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    BERMANN, MARC (1997) - Domestic Life and Vertical Integration in The Tiwanaku Heartland

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    Domestic Life and Vertical Integration in the Tiwanaku Heartland Mare Bermann Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 8, No. 2 (Jun., 1997), 93-112. Stable URL: http//links,jstor.org/sici?sic}=1045-6635%28199706%298%3A2% 3C93%3 ADLAVIIG3E2.0,CO%3B2-0 Latin American Antiquity is currently published by Society for American Archacology. ‘Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at hhup:/www.jstororg/about/terms.hml. JSTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at hhup:/www jstor.org/journalssam.huml. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the sereen or printed page of such transmission, STOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals, For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support @jstor.org. hupslwww jstor.org/ Thu May 6 20:07:40 2004 eure DOMESTIC LIFE AND VERTICAL INTEGRATION IN THE TIWANAKU HEARTLAND Mare Bermann ‘Recent research on the Tvanaku sate has documented the evoluion of regional seriomen patterns and agricultural systems, It litle 1s known of changes at the subrepional level outside the capital. Analysis ofa sequence of domestic occupations excavated at Lukurmata, Bolivia, provides information on how individual households within the Tiwana core area were ‘ontoidated ino the Tevanoku poli Changes in residential paters and artfat assemblages sugeest tha Lukurmate households were nially connected tothe Tovanaku polity through exchange and religious ies Anew level of axsimilotion developed in the eighth and ninth centuries AD. These changes, including agricultural intensification, lustre the increas ing integration of individual households into the Tiwanaku politcal economy and socal order as the landscape developed The nature and timing ofthese changes are consistent with current hypotheses ofa iransformation in ivanaku polical and ‘economic organization near the end ofthe Tanaka IV period (A.D. 400-800). Reclentesinvestigacionesreferidas ol estado iwanaku han documentado la evolucn tanto de lox patrones de aentamiento ‘nivel reglnal como de lot sistemas agricola, amnque poco se sabe de los cambio a nivel local subvreglona fuera dela capital. El andlisis de una seeuencia de ocupaciones domésicasexcavadas en Lukurmata, Bolivia, prove informacién de ‘imo las unidades domésticas denro del drea nuclear de Tivanahu fueron consolidadas dento de la entdad politica Tiwanaka, Cambios n Ios patronesresidencilesy cojunts de artfactossuperen qu los vical incales dela nidades ddomésticas con Towanda fueron de carte limitadoe indirect, Esto se manifesta princpalmenteen la adopcion del exo Tiwana en vaxjas de servicio yusadas en rituaer domésticos. Un nuevo nivel de asimilacton se desarolla en los silos ‘ectavo ynoveno dC. Estos cambios, inclayendoaintensificacion del produccion agricola, luran la cecenteintegracion de ar unidades doméstcasinividaales ale economia politics y orden social de Tiwanata, mientras la rep se desoro aba como un dre especializada de sostentacion urbana, El tempo y nauraleza de etos cambios son congruenes con [at ‘acuoles hipdtevis de transformecién de la organcacisn politica y econdmica del estado Towanaku acaccdar fines del periodo Tiwanak 1V (500-800 dC) Prehispanic Andean states has rapidly evolved (D'Altroy 1992; Hastorf 1993; Schreiber 1992), during the last several years. Archaeological ‘There has been less study of communities in core and ethnohistoric studies are documenting both regions, how these communities. were initially the diversity in indigenous modes of sociopoliti- drawn into such polities, and how societal inte- cal organization and the flexible character of gration changed as the overarching polity grew. Prehispanic Andean imperialism (D’Altroy 1992; Study of basal integrative processes is partcu- Malpass 1993; Morris 1987; Schreiber 1992). larly relevant for the Tiwanaku polity that domi- ‘These studies underscore the need for archaeolo- nated the south-central Andes between A.D. 400 fists to examine closely the ways in which con- to 1200, The nature of the Tiwanaku polity has stituent social units—ranging from households to long been the subject of debate, interpreted at var- ethnic groups—were incorporated into larger ious times as an “ideoeconomic interaction sociopolitical formations. Recent investigations sphere” (Wallace 1980); a mercantile confedera- ‘of domestic organization in the Prehispanic tion of demographic centers (Bowman 1981); a ‘Andes have explored in depth how households in theocratic center (Schaedel 1988:773); a power- provincial and peripheral populations were con- ful, centralized conquest state (Kolata 1992, i= in the internal organization of the solidated into imperial political systems “Mare Bermann # Deparment of Antropology, University of Pitsburg, Pitsburg, PA 0 Latin American Antiquity, 8), 1997, pp. 93-112. CCopyeight © bythe Society for American Archaeology o LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Wok. 8, No. 2, 1997 Figure 1. The Tiwanaku heartland with Lukurmata, Tanaku, and other major sites (adopted from Kolata 1986). 1993; Ponce Sanginés 1981, 1995); or an alliance of nested kinship groups (Albarracin-Jordan 1996; Schaede! 1988). ‘This debate, until a decade ago, revolved around interpretations of the regional distribution of Tiwanaku-style materials outside the Tiwanaku heartland. More recently, systematic investigation has centered on reconstructing regional settle- ment and economic processes within the ‘Tiwanaku core (Albarracin-Jordan and Mathews 1990; Kolata 1992, 1993). This research has shed light on various aspects of the politico-economic ‘organization of the Tiwanaku polity, particularly those relating to the agrarian sustenance of an urban capital (Kolata 1992, 1993). There has been litle investigation, however, of economic patterns ‘and social processes at the houschold and com- munity level at other sites in the core area ‘Virtually nothing is known about how individual families outside the capital were connected to, or affected by, the Tiwanaku polity. As a result, cur- rently proposed reconstructions of local organiza tion in the Tiwanaku heartland are largely hypothetical, based on ethnographic analogy rather than archaeological data. ‘This paper reviews household-level changes in ritual activities, social organization, and eco- ‘nomic patterns as revealed by a long sequence of domestic occupations from the site of Lukurmata, Bolivia, as that site was absorbed into the Tiwanaku polity. The domestic and com- ‘munity changes at Lukurmata provide a “win- dow” on the consolidation of the core’s population into the Tiwanaku exchange network, ceremonial sphere, settlement hierarchy, and political economy. Given the limited sample size, ‘only cautious conclusions can be drawn from the Lukurmata investigations, but the patterns that emerge have implications for understanding larger processes of vertical integration in the ‘Tiwanaku heartland. ‘The Tiwanaku Heartland Seitlement during the Formative period (1200 B.C-AD. 100), in what became the Tiwanaku heartland, took the form of small, autonomous villages, with economies based on tuber and chenopod agriculture, camelid pastoralism, and exploitation of lacustrine resources (Albarracin- Jordan 1992). The only public architecture securely dated to this period is the sunken temple complex at Chiripa on the Taraco Peninsula ‘Nothing can be said of settlement pattems during the following Tiwanaku Il period (A.D. 100-S00) because of problems with the existing ceramic chronology, although the site of Tiwanaku grew from a small village to a large public architecture center during this time (Ponce Sanginés 1980, 1981). By the cighth century ‘AD., Tiwanaku covered 420 ha, witha residential population estimated at 30,000-40,000 (Kolata 1993; Ponce Sanginés 1980). The Tiwanaku polity dominated the Lake Titicaca Basin, and established colonial and trade tes extending from the Pacific coasts of Peru and Chile across the caster slopes of the Andes. Developments in the Tiwanaku heartland (the Tiwanaku Valley, Rio Desaguadero drainage, and the Pampa Koani/Rio Catari drainage) (Figure 1) included population growth and nucleation, construction of an extensive raised- field landscape fed by aqueduets and canals, and the emergence of a primoconvex regional sette- ‘ment hierarchy, with Tiwanaku atthe apex and a handful of smaller public architecture sites including Lukurmata, Pajchiri,-Khonko Wankane, Chiripa, Iwawe, and Kallamarka as subsidiary centers (Kolata 1992, 1993; McAndrews et al. 1996). Complex. settlement hierarchy disappeared from the heartland area with the collapse of the Tiwanaku polity and the virtual abandonment of ‘Tiwanaku at the end of the Tiwanaku V period (A.D. 900-1200). The population was dispersed into small sites during the subsequent Pacajes period (A.D. 1200-1475) (Albarracin-Jordan and Mathews 1990; Graffam 1992:896; Kolata 1992:296), Household-Center Relations in Complex Societies All complex polities possess vertical integration: relationships and processes that link constituent households to the political center and its ruling institutions. Understanding this vertical integra tion requires discovering the “minimal activities, beliefs, relationships and institutions,” that link societal components (Shils 1982:8). From the household perspective, these integrative ties may vary in nature, intensity, and degree of directness. The Nature of Vertical Ties Connections between individual households and supralocal institutions can be divided into the familiar categories of political, economic, social, and ideological, recognizing that these are rarely DOMESTIC LIFE IN THE TIWANAKU HEARTLAND os separate domains. Political tes ranging from vol- untary affiliation to formal authority were couched in kinship structures, social hierarchy, and ethnic identity in the Prehispanic Andean states. In general, individual commoner house- holds can be linked toa political center through a variety of economic tes, ranging from occasional participation in acapital-centered market or trade system to inclusion in the type of well-defined tribute structure that characterized the Inka empire. ‘The social assimilation of individual house- holds into a capital-centered social system will also vary widely, within and among local popula- tions. In eases of fll assimilation, all houscholds ofa local population might be incorporated into a state-level status order of uniform status cate- gories and material status markers. In other instances, particularly in cases of indirect rule, ‘only local elites will be articulated with this sys- tem, connected to the capital through voluntary selF-identificaton, and marrage, url, or ceremo- nial ties (Costin and Earle 1989; D'Altroy 1992; Schreiber 1992). Thus, provincial elites in the Inka empire were linked to the Inka nobility through bureaucratic appointments, mariage and exchanges of women, honorary status, or fictive ancestry (D'Altroy 1992; Julien 1982:125; La Lone 1992:27; Rowe 1982). Provincial elite households often adopted the rights, obligations, and sumptuary behavior appropriate tothe noble estate, some even establishing residences in Cuzco or sending children therefor enculturation (Earle and D'Altroy 1989:203; Pirssinen 1992:162; Rowe 1982). Inclusion in the state status order should be marked by the adoption of stylistic preferences, architectural patterns, social practices, or ritual activities resembling those of the center. For example, following. the Inka conquest of the northem Wank of the Mantaro Valley, imperial Inka materials and stylistic canons replaced the local material markers that previously ists ‘guished commoners from elites (Costin and Earle 1989:702; D'Altroy 1992:213; Earle etal. 1987). Assimilation also may involve shifts in relative Socioeconomic status, just as absorption into the Inka polity altered the socioeconomic status of commoner and elite households in the Wanka populations (D'Altroy 1992; Hastorf 1990, 1993). °° LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Households also are generally consolidated into the larger polity through religious and ideological ties. Inka ideology served to legitimate political relationships of dominance and subordination, the pan-regional status order, and processes of eco- ‘nomic mobilization (Earle and D*Altroy 1989). In ‘a well-known example, the Inka state moved the ‘main idols of subject populations to state shrines in Cuzco but left local cults intact, adding worship of Ini (Rowe 1982:109). The Tiwanaku rulers ‘engaged in a similar strategy of “huaca capture” (Kolata 1993:142). As part of this cultural integra tion, subject populations are likely to be linked to the center through the temple hierarchy character- istic of many state-level religions and through adoption at the household level of ritual associated with the central ideology and cosmology. Intensity Intensity refers to the strength of the household's articulation with central institutions. A measure of the intensity of integrative relationships is their effect on houschold organization, such as the extent to which the state political economy pene- trates the domestic realm. In intensive economic integration, demands from above for staple items ‘or sumptuary goods can lead to a dramatic reorien- tation of the domestic economy. In less intensive integration, commoner households may be only loosely articulated with state-level structures and remain insulated from larger economic processes, contributing a negligible amount of labor or tribute (Redfield 1941; Smith 1994:14). Incorporation {nto the larger polity that mobilizes surplus outside the household domain might not alter domestic production patterns at all. The Inka economy, as an example, was once thought to have operated almost entirely outside the domestic sphere (Hastorf 1990; Murra. 1982). However, careful studies of the effects of Inka conquest on Sausa households in the Mantaro Valley revealed sub- stantial Inka intervention in domestic production and consumption patterns (Hastort 1990, 1993). Intensive vertical integration also may be seen in cultural homogeneity, as when activities, social practices, or stylistic preferences identified with the capital supplant local customs and local mate~ rial status markers (Costin and Earle 1989; Earle and D’ Altroy 1989:203). An example would be in the “Inkanization” of the local population around (vol No.2, 1997 Hatungolla, with the household adoption of Inka stylistic preferences and domestic and mortuary patterns (Julien 1983:250). In other instances, such as the Chupaychu population, and the Andamarea Lucanas group of the Carhuarazo Valley, Inka conquest led to significant disrup- tions of local life despite the absence of strong Inka influence on domestic material culture Gulien 1993:227; Schreiber 1993:113). In the Lluta Valley, Chile, as in other areas, incorpora- tion into the Inka polity was so indirect as to have hhad no appreciable impact on domestic life (Santoro 1995). Degree of Direciness Interaction between central institutions and indi- Vidual households also varies in degree of direct- ness. At one end of the Prehispanic spectrum were the Wari and Inka states. Current studies stress the extent fo which the Inka govemed through local authorities, but this should not obscure the remarkable degree to which individual families articulated with a highly centralized political economy, principally through state-run admi trative/production facilities (Earle and D’Altroy 1989; Schreiber 1992). In less centralized polities, and even within bureaucratic states, non-elite households might be separated from state-level bodies by many layers of regional political hierarchy, local economic institutions, and suprahousehold organizations. In the case of the Chupaychu ethnic group, Inka politcal ties to local families were indirect, with the Inka ruling through a hierarchy of local elites. Economic interaction with the Inka state was probably very direct, however, given the function of the nearby Hudnuco Pampa administrative cen- ter. In contrast, economic integration of the ‘Andamarea Lucanas population may have been ‘equally intensive but much less direct because this ‘group lay outside the range of a major Inka center. Functional Assessment of Vertical Integration Vertical integration was far from homogeneous or uniform in premodern polities. On close examina- tion, even the most unified premodern states dis- play significant heterogeneity in the integration and administration of subject populations. Nor do all forms of vertical integration incorporate the capital; at any one time, houscholds may be part of larger, noncentral supralocal and regional structures that have more effect on everyday life than relationships with the political capital (D’Altroy 1992; Mann 1986; Shils 1982). And finally, the degree of integration can vary widely, ‘even among different social strata at a single site ‘This heterogeneity makes it particularly difficult archacologically to distinguish economic ‘demands by local elites from demands originating with central institutions. Given these problems, ‘one of the most effective methods of identifying elements of vertical integration at the base of the societal pyramid is to monitor domestic changes as households are drawn into, and pass out of, clearly centralized polities, ‘An ideal understanding of vertical integration lies in determining both household-center rela- tionships and the institutions in which these rela- tionships were embodied. To date, archaeologists have sought to reconstruct Tiwanaku political economy through analogy, or with reference to “perduring social principles” of “demonstrable antiquity and centrality in the autochthonous Andean world” (Kolata 1991:112). The domestic p>.01 88; df (Omo in the Moquegua Valley, Peru, one of the few Tiwanaku residential sites other than Lukurmata where household activities have been investigated, has similar evidence of agricultural intensification. Here, a “marked increase” in the representation of chipped-stone hoes in domestic contexts from the Chen Chen phase (A.D. 725-1000) closely parallels the changes observed at Lukurmata (Goldstein 1989:238). Changes in Ritual Activities A set of public architecture sites, widely distrib- tuted ceremonial vessels, and iconography featur- ing anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figures has Jed many investigators to stress the role of reli ‘gion and ideology in Tiwanaku statecraft. Ritual items found in Lukurmata domestic contexts sup- port the view that shared religious practices were important integrative mechanisms atthe local and household levels in the Tiwanaku system during the Tiwanaku III and IV periods. Domestic Ritual Artifacts Few ritual items were recovered from Formative- period contexts (Bermann 1994). Bone tubes, carved bone spoons and spatulas, small stone mor- tars, hollowed camelid bones carved with elabo- ate motifs, and a possible snuff tray made from a camelid tibia indicate that hallucinogenic drug usage became part of domestic ritual at Lukurmata fn the late Tiwanaku IIT period and continued through the Tiwanaku TV period. Similar “drug paraphernalia” occurs at Tiwanaku and Tiwanaku sites in Bolivia, Chile, and Peru (Browman 1978, 1981; Janusek 1994:243; Wassén 1972). Browman (1978:334) describes assemblages of mortars, ‘enema tubes, snuff trays, and small vial-like con- tainers as essential elements of the widespread ‘Tiwanaku drug culture, “the most frequently iden- tified mark of Tiwanaku influence. Use of modeled ceremonial bumers on DOMESTIC LIFE IN THE TIWANAKU HEARTLAND +103 pedestals (incensarios) was widespread through- ‘out the south-central Andes during the Tiwanaku Il through V periods. Ceremonial burners in the form of felines have been identified as one of the artifacts most closely connected to the spread of a Tiwanaku-centered religion during the Tiwanaku II period (Chavez 1985:153). No fragments of these vessels were found in Formative or Tiwanaku IIT domestic contexts at Lukurmata, although they may have been used in mortuary or offering activities away from residential areas (Chavez. 1985:148). Tiwanaku IV domestic con- texts yielded fragments of polychrome modeled feline incensarios, keros, and vessels decorated with the Staff-God, puma, and condor—the most important elements of Tiwanaku state iconogra- phy. These fragments, not limited to elite resi dences, denote the extension of a central ideology to the Lukurmata domestic realm through house- hold offering and status-legitimizing activities beginning in the early Tiwanaku IV period. Offering Caches ‘A widespread offering tradition of the Tiwanaku IV period invotved the deliberate burial of a feline incensario filled with bumed organic matter. Offerings ofthis type had been found in associa- tion with public architecture at Lukurmata, Chiripa, Pochiri, Khonko Wankani, and Mocachi Bennett 1936; Casanova 1942; Goldstein 1993 Rivera 1989; Rydén 1947). At Lukurmata, this offering activity clearly represented a houschold activity as well, with incensario offerings placed in 5-to2-m-deep pits located below or adjacent 10 domestic structures. A cluster of incensaria offer- ings also was found in aterace just north of the Lukurmataridgetop households (Berman 1994). Offerings continued after Tiwanaku collapse, but in an altered form. Offerings of the Pacajes period consisted ofthe burial ofa large utilitarian jar containing a deliberately broken small bowl and chipped-stone cores and bifaces. One of the four such jars excavated on the Lukurmata ridge also contained human infant remains. Similar fea- tures have been found at contemporaneous sites to the east and south of Lake Titicaca (Bennett 1936; Rydén 1959). Mortuary Ritual Formative-period tombs at Lukurmata were 104 located near dwellings. Graves were not placed near residential occupations in the subsequent ‘Tiwanaku IM period. While most adults and subadults were buried in domestic areas during the Tiwanaku TV period, some high-status adults were placed in the site's central platform. Each platform tomb contained a lange number of grave ‘200ds, ranging from unfired clay figurines to the ‘most elaborate Tiwanaku-style pottery. In con- trast, individuals in the eight stone-lined tombs found adjacent to (or under) Tiwanaku domestic structures on the ridge were accompanied by few grave goods. A secondary burial was clearly asso- ciated with the occupation of Structure 33. This consisted of the pelvis and right leg of an adult in 1 partially stone-lined tomb sealed by the house- floor. A similar pattern of primary and secondary burial under and around domestic structures ‘occurred in the AKE-2 and Chiji Jawira residen- tial sections at Tiwanaku (Janusek 1994) ‘Two aboveground tombs dating to the late ‘Tiwanaku IV period were found, one to the north- ‘east of each patio. Each tomb consisted of acylin- drical, stone upper chamber containing human skeletal remains and a belowground chamber. A large, modeled llama incensario lacking the head was found standing in the lower chamber of one of the tombs (Berman 1994). In form and size, these tombs resemble the Type 3 chulpas with subterranean cists described as Late Interme- diate (A.D. 1100-1450) sites by Tschopik (1946:15-16). ‘Aboveground tombs have long been viewed as, characteristic of the Late Intermediate or Late Horizon periods in the altiplano, but such struc tures had Tiwanaku antecedents. Aboveground “slab cist graves” or “collared tombs” are found at Tiwanaku sites near Puno, Peru (Hyslop 197691), and in the Chen Chen-phase (Tiwanaku V period) cemeteries at Omo, Peru (Goldstein 1989). Chulpas of the Late Intermediate or Late Horizon periods are usually interpreted in the context of the emergence of a regional elite (Hyslop 1976; Stanish 1992). Because of their small size and association with non-elite residen- tial areas, it is unlikely that the aboveground tombs at Lukurmata were the burial erypts of high-ranking lineages. As highly visible markers of ancestry, pethaps even patio group shrines, the structures may reflect an increased emphasis on LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Vol. 8, No. 2, 1997 establishing ancestral claims and publicly dis- playing membership in descent groups. Community-Level Ceremony ‘Tiwanaku-style temple complexes occur in the ‘Tiwanaku heartland, the Puno region of Peru, and the Moguegua Valley (Goldstein 1993), Integration of local populations into the Tiwanaku polity would have rested heavily on the ceremo- nial role of these public architecture centers. The temple complex at Lukurmata duplicated in microcosm the monuments at Tiwanaku itself. Major public architecture components on the Lukurmata hilltop included a terraced platform (75 x 75 min size) and a sunken temple set into a second, smaller, stone-faced platform (Kolata 1993; Rivera 1989). A mortuary feature discov- ‘ered near a deeply buried wall north of the temple indicates that the construction of public architec ture at Lukurmata was accompanied by dedica- tory sacrifices or secondary interments resembling those found at the Akapana platform in Tiwanaku (Manzanilla 1992; Manzanilla and Woodard 1990). The Lukurmata feature consisted ff the partial remains of six individuals (one adult, one juvenile, and four children), with two buried face down (Bermann 1989). As at ‘Tiwanaku, most of the individuals were repre- sented by partial remains (the upper torso or the pelvis and legs) In summary, the Tiwanaku “state cult,” as Kolata (1993:280) describes it, appears to have operated at many societal levels and was an important institution linking Lukurmata house- holds to an overarching ideological order. Ritual ties to Tiwanaku intensified during the Tiwanaku IV period, marked by the construction of Tiwanaku-style public architecture and the broad adoption of Tiwanaku-style household ceremony, ritual paraphemalia, iconography, and mortuary patterns Changes in Houschold Ceramics ‘Changes in household social and economic status are potential consequences of consolidation into a larger political unit. These changes reflect a process of vertical integration in which status dis tinctions and referents associated with the politi- cal center are adopted locally, so that materials of central style and manufacture come to mark social differences (Costin and Earle 1989; Earle and D'Altroy 1989:203). At Lukurmata shifts in domestic pottery assemblages, particularly in the source, variety, and quantity of serving vessels, provided a line of evidence for evaluating this aspect of social integration. Archaeologists study- ing various dimensions of social status have sin- sled out serving vessels as one of the categories ‘of household possessions most kely to reflect a household's social functions and wealth (Douglas and Isherwood 1979; Smith 1987). Exotic” serving vessels (ie., nonlocal, non- ‘Tiwanaku cups and bowls) were a normal compo- nent of Lukurmata domestic ceramic inventories during all periods. The sources of the exotic ves- sels are not yet known, although many resemble pottery from the Cochabamba region, The charac- teristics of these vessels (form, labor intensive manufacture, high degree of decoration) suggest that they were prestige wares used in serving, dis- play, and offerings. These were largely sup- planted by centrally produced Tiwanaku-style vessels (cups, tripod bowls, keros, flaring-sided bowls) in the late Tiwanaku IIL and IV periods, although they never completely disappeared from houschold inventories. The proportion of exotic vessel fragments in fill lot assemblages declined from 10 percent of serving vessels in early Tiwanaku III assemblages, to less than 5 percent inearly Tiwanaku IV assemblages. It was only in the late Tiwanaku IV period that Tiwanaku-style utilitarian wares replaced local utilitarian wares in Lukurmata households. ‘A second change in the fill lot assemblages was a decline in the amount and range of elabo- rate serving/display vessels used by the ridge households during the Tiwanaku TV period. The ‘most labor-intensive Tiwanaku TV wares found in Lukurmata households were serving vessels man- ufactured. in large workshops at Tiwanaku Ganusek 1994). These forms included keros (for serving liquids) and bowls, tazones,cuencas, and restricted bowls (for serving food). Fragments from these vessels dropped from 12 percent ofthe total sherd assemblage, in the early Tiwanaku IV Period, to 5 percent of the assemblage in the late Tiwanaku IV period. This change was part of a larger drop inthe overall proportion of Tiwanaku- style decorated pottery used by ridge households Fragments from Tiwanaku Black-on-Red and DOMESTIC LIFE IN THE TIWANAKU HEARTLAND 1085 Polychrome pottery made up 17.4 percent of the total sherds in the early Tiwanaku IV fill lots, but only 11 percent of the sherds in the late Tiwanaku 1V fill lots (Figure 8). ‘The ridge assemblages can be compared to assemblages from households in the Misiton sec- tor, a residential area in the southem section of Lukurmata, In the Misiton sector, Tiwanaku dec- orated sherds made up roughly 21 percent (frag- ‘ments from serving vessels roughly 15 percent) of Jate Tiwanaku IV assemblages, indicating that the decline in usage of Tiwanaku decorated pottery seen on the ridge was not a sitewide pattern or part of a general diachronic trend, ‘The decline in remains of the most elaborate Tiwanaku-style pottery suggests that a new level ‘of household integration in the Tiwanaku imperial status order developed during the late Tiwanaku IV period. Ridge households may have had less need for vessels used in serving/feasting activities ‘or had diminished access to the central prestige wares requisite to display activites. ‘Changes in Long-Distance Ties Access to long-distance exchange goods is one measure of the degree of economic isolation of the individual household. Communities drawn into a lager polity are likely to participate in a wider exchange system, with long-distance trade channeled through higher-order centers of the set tlement hierarchy. Tiwanaku was atthe center of a far-flung exchange network stretching from the Pacific coast to the eastern montaria, so we might expect that Lukurmata’s incorporation into the Polity would result in greater household access to Jong distance trade items and materials from new regions. ‘The small sample size of nonceramie, long- distance trade materials in the ridge fill lots pre- vents quantitative assessment of this hypothesis, but our impression is thatthe amount of long-dis- tance trade items at Lukurmata increased dramat- ically as relations with Tiwanaku intensified Recognizable long-distance trade goods such as marine shell, obsidian, and sodalite were not found in Formative-period contexts. Only token quantities of these items were recovered from (Gate) Tiwanaku II deposits. Marine shell, obsid- ian (Lago de Titicaca type), and sodalite (from Cochabamba) appear in appreciable quantities at wily nn cy are Period Figure 8. Mean percentage and confidence intervals of ‘Tiwanaki-style decorated pottery n Lukurmata fl ots by period. Lukurmata only after the beginning of the Tiwanaku IV period. This change accords with preliminary information from Tiwanaku and the ‘Tiwanaku Valley that points to a sharp upswing in regional and long-distance trade in the Tiwanaku heartland during the Tiwanaku IV period Browman 1997; Janusek 1994). Importation of these materials into Lukurmata continued after the collapse of the Tiwanaku polity Discussio ‘The Lukurmata household sequence represents fone small area of a large and complex site, We cannot confidently base conclusions concerning domestic organization and change on a handful of houses. Yet, lacking any other information on these issues, observations drawn on the small Lukurmata sample point to potentially important patterns to be tested by future research, Incorporation into the Tiwanaku polity was not accompanied by an abrupt transformation of domestic life on the ridge at Lukurmata. Instead, vertical integration appears to have developed in LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Wot 8, No.2 successive phases, each characterized by relation- ships of different types, intensities, and degrees of directness. From household evidence alone, it ‘would be difficult to distinguish when Lukurmata became part of the Tiwanaku polity. Initial (Tiwanaku IIT period) relationships between Lukurmata houscholds and prestate ‘Tiwanaku appear to have been relatively indirect, ‘of low intensity, and manifested at the household level in the use of a small quantity of Tiwanaku Il-style serving vessels (not necessarily acquired directly from Tiwanaku) and the adoption of ‘Tiwanaku-style rituals involving drug ingestion, Without the evidence that Tiwanaku was already ‘a substantial public architecture center during this period, we might not even consider these material alters manifestations of vertical integration. ‘Vertical integration became much more direct during the early Tiwanaku IV period as Lukurmata developed into a second-order center in the regional settlement hierarchy. The public architecture reflects the extension of core institu tions (and central-place functions) to Lukurmata ‘The nature of ties between individual houscholds and the capital changed as well when Lukurmata \was incorporated into the Tiwanaku polity. There is no evidence for surplus production or economic shifts by Lukurmata households at this time, but ‘changes in pottery assemblages and long-distance ties signal incorporation into a Tiwanaku-domi: rated regional economy. The adoption of Tiwanaku stylistic canons, ritual pattems, mortu- ary patterns, and status references represent increasingly intensive and ditect exchange and social relationships with the capital, The greatest changes at the houschold level ‘occurred in the late Tiwanaku IV period. Shifts suggesting new and more intensive integrative relationships include: (1) changes in the house~ hold inventory of decorated and serving vessels, 2) a reorganization of household activities involving increased hoe usage (agricultural pro- duction) and camelid tool use/manufacture, and G) the formation of larger coresidential units arranged in patio groups similar in size, degree of segmentation, and contents to those of the AKE-1 section of Tiwanaku. Although some aspects of Lukurmata domestic life and material culture always remained locally distinct, these changes suggest the “Tiwanakuization” of the ridge house. holds: ic. full social and economic assimilation into the Tiwanaku polity during the latter portion of the Tiwanaku IV period. Coresidence, Agricultural Intensification, ‘and Land Transmission ‘The changes in household composition or mor- phology that apparently took place in the late ‘Tiwanaku IV period are likely to reflect a shift in ‘one or more of the major functions of households: production, transmission, distribution, and repro- duction (Wilk and Rathje 1982). The develop- ment of larger or multiple-family domestic units is frequently related by scholars to shifts in household productive patterns or changes in the role of the houschold as a unit of transmission. (One of the factors commonly cited as favoring increased household size is increased agricultural production (Netting 1993:89; Wilk and Netting 1984). Increased production may stem from demands from above for surplus production, or from labor demands (for public architecture pro- jects, warfare, or the working of elite and public fields), that cause households to intensify produc- tion to meet their own basic subsistence needs (Hastorf 1993). Itis unlikely thatthe development of patio groups at Lukurmata was linked to the labor requirements of raised-field production. Raised fields are not labor intensive, and Prehispanic traditions of reciprocity would mini- mize the need for each household to maintain a large labor supply of its own (Erickson 1988). Particular patterns of production also may favor larger households. While simple, linear pro- duction arranged in a yearly cycle can be effec- tively carried out by small (nuclear) households, a larger household is more efficient for complex, diversified production or production in which labor requirements of major tasks are simultane- ‘ous (Wilk and Netting 1984; Wilk and Rathje 1982:623). Raised-field agriculture, again, by itself would not be likely to promote larger domestic groups. Information on economic spe- ialization and task diversity in the Tiwanaku heartland is very limited, but investigation at both Lukurmata and Tiwanaku suggests. significant craft specialization at both the household and Suprahouschold levels late in the Tiwanaku IV period (Janusek 1994; Kolata 1993:172). ‘One interpretation of the coresidence inherent DOMESTIC LIFE IN THE TIWANAKU HEARTLAND, in patio groupings is that continued association ‘with the stem family provides prestige or benefits (Social or economic) for younger houschold ‘members (Santley 1993). Viewed from this per- spective, growth in household size reflects the increasing significance ofthe household as a unit of land transmission, typically under conditions of land scarcity (Netting 1993; Wilk and Netting 1984; Wilk and Rathje 1982:628). There is a strong cross-cultural correlation between extended households and land scarcity (Goldschmidt and Kunkel 1971). As pressure for Jand increases, transmission of land rights from cone generation to another becomes an increas- ingly important function of the domestic group, and the membership of the group controling access to land becomes more and more strictly delineated (Wilk and Rathje 1982:628). Relative land scarcity may have developed in the Tiwanaku heartland during the Tiwanaku IV period asthe regional population grew, the land- scape around Lukurmata “filled,” and agricultural areas were increasingly given over to supporting the demographic concentration at Tiwanaku, per- haps, as Kolata (1992, 1993) argued, inthe form of large estates belonging to the Tiwanaku no ity If these processes led to competition for land among landholding descent groups, and perhaps among individual houscholds within descent groups, then property transmission and descent- ‘based claims to land would have assumed a new importance, The late Tiwanaku IV period repre- sents atime of large-scale hydraulic improvement in the Tiwanaku heartland and, asthe Lukurmata fill lot evidence suggests, intensified domestic production. In this context, the development at Lukurmata of larger coresidential clusters inthe form of patio groupings (a more formal spatial

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