratum or (ii) as the normative codification of a dialect, an idealized
abstraction.[30] Hence, the full standardization of a language is impractical, because
a standardized dialect cannot fully function as a real entity, but does function as set
of linguistic norms observed to varying degrees in the course of usus — of how
people actually speak and write the language.[31][32] In practice, the language
varieties identified as standard are neither uniform nor fully stabilized, especially in
their spoken forms.[33] From that perspective, the linguist Suzanne Romaine says
that standard languages can be conceptually compared to the imagined communities
of nation and nationalism, as described by the political scientist Benedict
Anderson,[32] which indicates that linguistic standardization is the result of a
society's history and sociology, and thus is not a universal phenomenon;[32] of the
approximately 7,000 contemporary spoken languages, most do not have a codified
standard dialect.[32]

Politically, in the formation of a nation-state, a standard language is a means of

establishing a shared culture among the social and economic groups who compose
the new nation-state.[34] Different national standards, derived from a continuum of
dialects, might be treated as discrete languages (along with heteronomous
vernacular dialects[35]), even if there are mutually intelligible varieties among
them,[36][37] such as the North Germanic languages of Scandinavia (Danish,
Norwegian, and Swedish).[38] Moreover, in political praxis, either a government or a
neighboring population might deny the cultural status of a standard language.[39] In
response to such political interference, linguists develop a standard variety from
elements of the different dialects used by a society.

When Norway became independent from Denmark in 1814, the only written
language was Danish. Different Norwegian dialects were spoken in rural districts
and provincial cities, but people with higher education and upper-class urban people
spoke ″Danish with a Norwegian pronunciation". Based upon the bourgeois speech of
the capital Oslo (Christiania) and other major cities, several orthographic reforms,
notably in 1907 and 1917, resulted in the official standard Riksmål, in 1929 renamed
Bokmål ('book tongue'). The philologist Ivar Aasen (1813–1896) considered urban
and upper-class Dano-Norwegian too similar to Danish, so he developed Landsmål
('country tongue'), the standard based upon the dialects of western Norway. In 1885
the Storting (parliament) declared both forms official and equal. In 1929 it was
officially renamed Nynorsk (New Norwegian).

Likewise, in Yugoslavia (1945–1992), when the Socialist Republic of Macedonia

(1963–1991) developed their national language from the dialect continuum
demarcated by Serbia to the north and Bulgaria to the east, their Standard
Macedonian was based upon vernaculars from the west of the republic, which were
the dialects most linguistically different from standard Bulgarian, the previous
linguistic norm used in that region of the Balkan peninsula. Although Macedonian
functions as the standard language of the Republic of North Macedonia, nonetheless,
for political and cultural reasons, Bulgarians treat Macedonian as a Bulgarian
dialect.[40]

Examples
Chinese

Chinese consists of hundreds of local varieties, many of which are not mutually
intelligible, usually classified into seven to ten major groups, including Mandarin,
Wu, Yue, Hakka and Min. Before the 20th century, most Chinese spoke only their
local variety. For two millennia, formal writing had been done in Literary Chinese (or
Classical Chinese), a style modelled on the classics and far removed from any
contemporary speech.[41] As a practical measure, officials of the late imperial
dynasties carried out the administration of the empire using a common language
based on Mandarin varieties, known as Guānhuà (literally "speech of officials").[42]

In the early 20th century, many Chinese intellectuals argued that the country needed
a standardized language. By the 1920s, Literary Chinese had been replaced as the
written standard by written vernacular Chinese, which was based on Mandarin
dialects.[43] In the 1930s, Standard Chinese was adopted, with its pronunciation
based on the Beijing dialect, but with vocabulary also drawn from other Mandarin
varieties and its syntax based on the written vernacular.[44] It is the official spoken
language of the People's Republic of China (where it is called Pǔtōnghuà "common
speech"), the de facto official language of the Republic of China governing Taiwan
(as Guóyǔ "national language") and one of the official languages of Singapore (as
Huáyǔ "Chinese language").[45] Standard Chinese now dominates public life, and is
much more widely studied than any other variety of Chinese.[46]

English in the United Kingdom

In the United Kingdom, the standard language is British English, which is based
upon the language of the mediaeval court of Chancery of England and Wales.[47] In
the late-seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Standard English became
established as the linguistic norm of the upper class, composed of the peerage and
the gentry.[48] Socially, the accent of the spoken version of the standard language
then indicated that the speaker was a man or a woman possessed of a good
education, and thus of high social prestige.[49] In practise, speakers of Standard
English speak the language with any accent (Australian, Canadian, American, etc.)
although it usually is associated with Received Pronunciation, "the standard accent
of English as spoken in the south of England."[50]

Greek

The standard form of Modern Greek is based on the Southern dialects; these dialects
are spoken mainly in the Peloponnese, the Ionian Islands, Attica, Crete and the
Cyclades.[51]

Hindi-Urdu

Two standardised registers of the Hindustani language have legal status in India:
Standard Hindi (one of 23 co-official national languages) and Urdu (Pakistan’s official
tongue), resultantly, Hindustani often called "Hindi-Urdu".[52]
Irish

An Caighdeán Oifigiúil ('The Official Standard'), often shortened to An Caighdeán, is

the official standard of the Irish language. It was first published by the translators in
Dáil Éireann in the 1950s.[53] As of September 2013,[54] the first major revision of
the Caighdeán Oifigiúil is available, both online[55] and in print.[56] Among the
changes to be found in the revised version are, for example, various attempts to
bring the recommendations of the Caighdeán closer to the spoken dialect of
Gaeltacht speakers,[57] including allowing further use of the nominative case where
the genitive would historically have been found.[58]

Italian

Standard Italian is derived from the Tuscan dialect, specifically from its Florentine
variety—the Florentine influence upon early Italian literature established that dialect
as base for the standard language of Italy.[59][60] In particular, Italian became the
language of culture for all the people of Italy, thanks to the prestige of the
masterpieces of Florentine authors like Dante Alighieri, as well as to the political and
cultural significance of Florence at the time and the fact that it was linguistically an
intermediate between the northern and the southern Italian dialects.[61] It would
later become the official language of all the Italian states, and after the Italian
unification it became the national language of the Kingdom of Italy.[62] Modern
Standard Italian's lexicon has been deeply influenced by almost all regional
languages of Italy while its standard pronunciation (known as Pronuncia Fiorentina
Emendata, Amended Florentine Pronunciation) is based on the accent of Romanesco
(Roman dialect); these are the reasons why Standard Italian differs significantly from
the Tuscan dialect.

Latin

The standard language in the Roman Republic (509 BC – 27 BC) and the Roman
Empire (27 BC – AD 1453) was Classical Latin, the literary dialect spoken by upper
classes of Roman society, whilst Vulgar Latin was the sociolect (colloquial language)
spoken by the educated and uneducated peoples of the middle and the lower social
classes of Roman society. The Latin language that Roman armies introduced to Gaul,
Hispania, and Dacia was of a different grammar, syntax, and vocabulary than the
Classical Latin spoken and written by the statesman Cicero.[63]

Portuguese

In Brazil, actors and journalists usually adopt an unofficial, but de facto, spoken
standard Portuguese, originally derived from the middle-class dialects of Rio de
Janeiro and Brasília, but that now encompasses educated urban pronunciations from
the different speech communities in the southeast. In that standard, ⟨s⟩ represents
the phoneme /s/ when it appears at the end of a syllable (whereas in Rio de Janeiro
this represents /ʃ/) the rhotic consonant spelled ⟨r⟩ is pronounced [h] in the same
situation (whereas in São Paulo this is usually an alveolar flap or trill). European and
African dialects have differing realizations of /ʁ/ than Brazilian dialects, with the
former using [ʁ] and [r] and the latter using [x], [h], or [χ].[64]
Serbo-Croatian

Four standard variants of the pluricentric Serbo-Croatian are spoken in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, and Serbia.[16][65] They all have the same dialect
basis (Štokavian).[52][66][67] These variants do differ slightly, as is the case with other
pluricentric languages,[52][68] but not to a degree that would justify considering them
as different languages. The differences between the variants do not hinder mutual
intelligibility and do not undermine the integrity of the system as a whole.[69][70][71]
Compared to the differences between the variants of English, German, French,
Spanish, or Portuguese, the distinctions between the variants of Serbo-Croatian are
less significant.[72][73] Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro in
their constitution have all named the language differently.[74]

Somali

In Somalia, Northern Somali (or North-Central Somali) forms the basis for Standard
Somali,[75] particularly the Mudug dialect of the northern Darod clan. Northern
Central Somali has frequently been used by famous Somali poets as well as the
political elite, and thus has the most prestige among other Somali dialects.[76]

See also
Classical language
Koiné language
Language secessionism
Literary language
National language
Nonstandard dialect
Official language
Vernacular

References
1. Richards & Schmidt (2010), p. 554.
2. Finegan (2007), p. 14.
3. Сулейменова (2006), pp. 53–55.
4. Kapović (2011), pp. 46–48.
5. Curzan (2002).
6. Silverstein (1996).
7. Milroy & Milroy (2012), p. 22.
8. Davila (2016).
9. Williams (1983).
10. Carter (1999).
11. Bex (2008).
12. Stewart (1968), p. 534.
13. Kloss (1967), p. 31.
14. Clyne (1992), p. 1.
15. Clyne (1992), pp. 1–3.
16. Kordić (2007).
17. Clyne (1992), p. 3.
18. Langston & Peti-Stantić (2014), p. 26.
19. Dunaj (1989), p. 134.
20. Соціологія.
21. Starčević (2016), p. 69.
22. Vogl (2012), p. 15.
23. Charity Hudley & Mallinson (2011).
24. McArthur & McArthur (1992), p. 980.
25. Ammon (2004), p. 275.
26. Ammon (2004), p. 276.
27. Trudgill (2006), p. 119.
28. Chambers & Trudgill (1998), p. 9.
29. McArthur & McArthur (1992), p. 290.
30. Van Mol (2003), p. 11.
31. Starčević (2016), p. 71.
32. Romaine (2008), p. 685.
33. Milroy (2007).
34. Inoue (2006), p. 122.
35. Trudgill (2004).
36. Stewart (1968).
37. Chambers & Trudgill (1998), p. 11.
38. Chambers & Trudgill (1998), pp. 3–4.
39. Inoue (2006), pp. 123–124.
40. Trudgill (1992), pp. 173–174.
41. Norman (1988), pp. 108–109, 245.
42. Norman (1988), pp. 133, 136.
43. Norman (1988), pp. 133–134.
44. Norman (1988), p. 135.
45. Norman (1988), pp. 136–137.
46. Norman (1988), p. 247.
47. Smith (1996).
48. Blake (1996).
49. Baugh & Cable (2002).
50. Pearsall (1999), p. xiv.
51. Horrocks (1997).
52. Blum (2002).
53. BBC (2005).
54. Ní Shúilleabháin (2012).
55. Eachach (2012).
56. Foilseacháin Rialtais (2012), p. 2: "M67B Gramadach na Gaeilge 9781406425766
390 10.00."
57. Eachach (2012), p. 2: "Rinneadh iarracht ar leith san athbhreithniú seo foirmeacha
agus leaganacha atá ar fáil go tréan sa chaint sna mórchanúintí a áireamh sa
Chaighdeán Oifigiúil Athbhreithnithe sa tslí is go mbraithfeadh an gnáthchainteoir
mórchanúna go bhfuil na príomhghnéithe den chanúint sin aitheanta sa
Chaighdeán Oifigiúil agus, mar sin, gur gaire don ghnáthchaint an Caighdeán
Oifigiúil anois ná mar a bhíodh."
58. Eachach (2012), p. 7: "Triaileadh, mar shampla, aitheantas a thabhairt don leathnú
atá ag teacht ar úsáid fhoirm an ainmnigh in ionad an ghinidigh sa chaint."
59. Maiden (2014), p. 3.
60. Coletti (2011), p. 318: "
61. Lepschy & Lepschy (1988), p. 22.
62. Maiden (2014), pp. 7–9.
63. Palmer (1988).
64. Mateus & d'Andrade (2000), pp. 5–6, 11.
65. Šipka (2019), pp. 166,206.
66. Brozović (1992), pp. 347–380.
67. Kristophson (2000), pp. 178–186.
68. Kordić (2009).
69. Pohl (1996), p. 214, 219.
70. Kordić (2004).
71. Kafadar (2009), p. 103.
72. Thomas (2003), p. 314.
73. Methadžović (2015).
74. Gröschel (2009), p. 344–350.
75. Dalby (1998), p. 571.
76. Saeed (1999), p. 5.

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Further reading
 Ammon, Ulrich (1995). Die deutsche Sprache in Deutschland, Österreich und der
Schweiz: das Problem der nationalen Varietäten [German Language in Germany,
Austria and Switzerland: The Problem of National Varieties] (in German). Berlin &
New York: Walter de Gruyter. OCLC 33981055 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/33981
055).
Joseph, John E. (1987). Eloquence and Power: The Rise of Language Standards and
Standard Languages. New York: Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-55786-001-9.
Kloss, Heinz (1976). "Abstandsprachen und Ausbausprachen" [Abstand-languages
and Ausbau-languages]. In Göschel, Joachim; Nail, Norbert; van der Elst, Gaston
(eds.). Zur Theorie des Dialekts: Aufsätze aus 100 Jahren Forschung. Zeitschrift für
Dialektologie und Linguistik, Beihefte, n.F., Heft 16. Wiesbaden: F. Steiner. pp. 301–
322. OCLC 2598722 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/2598722).

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