CHAPTER 28 Culture and Subjective Well-Being WILLIAM TOV ED DIENER With geeat perseverance He mediates, seeking, Freedom and happiness. Tite BuvUnA, Chapter 2, The Dhammapada Over 2,000 years ago, the Buddha perceived suffering to be the nature of existence. But for him, the attainment of nievana was not simply a Incak fron this cycle ol suffering, it w. direct purpose of meditation, happiness was certainly an important consequence, and a crit ical topic in Buddhist philosophy (Gaskins, 1999), Across time and cultures, generations of People have in their own way tellected aps the question of happiness. AS lang as it has been pondered, it may come as a surprise that the scientific study of happiness, or subjective vets ie tea bliss Aluhugh well-being (SWB; B. vanced only recently. ‘One ot the challenges has been detining happiness ina way that send! Given! ait ccucepoae “ol bap piney may vary across different societies, a number of questions arise regarding bow culture in fluences the idea and experience of happiness. Do the structure and content of SWB differ? Deo contain oul Diener, 1984) has ad- ies ita hen nents more than others? Are the correlates and causes of happiness similar across cul- tures? Do people react differently to the expeon {WL acon AND WOTWATION rence of welling (eg, when they feel pleasant affect As it has been studied over the past twis de cades, SWE involves frequent pleasant emo- tion, infrequent uaplessis emotion, and life satistaction (LS). The firs ewo components are allcctive; the Last is a cognitive evaluation. These three components are not the only ele ents of SWB. Happiness also cass he said co consist of other dimensions, such as meaning, and purpose in lite. However, in this review we focus on 1, pleasant affect, and unpleasant a- fev4, iu prare because these constructs have been researched more frequently Furthermore, these comp major focal points shia sallow for a certain de grce of precision in measuring the fuzzier, folk come epe of happiness, WHY STUDY SWB ACROSS CITTURES? The cross-cultural study of SWB is one mdica ur of the quality of life in a socicty. It was unr considered taboo to suggest that societies could be evaluated at all (Shwedes, 7000). To ap- Praise amy aspect of a cults was to ignore its worth and integrity However, this extreme form of culial relativism has given way to the view that though one must be earctul in ces paring and evaluating, soctetics may dif variables ate desirable im most cultures. It is true that some indicators of life quality may impose val tues about ithe good life that are not shared by all peaple. However, even if SWB 1s internally framed with respect to cach culture, saw ietiey could still be evaluated in tenis af how well they succeed according, 0 these internal crite ma Culture and SWB research can also shed light on basic emotional processes. In mn ing SWB across various societies, researchers, have confronted assues seysuding the univers Hy of emotions, anil haw the representation of ‘emotions iw memory is influenced by cultural norms The field can also add to our under sanding of culture. For example, how dla cul tures differ in their socialization of pleasant and unpleasant attect, and haw do emotio contribute £9 the weinfisrcement of cultural val uch as health and satisfaction that ues and you tices? These questions reflect a cultual-psychological perspective. Thus, the topic is of both applied and thcorctical impar tance, HISIORY OF THIS FIELD OF INQUIRY Anthropologists adopted cultural srlutivity asa way of avoiding a Western, ethnocentric bias in observing other «ul They made the 1m- tant ulservation that values and practices glu vary across cultures, but this need imply that some cultures arc necessarily better than others. In particular, we should avoid judging other cultures hy the standards of our own, Howeves, csken wo extremes, cultural rel: sm» would prevent one from saying. that Nazi Germany, or Cambodia under the Khiner Rouge, were in many respects snulesirable cul tures (Edgerton, 1992). This level of extreme valuc relativity would make cultural psychol- oy inselevant co public discourse. According to Falgerton, not all practices ina cult adaptive; some may even be hua fined “maladaptive cultures” as those in which there 1s rampant dissatisfaction or physical aud tain criteria by which we can judge the success of a culture. As one such criterion, SW is im portant because a. society functions poorly when a majonty of its peuple are discontent and depressed Ie should be noted that very little quantita- rive work has examined the well being of small vuleares (eit Biswas Diener, Vitter, Diener, 2005), although a numbes of interna: tional surveys of SWB in mules nations have been conducted (eg, Cantril, 1965; Inglehart, 1990, see Table 28.1). Only recently has re I examined the structure and causes of SWB in different cultures. In 1995, lov ees ple, E. Diener and M. L. Diener fens that self ‘esteem correlated move stiengly with LS in in «ollectivist cultures, and that financial satisfaction more strongly predicted 1S in poor than in rich nations. Since then, there has been a rapid growth in tle field af culture and well-being, and horh universal and umque correlates uf SWB have been docu mented. We foresee further growth in this re seanelt area in the decade to come. GENERAL APPROAGHES TO CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISONS OF SWB ‘The comparisons that researchers make accoss cultures are guided by thevr assumptions alnruit the interplay between culture and SWB. We view some of these appara lies here,28, Culture and Subocive Well-Being TARLE 28.1. LS in Various Nations (1999 2002) Nation Year US SD Nanon Ls sn Puerto Rico oor 8499 Vactnam 652 1.06 Denmark: 1999 824182 Js sak 197 199 82162 644-740 1999-8200 1.83 raw 638 AL 2000, 8.14135 South Attica 631 Ley 1999-805 1159 South Korea 61 232 1999 8.03 1.92 Paland 6200 233 Northern teeland 1999.00.75 Munna 606 254 20m 787 1165 Slovakia 603 ras Netherlands 1999 785 3a sor 218 Canada 200) 7.85 1.88 ary 5.80749 Luuscanbooy, 1999781, 187 Teraryovina xu 239 Usa, 1999766" 1182 aneladesh arg Swedes 1999 764 1186 Algeria 147286 Venemela zoo 7.52 2.50 panda $652.47 EL Salvaden 1999 7.50 24S Montenegua S64 2.38 Belssum 1999743213 Turkey sor Ly Germany 1999 742-196 Serbia ia? 147 Great Reieain 1y9y 7401.94 Jalan 5.60 250 Acgentina 1999730126 Bulgaia 530 265 2007 Egypt 5363.35 1999 Latvia 7 a9 2000) Romania $B 2 1999 50-266 1999 SA7 as 1999 514793 2001 Siz 272 Feance i999 Pakestan 485146 Indonesia 2001 Belarus 48122 Nigeria 2000 Russia 45600297 Croatia 1999 Uksaine 436 2.59 Grecce 1999 Moldova 456 232 Philippines 2001 Zimbabwe 95279 Chine 2001 Taneania 387 427 ote LS suns ae hae on responses to the quesuon, “Al things consider, hw carified are you with your he as a whok: snow?" o a 10 point scale from I llssutia 10 18 (careiedy. Waa from Veeuhoven tad Dimensional Approach Some theorists hold that the eauses of well-be- ing are fundamentally the same fo all people. Ryff and Singer (1998) pusiced that purpose in lite, quality celationships, self-regard, and a seuse af mastery are universal features of well being. Self-determination theorists (Deri Ac Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000) snainvain chat well bemg hinges on the fulfillment of innate psychological needs such as autonomy, compe- tence, al velatedness. If these sources of well- hein are universal, they provide dimension along which we can compare societies. Cul tures should differ in SWB tw the extent that they provide people with different levels auton ‘omy, meaning, aul relationships. A elated perspective is the universalist posi- ‘on emotions. Drawing on diverse finsinys, some researchers propose thar there are dis crete, baste emotions that appear in all cultures (Ekman & Friesen, 1971; Izard 8 Malatesta, 1987; Phuchik, 1980; Tomkins, 1962. 1963) For example, facial expressions of anger, sul tess, and joy appear caly in infancy (Lracd & Malatesta, 198/) and are easily recognized in many differcat cultures (Bkman 8 Friesen, 19/1; Ekman er al, 1987), Facial expressions of laughing and crying among. congenital Folind infants (Thompson, 1941) suggest there may be genetic progeams divectinn the ex pression of emotions. The prnsibility of biolog- ‘cally bascd, basic emninns is important, for 1 implies that we van compare people across 50:as VL EMOTION AND torBATION cietics on these emotions (however, see Ortony & Turner, 1990, for a critique of the basic emo- Hons concept). Uniqueness Approacl In contrast 10 the universalist approach, some ethaogssphers emphasize emotions as’ social structions. According to these researches the very concept of emotion may silfer across cultures. Lutz (1988) noted thar Western ethnopsychologies uften view emotions as hid den amd private. In contrast, her work in Mir ‘ronesia revealed that Hfalukia concepts ol emotions are more public and relativusal Cul- may also diffcr in their Labeling of specific ings. For example, accarding to Wierzbicka (1986) theve is no word for “disgust” in Polish. Extiesie versions of the uniqueness approach hold that emotions are purcly a Western iules, wl that internal cxperiemces ca be repre anted in countless ways across cultures. More moderate formubnions, on the other hand, sit at biologically based emotions may ‘he universal, but that culture can significantly alter their development and labeling. Thus, al- though sadness s often consicesral + leasic emo- tion with recognizable :nuecedents, the ‘Tahi- tans do not appear ou have such a label for it (Levy, 198?) Instead, they often refer to fecl- ings of sickness or exhaustion, for which the causes are nonspecific. Although the ness approach docs not preclude the possibility of making comparisons se russ cultures (e.f.4 Waerebicka, 19R6), i cakes as ite starting, point the culturally patterned subtleties of emotional experience. Identity Approach ¢ on universality is that re- less af the specific elements, all cultures en- ‘demical levels of SWB, Cultures may difer in their values and in the needs they fulfill, bur People eventually adapt, leauling, all societies to. be relatively happy ‘The identity approach lik ens well-heiny ta a “hedonic treadmill” upon which peuple ran but never change position. Only in cultures that are severely disrupted or experiencing trauma (c.g., warlate « famine) is adaptation impossible, sesuling in. wide- spread unhappiness. The identity perspective may sound absurd, but in Table 28.2, diverse 01%)» appear to enjoy somewhat comparable levels of LS. For instance, the Amish, Inughu Another perspecti par TABLE 28.2. LS of Selected Groups Positive geen Ly Forbes richest Amesicians? 58 Pennsylvania Amish? ss ia Tnghnit (Iouit group fron Nansliesn Greenland): bast African Maasai sa Intemational college students a9 (47 nations) Calcutta sh Iwellers! 1G Neworal point of scale = 1.0 Groups below neutral Calema sex workers! Calcutta hunneless! Cahforma homeless" ‘Note. LS scores are based on responses 10 the state “You ate saisied with your hfe” on a? point scale from t {stromety dsseree) to 7 tromely apres) *F Diener, Horwitz, and Emmons (1985), E, Digues an Seligman (2004); “BiwaePienee et al. (2004); 4 Breas Diner and Drence (2001) and Maasai all report LS that 1s not signifi cantly different from the richest Anw1icans, suggesting that matcrial luxury is swt necessary for well-being. All these yroups may be meeting needs, such as for social relationships, that are ‘tical fox SWB. Thus, important conditions happiness may be met in nonindusteial soc eries such as the Maasar. In contrast, the 1S af the homeless mdicates that not all groups are happy, and that people slo uot fully adapt to all conditions The Middle Path In this chapter, we take a middle path. We ar gue that there are some universals, such as the tendency for people to be slightly happy. rss they are exposed to harsh conditions. Some variables, such as temperament sul positive relationships, influcnee SWE in all cultures. There may aku be common goals, such as the need! fur respect, that characterize people is all cultures. Furthermore, because cultural influences often permeate national boundaries, cultures are not completely innfe pendent of one another. However, euch cul ture also retains univjue «pralities and should not be compasrl with others in a careless way. Nov all comparisons of SWB are mean inyful, because the value placed on certain subjective states, and the labels for them, el7A Cult and Subjective Well-Being 635 ten differ. The patterning of well being may alu vary across cultures, making at danger us to compare variables at a high level of abstraction, Thus, although comparisons are possible, they should uuly be made with due care to take ine account the unique factors present in various societies, Culvural differences. in SWB can be likened! 10 differences between individuals. Peuple can be compared on certain universal features such as height and weight They can also be com pared on factors such as health, but health 1s ule up of many lower order concepts that may relate to each other differently acrens imli- viduals. Although socicties can he compared in terms of individuals? kmyrvity, patterns of ill- ness differ across cultures. In a similar way, cul tures can be compared on SWB, but there are ses unique facets of well being in cach society thar are best captured by specitic desc +iptio of the local culture. In the sections that follow, we cover several topics in culture and SWB research. We beyin with the issue of patterning and struc- ture, examining how the clements af SWR co here across societies. Next, we consider whether cultures diftes in mean levels of SWB where the stim can be compared, and what factors might contribute to these differ- ems We then review various correlates and causes of SWB, showing both simil: differences in cultural recipes for happiness. Following this discussion, we ask whether SWB leads to the same outcomes in different cul tures, on whether there are unique effects that slepend on the role of emotions ina culture. Finally, we assess the various challepes in volved in measuring SWB aciens cultures, an the impact that messurement artifacts “may have on the findings. PATTERNING AND STRUCTURE The vallity of cross-cultural comparisons of SAWR deprevuls on how it is structured in differ eur societies. If there are both universal and culture-specific emotions, do aggregates sh a6 pleasant and unpleasant alles apply co all cultures? Is the concept of LS understood by people in all ww ievies? Also, do the theee com Ponents af SWB relate to each other similarly avross cultures? We review the rescarch beating ‘on thete issues below. Levels of Analyses As discussed earlier, the existence oof universal emotions has been dehateal for some time. Researchers have used a uunber of methodolo gies fo answer the question of universality, including ethnography, facial expression cognition, and emotion taxonomies. Alter ducting, cross-cultural research on facial ex- pression recognition, Fkuxan and Friesen (19/1, Ekman et al, 1987) suggested that hap piness, anges, fear, sadness, and disgust are uni- versal, However, there are also emotions that appear in some cultures but not ethers, Some appear to be labeling of specific situation ‘outcome pairings in relation to feelings. In Ja pan, tor example, the term kanashii celers spe- cilically 10 sadness arising from personal loss (Mesquira & Fridia, 1992). Other indigenins emotions seem to be complex blemls, such as aviman in India, which has heen described as “prideful, lov wet” (Scollon, Diener, Oishi, 8 Risws-Diener, 2004). Atcoring to Mesquita, Fridja, and Scherer (1997), the debate over universality has li dered culture and emotion research hy facusing ‘on the mere presence of certain emustions ina culture rather than om lunw emotions are “prac tuced.” They argu that emotional experience 1s 4 process shat includes appraisal of a situation, physiological eeactions, overt behaviors, and ‘other components. What distinguishes one emotion from another is che pravtern uf compo- nents. At a general level, universal patterns of emotional experience may exist due to innate, nesnphysiological programs. For example, joy ‘uy inherently feel pleasant and evoke the my to laugh or smile. However, at the level af spe- cific components, cultusal differences may abound. The type of events that elicit joy, or at tempts to regulate it, may vary across societies, ‘The perspective provided by Mesquita et al (1997) resonates with several lines of research fon well being. In assessing. the cross-cultural applicabilty ot pleasant and unpleasant affect, SWB researchers have not only been interested in whith emotions are present, but also in how frequently they are experienced, how they aie patterned, and how norms can shape the struc ture and composition of pleavau and unpleas ant affect. In short, the field of culture and SAVE hay been concerned as much with the ecolugy, oF practice, of emotions (Mesquita et 1, 1997) as with the comparability of SWR across cultures, We sce that the distin riaa be-696 EMOTION AND MOTION tween pleasant and unpleasant affect ca be made at a general level, and tleat here are both similanties and differences in the specific as- pevts af these emotions, Structural Evidence In an carly study, Watson, Cluk, and Tellegen (1984) tonal shit the mood structure of Japa: nese participants formed two factors, identifi able as positive and negative affect. This two- factor structure was very similar te that af American participants. Miewachical cluster analyses of exnution words from: the United Sears, levly, and China also revealed super ordinare groupings of positive and negatr emotions (Shaver, Wu, & Schwart, 1997) Pleasant and unplea also observed in experience sampling data pro- viele hy Japanese, Indian, and two American samples (Scollon et al., 2004). Moreover, indy enous emotions that were included in the. Japa and Indian samples did non forum separate clusters, bur groupedt toyetler with the pleas ant and unpleasant emotions. M 1 Dienes, Fujita, Kim-Prieto, and E. Diener (2004) studied the frequency of 12 emo- ions and found that they formed positive and negative clusters m seven regions sl th (Africa, Lain America, Fast Asia, Southeast Asia, West Asia, Fasiern Europe, and Western Moreover, in virtually all of these re gions, 2 core group of emotions consistently loaded onto either positive or negative chusicas; is, positive emotions included plsuwin, cheerful, and happy, whereas negative emo- ns included unloiont, sad, and angry, Sim ly, Shaver et al. (1992) found that one post tive (joy) and three negative emotions (angen sadness, and fear) formed basic-level catepen ies in all thece cultures they studied Thus, when speaking of emotion aggregates, there is com- pelliny evidence that pleasant and unpleasant affect are perceived in all cultures. There 1s also support for the universality of particular emo tions such as yoy, anger, and sadness. Hawever, cultural ditterences may arise veyarding more spceific emotions. Fon instance, ouside of the core eiutins, M. L. Diener et al. (2004) ob served differences in how other emotions clus- tered. Pride clustered with positive emotions in Latin America, Western Europe, and East Asia, bbut with negative emorions in Africa, Southeast Asia, Lastern Futupe, and West Asia, Pride alco aligned with negative emotions among smaller muah samples in India and Italy (Scollon ct al., 2004, Shaver et al.. 1992). These hndings shel be interpreted cautiously. The simple fact that pride clusters with negative emotions in a cul ture dows uot necessarily mean that it is experi ned as a negative emotion. In the case of M. L Diener et al’s data, the cluster analyses were based on the frequency of expresien sad in cluded weights tor means, siamdard deviations, and correlarione—any of which could have af fev teil how emorion terms clustered. In those regions where pride was experienced less tre: quently, it clustered with the negative tions, which were generally experieuced less of- ten than positive emotions. In contrast, worry nul siress clustered with the positive emotions in Western Europe and East Asia, primarily be- cause they were frequently experienced in shuse areas. Thus, emotional exp y be uni- versal in some ways but culturally varied ethers Recently, Kuppens, Ceulemans, Timmerman, Diener, and Kim Prieto. (2006) found that although positive and negative al fect emerged as strong universal ints uhural dimensions, there were also salle, bue signifi- level dimensions of emotional ex which nations could be discrimi Differences in the frequency of cmaivn may be related to cultural norms. Fos ex: cultural norms might make sone situations ‘more common thin others. Thus, the American cultural ruvironment might afford more op porvunities for self-enhancement (and the expe- rience of pride), whereas the Japancse cultural environment might be more conducive 4 self ceciticrsm (Kitayama, Markus, Matsumoto, & Norasakkunkit, 1997) According to Markus and Kityanra (1994), normative social behav ivr and cultural models of the self might also shape the desirability of certain emotions. individualst cultures, pride is an enjoyable emotion thar highliylus individual achieve iment, as wells success in meeting the cultural yeatls of auronomy and independence. How. ever, in collectivist cultures, emotions resulting, from sympathy and humility may teel penal be: cause they are consistent with the cultural goals of interdependence. Fuotions that conflict with these suns may be deemphasized and les frequently experienced. Thus, pride may not be as valued in some collectivist Asian cul tures because 11s self-focusing, and sepprnes the individual trom the yromys (Kitayama 8. Markus, 2000, Markus & Kitayama, 1994;28. Culture and Subjective Well Dring 7 Scollon ct al, 2004) In a similar way, the Oniyay in Iulia devalue anger, because it is re garded as socially destructive (Menon & Shweder, 1994). On the other hand, shame! is viewed a3 @ good emotion tor women te Inve, because at 18 integral to sustaiviny thw patriar chal order of sowiety The Oriys case draws attention to intra eultural variation in emotion norms; that 1, forms may not apply or be uniformly per ceived across all indwiduals withis Bid and Diener (2001) investigated this issue by i, the desirability and appropriateness ‘of pleasant and unpleasant affect in the United Scares, Australia, China, ond Tatwan. Uhey found that norms for pleasant emations (cg. joy, affection, pride, and contentmesn) were more heterogeneous in China and Taiwan than in the inet States and Australia. For in Stance, the vast majority (83%) of Australians and Americans regarded all four pleasant emo- tions as appropriate. In contrast, only 9% «sf ‘Chinese and 32% of Taiwanese fel this way. A majority of the Taiwanese (57%) had mixed feclings «bout. pride, although joy, affection, ul contentment were appropriate. A plurality ‘of the Chinese (32%) felt that joy and affection were appropriate, but that pride was cleat! appropriate, Another class of individals found ‘only among the Chinese (16%) regarded all pleasant emutions as mappropriate. These finulings suggest that culture may influence emorion norms in two ways. First, cultures may foster unique normative patterns, as als served am the Chinese sample Second, sore pattcens may he pau ultunal, but their relative requiem y within culcures may differ. All pleas san erosions are clearly favored in the United Seates and Australia. The ambivalence toward pride in China and Latwan is consistent with previous research on collectivist Asian culeures. However, the relation between emotion worms and ‘emotional experience may not al ways be direct. Recent work by Isat, Knutson, and Fung, (2006) suggests that the «1 People valuc (idcal altect) ate net necessarily the ones they experien® most frequently (real affect), aluhdugh the correlations are moderate. These cesearchers found that although culeucal values predicted the preference for high- versus low arousal pleasant emotions, the seprted Frequency of these emotions was beter pre dicted hy personality traits. Furthermore, ‘nora wey influence some emotions more than, tothers. M. L, Diener et al. (2004) found that the correlation between the appropriateness and frequency of an emotion was bayer for “secondary” emotions such as pride, guilt, we, an jealousy, than for the core emo that is, norms appear to predict more strongly the experience of secondary cmotions than the experience of core emotions. Indees!, the main cultucal differences in s were duc to how the secoudary emotions clustered, the various geopolitical regions diverged most in the frequency of these emotions. For example, people from Southeast Asia more tre~ quently “reported experiences of guilt aml shame, whereas people funn Latin America registered mune pride chan people from other areas Also, norms for pride and guilt were more variable across cultures than norms for other emotions (Eid & Diener, 2001). Dilfer fences in the experience of pe such as pride, may reflec cultural ideologies re garding, attribution styles, such as whether suc cess should be attributed to the self or to the situation (Heine, Lehman, Markus, & Kitayama, 1999). In contrast, a core emoiticnt such as happiness is much hroader and may tend to follow from ix vane of outcomes thar are considered! go in each culture, 80 that Juing general happiness is likely to be more common across cultures. In addition to emotions, there ts also supp for similarity im the steuctace of 15 actens es tures. Vitterso, Raysamb, smd Diener (2002) rried out confirmatory factor analyses on the five ivems of the Satisfaction with Life Scale {SWLS; E. Diener, Emmons, Larsen, 8 Grittin, 1985) and found that a one-factor model fi the data reasonably well in 41 nations. ee all tons, the comparative fu index was above Thi uggests chat the SWLS measur ngle construct, and that the concept of “life satisfaction” may be similarly understood across a wide range of cultures. That is mu 1 say that the criteria fon TS ste universal; rather, people in: nunber of diverse cultures appe ‘tw queries about LS in a consistent way. 0. Ihe Relation between Emotions and LS Although the strucime af emotions is: some- what consistent actoss cultures, and the items of the SWLS also seem to cohere reliably, the relation between emotions and LS may vary across cultures (Schimmack, Radhakrish Ossh, Dzokoto, & Ahadi, 2002; Sub, Diener Orshu, & Triandis, 1998) Suli et al, examinedooo ‘WLEMOTION Ato MOTIVATION the relation between LS and affect balance (the difference in frequency of pleasent sane un: pleasant affect). They found dat LS and affect nalancr correlated positively across 40 nations thus, experiencing more pleasant than unpleas ant affect predicted greater LS across cultures. However, the correlations were stronger in more individualist counties. Suly et al. (Study 2) alse assessed cultural norms for LS by asking participants what they perceived to be the ideal level of LS in their culture. When LS was pre- dicted from both emotions and. perceived norms for LS, the former was highly predictive among, individualist cultures, accounting, for 76% of the variance in LS. In contrast, norms and emotions were equally predictive of LS an. collectivist cultures, accounting for 59% and WY of the variance, respectively. A pussile explanation is 1 where persorl goals and preferences are em phasized, emotions may be important because one’s own feelings are often a relevant factor in ‘one’s judgments. However, in collectivist tures, there may be a greater wenden y ws use ‘ome’ aatitudes and behav. inn, we “nail char stands out.” Thus, when judging their LS, people from collectivist cultures might weigh norms at least as much as their own emotions. Uhis raises the possibility that collectivists are simply. sespow normatively approy er Though it is difficult to cule out dhis alternative explana- tion, other data suggest that this is not invari- ably the case. For example, perceived norms for negative emotions were not rchably related to self reported frequency of these emotions. among Chinese wse_respondents (Pid A Dies, 2001; we discuss further meth ‘odological issues later in the chapter). iviclwalist culeares, Conclusion There are aniversals in the structure of SWB. that make some comparisons possible. Pleasant affect, unpleasant affect, and LS are not unfa- miliar concepts to most of the workd’s people. Nevertheless, to some degree, cultural shape which emotions ave lew id un- pleasant ta feel Therefore, when using aggre such as pleasant and unpleasant affect, ‘one must be careful, because specific emotions may cohere differently within the larger aggre: gate, The companson of emotion ay should only be made with euwivns that cohere similarly J uluine Finally, emotions 1 yates he wore relevant to global LS in individuahst cultures, where internal experience 1s highly ued. This difference highhghts the j tance of measuring emotions sud 1S as sepa- atc components of SWB, hat is affective and cognitive evaluations of well-being reflect dif ferent aspects of the superordinate construct of SWB. COMPARING IIIT MEAN LEVELS OF SWB ‘OF CULTURES In discussing the happiness of sowieties, it way seem surprising that a majenity af people in the world report bring happy. That 1 not to say «all of humanity is in a state of elation or jubilance, or that there is no variation across cultures in overall levels of well-being. A wide range of economic, sociocultisal, anal bioloyi- cal factors may all level of subjec- five wel-bei in most cul na society, bu sures, the mean level is above neutral Most People fre Happy ‘A study involving, V1 nations (N= 13,118) re- vealed thar 63% uf men and 70% of women irported positive levels of LS (E. Diener & Diener, 1995). These findings may be hmitcd, in that many of the nations studied weve tainly industrialized, and most of the peasicipans were college students. However, E. Diener and Diener (1996) plowed the distribution of mean, SWE responses from nationally representative samples from 43 nations and found that 86% were above the neutral point (sce 1 for more data based on represe bility samples). Fasthermace, posit well-being appear to be fairly stable over time. National levels of SWB in the United States, Japan, and France fluctuated over a 4-year pe- riod but never dipped below nenteal (View hoven, 1993). Positive levels of well-being have also been ober vedd among smaller, nonindus- ‘sialized societies such as the Maasai in Kenya, the Inughuit in Greenland, and the Amish im the United States (Biswas Diener ct al., 200) The claim that “most people ane leaps” is hot meant to deny that there cemains signif cant ilF-being, saul suffering in the world. It 1s Imporea wo note that data from the poorest nations of the world (e.g,, Rwanda, Mozam bique, and Afghanistan) are often lacking (see Table 28.1), Moreover, althouhy aust peuple78 Cale ad Subjective Wel ing 699 report levels nf SWB above the midpoint, very few report being extremely happy. Only 4% uf E. Diener and Diener’s (1995) sample were the top of the LS scale. Similarly, although the Maasai, Inughuit, and. Av cantly above neural on several measures of | minority reported pertect » ahways experiencing pleasant aller (Biswas-Diener et al., 2003). ‘Thus, thee skew in well-being seems to reflect 4 mullerate form of happiness. Although wrement artifacts are an important cimeern (see “Methodological Is. sues”), he replicability of these findings across tmunerous societies and over a number wf dif ferent methods is impressive. Perhaps i¢ should not seein su shocking that most people are at least mildly happy with their lives. Some vesearchers argue that a disposition toward pleasant affect facilitates explorateny behavior, which could have contested! evalu tionary advantages (E. Diener & Diener, 1996; Fredrickson, 1998, Ito & Caciuppo, 1999). Ac cording ta Ite sul Cacioppo, the motivational systeat is slightly biased toward approach beluavior, even in the absence of stimuli—a phe- nomenon called “positivity offset.” would be more advantageous 1 neutral disposition, because, in the absence of anges, would help mans learn more about their envitemmennt. As a consequence of broad- ening, belavioral and attentional foci, positive riotions might also have helped. hu build social relationships and ther resources important tor survival (Fredrickson, 1998). The connection Ietween pleasant affect and approach senilencies receives some support fiom a 27-nation study by Wallbott and Scherer (1988), With few cultural fle Participants reported that “nuwing woward™ was an action tendency must characteristic of Joy, whereas “withdrawing” was more typical of tnpleasant emotions. Jn light of this research, 1¢ beeen + impor falls below the midpoint of SWB. One observed trend is that people living iw severe destitution often re port being unappy. Prostitutes and homeless peuple living in Calcutta, India, reported nega tive levels of LS (Biswas-Diener 8 Diener, 2001). The LS of Malaysian living be- ow the poverty line sls fell below the mid point (Howell, Howell, & Schwabe, 2006} Ditficulty in meeting basic needs or other cir. ‘muscances, such as lack of respect, might have decreased the well being of these grensys. In the hnext section, we consider how economic fac- tors might influence the SWB of a society Economic Development and Related Variables The wealth of a nation frequently correlates with its level of SWB. Depending on whether ‘one looks at purchasing power or per « gross domestic product (GDP), the correlation between economic wealth snd the SWB of a na- tion ranges fren $8 tw .84 (E, Diener, Diener, & Diewrs, 1995; Inglehart & Klingemann, 2000; Veenhoven, 1991). As robust as thi finding is, the exact process by whicls evs development imercases happiness: remains un- clear. Wealthict societies are better able to meet the hasic needs of their citizens, and this contrib- uwes co SWB (F. Diener, Dienen, ct al, 1995). We consider the role of basic. needs falfillinent ina later section. For now, itis also worth not- i slewelopment is often associ ated with weany other social conditions. For ex- iple, wealth correlates with greater human rights, as well as greater equality (in income, access to education, and between the sexes; E Diener, Dicney, ct al., 1995). Rights and equal. ity also correlate with each other. Moreover, people in wealihier nations are often more sat isliedl with friends and home life (E. Dicner & Suh, 1999). A possible explanation propensed by Ahuvia (2002) is that rising wealth salees ty cultural environment by freeing, the individual feom economic dependence on his or her fam tly. This independence could attenuate norms fon we iprocity while facilitating the pursuit of individual happiness (e.g., by allowis ‘more choice in friends and litestyle). TH eral mechanisms are possible, suud the various correlates of wealth wake it difficult to isolace the unique contribution of wealth ro SWB. The elution between economic development and SWE is thus entangled in a causal wel of sev eral factors, and future resess hers need t0 sep. arate their causal influences on SWB. Aside trout economic development, Ingle hast anil Klingemann (2000) suggested that na- ional levels of SWB might also retlect cal factors. In 1997, the former states of Eastern Europe aul the ULS.S.R. had among the lowest Irvels of well-beinglower than nations with less wealth, but without a History of communism. Even after controlling, for wealth, rights, and other variables, number of years under com e nega that econo700 ly predicted a nation’s mean level of SWB. However, Inglehart and Klingemann warn se for capitalistic or demo 's Although the collapse of com munism in the Soviet Union was preceded by relatively low levels of SWB, 1t was followed hy even lower levels of SWE (see als Veenhoven, 2001). Political instability and economic de” cline alter the fall of communism may have cre teil conditions inimical to SWB. These ideas require further research, especially as er tions change in the region. Norms for Emotions As mentioned earlier, the experience of well-he- ing, can be shaped by cultural norms regarding the desirability of LS or ce notions (M. L. Diener et al, 2004; Suh et al, 1998). Desir. able rwaions might be experienced more fre quently than those that are seen as mappropri- ate (M. L. Diener et al, 2004) on they correlate more with general Is kus & Kitayama, 194). Novns for emorions may explain why Asian—especially East Asian samples ofien report lower SWB than those fom Europe and the Americas (. Diener & Diener, 1995; Kang, Shaver, Sue, Min, & Jing, 2003; Sheldon et al., 2004, Suh, 2002), Fee nomic development may he factor, but it can- not completely acces for the lower SWB of Fast Asians For example, Japan has greater purchasing power than many Latin American nations (E, Diener, Diener, et al. 1995), yet reports lower SWE than do the la & Suh, 1999; E. Diener & Oish acceptance of unpleasant emo than do people in the Americas (E. Diener & Suh, 1999). Moreover, Kast Asians may als» value low activation positive affect (r y , seren- ity) more than high activation positive affect (cx. excitemem) because the former emotions La ihiae collectivist goals of attending to the social context (Téa et al., 2006) How might emotion norms translate perience? One pathway is though the social ization of emotions in children (M. L. Diener Lucas, 7004) and the willingness to report spit ific emotions, or through recall of which emotions are experienced (Oish, 2002). Wirtz (2004) asked participants to repent huvw they felt about past events, both cusienily sad at the tume of the event. Whither the emotions were pleasant ox unpleasant, Japanese participants’ VE EMOTION AND MULAN current feelings were less intense than their re- membered feclings trom the past lu contrast, European Americans weyrnved significant decay for unpleasit but not pleasant emotions. Th ‘norms might also shape the rela- tion between recalled emotions and curieut feelings, which might also influence julyssents about current LS, Schimmack, Oishi, and Diener (2002) sug gested that Fast Asian views of pleasant and uupleasant emotions might be rooted in the dialecticism of Asian philosophies (e-p., Roul- dhism and Daoism) that have historically shaped these ¢ example, in Chinese folk wis, bath sides of a contradiction are raprally likely, and a compromise between the ‘two is preferable (Peng & Nisbett, 1999). Fast Asian emotion norms may be diales sical in the sense that a middle way beween extreme pleasant and extevme unpleasant affect idevrel desirable, In conteast, many Western European and Latin American cultures preter pleasant over unpleasant affect. These « differences are retleeted in reports. Among participants on Western Europe and the Americas, the frequency of pleasant affect was inversely related to the frequency of un pleasant affect (Schimmack et al., 2002). Among Asian participants, however, this tive correlation was weak (sce also. Bayo Wong, & Y1, 1999). Kitayanca, Markus, and Kurokawa (2000) actually observed a positive conelution between pleasant and unpleasant affect in Japan, Finally, over a L week period of experience sampling, Scollon ct al. (2004) found that European Am 1 Hispanic Americans cxperienced more pleasant affect than Asians and Asian Americans. Moreover, there were no differences in unpleasant emo sions. Asians and Asian Americans did not ex: perience as much pleasant attect as the uther eroups. but they were not hissel in the direc tion of greater unpleasant affect either. Ave East Asians simply unhappy at worst pathetic at best? Caution mast be taken nnor 10 equate lower levels of well-being, a ill being. First, the SWB of East Asians is lower in comparison to Latin Americans and. Western Europeans. Althnh mean levels of SWB. are ohten Inwrr cunong Asian samples, they are arly below the neutral midpoint. Second, Kitayama and Markus (2000) note that hal. ance and moderation are centeal ts Pas Asia concepts of health. A preference for low- rather than high-activation positive affect-may be es. Fun8, Calture and Suiyectve Well-Being mw consistent with this perspective (Tsai et al., 2006). Another seme of cultural variation in emo fiw monies may be religious docteine. Across 40 nations, Kim Prieto and Diener (2004) found that Christians reported a greats fre quency of happiness and less shane than Mus- fims, even after comialling for the effect of na tions. A subrseanent comparison of the emotion content of religious texts revealed that joy and lve were more frequently mentioned i New Testament, whercas shame aul yuilt were more feequently mentioned in the Quran. Thus, differences iu uuems or the socialization, of emotions may be rooted in religious doc ‘vine. An important implication of these tind ings is that the cultural forces that is SWB may extend beyond esl graphic delineations Genetic Differences Might cultural differences in well-being, be due to genette difterences between groups? Al- though much more research is needed, some in. dividual differen ey in SWB may be related to genetics Pulymorphisms. in the serotonin- wlued 5-HTT gene have been linked to indi vidual differences in anxiety (Lesch et al, 1996), as well as susceptibility sus depression (Caspi ct al, 2003). Tykken and. Tellegen (1996) maintain that coughly half of the indi we in SWB is related to genetic vidual via A limitation of this research is that it hay been carried out within single sucieties, and effects within a sample way not necessarily be driven hy the same causal forces as those between iples. Although there arc cthnic and culeural differences in gene. frequencies (Cavalli-Sforza, 1991), direct links between such differcnees and SWI have not yer been made. However, studies of infant tempera ment reinforce the possibility of genetic ck fects. Freedman and Freedman (1969) tound echaue differences in snfants tess than 4 slays old. Compared to European American in- fants, Chinese Ames infants were calmer and less reactive ta a cloth placed on theit face. Similarly, 4-month-old infants in China exhibwted less behavioral arousal than did ropean American and trish infants (Key al., 1994). Nevertheless, the tale uf socializa- thon practices cannot be overlooked, In con ng, Ahadi, Rothbart, and teast ter these fi Ye (1993) found that 6-yea-old Chinese chil deen exhibited ielutively more negative alfectivity than dial heir Buropean American pees The authors suggested that serict Chi- ‘ese socialization practices might. foster seater sensitivity to. punishment, leading w more frequent negative affect Thus, genetic Influences do not vile out the impact of life circumstances on the various components of SWR Recently, Diener and colleagues (E. Diener, Lucas, '& Seollon, 2006, Fujin & Diener, 2005) argued tor a silt set poine™ conception of SWR. 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